Countering Violent Extremism in the Philippines
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Philippine Election ; PDF Copied from The
Senatorial Candidates’ Matrices Philippine Election 2010 Name: Nereus “Neric” O. Acosta Jr. Political Party: Liberal Party Agenda Public Service Professional Record Four Pillar Platform: Environment Representative, 1st District of Bukidnon – 1998-2001, 2001-2004, Livelihood 2004-2007 Justice Provincial Board Member, Bukidnon – 1995-1998 Peace Project Director, Bukidnon Integrated Network of Home Industries, Inc. (BINHI) – 1995 seek more decentralization of power and resources to local Staff Researcher, Committee on International Economic Policy of communities and governments (with corresponding performance Representative Ramon Bagatsing – 1989 audits and accountability mechanisms) Academician, Political Scientist greater fiscal discipline in the management and utilization of resources (budget reform, bureaucratic streamlining for prioritization and improved efficiencies) more effective delivery of basic services by agencies of government. Website: www.nericacosta2010.com TRACK RECORD On Asset Reform and CARPER -supports the claims of the Sumilao farmers to their right to the land under the agrarian reform program -was Project Director of BINHI, a rural development NGO, specifically its project on Grameen Banking or microcredit and livelihood assistance programs for poor women in the Bukidnon countryside called the On Social Services and Safety Barangay Unified Livelihood Investments through Grameen Banking or BULIG Nets -to date, the BULIG project has grown to serve over 7,000 women in 150 barangays or villages in Bukidnon, -
Military Law Max Schoetz Jr
Marquette Law Review Volume 3 Article 5 Issue 1 Volume 3, Issue 1 (1918) Military Law Max Schoetz Jr. Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/mulr Part of the Law Commons Repository Citation Max Schoetz Jr., Military Law, 3 Marq. L. Rev. 26 (1918). Available at: http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/mulr/vol3/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Marquette Law Review by an authorized administrator of Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. MILITARY LAW MAX SCHOETZ, JR., B.A., L.L.B., DEAN MARQUETTE UNIVERSITY COLLEGE Ov LAW, PROFESSOR OV MILITARY LAW S. A. T. C. Military Law' is a well defined branch of jurisprudence. It is the body of rules and regulations that have been prescribed for the government of the army and navy and for the militia when called into active service. It applies to and includes such rules of action and conduct as are imposed by a state upon persons in its military service with a view to the establishment and mainte- nance of military discipline. It is distinguished from martial law in that (I) military law applies only to persons in the land and naval forces while martial law applies to all persons and property within the district subject to it. (2) Military law is a permanent code applicable alike in peace and war while martial law is only temporary and ceases with the necessity which brought it into existence. -
Extremists on the Left and Right Use Angry, Negative Language
PSPXXX10.1177/0146167218809705Personality and Social Psychology BulletinFrimer et al. 809705research-article2018 Empirical Research Paper Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin Extremists on the Left and Right 1 –16 © 2018 by the Society for Personality and Social Psychology, Inc Use Angry, Negative Language Article reuse guidelines: sagepub.com/journals-permissions DOI:https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167218809705 10.1177/0146167218809705 journals.sagepub.com/home/pspb Jeremy A. Frimer1 , Mark J. Brandt2 , Zachary Melton3, and Matt Motyl3 Abstract We propose that political extremists use more negative language than moderates. Previous research found that conservatives report feeling happier than liberals and yet liberals “display greater happiness” in their language than do conservatives. However, some of the previous studies relied on questionable measures of political orientation and affective language, and no studies have examined whether political orientation and affective language are nonlinearly related. Revisiting the same contexts (Twitter, U.S. Congress), and adding three new ones (political organizations, news media, crowdsourced Americans), we found that the language of liberal and conservative extremists was more negative and angry in its emotional tone than that of moderates. Contrary to previous research, we found that liberal extremists’ language was more negative than that of conservative extremists. Additional analyses supported the explanation that extremists feel threatened by the activities of political rivals, and their angry, negative language represents efforts to communicate as much to others. Keywords language, anger, extremism, liberals and conservatives, threat, happiness Received February 27, 2018; revision accepted October 1, 2018 For too many of our citizens, a different reality exists: extremists—on both the political left and right—use more Mothers and children trapped in poverty in our inner cities; negative language than moderates. -
The Maute Group: New Vanguard of IS in Southeast Asia?
www.rsis.edu.sg No. 107 – 31 May 2017 RSIS Commentary is a platform to provide timely and, where appropriate, policy-relevant commentary and analysis of topical issues and contemporary developments. The views of the authors are their own and do not represent the official position of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, NTU. These commentaries may be reproduced electronically or in print with prior permission from RSIS and due recognition to the author(s) and RSIS. Please email: [email protected] for feedback to the Editor RSIS Commentary, Yang Razali Kassim. The Maute Group: New Vanguard of IS in Southeast Asia? By Joseph Franco Synopsis Skirmishes in the southern Philippine city of Marawi highlight the emergence of the Maute Group (MG) as a potential new magnet for other IS-inspired militants in Mindanao. Manila must act swiftly to contain and defeat IS-inspired militants in central Mindanao lest a protracted conflict increases Mindanao’s attractiveness as a hub for foreign terrorist fighters. Commentary ON 23 MAY 2017, security forces attempted to arrest Isnilon Hapilon who was allegedly recovering from injuries sustained in a previous battle with the Philippine military. Hapilon was recognised by Dabiq, the online magazine of Islamic State (IS), as the “emir” or leader of an Islamic State “division” since October 2014 but stopped short of designating him as a “wali” (governor) of a wilayah (province). What was intended as a short raid degenerated into a series of skirmishes in the city centre. Fighters from the MG, Isnilon’s Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) faction, and other armed gangs coalesced into an ad hoc combat unit to resist the Philippine security forces. -
In Camarines
2012 KARAPATAN YEAR-END REPORT ON THE HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION IN THE PHILIPPINES Cover Design: Tom Estrera III Photo Credits: arkibongbayan.org | bulatlat.com pinoyweekly.org | karapatan.org | Panalipdan KARAPATAN Alliance for the Advancement of People’s Rights 2/F Erythrina Bldg., #1 Maaralin corner Matatag Sts., Barangay Central, Diliman, Quezon City 1100 Philippines Telefax +63 2 4354146 [email protected] | www.karapatan.org CONTENTS 1 Karapatan’s 2012 Human Rights Report 32 The Long Trek to Safety 34 From Ampatuan to Arakan, to Tampakan: Continuing Impunity in Mindanao 44 Imprints of Violence: Shattered Lives and Disrupted Childhood 50 The CCT Con 52 Acronyms Karapatan’s 2012 Human Rights Report he almost complete unmasking to the public of a pretentious rule marks the second Tyear of Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino’s presidency. Despite supposedly improving economic statistics, the majority of the people are still mired in poverty reeling from high prices of basic commodities and services, unemployment, unlivable wages, sham land reform, inadequate housing and so on. Even its much touted campaign against poverty is under question as more cases of corruption by people from the Aquino administration surface. No hope can be pinned on this president whose government fails to lighten and instead adds to the burden that the people, especially from the basic sectors, endure. Noynoy Aquino’s reckless implementation of privatization, liberalization, deregulation and denationalization, all earmarks of neoliberal globalization, proves his puppetry to U.S. imperialism. Just like Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, Aquino has been anointed to be the U.S. lackey in Asia especially in its current “pivot to Asia-Pacific.” In exchange for Obama’s pat on the head and American military aid, Malacanang welcomes stronger U.S. -
Facebook and Violent Extremism Awareness Brief
Facebook and Violent Extremism Understanding Facebook legitimate reasons, violent extremists, gangs, and terrorist groups also have a significant With more than 1 billion users, Facebook is presence and following on Facebook.1 The one of the most popular social networking following identifies the ways domestic and sites. After users create a personal profile or international extremists of all persuasions use organization page and add photos, contact Facebook to promote violence: information, and additional information, they can search for people with similar interests, Recruitment create networks of “friends,” communicate by sending private messages or posting Facebook provides violent extremists with a comments on another user’s wall, “like” pages vast recruiting ground. In the United States of organizations and join “groups” with other alone, 67 percent of all Internet users have a users who share similar interests, and post and Facebook profile, and the percentages are even share content created on Facebook or linked to higher for youth and young adults. Moreover, another website. Facebook is one of the top three websites visited by people under the age of 18.2 How Extremists Use Facebook Extremists take advantage of the fact that parents and law enforcement often are not Although individuals and organizations aware of the dangers that could be present worldwide use Facebook for a variety of when a young person spends large amounts AWARENESS BRIEF 2 AWARENESS BRIEF of time on Facebook. Extremist individuals bring propaganda to a wider audience and and organizations use this viewing potential to serve as a gateway to other extremist websites create lines of communication, enabling them where more radical content is available. -
Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses
Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses www.rsis.edu.sg ISSN 2382-6444 | Volume 10, Issue 9 | September 2018 A JOURNAL OF THE INTERNATIONAL CENTRE FOR POLITICAL VIOLENCE AND TERRORISM RESEARCH (CTR) The Lamitan Bombing and Terrorist Threat in the Philippines Rommel C. Banlaoi Crime-Terror Nexus in Southeast Asia Bilveer Singh India and the Crime-Terrorism Nexus Ramesh Balakrishnan Crime -Terror Nexus in Pakistan Farhan Zahid Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses Volume 9, Issue 4 | April 2017 1 Building a Global Network for Security Editorial Note Terrorist Threat in the Philippines and the Crime-Terror Nexus In light of the recent Lamitan bombing in the detailing the Siege of Marawi. The Lamitan Southern Philippines in July 2018, this issue bombing symbolises the continued ideological highlights the changing terrorist threat in the and physical threat of IS to the Philippines, Philippines. This issue then focuses, on the despite the group’s physical defeat in Marawi crime-terror nexus as a key factor facilitating in 2017. The author contends that the counter- and promoting financial sources for terrorist terrorism bodies can defeat IS only through groups, while observing case studies in accepting the group’s presence and hold in the Southeast Asia (Philippines) and South Asia southern region of the country. (India and Pakistan). The symbiotic Wrelationship and cooperation between terrorist Bilveer Singh broadly observes the nature groups and criminal organisations is critical to of the crime-terror nexus in Southeast Asia, the existence and functioning of the former, and analyses the Abu Sayyaf Group’s (ASG) despite different ideological goals and sources of finance in the Philippines. -
Terrorism and Human Rights in the Philippines Fighting Terror Or Terrorizing?
Report International Fact-finding Mission in cooperation with the Philippine Alliance of Human Rights Advocates (PAHRA) and the International Rehabilitation Council for Torture Victims (IRCT) Terrorism and Human Rights in the Philippines Fighting Terror or Terrorizing? Introduction Part I. The fight against terrorism in the Philippines 1.1. General context 1.2. The communists 1.3. The Muslim secessionists: MNLF and MILF 1.4. Abu Sayyaf, Jemaah Islamiyah and Rajah Solaiman Movement 1.5. The Government of the Philippines 1.6. The Armed Forces of the Philippines 1.7. The USA Part II. Legal framework 2.1. Human rights framework 2.2. Anti-terrorism legal framework Part III. Main violations perpetrated in the framework of the fight against terrorism 3.1. Torture 3.2. Enforced disappearances 3.3. Arrest without a warrant 3.4. Conditions and length of pre-trial detention 3.5. Selected cases of human rights violations Part IV. Conclusion and recommendations Annexes April 2008 - N°493/2 The State recognizes that the fight against terrorism requires a comprehensive approach, comprising political, economic, diplomatic, military and legal means duly taking into account the root causes of terrorism without acknowledging these as justifications for terrorist and/or criminal activities. (…) the exercise of the constitutionally recognized powers of the executive department of the government shall not prejudice respect for human rights which shall be absolute and protected at all times. Philippine “Human Security Act,” 2007, Section 2 Terrorism and Human Rights in the Philippines Fighting Terror or Terrorizing? TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction ... .......................... ... ... ....... ........... ............. 5 Part I: The fight against terrorism in the Philippines . -
The Jihadi Industry: Assessing the Organizational, Leadership And
The Jihadi Industry: Assessing the Organizational, Leadership, and Cyber Profiles Report to the Office of University Programs, Science and Technology Directorate, U.S. Department of Homeland Security July 2017 National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism A Department of Homeland Security Science and Technology Center of Excellence Led by the University of Maryland 8400 Baltimore Ave., Suite 250 • College Park, MD 20742 • 301.405.6600 www.start.umd.edu National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism A Department of Homeland Security Science and Technology Center of Excellence About This Report The authors of this report are Gina Ligon, Michael Logan, Margeret Hall, Douglas C. Derrick, Julia Fuller, and Sam Church at the University of Nebraska, Omaha. Questions about this report should be directed to Dr. Gina Ligon at [email protected]. This report is part of the National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (START) project, “The Jihadi Industry: Assessing the Organizational, Leadership, and Cyber Profiles” led by Principal Investigator Gina Ligon. This research was supported by the Department of Homeland Security Science and Technology Directorate’s Office of University Programs through Award Number #2012-ST-061-CS0001, Center for the Study of Terrorism and Behavior (CSTAB 1.12) made to START to investigate the role of social, behavioral, cultural, and economic factors on radicalization and violent extremism. The views and conclusions contained in this document are those of the authors and should not be interpreted as necessarily representing the official policies, either expressed or implied, of the U.S. -
U.S. Military Engagement in the Broader Middle East
U.S. MILITARY ENGAGEMENT IN THE BROADER MIDDLE EAST JAMES F. JEFFREY MICHAEL EISENSTADT U.S. MILITARY ENGAGEMENT IN THE BROADER MIDDLE EAST JAMES F. JEFFREY MICHAEL EISENSTADT THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY WWW.WASHINGTONINSTITUTE.ORG The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. Policy Focus 143, April 2016 All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publica- tion may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing fromthe publisher. ©2016 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1111 19th Street NW, Suite 500 Washington, DC 20036 Design: 1000colors Photo: An F-16 from the Egyptian Air Force prepares to make contact with a KC-135 from the 336th ARS during in-flight refueling training. (USAF photo by Staff Sgt. Amy Abbott) Contents Acknowledgments V I. HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF U.S. MILITARY OPERATIONS 1 James F. Jeffrey 1. Introduction to Part I 3 2. Basic Principles 5 3. U.S. Strategy in the Middle East 8 4. U.S. Military Engagement 19 5. Conclusion 37 Notes, Part I 39 II. RETHINKING U.S. MILITARY STRATEGY 47 Michael Eisenstadt 6. Introduction to Part II 49 7. American Sisyphus: Impact of the Middle Eastern Operational Environment 52 8. Disjointed Strategy: Aligning Ways, Means, and Ends 58 9. -
Pacnet Number 7 Jan
Pacific Forum CSIS Honolulu, Hawaii PacNet Number 7 Jan. 19, 2016 Islamic State branches in Southeast Asia by Rohan Ma’rakah Al-Ansar Battalion led by Abu Ammar; 3) Ansarul Gunaratna Khilafah Battalion led by Abu Sharifah; and 4) Al Harakatul Islamiyyah Battalion in Basilan led by Isnilon Hapilon, who is Rohan Gunaratna ([email protected]) is Professor of the overall leader of the four battalions. Al Harakatul Security Studies at the S. Rajaratnam School of Security Islamiyyah is the original name of ASG. Referring to Hapilon Studies (RSIS) and head of the International Centre for as “Sheikh Mujahid Abu Abdullah Al-Filipini,” an IS official Political Violence and Terrorism Research (ICPVTR) at RSIS, organ Al-Naba’ reported on the unification of the “battalions” Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. Earlier of God’s fighters (“mujahidin”). The IS choice of Hapilon to versions of this article appeared in The Straits Times and as lead an IS province in the Philippines presents a long-term RSIS Commentary 004/2016. threat to the Philippines and beyond. The so-called Islamic State (IS) is likely to create IS At the oath-taking to Abu Bakr al Baghdadi, the battalions branches in the Philippines and Indonesia in 2016. Although were represented by Ansar Al-Shariah Battalion leader Abu the Indonesian military pre-empted IS plans to declare a Anas Al-Muhajir who goes by the alias Abraham. Abu Anas satellite state of the “caliphate” in eastern Indonesia, IS is Al-Muhajir is Mohammad bin Najib bin Hussein from determined to declare such an entity in at least one part of Malaysia and his battalion is in charge of laws and other Southeast Asia. -
Martial Law and National Emergency
Order Code RS21024 Updated January 7, 2005 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Martial Law and National Emergency Harold C. Relyea Specialist in American National Government Government and Finance Division Summary Crises in public order, both real and potential, often evoke comments concerning a resort to martial law. While some ambiguity exists regarding the conditions of a martial law setting, such a prospect, nonetheless, is disturbing to many Americans who cherish their liberties, expect civilian law enforcement to prevail, and support civilian control of military authority. An overview of the concept of, exercise of, and authority underlying martial law is provided in this report, which will be updated as events warrant. Occasionally, when some national emergency or crisis threatens public order in the United States, the comment is made that the President may ultimately resort to imposing martial law in order to preserve discipline and good behavior. Such was the case when it was thought that year 2000 (Y2K) technology problems might result in situations threatening life, property, or the general welfare in American society. The almost flawless transition to the year 2000, of course, rendered such an action unnecessary. More recently, at least one newspaper erroneously reported that the September 14, 2001, declaration of a national emergency by President George W. Bush in response to terrorist attacks in New York City and Washington, DC, “activated some 500 dormant legal provisions, including those allowing him to impose censorship and martial law.”1 In accordance with the requirements of the National Emergencies Act, the President’s declaration actually activated nine selective provisions of statutory law, identified in his proclamation, pertaining to military and Coast Guard personnel.2 Such comments, nonetheless, suggest a consideration of what martial law constitutes, as well as when and how it might be invoked.