Hans Kelsen's Contributions to the Changing Notion of International Criminal Responsibility
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The Natural Law Philosophy of Lon L. Fuller in Contrast to Roe V. Wade and Its Progeny
The Natural Law Philosophy of Lon L. Fuller in contrast to Roe v. Wade and Its Progeny Thomas W. Strahan This article analyzes the legal theories of Lon L. Fuller (1902- 1978) as contrasted with the legal framework adopted by the U.S. Supreme Court in Roe v. Wade and its progeny. Fuller was a professor of general jurisprudence at Harvard Law School for many years until his retirement in 1972. The scope of his writings on law included legal philosophy, contracts, mediation, comparative law, and legal procedure. As far as can be determined, Fuller never commented on abortion in his writings. He believed that law should stand the scrutiny of reason and stressed the importance of good orderi (emphasis added). He criticized the views of philosophers such as Hans Kelsen, H.L.A. Hart, Ronald Dworkin, and Marshall Cohen. Fuller opposed legal positivism, the idea that law is no higher than a particular authority, that is, a sovereign state or a rule of recognition, is morally neutral, and is merely an instrument of external ends such as utility.ii His leading work on legal theory, The Morality of Law (1964,1969), has been translated into several languages and has been used as the text for teaching legal principles in developing nations. The book advocated a kind of secular natural law,iii and it was initially severely attacked by many lawyers and philosophers. The Morality of Law offers an extended discussion of the difference between the morality of duty and the morality of aspiration and took the position that the purpose of law was both practical and moral. -
Now Or Never": Collecting, Documenting, and Photographing World War I in the Middle East
Deep Blue Deep Blue https://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/documents Research Collections Library (University of Michigan Library) 2015 "Now or Never": Collecting, Documenting, and Photographing World War I in the Middle East Babayan, Kathryn https://hdl.handle.net/2027.42/120267 Downloaded from Deep Blue, University of Michigan's institutional repository “ Now or Never ” Collecting, Documenting, and Photographing World War I in the Middle East 14 January – 24 April 2015 Audubon Room University of Michigan Library Ann Arbor, Michigan © 2014 University of Michigan Library (Special Collections Library) All rights reserved This exhibit was curated by Kathryn Babayan and Melanie Tanielian of the Armenian Studies Program. They thank the ASP, Naira Tumanyan, and Michael Pifer as well as the following, all for their help in making this exhibit possible: University of Michigan Library: Pablo Alvarez, Cathleen Baker, Halaina Demba, Tom Hogarth, and Sanam Arab (N. Lobby Cases); Bentley Historical Library: Malgorzata Myc; Kelsey Museum of Archaeology: Sebastian Encina; and Clark Library: Tim Utter. “ Now or Never ” Collecting, Documenting, and Photographing World War I in the Middle East World War I in the Middle East was a humanitarian disaster of unprecedented scale. Between 1914 and 1918, over 2.5 million civilians lost their lives on the battlefields or to hunger and disease. From among those, over one million Armenians were targets of a systematic genocidal campaign organized by the Ottoman state. It was in the aftermath of this catastrophe that University of Michigan Professor of Archaeology Francis Willey Kelsey (1858–1927) and U-M staff photographer George Robert Swain (1866–1947) em-barked on an expedition to the region, the purpose of which was to collect ancient Christian manuscripts destined to disappear in the postwar chaos. -
Lexisnexis™ Academic
LexisNexis™ Academic Copyright (c) 1996 The University of Notre Dame The American Journal of Jurisprudence 1996 41 Am. J. Juris. 133 LENGTH: 13043 words ARTICLE: KELSEN'S UNSTABLE ALTERNATIVE TO NATURAL LAW: RECENT CRITIQUES NAME: Jeffrey Brand-Ballard * BIO: * The author wishes to thank Wilfred E. Rumble and James Q. Whitman for valuable comments on earlier versions of this article. They retain responsibility for none of the remaining defeats. TEXT: [*133] I. INTRODUCTION Legal theorists in this century have often perceived a need for a theory capable of occupying a stable middle ground between natural law theory and nineteenth-century legal positivism. The prolific German-American legal philosopher, Hans Kelsen, was perhaps not the first to feel the need for such a theory, but he was certainly among the first to attempt to construct one. n1 Although Kelsen's own efforts failed, in many ways they defined the ambitions of twentieth-century legal theory and inspired others to take up the challenge. In order to understand the nature of the challenge, which confronts us still today, it is helpful to examine central difficulties with Kelsen's own Pure Theory of Law. Despite Kelsen's indubitable influence on legal theorists in the Anglo-American world and elsewhere, n2 the seminal nature of his work remains underappreciated in the United States. The international community, by contrast, has treated the Pure Theory to extensive criticism at every stage of its long development. Kelsen's earlier work, especially, has received some studious and illuminating criticism in recent years from critics on both sides of the Atlantic. -
Document and Analyse: the Legacy of Klemperer, Fraenkel and Neumann for Contemporary Human Rights Engagement Luz Oette, School O
This is the version of the article accepted for publication in Human Rights Quarterly published by John Hopkins University Press: https://www.press.jhu.edu/journals/human_rights_quarterly/index.html Accepted version downloaded from SOAS Research Online: http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/23313/ Document and analyse: The legacy of Klemperer, Fraenkel and Neumann for contemporary human rights engagement Luz Oette, School of Law, SOAS University of London Human rights discourse has been criticised for being legalistic, decontextualised and failing to focus on factors explaining violations. Victor Klemperer‟s diaries chronicled the life and suffering of a German Jew in Nazi Germany and the manipulation of language by a totalitarian regime. Ernst Fraenkel‟s Dual State and Franz Neumann‟s Behemoth set out theories offering profound insights into the legal and political nature of the Nazi system. Revisiting their work from a human rights perspective is richly rewarding, providing examples of engaged scholarship that combined documentation and critical analysis. Their writings hold important lessons for contemporary human rights engagement and its critics. I. Introduction The human rights movement and language of human rights has been the subject of sustained criticism. Besides its supposed Western liberal bias, critics have focused particularly on human rights as a mode of political engagement. Human rights discourse is seen as legalistic and decontextualised. Richard Wilson argued in 1997 that human rights reports “can depoliticise human rights violations -
Discrimination and Law in Nazi Germany
Cohen Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies Name:_______________________________ at Keene State College __________________________________________________________________________________________________ “To Remember…and to Teach.” www.keene.edu/cchgs Student Outline: Destroying Democracy From Within (1933-1938) 1. In the November 1932 elections the Nazis received _______ (%) of the vote. 2. Hitler was named Chancellor of a right-wing coalition government on _________________ _____, __________. 3. Hitler’s greatest fear is that he could be dismissed by President ____________________________. 4. Hitler’s greatest unifier of the many conservatives was fear of the _____________. 5. The Reichstag Fire Decree of February 1933 allowed Hitler to use article _______ to suspend the Reichstag and suspend ________________ ____________ for all Germans. 6. In March 5, 1933 election, the Nazi Party had _________ % of the vote. 7. Concentration camps (KL) emerged from below as camps for “__________________ ________________” prisoners. 8. On March 24, 1933, the _______________ Act gave Hitler power to rule as dictator during the declared “state of emergency.” It was the __________________ Center Party that swayed the vote in Hitler’s favor. 9. Franz Schlegelberger became the State Secretary in the German Ministry of ___________________. He believed that the courts role was to maintain ________________ __________________. He based his rulings on the principle of the ____________________ ___________________ order. He endorsed the Enabling Act because the government, in his view, could act with _______________, ________________, and _____________________. 10. One week after the failed April 1, 1933 Boycott, the Nazis passed the “Law for the Restoration of the Professional _________________ ______________________. The April 11 supplement attempted to legally define “non-Aryan” as someone with a non-Aryan ____________________ or ________________________. -
Redalyc.H. L. A. HART's MODERATE INDETERMINACY THESIS RECONSIDERED: in BETWEEN SCYLLA and CHARYBDIS?
Problema: Anuario de Filosofía y Teoría del Derecho ISSN: 2007-4387 [email protected] Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México México FLORES, Imer B. H. L. A. HART’S MODERATE INDETERMINACY THESIS RECONSIDERED: IN BETWEEN SCYLLA AND CHARYBDIS? Problema: Anuario de Filosofía y Teoría del Derecho, núm. 5, 2011, pp. 147-173 Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México Distrito Federal, México Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=421940003008 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative PROBLEMA Anuario de Filosofía 5 y Teoría del Derecho H. L. A. HART’S MODERATE INDETERMINACY THESIS RECONSIDERED: IN BETWEEN SCYLLA AND CHARYBDIS?* Imer B. FLORES** Resumen: En este artículo el autor, en el contexto del cincuenta aniversario de El concepto del derecho de H. L. A. Hart, reconsidera la tesis de la indeter- minación moderada del derecho, la cual deriva de la textura abierta del lenguaje. Para tal propósito, pretende: primero, analizar la tesis de la in- determinación moderada del derecho, i.e. determinación en los “casos fá- ciles” e indeterminación en los “casos difíciles”, la cual recuerda la “doc- trina del término medio” de Aristóteles; segundo, criticar la tesis de la indeterminación moderada del derecho por fracasar en dar lugar al tér- mino medio virtuoso entre extremos viciosos, al insistir que el ejercicio de la discreción requerida constituye una legislación “intersticial”; y, ter- * Revised version of the papers presented in the Special Workshop “H.L.A. -
David Hume on Norms and Institutions"
Max Weber Programme Conference "David Hume on Norms and Institutions" San Domenico di Fiesole, Villa la Fonte, 17 April 2008 Justice as Unintended Consequence Please do not cite without prior permission Russel Hardin Department of Politics, New York University © 2006, Russell Hardin 2008.04.14 Justice As Unintended Consequence Russell Hardin* NYU - Politics One of the most neglected of all major legal philosophers is David Hume. His neglect as a specifically legal philosopher has followed from at least two unrelated causes. First, Hume’s work on ethics and on political philosophy was widely opposed and even dismissed in his own time. Second, a generation or so after his death, the positive law tradition of Jeremy Bentham and John Austin took center-stage in legal philosophy and dominated the Anglo-Saxon tradition for more than a century thereafter. This latter phenomenon might not have occluded attention to Hume except that Bentham ([1789] 1970) and Austin ([1832] 1954) took over a continental and quasi Hobbesian principle that was not necessary for their approach but which came to define it in the view of many. That principle is that there must be a primary law giver who is above the law. One could read this principle as analogous to the Aristotelian assumption that there must be a first mover, in this case, a first mover to get law started. Or one could read it as a Hobbesian assumption that we require an all powerful sovereign who is above the law but who gives and enforces the law for all other citizens. Hobbes sees his requirement as both logically and causally necessary. -
Statlig Minoritetspolitikk I Israel
Statlig minoritetspolitikk i Israel Et studie av staten Israels politikk overfor den palestinske minoriteten i landet. Gada Ezat Azam Masteroppgave, Institutt for Statsvitenskap UNIVERSITETET I OSLO Våren 2007 (32 290 ord) 2 Forord Det er en rekke personer som fortjener en stor takk for den hjelp og støtte de har gitt meg under arbeidet med masteroppgaven. Først og fremst vil jeg takke mine to veiledere, Anne Julie Semb ved Institutt for statsvitenskap og Dag Henrik Tuastad ved Institutt for kulturstudier og orientalske språk, for solid veiledning, og stor tålmodighet når det gjelder å følge opp arbeidet mitt. Jeg vil også takke As’ad Ghanem ved Universitetet i Haifa, Abeer Baker i menneskerettighetsorganisasjonen Adalah og Jaffar Farah i organisasjonen Mossawa for å ha gitt meg store mengder materiale om Palestinere i Israel. Dessuten vil jeg takke min palestinske venninne Nadia Haj Yasein og hennes familie i Jerusalem for å ha latt meg bo hos dem under store deler av feltarbeidet i desember 2006. Tusen takk for gjestfriheten. Videre vil jeg takke min mann Tariq for gode diskusjoner, nyttige innspill og tålmodigheten han har vist gjennom hele prosessen. Jeg vil også takke mine venninner Ida Martinuessen, Kjersti Olsen og Anniken Westtorp, som har bidratt med kommentarer og korrekturlesning. Til sist, men ikke minst vil jeg takke mine foreldre, mine søsken og min familie i Palestina for oppmuntring og støtte hele veien. Oslo, mai 2007 Gada Ezat Azam 3 Innhold FORORD...............................................................................................................................................2 -
Palestinian Citizens of Israel: Agenda for Change Hashem Mawlawi
Palestinian Citizens of Israel: Agenda for Change Hashem Mawlawi Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master‘s degree in Conflict Studies School of Conflict Studies Faculty of Human Sciences Saint Paul University © Hashem Mawlawi, Ottawa, Canada, 2019 PALESTINIAN CITIZENS OF ISRAEL: AGENDA FOR CHANGE ii Abstract The State of Israel was established amid historic trauma experienced by both Jewish and Palestinian Arab people. These traumas included the repeated invasion of Palestine by various empires/countries, and the Jewish experience of anti-Semitism and the Holocaust. This culminated in the 1948 creation of the State of Israel. The newfound State has experienced turmoil since its inception as both identities clashed. The majority-minority power imbalance resulted in inequalities and discrimination against the Palestinian Citizens of Israel (PCI). Discussion of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict tends to assume that the issues of the PCIs are the same as the issues of the Palestinians in the Occupied Territories. I believe that the needs of the PCIs are different. Therefore, I have conducted a qualitative case study into possible ways the relationship between the PCIs and the State of Israel shall be improved. To this end, I provide a brief review of the history of the conflict. I explore themes of inequalities and models for change. I analyze the implications of the theories for PCIs and Israelis in the political, social, and economic dimensions. From all these dimensions, I identify opportunities for change. In proposing an ―Agenda for Change,‖ it is my sincere hope that addressing the context of the Israeli-Palestinian relationship may lead to a change in attitude and behaviour that will avoid perpetuating the conflict and its human costs on both sides. -
Hitler's American Model
Hitler’s American Model The United States and the Making of Nazi Race Law James Q. Whitman Princeton University Press Princeton and Oxford 1 Introduction This jurisprudence would suit us perfectly, with a single exception. Over there they have in mind, practically speaking, only coloreds and half-coloreds, which includes mestizos and mulattoes; but the Jews, who are also of interest to us, are not reckoned among the coloreds. —Roland Freisler, June 5, 1934 On June 5, 1934, about a year and a half after Adolf Hitler became Chancellor of the Reich, the leading lawyers of Nazi Germany gathered at a meeting to plan what would become the Nuremberg Laws, the notorious anti-Jewish legislation of the Nazi race regime. The meeting was chaired by Franz Gürtner, the Reich Minister of Justice, and attended by officials who in the coming years would play central roles in the persecution of Germany’s Jews. Among those present was Bernhard Lösener, one of the principal draftsmen of the Nuremberg Laws; and the terrifying Roland Freisler, later President of the Nazi People’s Court and a man whose name has endured as a byword for twentieth-century judicial savagery. The meeting was an important one, and a stenographer was present to record a verbatim transcript, to be preserved by the ever-diligent Nazi bureaucracy as a record of a crucial moment in the creation of the new race regime. That transcript reveals the startling fact that is my point of departure in this study: the meeting involved detailed and lengthy discussions of the law of the United States. -
The Israeli Digital Rights Movement's Campaign for Privacy Efrat Daskal Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel
INTERNET POLICY REVIEW Journal on internet regulation Volume 6 | Issue 3 The Israeli Digital Rights Movement's campaign for privacy Efrat Daskal Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel Published on 19 Sep 2017 | DOI: 10.14763/2017.3.711 Abstract: This study explores the persuasion techniques used by the Israeli Digital Rights Movement in its campaign against Israel’s biometric database. The research was based on analysing the movement's official publications and announcements and the journalistic discourse that surrounded their campaign within the political, judicial, and public arenas in 2009-2017. The results demonstrate how the organisation navigated three persuasion frames to achieve its goals: the unnecessity of a biometric database in democracy; the database’s ineffectiveness; and governmental incompetence in securing it. I conclude by discussing how analysing civil society privacy campaigns can shed light over different regimes of privacy governance. Keywords: Privacy, Government surveillance, Biometric Article information Received: 03 Apr 2017 Reviewed: 03 Jul 2017 Published: 19 Sep 2017 Licence: Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 Germany Competing interests: The author has declared that no competing interests exist that have influenced the text. URL: http://policyreview.info/articles/analysis/israeli-digital-rights-movements-campaign-privacy Citation: Daskal, E. (2017). The Israeli Digital Rights Movement's campaign for privacy. Internet Policy Review, 6(3). https://doi.org/10.14763/2017.3.711 Acknowledgements: I would like to thank the participants of the Early Stage Researchers Colloquium (ESRC) of the Humboldt Institute for Internet and Society (HIIG) from 2014 and especially Ulrike Hoeppner and Jörg Pohle for their insightful ideas and advice. -
Revised Draft Report on Democracy, Limitation Of
Strasbourg, 30 November 2012 CDL(2012)050rev* Study No. 646 / 2011 Or. Engl. EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) REVISED DRAFT REPORT ON DEMOCRACY, LIMITATION OF MANDATES AND INCOMPATIBILITY OF POLITICAL FUNCTIONS on the basis of comments by Ms Gordana SILJANOVSKA-DAVKOVA (Member, “the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia”) Ms Tanja KARAKAMISHEVA-JOVANOVSKA (Former Substitute Member, “the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia”) *This document has been classified restricted on the date of issue. Unless the Venice Commission decides otherwise, it will be declassified a year after its issue according to the rules set up in Resolution CM/Res(2001)6 on access to Council of Europe documents. This document will not be distributed at the meeting. Please bring this copy. www.venice.coe.int CDL(2012)050rev - 2 - Table of contents I. Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 3 II. Democracy and Representation: general notions .................................................................. 3 III. Theoretical reference to the limitation of the mandate and the right to re-election of the holders of political functions .................................................................................................. 6 IV. Limitation of the mandate: from history to contemporary norm and practice .......................... 8 V. Constitutional and legal aspects of the limitation of mandates and of the right to re-election of