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In Camarines
2012 KARAPATAN YEAR-END REPORT ON THE HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION IN THE PHILIPPINES Cover Design: Tom Estrera III Photo Credits: arkibongbayan.org | bulatlat.com pinoyweekly.org | karapatan.org | Panalipdan KARAPATAN Alliance for the Advancement of People’s Rights 2/F Erythrina Bldg., #1 Maaralin corner Matatag Sts., Barangay Central, Diliman, Quezon City 1100 Philippines Telefax +63 2 4354146 [email protected] | www.karapatan.org CONTENTS 1 Karapatan’s 2012 Human Rights Report 32 The Long Trek to Safety 34 From Ampatuan to Arakan, to Tampakan: Continuing Impunity in Mindanao 44 Imprints of Violence: Shattered Lives and Disrupted Childhood 50 The CCT Con 52 Acronyms Karapatan’s 2012 Human Rights Report he almost complete unmasking to the public of a pretentious rule marks the second Tyear of Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino’s presidency. Despite supposedly improving economic statistics, the majority of the people are still mired in poverty reeling from high prices of basic commodities and services, unemployment, unlivable wages, sham land reform, inadequate housing and so on. Even its much touted campaign against poverty is under question as more cases of corruption by people from the Aquino administration surface. No hope can be pinned on this president whose government fails to lighten and instead adds to the burden that the people, especially from the basic sectors, endure. Noynoy Aquino’s reckless implementation of privatization, liberalization, deregulation and denationalization, all earmarks of neoliberal globalization, proves his puppetry to U.S. imperialism. Just like Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, Aquino has been anointed to be the U.S. lackey in Asia especially in its current “pivot to Asia-Pacific.” In exchange for Obama’s pat on the head and American military aid, Malacanang welcomes stronger U.S. -
Patterns of Global Terrorism 1999
U.S. Department of State, April 2000 Introduction The US Government continues its commitment to use all tools necessary—including international diplomacy, law enforcement, intelligence collection and sharing, and military force—to counter current terrorist threats and hold terrorists accountable for past actions. Terrorists seek refuge in “swamps” where government control is weak or governments are sympathetic. We seek to drain these swamps. Through international and domestic legislation and strengthened law enforcement, the United States seeks to limit the room in which terrorists can move, plan, raise funds, and operate. Our goal is to eliminate terrorist safehavens, dry up their sources of revenue, break up their cells, disrupt their movements, and criminalize their behavior. We work closely with other countries to increase international political will to limit all aspects of terrorists’ efforts. US counterterrorist policies are tailored to combat what we believe to be the shifting trends in terrorism. One trend is the shift from well-organized, localized groups supported by state sponsors to loosely organized, international networks of terrorists. Such a network supported the failed attempt to smuggle explosives material and detonating devices into Seattle in December. With the decrease of state funding, these loosely networked individuals and groups have turned increasingly to other sources of funding, including private sponsorship, narcotrafficking, crime, and illegal trade. This shift parallels a change from primarily politically motivated terrorism to terrorism that is more religiously or ideologically motivated. Another trend is the shift eastward of the locus of terrorism from the Middle East to South Asia, specifically Afghanistan. As most Middle Eastern governments have strengthened their counterterrorist response, terrorists and their organizations have sought safehaven in areas where they can operate with impunity. -
DLSU-MANILA PREPARES for AUN-QA ASSESSMENT See Page 3
2401 (twen´te fôr´,o, wun) is a landmark number along Taft Avenue. It is the location ID of De La Salle University-Manila, home to outstanding faculty and students, and birthplace of luminaries in business, public service, education, the arts, and science. And 2401 is the name of the official newsletter of DLSU- Manila, featuring developments and stories of interest about the University. 25 FEBRUARY 2008. VOLUME 39. NUMBER 18. 12 PAGES DLSU-MANILA PREPARES FOR AUN-QA ASSESSMENT see page 3 Faculty delivers paper Field Notes: Search for Star on counter-terrorism 2 The Pursuit of Peace 510Scholars Batch 2008 FACULTY DELIVERS PAPER ON COUNTER-TERRORISM Political Science Department Lecturer Salvador Santino Regilme Jr. delivered a paper titled, “Constructivism in the US-ASEAN Post-9/11 Counter-Terror Engagement” at the 2008 Ateneo-Harvard Project for Asian International Relations (HPAIR) National Conference last January 26 and 27. Regilme discussed in the paper how the United States institutionalized various restructuring initiatives on its own defense and security establishments after the materialization of the 9/11 Tragedy. He added that Washington extended its counter-terror efforts in Southeast Asia, which he explained is dubbed as the second front on the war on terrorism. However, he argues in the paper that considering the chaotic security situation in the Middle East and South Asia, the Southeast Asian-based counter-terror projects of the United States are only temporal in nature and are deemed to be in a trend of being diverted to other more unstable regions of the world. The annual HPAIR National Conference is an avenue that aims to bring together undergraduate student leaders and some of the recognized names in business and politics today. -
2015Suspension 2008Registere
LIST OF SEC REGISTERED CORPORATIONS FY 2008 WHICH FAILED TO SUBMIT FS AND GIS FOR PERIOD 2009 TO 2013 Date SEC Number Company Name Registered 1 CN200808877 "CASTLESPRING ELDERLY & SENIOR CITIZEN ASSOCIATION (CESCA)," INC. 06/11/2008 2 CS200719335 "GO" GENERICS SUPERDRUG INC. 01/30/2008 3 CS200802980 "JUST US" INDUSTRIAL & CONSTRUCTION SERVICES INC. 02/28/2008 4 CN200812088 "KABAGANG" NI DOC LOUIE CHUA INC. 08/05/2008 5 CN200803880 #1-PROBINSYANG MAUNLAD SANDIGAN NG BAYAN (#1-PRO-MASA NG 03/12/2008 6 CN200831927 (CEAG) CARCAR EMERGENCY ASSISTANCE GROUP RESCUE UNIT, INC. 12/10/2008 CN200830435 (D'EXTRA TOURS) DO EXCEL XENOS TEAM RIDERS ASSOCIATION AND TRACK 11/11/2008 7 OVER UNITED ROADS OR SEAS INC. 8 CN200804630 (MAZBDA) MARAGONDONZAPOTE BUS DRIVERS ASSN. INC. 03/28/2008 9 CN200813013 *CASTULE URBAN POOR ASSOCIATION INC. 08/28/2008 10 CS200830445 1 MORE ENTERTAINMENT INC. 11/12/2008 11 CN200811216 1 TULONG AT AGAPAY SA KABATAAN INC. 07/17/2008 12 CN200815933 1004 SHALOM METHODIST CHURCH, INC. 10/10/2008 13 CS200804199 1129 GOLDEN BRIDGE INTL INC. 03/19/2008 14 CS200809641 12-STAR REALTY DEVELOPMENT CORP. 06/24/2008 15 CS200828395 138 YE SEN FA INC. 07/07/2008 16 CN200801915 13TH CLUB OF ANTIPOLO INC. 02/11/2008 17 CS200818390 1415 GROUP, INC. 11/25/2008 18 CN200805092 15 LUCKY STARS OFW ASSOCIATION INC. 04/04/2008 19 CS200807505 153 METALS & MINING CORP. 05/19/2008 20 CS200828236 168 CREDIT CORPORATION 06/05/2008 21 CS200812630 168 MEGASAVE TRADING CORP. 08/14/2008 22 CS200819056 168 TAXI CORP. -
Martial Law and the Realignment of Political Parties in the Philippines (September 1972-February 1986): with a Case in the Province of Batangas
Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 29, No.2, September 1991 Martial Law and the Realignment of Political Parties in the Philippines (September 1972-February 1986): With a Case in the Province of Batangas Masataka KIMURA* The imposition of martial lawS) by President Marcos In September 1972 I Introduction shattered Philippine democracy. The Since its independence, the Philippines country was placed under Marcos' au had been called the showcase of democracy thoritarian control until the revolution of in Asia, having acquired American political February 1986 which restored democracy. institutions. Similar to the United States, At the same time, the two-party system it had a two-party system. The two collapsed. The traditional political forces major parties, namely, the N acionalista lay dormant in the early years of martial Party (NP) and the Liberal Party (LP),1) rule when no elections were held. When had alternately captured state power elections were resumed in 1978, a single through elections, while other political dominant party called Kilusang Bagong parties had hardly played significant roles Lipunan (KBL) emerged as an admin in shaping the political course of the istration party under Marcos, while the country. 2) traditional opposition was fragmented which saw the proliferation of regional parties. * *MI§;q:, Asian Center, University of the Meantime, different non-traditional forces Philippines, Diliman, Quezon City, Metro Manila, such as those that operated underground the Philippines 1) The leadership of the two parties was composed and those that joined the protest movement, mainly of wealthy politicians from traditional which later snowballed after the Aquino elite families that had been entrenched in assassination in August 1983, emerged as provinces. -
Original ~ '·::;J,
ORIGINAL ~ '·::;J, .. ~ ?! , .. Republic of The Philippines ~ tda SUPREME COURT N ~ ,,. .II.' + :-·' ~-Ea En Banc .' .:..a:;...t;l"t".I > Manila a Q 0 JODY C. SALAS, ex rel Person "" Deprived of Liberty (POL) RODOLFO C. SALAS, SC G.R. SP PROC. No. Petitioner, 251693 -versus- JCINSP. LLOYD GONZAGA, FOR: HABEAS CORPUS AND Warden of the Manila City Jail ALL OTHER LEGAL AND Annex. EQUITABLE REMEDIES Respondent. Pc:-&T6D -··-- x-------------------------x AND '± COPIES EXTREMELY URGENT EXLPARTE MOTION FOR SPECIAL AND IMMEDIATE RAFFLE'tl\'Tt\ tDl\\10 Petitioner, by counsel, respectfully states: i. 1. On 20 February 2020, RTC Branch 32 of Manila (the "Manila RTC") issued an Order setting the case for arraignment and/ or pre-trial on 28 February 2020 at 8:30 in the morning until 4:30 in the afternoon of Mr. Rodolfo C. Salas on 28 February 2020 in People of the Philippines v. Jose Maria Sison, et.al. docketed as Criminal Cases Nos. 08-262163 (formerly H-1581) and 14-306533 -14-306546. 2. On 24 February 2020, herein Petitioner filed a Petition for the issuance of a writ of habeas coiyus dated 24 February 202Q. It includes a prayer for the immediate issuance of a Temporary Restraining Order (TRO) restraining the Manila RTC from proceeding with the arraignment and pre-trial scheduled on 28 February 2020. 3. Briefly, it is respectfully submitted that Petitioner's application for a TRO be immediately considered as the criminal 1 1 \C(lt ~-a~, AD AiJ proceeding for fifteen (15) counts of murder serves as an ongoing 4 violation of Mr. -
Armed Violence in Mindanao: Militia and Private Armies
July 2011 Armed Violence in Mindanao: Militia and private armies The Institute of Bangsamoro Studies and the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue The Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue (HD Centre) “Mediation for peace” The Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue (HD Centre) is an independent mediation organisation dedicated to helping improve the global response to armed conflict. It attempts to achieve this by mediating between warring parties and providing support to the broader mediation community. The HD Centre is driven by humanitarian values and its ultimate goal to reduce the consequences of violent conflict, improve security, and contribute to the peaceful resolution of conflict. It maintains a neutral stance towards the warring parties that it mediates between and, in order to maintain its impartiality it is funded by a variety of governments, private foundations and philanthropists. Cover images Front: A member of pro-government militia unit under the command of the AFP aims his World War II-era M-1 Garand rifle as he guards the perimeter of a village in Maguindanao on the eve of national and local elections on 10 May 2010. © Jason Gutierrez/IRIN Back: Close-up shot of 1000 peso featuring the banaue rice terraces. © Shutterstock images Supported by the MacArthur Foundation Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue 114, rue de Lausanne Geneva 1202 Switzerland t + 41 22 908 11 30 f +41 22 908 11 40 e [email protected] w www.hdcentre.org © Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue, 2011 July 2011 Armed Violence in Mindanao: Militia and Private Armies The Institute of Bangsamoro Studies and the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue Copyright and credits Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue 114, rue de Lausanne Geneva 1202 Switzerland t + 41 22 908 11 30 f +41 22 908 11 40 e [email protected] w www.hdcentre.org © Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue, 2011 Reproduction of all or part of this publication may be authorised only with written consent and acknowl- edgement of the source. -
FILIPINOS in HISTORY Published By
FILIPINOS in HISTORY Published by: NATIONAL HISTORICAL INSTITUTE T.M. Kalaw St., Ermita, Manila Philippines Research and Publications Division: REGINO P. PAULAR Acting Chief CARMINDA R. AREVALO Publication Officer Cover design by: Teodoro S. Atienza First Printing, 1990 Second Printing, 1996 ISBN NO. 971 — 538 — 003 — 4 (Hardbound) ISBN NO. 971 — 538 — 006 — 9 (Softbound) FILIPINOS in HIS TOR Y Volume II NATIONAL HISTORICAL INSTITUTE 1990 Republic of the Philippines Department of Education, Culture and Sports NATIONAL HISTORICAL INSTITUTE FIDEL V. RAMOS President Republic of the Philippines RICARDO T. GLORIA Secretary of Education, Culture and Sports SERAFIN D. QUIASON Chairman and Executive Director ONOFRE D. CORPUZ MARCELINO A. FORONDA Member Member SAMUEL K. TAN HELEN R. TUBANGUI Member Member GABRIEL S. CASAL Ex-OfficioMember EMELITA V. ALMOSARA Deputy Executive/Director III REGINO P. PAULAR AVELINA M. CASTA/CIEDA Acting Chief, Research and Chief, Historical Publications Division Education Division REYNALDO A. INOVERO NIMFA R. MARAVILLA Chief, Historic Acting Chief, Monuments and Preservation Division Heraldry Division JULIETA M. DIZON RHODORA C. INONCILLO Administrative Officer V Auditor This is the second of the volumes of Filipinos in History, a com- pilation of biographies of noted Filipinos whose lives, works, deeds and contributions to the historical development of our country have left lasting influences and inspirations to the present and future generations of Filipinos. NATIONAL HISTORICAL INSTITUTE 1990 MGA ULIRANG PILIPINO TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Lianera, Mariano 1 Llorente, Julio 4 Lopez Jaena, Graciano 5 Lukban, Justo 9 Lukban, Vicente 12 Luna, Antonio 15 Luna, Juan 19 Mabini, Apolinario 23 Magbanua, Pascual 25 Magbanua, Teresa 27 Magsaysay, Ramon 29 Makabulos, Francisco S 31 Malabanan, Valerio 35 Malvar, Miguel 36 Mapa, Victorino M. -
Title Martial Law and Realignment of Political Parties in the Philippines
Martial Law and Realignment of Political Parties in the Title Philippines(September 1972-February 1986): With a Case in the Province of Batangas Author(s) Kimura, Masataka Citation 東南アジア研究 (1991), 29(2): 205-226 Issue Date 1991-09 URL http://hdl.handle.net/2433/56443 Right Type Departmental Bulletin Paper Textversion publisher Kyoto University Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 29, No.2, September 1991 Martial Law and the Realignment of Political Parties in the Philippines (September 1972-February 1986): With a Case in the Province of Batangas Masataka KIMURA* The imposition of martial lawS) by President Marcos In September 1972 I Introduction shattered Philippine democracy. The Since its independence, the Philippines country was placed under Marcos' au had been called the showcase of democracy thoritarian control until the revolution of in Asia, having acquired American political February 1986 which restored democracy. institutions. Similar to the United States, At the same time, the two-party system it had a two-party system. The two collapsed. The traditional political forces major parties, namely, the N acionalista lay dormant in the early years of martial Party (NP) and the Liberal Party (LP),1) rule when no elections were held. When had alternately captured state power elections were resumed in 1978, a single through elections, while other political dominant party called Kilusang Bagong parties had hardly played significant roles Lipunan (KBL) emerged as an admin in shaping the political course of the istration party under Marcos, -
VI Manuel Roxas Y Acuña (1892-1948)
Revista Filipina • Primavera 2016 • Vol. 3, Número 1 VI MANUEL ROXAS Y ACUÑA (1892-1948) 6. MANUEL ROXAS Y ACUÑA (1892-1948) L PRIMER PRESIDENTE DE LA EPÚBLICA EL PRIMER PRESIDENTEE DE LA III REPÚBLICA III R Manuel Roxas y Acuña nació a principios de 1892 en la provincia de Cápiz, Isla de Panay, Visayas. Su padre Gerardo Roxas era mestizo de español que, según lo que se contaba en la ciudad de Cápiz (hoy rebautizada Roxas), murió en un duelo, por el que el cura párroco de su pueblo se resistió en darle un funeral católico. Se habló además de que era miembro de la masonería norteamericana, detalle que era de la displicencia de sus compoblanos que, todavía, se adherían a la soberanía de la Primera República de Filipinas. Su enviudada madre, Rosario Acuña, heredera de una familia más o menos acomodada, se cuidó en educarle con esmero, juntamente con sus dos otros hermanos, Mamerto y Margarita. Manuel estudio en la Universidad de Manila, fundada por el maestro y músico Don Mariano Jocson, recordado como el autor del “Himno filipino al idioma español”. Allí mejoró su conocimiento del idioma castellano. Pero el joven Manuel Roxas se matriculó en el Colegio de Derecho de la Universidad de Filipinas, o la University of the Philippines fundada en 1908 por los americanos para competir con la vieja Universidad de Santo Tomás. Allí se educó en inglés graduándose en 1913. Pasó el examen de abogados en ese mismo año llevándose los más altos honores. De allí su ambición fue hacerse político. En 1921 sus conexiones con los neocolonialistas norteamericanos le hicieron ganar un escaño en la Cámara de Representantes de Filipinas, donde se le eligió portavoz o Presidente de la misma. -
PHILIPPINES Political Killings, Human Rights and the Peace Process
Philippines: Political Killings, Human Rights and the Peace Process - Amnesty Internatio... Page 1 of 34 Previous PHILIPPINES Political Killings, Human Rights and the Peace Process 1. Introduction Over recent years reports of an increased number of killings of political activists, predominately those associated with leftist or left-orientated groups,(1) have caused increasing concern in the Philippines(2) and internationally.(3) The attacks, mostly carried out by unidentified men who shoot the victims before escaping on motorcycles, have very rarely led to the arrest, prosecution and punishment of those responsible. Amnesty International believes that the killings constitute a pattern and that a continuing failure to deliver justice to the victims represents a failure by the Government of the Philippines to fulfil its obligation to protect the right to life of every individual in its jurisdiction. The organisation is also concerned that the killings have played a major role in the break-down of a protracted peace process and an accompanying human rights agreement, between the government and the National Democratic Front (NDF), representing the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and its armed wing, the New People’s Army (NPA). The common features in the methodology of the attacks, leftist profile of the victims, and an apparent culture of impunity(4) shielding the perpetrators, has led Amnesty International to believe that the killings are not an unconnected series of criminal murders, armed robberies or other unlawful killings. Rather they constitute a pattern of politically targeted extrajudicial executions(5) taking place within the broader context of a continuing counter-insurgency campaign. -
Nationalist China in the Postcolonial Philippines: Diasporic Anticommunism, Shared Sovereignty, and Ideological Chineseness, 1945-1970S
Nationalist China in the Postcolonial Philippines: Diasporic Anticommunism, Shared Sovereignty, and Ideological Chineseness, 1945-1970s Chien Wen Kung Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2018 © 2018 Chien Wen Kung All rights reserved ABSTRACT Nationalist China in the Postcolonial Philippines: Diasporic Anticommunism, Shared Sovereignty, and Ideological Chineseness, 1945-1970s Chien Wen Kung This dissertation explains how the Republic of China (ROC), overseas Chinese (huaqiao), and the Philippines, sometimes but not always working with each other, produced and opposed the threat of Chinese communism from the end of World War II to the mid-1970s. It is not a history of US- led anticommunist efforts with respect to the Chinese diaspora, but rather an intra-Asian social and cultural history of anticommunism and nation-building that liberates two close US allies from US- centric historiographies and juxtaposes them with each other and the huaqiao community that they claimed. Three principal arguments flow from this focus on intra-Asian anticommunism. First, I challenge narrowly territorialized understandings of Chinese nationalism by arguing that Taiwan engaged in diasporic nation-building in the Philippines. Whether by helping the Philippine military identify Chinese communists or by mobilizing Philippine huaqiao in support of Taiwan, the ROC carved out a semi-sovereign sphere of influence for itself within a foreign country. It did so through institutions such as schools, the Kuomintang (KMT), and the Philippine-Chinese Anti-Communist League, which functioned transnationally and locally to embed the ROC into Chinese society and connect huaqiao to Taiwan.