1 the Muskogean Languages: an Overview Ives Goddard's Map of The
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The Muskogean Languages: An Overview Ives Goddard’s map of the SE: Wikipedia map based on Goddard’s work: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indigenous_languages_of_the_Americas#/media/File:Langs_N.Am er.png Earliest and modern locations: https://www.google.com/maps/d/edit?mid=1dwLWc7sNY9N1K8u1_uNzXnN3_5s&ll=31.8064 018320913%2C-86.39648468749999&z=6 https://www.google.com/maps/d/edit?mid=1CWDY0fucqF0Tno6LlGOzCbEyCb0&ll=31.80640 18320913%2C-86.39648468749999&z=6 1 Muskogean family a. Chickasaw-Choctaw: Chickasaw, Choctaw b. Alabama-Koasati: Alabama, Koasati c. Apalachee d. Hitchiti-Mikasuki e. Muskogee (Creek, Seminole Creek) History of documentation Vocabularies: 1730s on. First missionary materials for Choctaw, Muskogee: 1830s on. Typological overview Phonology Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal stops/affricate p b t ʧ k fricatives f s ɬ h nasals m n approximants w l j Muskogee: no /b/. Choctaw, Chickasaw: have /ʃ/ distinct from /s/. Chickasaw: has glottal stop with limited distribution. non-open i iː ĩ o oː õ open a aː ã All the Muskogean languages make use of tone (mostly to indicate aspect). SOV (or predicate-final). (1) ifá-t wo:hk-ís dog-T bark.SG.LGR-IND ‘The dog is barking.’ (2) ifá-t pó:si lást-i:-n á:ssi:č-ís dog-T cat black-DUR-N chase.LGR-IND ‘The dog is chasing the black cat.’ Two cases: one for subjects and one for nonsubjects (appearing at the end of the noun phrase): 2 (3) ’taló:fa-n â:y-ánk-s town-N go.SG.FGR-PAST2-IND ‘He/she went to town.’ (4) Bill ’taló:fa-n ato:tk-ačók-s Bill town-N work.LGR-DED-IND ‘Bill is working in town.’ (5) oy-mó:ɬk-i-n yahá-n akálho:y-ín water-boil-I-N wolf-N pour.on.IMPL-LGR-N ‘. they pour boiling water on Wolf . .’ (1939b) Case markers on noun phrases are generally the same as switch-reference markers on verbs: (6) ifá-t wo:hk-ít pó:si-n á:ssi:č-ís dog-T bark.LGR-T cat-N chase.LGR-IND ‘The dog is barking and chasing the cat.’ (7) ifá-t wo:hk-ín pó:si-t á:ssi:č-ís dog-T bark.Lgr-N cat-T chase.Lgr-IND ‘The dog is barking, and the cat is chasing him.’ Postpositions (though postposition may be a type of noun): (8) háčči tapá:la-n léyk-i:-s stream other.side-N sit.SG-DUR-IND ‘He/she lives on the other side of the stream.’ Auxiliary verbs follow main verbs: (9) a. a:y-ís go.SG.LGR.IND ‘He/she is going.’ b. a:y-ít o:m-ís go. SG.LGR-T be.LGR.IND ‘He/she is going.’ The languages have grades or internal changes in verbs used to indicate aspect: (10) wanay- ‘tie’ stem wanáy-as ‘tie it!’ zero grade 3 wana:y-ís ‘he/she is tying it’ lengthened grade (lgr.) wanáhy-is ‘he/she tied it (last night/today)’ aspirating grade (hgr.) wanâ:y-is ‘he/she has tied it’ falling tone grade (fgr.) wanǎ:ny-is ‘he/she keeps tying it’ nasalizing grade (ngr.) Verbs have prefixes for instrumental and dative applicatives, location, and direction: (11) ta:č-ís ‘he/she is cutting it’ ís-ta:č- ‘he/she is cutting it with it’ Instrumental ís is- ín-ta:č- ‘he/she is cutting it for Dative im- ís him/her’ (12) leyk-itá ‘(one) to sit’ a-leyk-itá ‘(one) to sit at, sit on (a side or underside)’ ak-leyk-itá ‘(one) to sit in water or a low place’ oh-leyk-itá ‘(one) to sit on top of’ tak-leyk-itá ‘(one) to sit on the ground or floor, or in an enclosed space’ (13) hič-íta ‘to look, see’ iɬ-hič-íta ‘to go a distance and look’ ɬa:-hič-íta ‘to go a short distance and look, to look back’ (i)yi-hič-íta ‘to come and see, visit’ a:-hič-íta ‘to look this way’ Verbs agree with their subjects (and objects). Different series of agreement markers are generally used for a) agents; b) nonagents; and, c) nonagentive datives (indirect objects and a few subjects): (14) a. aní-t míhč-ey-s I-T do.HGR-1S.A-IND ‘I did it.’ / ‘I’m the one who did it.’ b. aní-t ča-nókk-i:-s I-T 1S.PAT-sick-DUR-IND ‘I am sick.’ / ‘I’m the one who is sick.’ Number is not extensively marked on nouns, but is generally richly indicated in verbs. (15) il-íta ‘(one) to die’ pasatk-itá ‘(two or more) to die’ 4 (16) leyk-itá ‘(one) to sit’ ka:k-itá ‘(two) to sit’ apo:k-itá ‘(three or more) to sit’ Some of the languages have rich tense systems with multiple degrees of past time: (17) Future nis-áɬi:-s ‘he/she will buy it’ Prospective nis-áha:n-ís ‘he/she is going to buy it’ Present ni:s-ís ‘he/she is buying it, bought it (up to a few seconds ago)’ Past 1 perfective níhs-is ‘he/she bought it (today up to last night)’ imperfective ni:s-êy-s ‘he/she was buying it (today up to last night)’ Past 2 nî:s-ánk-s ‘he/she bought it (yesterday to several weeks ago)’ Past 3 nî:s-imát-s ‘he/she bought it (several weeks to about a year ago)’ Past 4 ni:s-ánta-s ‘he/she bought it (long ago, at least several years)’ Past 5 ni:s-atí:-s ‘he/she bought it (very long ago)’ 5 Agentive/Nonagentive Agreement Muskogee has different series of person markers: A P D 1s -ey- ča- am- 2s -íčk- či- čim- 3 im- 1p -i:- po- pom- 2p -á:čk- či- čim- Series A is only used for subjects: for the subject of agentive intransitive verbs (yaheyk-éy-s ‘I’m singing’); for the subject of most transitive verbs (na:fk-éy-s ‘I’m hitting it’). Series P is used for: the most directly affected object of most transitive verbs (ča-hi:c-ís ‘he/she sees me’) the subject of nonagentive intransitive verbs (ča-híko:kk-ís ‘I’m hiccuping’); the subject of a handful of transitive verbs (ča-yâ:c-is ‘I want it’); inalienable possession (ča-sákpa ‘my arm’). Series D is used for: a benefactive or less directly affected object; a handful of subjects; alienable possession (am-ífa ‘my dog’). Other points: some verbs (generally intransitive) are fluid translations are not always a good diagnostic of verb meaning grammatical relations are distinct from person marking some copular constructions use series A for the subject; others use P some morphological processes cause shifts in agreement series o Causatives in Muskogee o Comparatives in Muskogee o Reflexives and reciprocals in Chickasaw 6 Questions: How predictable is agreement selection based on meaning? What methods can we use to access verb meaning? Approaches to agreement: lexical: every verb has to be specified for agreement selection (Munro and Gordon 1982) semantic syntactic o the Unaccusative Hypothesis: the subjects of intransitive verbs with P agreement are objects in an initial stratum (see especially Davies for work on Choctaw). Italian (Burzio 1986). (1) Maria ha telefonato. ‘Maria has telephoned.’ (avere ‘to have’) Maria è arrivata. ‘Maria has arrived.’ (essere ‘to be’) Questions: What would an ideal theory of linguistics look like? How could we express generalizations linking meaning to agreement class while also allowing for exceptions? 7 External Possession In many languages, the most common way to express possession is to have a possessor modify the possessed noun within a noun phrase: [[Jan]’s dog] We can call that “internal possession”. In some languages, possession also arises in what are called external possessive constructions. French and Spanish have what might be called a dative external possessive construction: (1) French Il me prend le bras he me takes the arm ‘he takes my arm’ (2) Spanish (Velázquez-Castillo 1999): Me lavé las manos to.me washed the hands ‘I washed me the hands.’ (3) Spanish (Velázquez-Castillo 1999): Me suda mucho la espalda to.me sweats a lot the back ‘The (=my) back is sweating me a lot.’ The possessed item is generally the direct object of a transitive verb or the subject of an intransitive verb (that is, an absolutive argument). Japanese (Uehara 1999:46) has a different construction involving multiple subjects: (4) a. John-no oneesan-ga totemo kirei-da John-GEN older.sister-NOM very pretty-is ‘John’s older sister is very pretty.’ (Uehara 1999:46) b. John-ga oneesan-ga totemo kirei-da John-NOM older.sister-NOM very pretty-is ‘John’s older sister is very pretty.’ 8 These have slightly different meanings related to focus. Uehara translates (1a) as ‘It is John’s older sister who is very pretty’, while (1b) is translated as ‘It is John whose older sister is very pretty’. Discussion: a) Why is the dative pronoun in Romance interpreted as a possessor in (1-3)? b) Why must the possessee be an absolutive argument? c) In (4b), why is John interpreted as a possessor? d) In Jan’s dog, why is Jan interpreted as a possessor? What is a “possessor”? One approach to these constructions has been to posit a rule of possessor raising (Kitagawa 1986; Kuno 1973; Kuroda 1992): (5) [[John-ga] [[ t oneesan-ga] totemo kirei-da]]] Possessor raising in this case is thought to move the possessor out of the subject noun phrase and adjoin it to the sentence.