The Unification of Germany and International Law
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The Role of Private Property in the Nazi Economy: the Case of Industry
The Role of Private Property in the Nazi Economy: The Case of Industry Christoph Buchheim and Jonas Scherner, University of Mannheim, Germany Prof. Dr. Christoph Buchheim Dr. Jonas Scherner Chair of Economic History Seminar of Economic and Social History University of Mannheim University of Mannheim L 7,3-5 L7, 3-5 D-68131 Mannheim D-68131 Mannheim Germany Germany e-Mail: [email protected] e-Mail: [email protected] The Role of Private Property in the Nazi Economy: The Case of Industry Abstract. Private property in the industry of the Third Reich is often considered a mere formal provision without much substance. However, that is not correct, because firms, despite the rationing and licensing activities of the state, still had ample scope to devise their own production and investment patterns. Even regarding war-related projects freedom of contract was generally respected and, instead of using power, the state offered firms a bundle of contract options to choose from. There were several motives behind this attitude of the regime, among them the conviction that private property provided important incentives for increasing efficiency. I. The Nazi regime did not have any scruples to apply force and terror, if that was judged useful to attain its aims. And in economic policy it did not abstain from numerous regulations and interventions in markets, in order to further rearmament and autarky as far as possible. Thus the regime, by promulgating Schacht’s so-called “New Plan” in 1934, very much strengthened its influence on foreign exchange as well as on raw materials’ allocation, in order to enforce state priorities. -
Mennonite Life
MENNONITE LIFEJUNE 1991 In this Issue The Mennonite encounter with National Socialism in the 1930s and 1940s remains a troubling event in Mennonite history, even as the memory of World War II and the Holocaust continue to sear the conscience of Western civilization. How could such evil happen? How could people of good will be so compromised? Mennonites have been a people of two kingdoms. Their loyalty to Christ’s kingdom has priority, but they also believe and confess, in the words of the Dortrecht Confession (1632) that “ God has ordained power and authority, and set them to punish the evil, and protect the good, to govern the world, and maintain countries and cities with their subjects in good order and regulation.” The sorting out of heavenly and worldly allegiances has never been simple. Rulers in all times and places, from Phillip II in the Spanish Netherlands to George Bush in the Persian Gulf region, have claimed to fulfill a divine mandate. In his time Adolf Hitler offered protection from anarchy and from communism. There should be no surprise that some Mennonites, especially recent victims of Russian Communism, found the National Socialist program attractive. In this issue three young Mennonite scholars, all of whom researched their topics in work toward master’s degrees, examine the Mennonite response to National Socialism in three countries: Paraguay, Germany, and Canada. John D. Thiesen, archivist at Mennonite Library and Archives at Bethel College, recounts the story as it unfolded in Paraguay. This article is drawn from his thesis completed at Wichita State University in 1990. -
From Charlemagne to Hitler: the Imperial Crown of the Holy Roman Empire and Its Symbolism
From Charlemagne to Hitler: The Imperial Crown of the Holy Roman Empire and its Symbolism Dagmar Paulus (University College London) [email protected] 2 The fabled Imperial Crown of the Holy Roman Empire is a striking visual image of political power whose symbolism influenced political discourse in the German-speaking lands over centuries. Together with other artefacts such as the Holy Lance or the Imperial Orb and Sword, the crown was part of the so-called Imperial Regalia, a collection of sacred objects that connotated royal authority and which were used at the coronations of kings and emperors during the Middle Ages and beyond. But even after the end of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806, the crown remained a powerful political symbol. In Germany, it was seen as the very embodiment of the Reichsidee, the concept or notion of the German Empire, which shaped the political landscape of Germany right up to National Socialism. In this paper, I will first present the crown itself as well as the political and religious connotations it carries. I will then move on to demonstrate how its symbolism was appropriated during the Second German Empire from 1871 onwards, and later by the Nazis in the so-called Third Reich, in order to legitimise political authority. I The crown, as part of the Regalia, had a symbolic and representational function that can be difficult for us to imagine today. On the one hand, it stood of course for royal authority. During coronations, the Regalia marked and established the transfer of authority from one ruler to his successor, ensuring continuity amidst the change that took place. -
The Franco-Prussian War: Its Impact on France and Germany, 1870-1914
The Franco-Prussian War: Its Impact on France and Germany, 1870-1914 Emily Murray Professor Goldberg History Honors Thesis April 11, 2016 1 Historian Niall Ferguson introduced his seminal work on the twentieth century by posing the question “Megalomaniacs may order men to invade Russia, but why do the men obey?”1 He then sought to answer this question over the course of the text. Unfortunately, his analysis focused on too late a period. In reality, the cultural and political conditions that fostered unparalleled levels of bloodshed in the twentieth century began before 1900. The 1870 Franco- Prussian War and the years that surrounded it were the more pertinent catalyst. This event initiated the environment and experiences that catapulted Europe into the previously unimaginable events of the twentieth century. Individuals obey orders, despite the dictates of reason or personal well-being, because personal experiences unite them into a group of unconscious or emotionally motivated actors. The Franco-Prussian War is an example of how places, events, and sentiments can create a unique sense of collective identity that drives seemingly irrational behavior. It happened in both France and Germany. These identities would become the cultural and political foundations that changed the world in the tumultuous twentieth century. The political and cultural development of Europe is complex and highly interconnected, making helpful insights into specific events difficult. It is hard to distinguish where one era of history begins or ends. It is a challenge to separate the inherently complicated systems of national and ethnic identities defined by blood, borders, and collective experience. -
Hans Kelsen's Contributions to the Changing Notion of International Criminal Responsibility
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 5-2019 Between Politics and Morality: Hans Kelsen's Contributions to the Changing Notion of International Criminal Responsibility Jason Kropsky The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/3249 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] BETWEEN POLITICS AND MORALITY: HANS KELSEN’S CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE CHANGING NOTION OF INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL RESPONSIBILITY by JASON REUVEN KROPSKY A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Political Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York 2019 © 2019 JASON REUVEN KROPSKY All Rights Reserved ii Between Politics and Morality: Hans Kelsen’s Contributions to the Changing Notion of International Criminal Responsibility by Jason Reuven Kropsky This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Political Science in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Date John Wallach Chair of Examining Committee Date Alyson Cole Executive Officer Supervisory Committee: John Wallach Bruce Cronin Peter Romaniuk THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii ABSTRACT Between Politics and Morality: Hans Kelsen’s Contributions to the Changing Notion of International Criminal Responsibility by Jason Reuven Kropsky Advisor: John Wallach The pure theory of law analyzes the legal normative basis of jurisprudence. -
The Buildup of the German War Economy: the Importance of the Nazi-Soviet Economic Agreements of 1939 and 1940 by Samantha Carl I
The Buildup of the German War Economy: The Importance of the Nazi-Soviet Economic Agreements of 1939 and 1940 By Samantha Carl INTRODUCTION German-Soviet relations in the early half of the twentieth century have been marked by periods of rapprochement followed by increasing tensions. After World War I, where the nations fought on opposite sides, Germany and the Soviet Union focused on their respective domestic problems and tensions began to ease. During the 1920s, Germany and the Soviet Union moved toward normal relations with the signing of the Treaty of Rapallo in 1922.(1) Tensions were once again apparent after 1933, when Adolf Hitler gained power in Germany. Using propaganda and anti-Bolshevik rhetoric, Hitler depicted the Soviet Union as Germany's true enemy.(2) Despite the animosity between the two nations, the benefits of trade enabled them to maintain economic relations throughout the inter-war period. It was this very relationship that paved the way for the Nazi-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact of 1939 and the subsequent outbreak of World War II. Nazi-Soviet relations on the eve of the war were vital to the war movement of each respective nation. In essence, the conclusion of the Nazi-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact on August 23, 1939 allowed Germany to augment its war effort while diminishing the Soviet fear of a German invasion.(3) The betterment of relations was a carefully planned program in which Hitler sought to achieve two important goals. First, he sought to prevent a two-front war from developing upon the invasion of Poland. Second, he sought to gain valuable raw materials that were necessary for the war movement.(4) The only way to meet these goals was to pursue the completion of two pacts with the Soviet Union: an economic agreement as well as a political one. -
France and the German Question, 1945–1955
CreswellFrance and and the Trachtenberg German Question France and the German Question, 1945–1955 ✣ What role did France play in the Cold War, and how is French policy in that conºict to be understood? For many years the prevailing as- sumption among scholars was that French policy was not very important. France, as the historian John Young points out, was “usually mentioned in Cold War histories only as an aside.” When the country was discussed at all, he notes, it was “often treated as a weak and vacillating power, obsessed with outdated ideas of a German ‘menace.’”1 And indeed scholars often explicitly argued (to quote one typical passage) that during the early Cold War period “the major obsession of French policy was defense against the German threat.” “French awareness of the Russian threat,” on the other hand, was sup- posedly “belated and reluctant.”2 The French government, it was said, was not eager in the immediate postwar period to see a Western bloc come into being to balance Soviet power in Europe; the hope instead was that France could serve as a kind of bridge between East and West.3 The basic French aim, according to this interpretation, was to keep Germany down by preserving the wartime alliance intact. Germany itself would no longer be a centralized state; the territory on the left bank of the Rhine would not even be part of Germany; the Ruhr basin, Germany’s industrial heartland, would be subject to allied control. Those goals, it was commonly assumed, were taken seriously, not just by General Charles de Gaulle, who headed the French provisional government until Jan- uary 1946, but by Georges Bidault, who served as foreign minister almost without in- terruption from 1944 through mid-1948 and was the most important ªgure in French foreign policy in the immediate post–de Gaulle period. -
I Termini Della Pace Tedesca E Atri Scritti
INTRODUZIONE FERNANDO D’ANIELLO SOMMARIO: I. Un programma ambizioso. – II. Hans Kelsen in America e la guerra in Europa. – III. Ex injuria, jus non oritur? La proposta di Kelsen sullo stato giuridico dell’Austria e della Germania. – IV. Lo stato giuridico della Germania alla luce delle categorie della Reine Rechtslehre. – V. La discussione della proposta kelseniana nella scienza giuridica tedesca. – VI. La Stunde Null. Le ragioni di un dibattito (e della sua fine). – VII. La riu- nificazione tedesca e la conclusione della vicenda della Rechtslage. La Germania non esiste più. […] La dissoluzione di uno stato si riconosce, del resto, proprio dal fatto che tutto va in modo diverso da quello stabilito dalle leggi. […] I tedeschi rimangono fedeli ai loro concetti, al diritto ed alle leggi, ma gli accadimenti non coincidono con tutto ciò […]. G.W.F. HEGEL, La Costituzione della Germania, 1802 I. Nel 1940 Hans Kelsen, in fuga dal nazionalsocialismo, era giunto, dopo una lunga e travagliata vicenda, negli Stati Uniti. Pochi anni dopo la situazione militare per il Terzo Reich si era complicata e, in seguito alla rotta di Stalingrado (febbraio 1943), gli Alleati era- no ormai consapevoli della prossima sconfitta dell’Asse. Pertanto, mentre ancora l’Europa attendeva di essere liberata, cominciarono a discutere di come gestire la vittoria e, cioè, di cosa fare del territorio e della popolazione del Reich tedesco al termine del conflitto 1. 1 Gli Alleati, nel corso della Conferenza di Mosca del 1943, stabilirono la fon- dazione della European Advisory Commision, con il compito di individuare e de- finire strategie e politiche da adottare nei territori del Reich dopo la liberazione dal nazionalsocialismo. -
English Reactions to the Franco-Prussian War Andrew Mcginnis
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Virtual Commons - Bridgewater State University Bridgewater State University Virtual Commons - Bridgewater State University Honors Program Theses and Projects Undergraduate Honors Program 12-17-2015 A Snapshot in Time: English Reactions to the Franco-Prussian War Andrew McGinnis Follow this and additional works at: http://vc.bridgew.edu/honors_proj Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation McGinnis, Andrew. (2015). A Snapshot in Time: English Reactions to the Franco-Prussian War. In BSU Honors Program Theses and Projects. Item 125. Available at: http://vc.bridgew.edu/honors_proj/125 Copyright © 2015 Andrew McGinnis This item is available as part of Virtual Commons, the open-access institutional repository of Bridgewater State University, Bridgewater, Massachusetts. A Snapshot in Time: English Reactions to the Franco-Prussian War Andrew McGinnis Submitted in Partial Completion of the Requirements for Commonwealth Honors in History Bridgewater State University December 17, 2015 Dr. Leonid Heretz, Thesis Director Dr. Thomas Nester, Committee Member Dr. Sarah Wiggins, Committee Member A Snapshot in Time: English Reactions to the Franco-Prussian War Andrew McGinnis 13 December 2015 2 The decade culminating in 1871 was filled with turmoil and forceful politics that united Germany under Prussian control. The major event that completed this process was the Franco- Prussian War of 1870-1871. This war led to a change in the status quo. It both weakened France’s power and strengthened the legitimacy of a unified Germany under Prussia. In the 19th Century, Great Britain was the dominant country in European power politics. -
The Transformation of Occupied Territory in International Law
The Transformation of Occupied Territory in International Law For use by the Author only | © 2015 Koninklijke Brill NV Leiden Studies on the Frontiers of International Law Editors Carsten Stahn Larissa van den Herik Nico Schrijver (Grotius Centre for International Legal Studies, The Hague) Volume 2 Grotius Centre for International Legal Studies The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/lsfi For use by the Author only | © 2015 Koninklijke Brill NV The Transformation of Occupied Territory in International Law By Andrea Carcano leiden | boston For use by the Author only | © 2015 Koninklijke Brill NV Library of Congress Control Number: 2015946336 issn 2212-4195 isbn 978-90-04-22787-3 (hardback) isbn 978-90-04-22788-0 (e-book) Copyright 2015 by Koninklijke Brill nv, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill nv incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhofff, Brill Rodopi and Hotei Publishing. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photo- copying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill nv provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, ma 01923, usa. Fees are subject to change. This book is printed on acid-free paper. For use by the Author only | © 2015 Koninklijke Brill NV Table of Contents Editorial Foreword xi Foreword xiii Preface xix Select List of Abbreviations xxiii Table of Cases xxvii Introduction 1 1. -
German’ Communities from Eastern Europe at the End of the Second World War
EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE, FLORENCE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND CIVILIZATION EUI Working Paper HEC No. 2004/1 The Expulsion of the ‘German’ Communities from Eastern Europe at the End of the Second World War Edited by STEFFEN PRAUSER and ARFON REES BADIA FIESOLANA, SAN DOMENICO (FI) All rights reserved. No part of this paper may be reproduced in any form without permission of the author(s). © 2004 Steffen Prauser and Arfon Rees and individual authors Published in Italy December 2004 European University Institute Badia Fiesolana I – 50016 San Domenico (FI) Italy www.iue.it Contents Introduction: Steffen Prauser and Arfon Rees 1 Chapter 1: Piotr Pykel: The Expulsion of the Germans from Czechoslovakia 11 Chapter 2: Tomasz Kamusella: The Expulsion of the Population Categorized as ‘Germans' from the Post-1945 Poland 21 Chapter 3: Balázs Apor: The Expulsion of the German Speaking Population from Hungary 33 Chapter 4: Stanislav Sretenovic and Steffen Prauser: The “Expulsion” of the German Speaking Minority from Yugoslavia 47 Chapter 5: Markus Wien: The Germans in Romania – the Ambiguous Fate of a Minority 59 Chapter 6: Tillmann Tegeler: The Expulsion of the German Speakers from the Baltic Countries 71 Chapter 7: Luigi Cajani: School History Textbooks and Forced Population Displacements in Europe after the Second World War 81 Bibliography 91 EUI WP HEC 2004/1 Notes on the Contributors BALÁZS APOR, STEFFEN PRAUSER, PIOTR PYKEL, STANISLAV SRETENOVIC and MARKUS WIEN are researchers in the Department of History and Civilization, European University Institute, Florence. TILLMANN TEGELER is a postgraduate at Osteuropa-Institut Munich, Germany. Dr TOMASZ KAMUSELLA, is a lecturer in modern European history at Opole University, Opole, Poland. -
Law for the Protection of German Blood and German Honor (Also Called the Nuremberg Laws) — September 15, 1935 5
Lesson 10: Handout 1, Document 1 Laws Passed by Hitler and the Nazis Law for the Protection of German Blood and German Honor (also called the Nuremberg laws) — September 15, 1935 5 Firm in the knoWledge that the puritY of German blood is the basis for the surViVal of the German people and inspired bY the unshakeable determination to safeguard the future of the German nation, the Reichstag has unanimouslY resolVed upon the folloWing laW. Section 1 Marriages between Jews and citizens of German or some related blood are forbidden. Such marriages . are invalid, even if they take place abroad in order to avoid the law. Section 2 Sexual relations outside marriage between Jews and citizens of German or related blood are forbidden. Section 3 Jews will not be permitted to employ female citizens of German or related blood who are under 45 years as housekeepers. Section 4 1. Jews are forbidden to raise the national flag or display the national colors. 2. However, they are allowed to display the Jewish colors. The exercise of this right is protected by the State. Section 5 Anyone who disregards Section 1 . Section 2 . Sections 3 or 4 will be pun - ished with imprisonment up to one year or with a fine, or with one of these penalties. Purpose: To deepen understanding of the power of conformity and discrimination in Nazi Germany and in society today. • 150 Lesson 10: Handout 1, Document 2 Laws Passed by Hitler and the Nazis The Reich Citizenship Law (also called the Nuremberg laws) — September 15, 1935 Article 1 6 Section 2 1.