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No. 701, November 20, 1998
soC!: No. 701 ~X-623 20 November 1998 Down With. Starvation Blockade! U.S. Out of the Near East! • • et our ooav anas raq! NOVEMBER 17-Massively rein 1991, which included the use of de forcing its armada of warships, sub pleted uranium shells (see "Iraq marines, aircraft carriers, tighter Cancer Epidemic Made in U.S.A.," bombers and cruise missiles in the WV No. 690, 8 May). Down with Persian Gulf, U.S. imperialism is the starvation blockade! U.S. impe once again poised to unleash rialism: Get your bloody hands off bloody carnage on the Iraqi people. Iraq! The Clinton White House has now Fearful of stirring up domestic announced a postponement of the discontent, America's rulers rely military strike as the Iraqi regime on high-tech missile and bombing agreed to again allow free rein to strikes which minimize U.S. casu the imperialist spies who masque alties while wreaking devasta rade as "arms inspectors." Trum tion on the Iraqi population. peting Washington's aim of over An editorial in the New York Times throwing the Saddam Hussein (13 November), mouthpiece of regime, Clinton hellows, "Iraq has the liberal bourgeoisie, virtually backed down, but that is not screamed for Iraqi blood, calling enough." British Labour prime for a "sustained" bombing cam minister Tony Blair rants that the paign which would necessarily "slightest obstruction" of United include "a regrettable risk of civil Nations weapons inspectors will be ian casualties." met with an "immediate attack, no The repeated displays of terror warning whatever." Today's New by U.S. -
The Philippines: Dismantling Rebel Groups
The Philippines: Dismantling Rebel Groups Asia Report N°248 | 19 June 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Rethinking Assistance to Former Rebels ......................................................................... 4 A. The Cautionary Tale of the MNLF ............................................................................. 4 B. The Dubious Legacy of Buybacks .............................................................................. 5 III. The Cordillera: Trial and Error ........................................................................................ 8 A. The History of the Conflict ........................................................................................ 8 B. The July 2011 Closure Agreement ............................................................................. 11 1. The many faces of the CPLA ................................................................................. 11 2. Terms ................................................................................................................... -
In Camarines
2012 KARAPATAN YEAR-END REPORT ON THE HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION IN THE PHILIPPINES Cover Design: Tom Estrera III Photo Credits: arkibongbayan.org | bulatlat.com pinoyweekly.org | karapatan.org | Panalipdan KARAPATAN Alliance for the Advancement of People’s Rights 2/F Erythrina Bldg., #1 Maaralin corner Matatag Sts., Barangay Central, Diliman, Quezon City 1100 Philippines Telefax +63 2 4354146 [email protected] | www.karapatan.org CONTENTS 1 Karapatan’s 2012 Human Rights Report 32 The Long Trek to Safety 34 From Ampatuan to Arakan, to Tampakan: Continuing Impunity in Mindanao 44 Imprints of Violence: Shattered Lives and Disrupted Childhood 50 The CCT Con 52 Acronyms Karapatan’s 2012 Human Rights Report he almost complete unmasking to the public of a pretentious rule marks the second Tyear of Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino’s presidency. Despite supposedly improving economic statistics, the majority of the people are still mired in poverty reeling from high prices of basic commodities and services, unemployment, unlivable wages, sham land reform, inadequate housing and so on. Even its much touted campaign against poverty is under question as more cases of corruption by people from the Aquino administration surface. No hope can be pinned on this president whose government fails to lighten and instead adds to the burden that the people, especially from the basic sectors, endure. Noynoy Aquino’s reckless implementation of privatization, liberalization, deregulation and denationalization, all earmarks of neoliberal globalization, proves his puppetry to U.S. imperialism. Just like Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, Aquino has been anointed to be the U.S. lackey in Asia especially in its current “pivot to Asia-Pacific.” In exchange for Obama’s pat on the head and American military aid, Malacanang welcomes stronger U.S. -
Cultural Imperialism in the Philippines
with the National Democratic Movement of —Reader #1 the Philippines Towards a People´s Culture Colophon in collaboration with New World Summit New World Academy Reader #1: [email protected] Towards a Towards a People’s Culture www.newworldsummit.eu Editor: New World Academy Jonas Staal Research, Development, People’s Culture in dialogue with Jose Maria Sison and Realization Team: Şeyma Bayram (BAK), Younes Associate Editor: Bouadi (NWS), Jan de Bruin Şeyma Bayram (NWS), Vincent W.J. van Gerven Oei (NWS), Maria Hlavajova Coordinator & Proofreader: (BAK), Robert Kluijver (NWS), Gwen Parry Paul Kuipers (NWS), Renée In der Maur (NWS), Arjan van Meeuwen Design: (BAK), Kasper Oostergetel Remco van Bladel, Amsterdam (NWS), Sjoerd Oudman (NWS), in collaboration with Gwen Parry (BAK), Merel Andrea Spikker Somhorst (BAK), Jonas Staal (NWS), and Ivo Verburg (BAK) Lithography and Printing: Drukkerij Raddraaier, Amsterdam Cover and Chapter Images: Unless otherwise noted, all imag- ISBN: 978-90-77288-18-4 es in the reader are part of a 2013 photo series of the preliminary New World Academy Reader #1 Every effort has been made to designs, construction, use, and obtain copyright permission for burning of effigies, the “protest images. We apologize for any puppetry” used by members of inadvertent omissions and pledge the National Democratic Move- to correct them in future editions. ment in the Philippines to depict The texts in this reader are and critique governing forces. published according to individual Photos: Jonas Staal agreements with the authors, no part of this publication may be NWA has been made financially reproduced in any manner possible by Fentener van without written permission of Vlissingen Fonds, Utrecht; the publishers. -
The Communist Party of the Philippines and the Partai Komunis Indonesia
Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 49, No. 2, September 2011 Blood-Brothers: The Communist Party of the Philippines and the Partai Komunis Indonesia Ramon Guillermo* This paper discusses the significant role of the Indonesian Communist movement in the formation of Jose Maria Sison as a leading Filipino Marxist radical and its possible influence on the founding of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) in 1968. After a study fellowship in Indonesia in 1962, Sison published pioneering translations of Chairil Anwar’s poetry and popularized matters pertaining to Indo- nesia during the Sukarno era through the journal Progressive Review. He also had a memorable and intellectually fruitful friendship with the Indonesian nationalist guerrilla and University of the Philippines graduate student Bakri Ilyas. A small but persistent controversy on the alleged plagiarization by Sison of Indonesian radical sources in the late 1960s and early 1970s will then be addressed through systematic textual analysis. The paper will propose some general theses on authorship, mod- ularity, adaptation, and dissemination of texts and ideas in twentieth-century radical movements. Finally, the article will assess the impact of the 1965–66 massacre in Indonesia on the revolutionary ideas and practice of the CPP. Keywords: Communist Party of the Philippines, Partai Komunis Indonesia, Jose Maria Sison, Dipa Nusantara Aidit, Philippine Society and Revolution, Maphilindo “The thirty-five years history of the CPI is not a tranquil and peaceful one; it is a history which has gone through many turmoils and many dangers, many mistakes, and many sacrifices. But it is also a heroic history, a joyful history, a history with many lessons, a successful history.” — D. -
Patterns of Global Terrorism 1999
U.S. Department of State, April 2000 Introduction The US Government continues its commitment to use all tools necessary—including international diplomacy, law enforcement, intelligence collection and sharing, and military force—to counter current terrorist threats and hold terrorists accountable for past actions. Terrorists seek refuge in “swamps” where government control is weak or governments are sympathetic. We seek to drain these swamps. Through international and domestic legislation and strengthened law enforcement, the United States seeks to limit the room in which terrorists can move, plan, raise funds, and operate. Our goal is to eliminate terrorist safehavens, dry up their sources of revenue, break up their cells, disrupt their movements, and criminalize their behavior. We work closely with other countries to increase international political will to limit all aspects of terrorists’ efforts. US counterterrorist policies are tailored to combat what we believe to be the shifting trends in terrorism. One trend is the shift from well-organized, localized groups supported by state sponsors to loosely organized, international networks of terrorists. Such a network supported the failed attempt to smuggle explosives material and detonating devices into Seattle in December. With the decrease of state funding, these loosely networked individuals and groups have turned increasingly to other sources of funding, including private sponsorship, narcotrafficking, crime, and illegal trade. This shift parallels a change from primarily politically motivated terrorism to terrorism that is more religiously or ideologically motivated. Another trend is the shift eastward of the locus of terrorism from the Middle East to South Asia, specifically Afghanistan. As most Middle Eastern governments have strengthened their counterterrorist response, terrorists and their organizations have sought safehaven in areas where they can operate with impunity. -
The Democratic Party and the Transformation of American Conservatism, 1847-1860
PRESERVING THE WHITE MAN’S REPUBLIC: THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF AMERICAN CONSERVATISM, 1847-1860 Joshua A. Lynn A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2015 Approved by: Harry L. Watson William L. Barney Laura F. Edwards Joseph T. Glatthaar Michael Lienesch © 2015 Joshua A. Lynn ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Joshua A. Lynn: Preserving the White Man’s Republic: The Democratic Party and the Transformation of American Conservatism, 1847-1860 (Under the direction of Harry L. Watson) In the late 1840s and 1850s, the American Democratic party redefined itself as “conservative.” Yet Democrats’ preexisting dedication to majoritarian democracy, liberal individualism, and white supremacy had not changed. Democrats believed that “fanatical” reformers, who opposed slavery and advanced the rights of African Americans and women, imperiled the white man’s republic they had crafted in the early 1800s. There were no more abstract notions of freedom to boundlessly unfold; there was only the existing liberty of white men to conserve. Democrats therefore recast democracy, previously a progressive means to expand rights, as a way for local majorities to police racial and gender boundaries. In the process, they reinvigorated American conservatism by placing it on a foundation of majoritarian democracy. Empowering white men to democratically govern all other Americans, Democrats contended, would preserve their prerogatives. With the policy of “popular sovereignty,” for instance, Democrats left slavery’s expansion to territorial settlers’ democratic decision-making. -
Philippines – Update on the New People's Army (NPA)
Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: PHL35333 Country: Philippines Date: 7 October 2009 Keywords: Philippines – Update on the New People’s Army (NPA) This response was prepared by the Research & Information Services Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. This research response may not, under any circumstance, be cited in a decision or any other document. Anyone wishing to use this information may only cite the primary source material contained herein. Questions 1. Can you please provide current information on the NPA? 2. Are they still an active force in Paranaque? 3. President Arroya announced a 2010 deadline for defeating the insurgency. What measures have been taken by the authorities? RESPONSE 1. Can you please provide current information on the NPA? Recent human rights and security reports on the Philippines indicate that the New People’s Army (NPA) (the armed wing of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP)) is still active around the country. In its 2008 human rights report the US Department of State (USDOS) observes that: “Communist insurgents, mainly from the NPA, continued to kill political figures, military and police officers, and civilians, including suspected military and police informers. The NPA and other extortion groups also harassed businesses and burned buses and private communication facilities to enforce the collection of ‘revolutionary taxes.’” However, the USDOS report on terrorism in the Philippines in 2008 states that: “While the 5,000-strong NPA continued to disrupt public security and business operations with intermittent attacks on communication and transportation infrastructure throughout the Philippines, it continued to decline in personnel and effectiveness”. -
Political Prisoners: Living Evidence of Repression in the Philippines
POLITICAL PRISONERS: LIVING EVIDENCE OF REPRESSION IN THE PHILIPPINES ~ Canada - Philippines Solidarity for Human Rights Vancouver, B.C. [email protected] http://www.canadaphilippinessolidarity.org/ Canada Philippines Solidarity for Human Rights on Facebook 14 April 2012 HISTORICAL OVERVIEW Political detention is one of the outstanding features of repressive regimes. In Philippine history, political detention and its accompanying evils are hallmarks of colonialism and neo-colonialism in crisis. Political detention continues to be one of the standard responses of the ruling powers to the Filipino people’s struggle for freedom, justice and democracy. Today’s political prisoners belong to the long list of political prisoners throughout the different periods in Philippine history. There were Dr. Jose Rizal and Tandang Sora, both arrested and imprisoned by the Spanish colonial regime (1521-1898); Apolinario Mabini, revered as the “Brains of the Philippine Revolution,” imprisoned during the Filipino- American War and the American Occupation (1898-1941); and the thousands of Filipinos imprisoned and tortured by the Japanese soldiers during the Second World War (1941-1945). The American neo-colonial period (1946 - ) where “liberation” and the “grant of independence” by the Americans came with economic and military treaties designed to perpetuate U.S. presence and domination also saw the rise of the nationalist movement in the mid- 1960s. The most prominent political prisoner then was Amado V. Hernandez, journalist, trade union leader and poet laureate. Under the U.S.-Marcos dictatorship (1965-1986) tens of thousands of men and women were arrested and detained, among whom were Jose Maria Sison, Fidel Agcaoili, Satur Ocampo, Sister Mariani Dimaranan, Benigno Aquino, Crispin “Ka Bel” Beltran and Senator Jose “Ka Pepe” Diokno. -
Jose Maria Sison and the Philippine Revolution: a Critique of an Interface1
Jose Maria Sison and the Philippine Revolution: A Critique of an Interface1 P. N. ABINALES On December 26, 1968, Jose Ma. Sison a.k.a Amado Guerrero met with ten of his trusted disciples to establish the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) along the lines of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-Tung Thought. Since then, Philippine radicalism long thought to be politically dead after the debacle of the Huk Rebellion has experienced a resurgence that was unprecedented in the national context. Much of the CPPs political growth, especially in the crucial initial stages, was largely attributed by many to Sisons leadership. He is said to have guided the revolutionary movement through its baptism of fire under the harsh conditions brought about by martial law. His arrest and nine-year solitary confinement did not break him. Rather, the movement continued to grow despite most of its original leaders death or capture (including Sisons) to become one of the most enduring revolutionary opposition in the country and the region.2 It is this feat that has placed Sison among the ranks of important figures in Philippine politics. Apart from being the founder of the CPP, Sison is regarded by admirers also as teacher and student activist He is the author of Philippine Society and Revolution (PSR), the acclaimed bible of the revolution. During the height of the First Quarter Storm, students were openly declaring their fealty to Amado Guerrero and his revolution. At the University of the Philippines (UP), student activists even renamed one building after the CPP chairman. Revolutionary songs, both serious and jesting, hailed Guerrero as one of the inspirations of the new revolutionary upsurge.3 During the early martial law period, Sison was one of the most wanted political figures by the dictatorship (the others being Kumander Dante and Victor Corpuz), the latter believing that his capture or death would destroy the CPP-ML.4 And in the time of Aquino, he continued to be grudgingly respected both in the positive and negative sense. -
A Popular Strongman Gains More Power by Joseph Purugganan September 2019
Blickwechsel Gesellscha Umwelt Menschenrechte Armut Politik Entwicklung Demokratie Gerechtigkeit In the Aftermath of the 2019 Philippine Elections: A Popular Strongman Gains More Power By Joseph Purugganan September 2019 The Philippines concluded a high-stakes midterm elections in May 2019, that many consider a critical turning point in our nation’s history. While the Presidency was not on the line, and Rodrigo Duterte himself was not on the ballot, the polls were seen as a referendum on his presidency. Duterte has drawn flak for his deadly ‘War on In midterm elections, voters have historically fa- Drugs’ that has taken the lives of over 5,000 vored candidates backed by a popular incumbent suspects according to official police accounts, and rejected those supported by unpopular ones. but the death toll could be as high as 27,000 ac- In the 2013 midterms for instance, the adminis- cording to the Philippine Commission on Human tration supported by former President Benigno Rights. The administration has also been criti- Aquino III, won 9 out of 12 Senate seats. Like cized for its handling of the maritime conflict Duterte, Aquino had a high satisfaction rating with China in the West Philippine Sea. heading into the midterms. In contrast, a very unpopular Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, with neg- Going into the polls however, Duterte, despite ative net satisfaction ratings, weighed down the all the criticisms at home and abroad, has main- administration ticket. In the Senate race in 2007, tained consistently high popularity and trust the Genuine Opposition coalition was able to se- ratings. The latest survey conducted five months cure eight out of 12 Senate seats, while Arroyo’s ahead of the elections showed the President Team Unity only got two seats and the other two having a 76 percent trust score and an 81 percent slots went to independent candidates. -
National/International Report Cuban Political Prisoners Given Tearful Welcome in Miami by Araceli Cantero Church
4 Thursday, September 25, 1986 COURIER-JOURNAL National/International Report Cuban political prisoners given tearful welcome in Miami By Araceli Cantero Church. A group of U.S. Catholic bishops, Miami (NC) — With cries of "viva Norte the Rev. Jesse Jackson, and oceanographer America," about 100 Cuban political prison Jacques Cousteau all visted Cuba and ers and their families arrived in Miami on presented Castro with a list of prisoners. Monday, Sept. 15. Among the prisoners, all men, were They received an emotional welcome from Cubans who had served for 27 years in a crowd of 3,000 gathered at the city's prison. None had served less than 20 years. Tropical Park. Family members and old Some had been incarcerated for having friends waved American and Cuban flags, supported former Cuban president Fulgencio and some waved white handkerchiefs with Batista, overthrown by Castro in 1959. which they also wiped their tears. One prisoner, Jose Gomez Blanco, died in "It gets more emotional each time," said a Havana hospital just hours before' he was Monsignor Bryan O. Walsh, executive scheduled to board the flight. director of Catholic Community Services for Miami Archbishop Edward A. McCarthy the Miami Archdiocese. and Auxiliary Bishop Agustin Roman had Twenty years earlier, Monsignor Walsh greeted the prisoners at the airport. During worked closely with — but had never met — the welcoming ceremony, Bishop Roman, a one of the arriving prisoners in Operation native of Cuba, shouted, "For 20 years, we Pedro Pan, a program that brought about have been praying for the prisoners, arid we 1,400 unaccompanied children out of Fidel are glad these are now here with us." Castro's regime into the United States.