Philippines-Update-J
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
In Camarines
2012 KARAPATAN YEAR-END REPORT ON THE HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION IN THE PHILIPPINES Cover Design: Tom Estrera III Photo Credits: arkibongbayan.org | bulatlat.com pinoyweekly.org | karapatan.org | Panalipdan KARAPATAN Alliance for the Advancement of People’s Rights 2/F Erythrina Bldg., #1 Maaralin corner Matatag Sts., Barangay Central, Diliman, Quezon City 1100 Philippines Telefax +63 2 4354146 [email protected] | www.karapatan.org CONTENTS 1 Karapatan’s 2012 Human Rights Report 32 The Long Trek to Safety 34 From Ampatuan to Arakan, to Tampakan: Continuing Impunity in Mindanao 44 Imprints of Violence: Shattered Lives and Disrupted Childhood 50 The CCT Con 52 Acronyms Karapatan’s 2012 Human Rights Report he almost complete unmasking to the public of a pretentious rule marks the second Tyear of Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino’s presidency. Despite supposedly improving economic statistics, the majority of the people are still mired in poverty reeling from high prices of basic commodities and services, unemployment, unlivable wages, sham land reform, inadequate housing and so on. Even its much touted campaign against poverty is under question as more cases of corruption by people from the Aquino administration surface. No hope can be pinned on this president whose government fails to lighten and instead adds to the burden that the people, especially from the basic sectors, endure. Noynoy Aquino’s reckless implementation of privatization, liberalization, deregulation and denationalization, all earmarks of neoliberal globalization, proves his puppetry to U.S. imperialism. Just like Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, Aquino has been anointed to be the U.S. lackey in Asia especially in its current “pivot to Asia-Pacific.” In exchange for Obama’s pat on the head and American military aid, Malacanang welcomes stronger U.S. -
Patterns of Global Terrorism 1999
U.S. Department of State, April 2000 Introduction The US Government continues its commitment to use all tools necessary—including international diplomacy, law enforcement, intelligence collection and sharing, and military force—to counter current terrorist threats and hold terrorists accountable for past actions. Terrorists seek refuge in “swamps” where government control is weak or governments are sympathetic. We seek to drain these swamps. Through international and domestic legislation and strengthened law enforcement, the United States seeks to limit the room in which terrorists can move, plan, raise funds, and operate. Our goal is to eliminate terrorist safehavens, dry up their sources of revenue, break up their cells, disrupt their movements, and criminalize their behavior. We work closely with other countries to increase international political will to limit all aspects of terrorists’ efforts. US counterterrorist policies are tailored to combat what we believe to be the shifting trends in terrorism. One trend is the shift from well-organized, localized groups supported by state sponsors to loosely organized, international networks of terrorists. Such a network supported the failed attempt to smuggle explosives material and detonating devices into Seattle in December. With the decrease of state funding, these loosely networked individuals and groups have turned increasingly to other sources of funding, including private sponsorship, narcotrafficking, crime, and illegal trade. This shift parallels a change from primarily politically motivated terrorism to terrorism that is more religiously or ideologically motivated. Another trend is the shift eastward of the locus of terrorism from the Middle East to South Asia, specifically Afghanistan. As most Middle Eastern governments have strengthened their counterterrorist response, terrorists and their organizations have sought safehaven in areas where they can operate with impunity. -
Armed Violence in Mindanao: Militia and Private Armies
July 2011 Armed Violence in Mindanao: Militia and private armies The Institute of Bangsamoro Studies and the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue The Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue (HD Centre) “Mediation for peace” The Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue (HD Centre) is an independent mediation organisation dedicated to helping improve the global response to armed conflict. It attempts to achieve this by mediating between warring parties and providing support to the broader mediation community. The HD Centre is driven by humanitarian values and its ultimate goal to reduce the consequences of violent conflict, improve security, and contribute to the peaceful resolution of conflict. It maintains a neutral stance towards the warring parties that it mediates between and, in order to maintain its impartiality it is funded by a variety of governments, private foundations and philanthropists. Cover images Front: A member of pro-government militia unit under the command of the AFP aims his World War II-era M-1 Garand rifle as he guards the perimeter of a village in Maguindanao on the eve of national and local elections on 10 May 2010. © Jason Gutierrez/IRIN Back: Close-up shot of 1000 peso featuring the banaue rice terraces. © Shutterstock images Supported by the MacArthur Foundation Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue 114, rue de Lausanne Geneva 1202 Switzerland t + 41 22 908 11 30 f +41 22 908 11 40 e [email protected] w www.hdcentre.org © Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue, 2011 July 2011 Armed Violence in Mindanao: Militia and Private Armies The Institute of Bangsamoro Studies and the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue Copyright and credits Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue 114, rue de Lausanne Geneva 1202 Switzerland t + 41 22 908 11 30 f +41 22 908 11 40 e [email protected] w www.hdcentre.org © Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue, 2011 Reproduction of all or part of this publication may be authorised only with written consent and acknowl- edgement of the source. -
PHILIPPINES Political Killings, Human Rights and the Peace Process
Philippines: Political Killings, Human Rights and the Peace Process - Amnesty Internatio... Page 1 of 34 Previous PHILIPPINES Political Killings, Human Rights and the Peace Process 1. Introduction Over recent years reports of an increased number of killings of political activists, predominately those associated with leftist or left-orientated groups,(1) have caused increasing concern in the Philippines(2) and internationally.(3) The attacks, mostly carried out by unidentified men who shoot the victims before escaping on motorcycles, have very rarely led to the arrest, prosecution and punishment of those responsible. Amnesty International believes that the killings constitute a pattern and that a continuing failure to deliver justice to the victims represents a failure by the Government of the Philippines to fulfil its obligation to protect the right to life of every individual in its jurisdiction. The organisation is also concerned that the killings have played a major role in the break-down of a protracted peace process and an accompanying human rights agreement, between the government and the National Democratic Front (NDF), representing the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and its armed wing, the New People’s Army (NPA). The common features in the methodology of the attacks, leftist profile of the victims, and an apparent culture of impunity(4) shielding the perpetrators, has led Amnesty International to believe that the killings are not an unconnected series of criminal murders, armed robberies or other unlawful killings. Rather they constitute a pattern of politically targeted extrajudicial executions(5) taking place within the broader context of a continuing counter-insurgency campaign. -
Primed and Purposeful
South-South Network for Non-State Armed Group Engagement By Soliman M. Santos, Jr. and Paz Verdades M. Santos 18 Mariposa St., Cubao, 1109 Quezon City, Philippines with Octavio A. Dinampo, Herman Joseph S. Kraft, PURPOSEFUL PRIMED AND p +632 7252153 Artha Kira R. Paredes, and Raymund Jose G. Quilop e [email protected] Edited by Diana Rodriguez w www.southsouthnetwork.com Small Arms Survey Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies 47 Avenue Blanc, 1202 Geneva, Switzerland PRIMED AND PURPOSEFUL p +41 22 908 5777 f +41 22 732 2738 ARMED GROUPS AND HUMAN SECURITY EFFORTS e [email protected] IN THE PHILIPPINES w www.smallarmssurvey.org Soliman M. Santos, Jr. and Paz Verdades M. Santos and Paz Verdades Soliman M. Santos, Jr. Primed and Purposeful: Armed Groups and Human Security Efforts in the Philippines pro- vides the political and historical detail necessary to understand the motivations and probable outcomes of conflicts in the country. The volume explores related human security issues, including the willingness of several Filipino armed groups to negotiate political settlements to the conflicts, and to contemplate the demobilization and reintegration of combatants into civilian life. Light is also shed on the use of small arms—the weapons of choice for armed groups—whose availability is maintained through leakage from government arsenals, porous borders, a thriving domestic craft industry, and a lax regulatory regime. —David Petrasek, Author, Ends and Means: Human Rights Approaches to Armed Groups (International Council on Human Rights Policy, 2000) At the centre of this book are the ‘primed and purposeful’ protagonists of the Philippines’ two major internal armed conflicts: the nationwide Communist insurgency and the Moro insurgency in the Muslim part of Mindanao. -
Chapter 8 -- Foreign Terrorist Organizations
Chapter 8 FOREIGN TERRORIST ORGANIZATIONS◊ Abu Nidal Organization (ANO) Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigade Ansar al-Sunna (AS) Armed Islamic Group (GIA) Asbat al-Ansar Aum Shinrikyo (Aum) Basque Fatherland and Liberty (ETA) Communist Party of Philippines/New People’s Army (CPP/NPA) Continuity Irish Republican Army (CIRA) Gama’a al-Islamiyya (IG) HAMAS Harakat ul-Mujahedin (HUM) Hizballah Islamic Jihad Group (IJU) Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) Jaish-e-Mohammed (JEM) Jemaah Islamiya Organization (JI) Al-Jihad (AJ) Kahane Chai (Kach) Kongra-Gel (KGK) Lashkar e-Tayyiba (LT) Lashkar i Jhangvi (LJ) Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) Libyan Islamic Fighting Group (LIFG) Moroccan Islamic Combatant Group (GICM) Mujahedin-e Khalq Organization (MEK) National Liberation Army (ELN) Palestine Liberation Front (PLF) Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command (PFLP-GC) Al-Qaida (AQ) Al-Qaida in Iraq (AQI) Real IRA (RIRA) Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) ◊ FTO aliases cited are consistent with the Specially Designated Nationals list maintained by the Department of Treasury. The full list can be found at the following website: http://www.treasury.gov/offices/enforcement/ofac/sdn/sdnlist.txt . 183 Revolutionary Nuclei (RN) Revolutionary Organization 17 November Revolutionary People’s Liberation Party/Front (DHKP/C) Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat (GSPC) Shining Path (SL) United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) __________________________________ Abu Nidal Organization (ANO) a.k.a. Arab Revolutionary Brigades; Arab Revolutionary Council; Black September; Fatah Revolutionary Council; Revolutionary Organization of Socialist Muslims Description The ANO international terrorist organization was founded by Sabri al-Banna (a.k.a. -
The AQUINO MANAGEMENT of the PRESIDENCY
The AQUINO MANAGEMENT Of The PRESIDENCY IN THE FACE OF CRISIS Published by the Presidential Management Staff Office of the President Manila, Philippines June 1992 "Arm-chair critics and destabilizers have asked - can we survive despite all the problems that we suffer? My answer is definite yes! Yes, we will survive despite natural calamities, destabilization campaigns, insurgency, international crises and scathing criticism from those who should be talking less and working more. With full confidence in our people's resolve to sustain this freedom, we will survive. And we will grow". President Corazon C. Aquino Philippine League of Councilors First National Congress September 7, 1990 _________________________ INTRODUCTION THIS VOLUME OF The Aquino Management of the Presidency series seeks to document how President Corazon C. Aquino, the members of the Cabinet, and her closest advisers managed the crisis situations that confronted the Aquino governrnent. Not all the crisis situations are covered. The focus is on the seven putsches and related events which threatened the existence of the government or the unity of the armed forces. Chapter 1, entitled 'The Coup Attempts That Failed", covers crisis situations which started with the takeover of the Manila Hotel by the Marcos loyalists on July 6 to 7, barely four months after President Aquino assumed office, up to Black Saturday, April 18, 1987, when a band of rebel soldiers took over the Philippine Army headquarters. These were the jabs, as in boxing. Chapter 2, entitled 'The Military Putsches That Almost Succeeded", covers the punches: the bloody August 28, 1987 and the near fatal December 1989 coup attempts. -
Evolution of the Armed Conflict on the Communist Front
EVOLUTION OF THE ARMED CONFLICT ON THE COMMUNIST FRONT By 1 SOLIMAN M. SANTOS, JR. A Background paper submitted to the Human Development Network Foundation, Inc. for the Philippine Human Development Report 2005 1 A.B. History (UP), Ll.B. (UNC), Ll.M. (Melb); Filipino human rights lawyer, peace advocate and legal scholar; Author, The Moro Islamic Challenge (UP Press, 2001) and Peace Advocate (DLSU Press, 2002); Peace Fellow, Gaston Z. Ortigas Peace Institute (GZOPI); Legislative Consultant and Legal Counsel, Anak Mindanao (AMIN) Party-List Group, House of Representatives, Republic of the Philippines. I. Introduction The armed conflict on the Communist front, i.e. between the Philippine government and the Communist rebel forces, mainly the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP)-New People’s Army (NPA)-National Democratic Front (NDF) but also its breakaway factions, has spanned more than 35 years counting from the CPP and NPA founding years of 1968 and 1969, respectively. It is contemporaneous with the armed conflict on the Moro front which reckons its struggle from the triggering event known as the Jabidah Massacre in 1968. There was no such corresponding triggering event on the Communist front. The closest to a signal event, not really a triggering event, was the First Quarter Storm (FQS) of 1970, a CPP- led series of big, mainly student demonstrations in the capital Manila against the Marcos administration which, partly due to police brutality against these demonstrations, drew public attention to the national- democratic movement and its issues. But this new beginning for the CPP-led movement was actually only the culmination of more than a decade of its gestation and the rekindling of a progressive mass movement since 1959, practically the whole decade of the 1960s which witnessed “student power” globally. -
The CPP-NPA-NDF
rage I or 3 Bu-lat-lat (boo-lat-lat) verb: to search, probe, investigate, inquire; Vol. IIV, No. 47 December 26,2004 -January 3,2005 Quezon Ci An Open Letter to Jose Maria Sison on the 36th Anniversary of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) HOME Dear Mr. Sison: ARCHIVE CONTACT Ang Bayan, the Communist Party of the Philippines' official publication RESOURCES published last December 7,2004, an article and a diagram laying out the ABOUT BULATLAT configuration of individuals and organizations within the broad progressive community in the country. What is sad to note is that this mapping out comes with a most terrible attack hurled against these groups and individuals, generically dismissing them as Counter-revolutionaries, Trotskyites and Social Democrats. The party which you founded 36 years ago views them as ideological and political enemies - class enemies, as can be "gleaned from their international links". Some personalities involved with some of these groups are already dead, like Popoy Lagman, Romulo Kintanar and Arturo Tabara. Lagman, reportedly - I Search I and the latter two admittedly - in the hands of your armed wing, the New . People's Army. Another person on the list, Ricardo Reyes, is already in your I.:'' Web (9:' Bulatlat order of battle. READER Outside of Ric Reyes who currently chairs AKBAYAN, we, Walden Bello, FEEDBACK Chair Emeritus of AKBAYAN and Loretta Ann P. Rosales, first AKBAYAN representative, are also among the individuals listed. Does this mean you (We encourage intend to kill us one by one? readers to dialogue with us. Email us What is both puzzling and a trifle annoying is the fact that, while we were all your letters once national democrats, our movement was part of a much broader based complaints, anti-dictatorship united front that sought the end of one-man rule through the corrections, ouster ofthe late dictator, Mr. -
Progress on Policy Reforms Under Ramos (Contract No
UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT PROGRESS ON POLICY REFORMS UNDER RAMOS (CONTRACT NO. 492-0000-C-00-2206-OO) DRAFT FINAL REPORT Submitted by: C.VIRATA &ASSOCIATES DR, FLORIAN A. ALBURO DR. ERLINDA M. MEDALLA DR. JULIUS C. PARRENAS DR. EPICTETUS E, PATALINGHUG DR, CESAR E.A, VIRATA AUGUST 11, 1993 UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT PROGRESS ON POLICY REFORMS UNDER RAMOS (CONTRACT NO. 492-0000-C-00-2206-00) DRAFT FINAL REPORT Submitted by: C. VIRATA & ASSOCIATES DR. FLORIAN A. ALBURO DR. ERLINDA M. MEDALLA DR. JULIUS C. PARRENAS DR. EPICTETUS E. PATALINGHUG DR. CESAR E.A. VIRATA August 11, 1993 This report was completed through the assistance of the United States Agency for International Development (A.I.D.). The views, expressions and opinions contained in this report are the author's and are not intended as statements of policy of either A.I.D. or the author's parent institution. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page No. Consolidated Executive Summary 1 A. Political Aspects of Economic Reform 14 I. Introduction 14 II. Peace and Order 15 A. The Insurgencies B. Criminality 20 III. Executive-Legislative Relations 23 IV. Reforming the Administrative Machinery and the Judiciary 29 V. Public Support for the Ramos Administration's Reform Programs 36 VI. Conclusions 41 B. Economic Policy Reforms 44 1. Macroeconomy 44 A. Summary 44 B. Performance of the Economy 45 C. Economic Reforms: Agenda and Progress 46 D. Conclusions and Prospects 54 2. Trade Policy Reforms 57 Trade Policy Measures: EO's and CB Circulars 57 AFTA Developments 66 Some Indications and Implications of Proposed Policy Direction 80 3. -
The Philippines the Philippines Violations of the Laws of War by Both Sides Violations of the Laws of War by Both Sides
The Philippines Violations of the Laws of War by Both Sides Contents I. INTRODUCTION.................................................................................................................................1 Political Background ..................................................................................................2 II. APPLICATION OF PROTOCOL II AND COMMON ARTICLE THREE TO THE GENEVA CONVENTIONS TO THE CONFLICT IN THE PHILIPPIN The Applicability of Human Rights Laws ........................................................8 The Philippines: A Non-international Armed conflict.............................9 The Application of Article 3....................................................................................11 When Protocol II can be applied........................................................................14 Customary International Law Applicable to Internal Armed Conflicts.........................................................................................................15 Protection of the Civilian and Other Population under the Rules of War........................................................................................16 Designation of Military Objectives: CAFGU, Police, Vigilantes, U.S. Servicemen................................................................18 Legitimate Military Targets...................................................................................21 Prohibited Acts............................................................................................................22 -
Countering Violent Extremism in the Philippines
RAND COUNTERING VIOLENT EXTREMISM IMPACT EVALUATION C O R P O R A T I O N ASHLEY L. RHOADES, TODD C. HELMUS Countering Violent Extremism in the Philippines A Snapshot of Current Challenges and Responses For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RRA233-2 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-1-9774-0572-2 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2020 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover image: acrylic / Getty Images Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface In this report, we aim to provide policymakers and program imple- menters with helpful information on the threat landscape in the Philippines (in terms of active terrorist groups and drivers of radical- ization) and raise awareness of Philippine government and nongovern- mental programs in the countering violent extremism (CVE) space to inform the design and execution of such programming.