Armed Violence in Mindanao: Militia and Private Armies
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Reflections on Agoncilloʼs the Revolt of the Masses and the Politics of History
Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 49, No. 3, December 2011 Reflections on Agoncilloʼs The Revolt of the Masses and the Politics of History Reynaldo C. ILETO* Abstract Teodoro Agoncilloʼs classic work on Andres Bonifacio and the Katipunan revolt of 1896 is framed by the tumultuous events of the 1940s such as the Japanese occupation, nominal independence in 1943, Liberation, independence from the United States, and the onset of the Cold War. Was independence in 1946 really a culmination of the revolution of 1896? Was the revolution spearheaded by the Communist-led Huk movement legitimate? Agoncilloʼs book was written in 1947 in order to hook the present onto the past. The 1890s themes of exploitation and betrayal by the propertied class, the rise of a plebeian leader, and the revolt of the masses against Spain, are implicitly being played out in the late 1940s. The politics of hooking the present onto past events and heroic figures led to the prize-winning manuscriptʼs suppression from 1948 to 1955. Finally seeing print in 1956, it provided a novel and timely reading of Bonifacio at a time when Rizalʼs legacy was being debated in the Senate and as the Church hierarchy, priests, intellectuals, students, and even general public were getting caught up in heated controversies over national heroes. The circumstances of how Agoncilloʼs work came to the attention of the author in the 1960s are also discussed. Keywords: Philippine Revolution, Andres Bonifacio, Katipunan society, Cold War, Japanese occupation, Huk rebellion, Teodoro Agoncillo, Oliver Wolters Teodoro Agoncilloʼs The Revolt of the Masses: The Story of Bonifacio and the Katipunan is one of the most influential books on Philippine history. -
The Bangsamoro Peace Process and Peacebuilding in Mindanao: Implications to Philippine Studies and National Development
Khazar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Volume 19, Number 3, 2016 The Bangsamoro Peace Process and Peacebuilding in Mindanao: Implications to Philippine Studies and National Development Juvanni A. Caballero Mindanao State University – Iligan Institute of Technology, Philippines Mark Anthony J. Torres Mindanao State University – Iligan Institute of Technology, Philippines INTRODUCTION As early as 1931, Moro leaders who were in favor of Moro integration into the Philippine body politichad already expressed their concerns on the marginalization of Mindanao and its native inhabitants. Datu Ibra, then representative of Lanao to the Philippine Legislature once said in his privilege speech: A nation is like a human body. To be healthy, all its parts must be healthy. A man cannot be said to be healthy because his arms are strong provided his feet are weak… A beautiful Manila does not constitute a beautiful Philippines, and so we ask you to pay more serious attention to the problems of the south, which in progress is far behind the north.1 The above speech of Datu Ibra gives us a lot of insights. First, it reminds us that the Philippines cannot be complete without Mindanao. Hence, if we talk about Philippine development, Mindanao cannot be detached from it. Second, the speech reminds us that the problem in Mindanao is a Philippine problem. Thus, people from other parts of the country should not say: “Mindanao is too far from us” or “The problem in Mindanao is not our problem”. After all, the war efforts to contain “Moro rebellion” are financed by Filipino taxpayers; Soldiers recruited to fight the Moro “rebels” often come from other regions of the Philippines; and Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) from Mindanao migrate to overcrowded cities in Luzon and Visayas. -
Taking Peace Into Their Own Hands
Taking Peace into An External Evaluation of the Tumikang Sama Sama of Sulu, Philippinestheir own Hands August 2012 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue (HD Centre) would like to thank the author of this report, Marides Gardiola, for spending time in Sulu with our local partners and helping us capture the hidden narratives of their triumphs and challenges at mediating clan confl icts. The HD Centre would also like to thank those who have contributed to this evaluation during the focused group discussions and interviews in Zamboanga and Sulu. Our gratitude also goes to Mary Louise Castillo who edited the report, Merlie B. Mendoza for interviewing and writing the profi le of the 5 women mediators featured here, and most especially to the Delegation of the European Union in the Philippines, headed by His Excellency Ambassador Guy Ledoux, for believing in the power of local suluanons in resolving their own confl icts. Lastly, our admiration goes to the Tausugs for believing in the transformative power of dialogue. DISCLAIMER This publication is based on the independent evaluation commissioned by the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue with funding support from the Delegation of the European Union in the Philippines. The claims and assertions in the report are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily refl ect the offi cial position of the HD Centre nor of the Eurpean Union. COVER “Taking Peace Into Their Own Hands” expresses how people in the midst of confl ict have taken it upon themselves to transform their situation and usher in relative peace. The cover photo captures the culmination of the mediation process facilitated by the Tumikang Sama Sama along with its partners from the Provincial Government, the Municipal Governments of Panglima Estino and Kalinggalan Caluang, the police and the Marines. -
Abdullah Ahmad Badawi 158 Abidjan 14, 251, 253-5, 257, 261, 274
Index Abdullah Ahmad Badawi 158 Association of Southeast Asian Nations Abidjan 14, 251, 253-5, 257, 261, 274-6, (ASEAN) 161 281, 283 Aung San 149 Abuja 249 Australia 30, 70 Accra 241 Ayal, Eliezer 82, 91-2 Aceh 70-1, 137, 140-2, 144, 146, 151-3, 162 Badan Pertanahan Nasional 226 Achebe, Chinua 8, 9, 25 Balante 179 African National Congress 255 Bali 148, 153 Aguinaldo, Emilio 168 Balkans 153 Aguman ding Malding Talapagobra Bamako 276 (General Workers Union) 173-4 Bandung 228 Ahonsi, Babatunde 250 Bangkok 72-3 Alatas, Syed Hussein 76 Bankimchandra 191 Albay 171 Bank Negara Indonesia 128 Albertini, Rudolf von 27 Bankoff, Greg 3 Alexander, Jennifer 84 Bank (of) Indonesia 127-30 Alexander, Paul 84 Banten 70-1 Algeria 27, 32, 41-4, 48, 59, 61, 242, 244-7 Barisan Nasional 154-5, 157-9 Algiers 32, 242, 246-7 Barisan Sosialis 159 Ali Wardhana 129 Batavia 32, 71-2, 125, 228, 230 All Burma Volunteers 144 Bédié, Henri Konan 253 Alliance (Malaya) 94, 154-5, 157, 159 Bedner, Adriaan 226 Ambon, Ambonese 143, 148, 227 Beijing 157 American see United States Belgium 40, 116, 242, 247, 271 Amin, Samir 29 Ben Bella, Ahmed 246 Amsterdam 27 Bengal, Bengali 9, 191-2, 196-7 Anderson, Benedict 13 Bénin 252, 276 Angola 243 Benteng programme 93, 97 Ang Uliran 178 Beti, Mongo 12 Annam 81 Betts, Raymond 2 Anspach, Ralph 93, 109, 125 Bobo-Dioulassou 276 Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League Boeke, J.H. 75-6, 83 149 Bogaerts, Els 2 Anwar Ibrahim 158 Bollywood 206 Aquino, Cory 100 Bombay 14, 32, 198-203, 205-6 Arab 71, 246 Bombay Municipal Corporation 200 Arabic 10, 140 Bonifacio, Andres 168 Araneta, Salvador 119 Booth, Anne 3 Ardener, Shirley 169 Borneo see Kalimantan Arusha 281 Botha, Louis 35 Ashcroft, Bill 30 Botswana 254 Ashley, S.D. -
The Philippines: Dismantling Rebel Groups
The Philippines: Dismantling Rebel Groups Asia Report N°248 | 19 June 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Rethinking Assistance to Former Rebels ......................................................................... 4 A. The Cautionary Tale of the MNLF ............................................................................. 4 B. The Dubious Legacy of Buybacks .............................................................................. 5 III. The Cordillera: Trial and Error ........................................................................................ 8 A. The History of the Conflict ........................................................................................ 8 B. The July 2011 Closure Agreement ............................................................................. 11 1. The many faces of the CPLA ................................................................................. 11 2. Terms ................................................................................................................... -
Comparative Connections a Triannual E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations
Comparative Connections A Triannual E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations US-Southeast Asia Relations: Philippines – An Exemplar of the US Rebalance Sheldon Simon Arizona State University The Philippines under President Benigno Aquino III has linked its military modernization and overall external defense to the US rebalance. Washington has raised its annual military assistance by two-thirds to $50 million and is providing surplus military equipment. To further cement the relationship, Philippine and US defense officials announced that the two countries would negotiate a new “framework agreement” under the 1951 Mutual Defense Treaty providing for greater access by US forces to Philippine bases and the positioning of equipment at these facilities. Washington is also stepping up participation in ASEAN-based security organizations, sending forces in June to an 18-nation ASEAN Defense Ministers Plus exercise covering military medicine and humanitarian assistance in Brunei. A July visit to Washington by Vietnam’s President Truong Tan Sang resulted in a US-Vietnam Comprehensive Partnership, actually seen as a step below the Strategic Partnerships Hanoi has negotiated with several other countries. Myanmar’s president came to Washington in May, the first visit by the country’s head of state since 1966. An economic agreement was the chief deliverable. While President Obama praised Myanmar’s democratic progress, he also expressed concern about increased sectarian violence that the government seems unable (or unwilling) to bring under control. The rebalance and the Philippines While the Obama administration’s foreign and defense policies’ rebalance to Asia is portrayed as a “whole of government” endeavor, involving civilian as well as security agencies, its military components have received the most attention, especially in Southeast Asia. -
Hiv/Aids & Art Registry of The
Department of Health | Epidemiology Bureau HIV/AIDS & ART REGISTRY OF THE PHILIPPINES Average number of people newly diagnosed with HIV per day, selected years 2011 2014 2016 2019 2020 6 16 25 35 21 NEWLY DIAGNOSED HIV CASES From April to June 2020, there were 934 newly confirmed Fig. 1: Number of newly diagnosed cases per month, 2018-2020 HIV-positive individuals reported to the HIV/AIDS & ART 1,400 Registry of the Philippines (HARP) [Figure 1]. Twenty-nine percent (268) had clinical manifestations of advanced HIV 1,200 a infection at the time of testing [Table 1]. 1,000 Ninety-four percent (874) of the newly diagnosed were 800 male. The median age was 28 years old (age range: 1-67 years old). Almost half of the cases (48%, 446) were 25-34 600 years old and 28% (259) were 15-24 years old at the time of diagnosis. 400 200 More than a third (37%, 349) were from the National Capital Region (NCR). Region 4A (21%, 194), Region 3 0 Number of newlydiagnosedNumberof HIV cases Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec (19%, 176), Region 12 (7%, 63), and Region 11 (5%, 43) 2018 1,021 871 914 924 950 993 859 1,047 954 1,072 945 877 comprised the top five regions with the most number of 2019 1,249 1,013 1,172 840 1,092 1,006 1,111 1,228 1,038 1,147 1,062 820 newly diagnosed cases for this reporting period, together 2020 1,039 1,227 552 257 187 490 accounting for 89% of the total cases [Figure 2]. -
In Camarines
2012 KARAPATAN YEAR-END REPORT ON THE HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION IN THE PHILIPPINES Cover Design: Tom Estrera III Photo Credits: arkibongbayan.org | bulatlat.com pinoyweekly.org | karapatan.org | Panalipdan KARAPATAN Alliance for the Advancement of People’s Rights 2/F Erythrina Bldg., #1 Maaralin corner Matatag Sts., Barangay Central, Diliman, Quezon City 1100 Philippines Telefax +63 2 4354146 [email protected] | www.karapatan.org CONTENTS 1 Karapatan’s 2012 Human Rights Report 32 The Long Trek to Safety 34 From Ampatuan to Arakan, to Tampakan: Continuing Impunity in Mindanao 44 Imprints of Violence: Shattered Lives and Disrupted Childhood 50 The CCT Con 52 Acronyms Karapatan’s 2012 Human Rights Report he almost complete unmasking to the public of a pretentious rule marks the second Tyear of Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino’s presidency. Despite supposedly improving economic statistics, the majority of the people are still mired in poverty reeling from high prices of basic commodities and services, unemployment, unlivable wages, sham land reform, inadequate housing and so on. Even its much touted campaign against poverty is under question as more cases of corruption by people from the Aquino administration surface. No hope can be pinned on this president whose government fails to lighten and instead adds to the burden that the people, especially from the basic sectors, endure. Noynoy Aquino’s reckless implementation of privatization, liberalization, deregulation and denationalization, all earmarks of neoliberal globalization, proves his puppetry to U.S. imperialism. Just like Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, Aquino has been anointed to be the U.S. lackey in Asia especially in its current “pivot to Asia-Pacific.” In exchange for Obama’s pat on the head and American military aid, Malacanang welcomes stronger U.S. -
Chapter V Buayan to General Santos: More Than Just Physical Change
CHAPTER V BUAYAN TO GENERAL SANTOS: MORE THAN JUST PHYSICAL CHANGE This chapter deals with the post-war changes of the settlement area of Koronadal Valley found in the Municipal District of Buayan until it became a city two decades after the end of World War II . Discussed in the early part is the initial phase of recovery made difficult by NLSA’s failure to provide leadership during these difficult times and a calamity of unbelievable proportion which befell Cotabato province lasting for almost a decade. Amidst the challenges of the post-war period, Buayan, propelled by its inherent geographic advantage and the established pattern of peaceful interaction between the Christian settlers and the original inhabitants, was able to recover sufficiently to start the process of qualitative growth and development. Nonetheless, the continuous pouring in of Christian settlers into the area led to the transformation of the hitherto extension of the Magindanao world into a predominantly Christian territory. While generally peaceful, any change is usually accompanied by tension. But as of the sixties, land conflicts, bombings, kidnappings, and the like that characterize 21st century reality were not part as yet of the Mindanao horizon. In the South Cotabato world, the period after the war until 1967 was characterized by optimism expressed by the term "boom-town-in-the-making." Such upbeat tempo of the former Buayan was the mode of the day despite the tremendous difficulties faced by the inhabitants of the area immediately after the war. A. Buayan : Intrigues, “Daga, Balang,at iba pa”, 1946 - 1954 The post liberation period found Koronadal Valley in shambles just like the rest of the country. -
Philippines (2010)
Page 1 of 9 Print Freedom in the World - Philippines (2010) Political Rights Score: 4 * Capital: Manila Civil Liberties Score: 3 * Status: Partly Free Population: 92,227,000 Trend Arrow The Philippines received a downward trend arrow due to a general decline in the rule of law in the greater Mindanao region, and specifically the massacre of 57 civilians on their way to register a candidate for upcoming elections. Overview Political maneuvering escalated in 2009 as potential candidates prepared for the 2010 presidential election. Meanwhile, the administration remained unsuccessful in its long-standing efforts to amend the constitution and resolve the country’s Muslim and leftist insurgencies. In November, President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo declared martial law in the southern province of Maguindanao after 57 people were massacred in an apparent bid by the area’s dominant clan to prevent the electoral registration of a rival candidate. After centuries of Spanish rule, the Philippines came under U.S. control in 1898 and won independence in 1946. The country has been plagued by insurgencies, economic mismanagement, and widespread corruption since the 1960s. In 1986, a popular protest movement ended the 14-year dictatorship of President Ferdinand Marcos and replaced him with Corazon Aquino, whom the regime had cheated out of an electoral victory weeks earlier. Aquino’s administration ultimately failed to implement substantial reforms and was unable to dislodge entrenched social and economic elites. Fidel Ramos, a key figure in the 1986 protests, won the 1992 presidential election. The country was relatively stable and experienced significant if uneven economic growth under his administration. -
Patterns of Global Terrorism 1999
U.S. Department of State, April 2000 Introduction The US Government continues its commitment to use all tools necessary—including international diplomacy, law enforcement, intelligence collection and sharing, and military force—to counter current terrorist threats and hold terrorists accountable for past actions. Terrorists seek refuge in “swamps” where government control is weak or governments are sympathetic. We seek to drain these swamps. Through international and domestic legislation and strengthened law enforcement, the United States seeks to limit the room in which terrorists can move, plan, raise funds, and operate. Our goal is to eliminate terrorist safehavens, dry up their sources of revenue, break up their cells, disrupt their movements, and criminalize their behavior. We work closely with other countries to increase international political will to limit all aspects of terrorists’ efforts. US counterterrorist policies are tailored to combat what we believe to be the shifting trends in terrorism. One trend is the shift from well-organized, localized groups supported by state sponsors to loosely organized, international networks of terrorists. Such a network supported the failed attempt to smuggle explosives material and detonating devices into Seattle in December. With the decrease of state funding, these loosely networked individuals and groups have turned increasingly to other sources of funding, including private sponsorship, narcotrafficking, crime, and illegal trade. This shift parallels a change from primarily politically motivated terrorism to terrorism that is more religiously or ideologically motivated. Another trend is the shift eastward of the locus of terrorism from the Middle East to South Asia, specifically Afghanistan. As most Middle Eastern governments have strengthened their counterterrorist response, terrorists and their organizations have sought safehaven in areas where they can operate with impunity. -
Philippines – Electoral Security Assessment
Philippines Electoral Security Assessment – Final Report July 2012 The Philippines Electoral Security Framework Electoral Security Assessment Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... 2 Introduction ................................................................................................................................... 11 I. Electoral Security Assessment ................................................................................................... 12 A. Contextual Analysis ..................................................................................................12 B. Historical Conflict .....................................................................................................21 C. Stakeholder Analysis .................................................................................................26 II. Electoral Security Planning ........................................................................................................ 35 III. Electoral Security Programming ............................................................................................... 40 IV. Monitoring and Evaluation ...................................................................................................... 45 V. Conclusion .................................................................................................................................. 49 Annexes Annex I – Schedule of Meetings Annex II