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Mark Van de Velde, Koen Bostoen, Derek Nurse, Gérard Philippson

The sounds of the Bantu languages

Publication details https://test.routledgehandbooks.com/doi/10.4324/9781315755946-3 Ian Maddieson, Bonny Sands Published online on: 15 Feb 2019

How to cite :- Ian Maddieson, Bonny Sands. 15 Feb 2019, The sounds of the Bantu languages from: The Bantu Languages Routledge Accessed on: 01 Oct 2021 https://test.routledgehandbooks.com/doi/10.4324/9781315755946-3

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The are vowels front and low the and rounded, are vowels non-low back the hold. is, rounding That and backness height, vowel of features the between relationships North-West languages Bantu of majority The 2.1 2 age moreattentiontobepaidphoneticaspectsoftheselanguages. tling .” It is hoped that the brief discussions of selected issues here will encour paid toconsonantswithcomplex articulations, including clicks andtheso-called “whis- is attention Special patterns. tonal on and quantity prosodic on impacts significant has sations, particularly considered diachronically, and the nature of particular segments also the Bantulanguagesprovideverystrikingexamplesofvowelsaffecting consonantreali example, For so. do to appropriate seems it where point the at up taken be will these of many important interactions between these three aspects ofphonetic structure and some ing theoriesaboutphonologicalorganisation. differences which existbetweenclosely related languages provide opportunities for test- phonetic The change. sound phonetic of nature the about inferences examining for field received veryextensivehistoricalanalysis,thisgroupoflanguagesalsoprovidesafertile have languages Bantu the Since diversity. this to attention greater draw to therefore is chapter present the of aim the of Part distinctions. underrepresent or languages between simplifying transcriptions and orthographies which normalise away variation within and of use widespread the by disguised be may diversity this of Some believed. often is than quite similar to each other, there is considerably more diversity in their phonetic patterns area. ern it’sAlthough phonetically are group Bantu the within languages many that true ing features,withtheexception of theclicksintroduced in somelanguagesofthesouth- Among phoneticians, the Bantulanguageshaveareputation as nothavingmanyinterest 1 Ian MaddiesonandBonnySands CHAPTER 3 especially withrespecttothenature ofthevowelswritten/e/and/o/. these standardised transcriptions may disguise significant differences between languages, LANGUAGES THE SOUNDS OF THE BANTU INTRODUCTION VOWELS The chapter is organised into sections on vowels, and prosody. There are prosody.There and consonants vowels, on sections into organised is chapter The Vowel spacing – have simple-looking systems of five or seven vowels in which the expected wt sm ntbe xetos priual i the in particularly exceptions, notable some with – a ɔ o u o ɔ / (Hyman 1999). However, a ou/andthe - - - Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 ences in formant range. Note that there are different ways to normalise vowels across vowels normalise to ways different are there that Note range. formant in ences in maxima The these raisedvariants. /e oplottedheredonotincludetokensof for means syllable. The next the in occur /i u /e owhen of variants higher in results which S41, Xhosa in process raising a is There 80 S41 /e o are located almost equidistant from the high vowels i u/andthelowvowel / In measurement. verifiable on based being of “backness” values used, for example, and in the IPA“height” perceived Handbook (1999), but has on the advantage based space vowel based auditorily traditional the parallels closely display of kind scale. This logarithmic a using plotted is F2 intervals; perceptual auditory/ reflect to scaled are axes the along distances The left. the to increasing values (F2) formant second and origin, the from down increasing values (F1) formant first with this and following figuresofthe same type, the origin of the axes is in the upper right, vowels given by Roux and Holtzhausen (1989) are plotted in this way in way this in plotted are (1989) Holtzhausen and Roux by given vowels S41 Xhosa for values formant formant. mean a The of concept the to introduction an for first two formants. Readers unfamiliar with acoustic analysis might see Ladefoged (2000) ter. The positions of vowels in an acoustic space are often shown by plotting values of the FIGURE Compare the spacing of Xhosa vowels with those of Kalanga S16, shown in In the five-vowel system of Xhosa S41, for example, /eoaregenuinelymidincharac Ian Maddieson 3.1 SPEAKER READING A TEXT. MALE ONE VOWELFROM THE OF TOKENS 30 LEAST THE AT OF REPRESENTS AVERAGE OF MEASUREMENTS POINT EACH 1989). HOLTZHAUSEN (ROUX MEANS FORMANT HS S1 VOWEL S41 XHOSA Figure and Bonny 3.2 arehighercompared to Figure Sands & FIGURE Figure , it can be seen that in Xhosa in that seen be can it 3.1, 3.2 3.1 duetomale/female differ FEMALE SPEAKER. A BY SPOKEN LIST WORD A IN POSITION PENULTIMATE IN VOWEL THE OF TOKENS 28 LEAST AT REPRESENTS OF AVERAGE THE POINT AUTHOR. EACH FIRST THE DONE BY MEASUREMENTS TO ING ACCORD­ MEANS FORMANT AAG S6 VOWEL S16 KALANGA Figure Figure . In 3.1. 3.2. a /. - - Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 Gunu A622 all have an eight-vowel system with [-ATR]/ɪ with system eight-vowel an have and all A622 Gunu A44 Nen A46, Mande (2015). Boyd in detailed are (A40+A60) languages Mbam vowels inthesystem. /e ohaveF2valuesintermediate between thehigherandlower F22 Nyamwezi whereas so, nearly or identical are which values F2 have /ʊ/ and /u/ pair back the and /ɪ/ and /i/ pair front the that note may we addition lower.In markedly are vowels lower next The /ʊ/. for Hz 334 and /u/, for Hz 277 /ɪ/, for Hz 313 /i/, for Hz 248 are means The vowels. back have such low values of F1 that they are all appropriately considered to be high demonstrated in Figure seven vowels,with/ F21, Batibo (1985) also provides acoustic evidence for a relatively wide separation of the space, withthefrontpairinparticularbeingveryclosetogether Kalanga S16, ontheotherhand, vowels arecrowdedintotheupperpartofvowel In resonances. formant major the by defined space a in dispersed equally roughly be to Schwartz to (1972) by computational models of vowelsystemstructure from Liljencrants and Lindblom suggest that transcription of this vowel set as data [i e These ɛ indicates. plot this than separated more reality in probably are vowels back measurement included a more balanced sample of frontthan of back vowels, andthe for available list word other.The each from spaced equally are which vowels, front the for apparent particularly is This principles. dispersion for respect a given expected, be Figure of the five-vowel systems. A systems. five-vowel the of differences invowelqualitybetweenpairs thatdiffer inlengththetwolanguages. JE16 and Fwe K402 have a contrast. Impressionistically, there appear to be no in Xhosa S41 and Kalanga S16 and could be transcribed [ɪ shown inFigure (Nabirye and /ʊ/ in is typically higher than that of /e/ and /o/. The [-ATR]The high /o/. and /e/ of that than higher typically is languages Mbam in /ʊ/ and /ɪ/ of averages F1 systems. The eight-vowel the in found not /ɛ/ and /e/ between contrast Nine-vowel languages in the Mbam group, such as Mmala A62B and Baca A621, have a vowels /eoarerelatively close tothehighvowels/iuandfarfrom “mid” the S16, Kalanga of case the In instance. for vowels, S33 Sotho Southern of pus speakers; eightdifferent methodsareevaluated by Wissing andPienaar(2014)foracor scribed /ie G42 is similar to that most typically found cross-linguistically in five-vowel systems tran- Swahili or S41 Xhosa in seen distribution The Kalanga. to similar pattern a have 1990) (Hamann M42 Bemba while S41, Xhosa to similar pattern a has 1997) (Nchimbi G42 Swahili but sidered high,buttheyareclearlymarkedlyhigherthanthoseofXhosaS41. in a female . On this basis these particular vowels would not quite justify being con- of thumb, vowels with a first formant lower than 400 Hz may be considered high vowels i ɪ e ɪ [i the than rather The acoustic phonetic characteristics of the eight- and nine-vowel systems of some of systems nine-vowel and eight- the of characteristics phonetic acoustic The as different, notably is B305 Vove of vowels seven the between relationship The i ɛ /i of consisting system five-vowel Bantu A Variations in the structure of seven-vowel systems occur which are similar to those to similar are which occur systems seven-vowel of structure the Variationsin There have been relatively few acoustic studies of other Bantu five-vowel systems, five-vowel Bantu other of studies acoustic few relatively been have There . In this language, the vowels are to a large degree placed where they might they where placed degree large a to are vowels the language, this In 3.4. . 2016) and Fwe K402 (Gunnink 2016). Means of Fwe vowel formants are are formants vowel Fwe of Means 2016). (Gunnink K402 Fwe and 2016) et al. & Kula 2015), Ndebele S44 and the Zezuru variety of Shona S12 (Manuel S12 Shona of variety Zezuru the and S44 Ndebele 2015), Kula & a ou/, such as Spanish, Hadza or Hawaiian. This is also the pattern predicted 3.3. The high vowels /i/ and/u/ are lower and more centralised than those . (1997) based on the principle that vowels should be expected be should vowels that principle the on based (1997) et al. a e ɛɔo/allbeingclearlymidvowels. o ʊ u . Here a pair of vowels in the front and a pair of vowel in the in vowel of pair a and front the in vowels of pair a Here 3.5. ] preferred by Maganga and Schadeberg (1992). For Sukuma For Schadeberg(1992). and Maganga by preferred ]

plot of vowel distribution in Nyamwezi F22 is shown in shown is F22 Nyamwezi in distribution vowel of plot The soundsof a ɔ u a ɔ o u o ɔ / has been described for Soga JE16 JE16 Soga for described been has / ] and [ʊ ], as in the Bantulanguages a ɔ ʊ . Figure ], respectively. Both Soga i ə o u /. o ə [+ATR]/i and / a 3.4, isappropriate /. rule rough a As 81 - Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 FIGURE FIGURE 3.4 3.3 OES N WR LIST WORD PENULTIMATE ASPOKEN BY A MALESPEAKER. IN OR UNREDUCED VOWELS OF FINAL 23 MEAN AND TOKENS NINE BETWEEN THE OF REPRESENTS POINT EACH AUTHOR. FIRST THE BY MEASUREMENTS TO FORMANT MEANS ACCORDING YMEI 2 VOWEL F22 NYAMWEZI UNREDUCED STEM-INITIAL VOWELS SPOKENBY A MALESPEAKER. EACH POINT REPRESENTS THE MEAN OF BETWEEN SEVEN AND 27 TOKENS OF GUNNINK. HILDE AVAILABLE BY MADE RECORDINGS ON AUTHOR SECOND FWE VOWEL FORMANT MEANS ACCORDING TO MEASUREMENTS BY THE THE BY MEASUREMENTS TO ACCORDING MEANS FORMANT VOWEL FWE FIGURE 3.5 DIFFERING ONLY IN THE THE BY A MALESPEAKER. IN PENULTIMATE ONLY SPOKEN VOWEL, DIFFERING WORDS OF SETS MINIMAL ON MEASUREMENTS 30 OR 20 OF JEAN-MARIE MEAN THE REPRESENTS POINT BY LOLKE VAN AVAILABLE BY DER VEEN. EACH MADE HOMBERT, RECORDING A TOMADE ON AUTHOR ACCORDING FIRST BYTHE MEASUREMENTS MEANS OE 35 OE FORMANT VOWEL B305 VOVE Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 are marked by a strong tendency for V1 and V2 to be identical except if V2 is / is V2 if except identical be to V2 and V1 for tendency strong a by marked are variety, this In involved. significantly stems being lexical factors other no with height of typical of that found in vowelsystemswherethebackseriesisdistinguishedbydegrees attributable to the fact that F1 and F2 frequencies co-vary in these vowels. This pattern is i ə /i been anexpressionof ATR contrastortransformedintooneindaughter languages. have might contrast *super-high/*high the as vowels, high the of nature the of question involved. mechanism phonetic of the role not the of question The ATRthe with interacts distinguish pairs of vowels such as i/ɪ in English ‘beat’/‘bit’ where tongue root position is ATRthe feature of in this phonetic sense. use Phonologists often use [ATR]make vowels, as a diacritic feature, more even to or seven with those particularly languages, Bantu the whether therefore is issue ATR.interesting ± An i.e., position, root tongue neutral) (or retracted and advanced between contrast a as discussed usually is This discussion). Ladefoged (see body tongue the of frontness and height the of that is, adjustments ofpharynxvolume which cannot be accounted for asa function size, cavity pharyngeal of harmony.use independent Bantu the involves of often Vowelin Africa harmony control in factors be all can rounding and backness Vowelheight, 1999). (Hyman implementation of patterns diverse with innovations local less or more of anolderBenue-CongoorevenNiger-Congo harmony(Stewart2000),buttobemostly verb roots and extensions. Bantu vowel harmony constraints do not seem to be a survival between as such contexts, morphological certain in applying only e.g., extent, in limited often though languages, Bantu in found commonly quite are languages, African haran Co-occurrence restrictionsofaharmonicnaturebetweenvowels,verytypical of sub-Sa- 2.2 vowel BantulanguageisLikoD201(De Wit 2015:45). high F1 values may be instead attributed to a retracted tongue root position. Another nine- the [+ATR]but the vowels, than mid lower being as misinterpreted be thus may vowels . 1992). al. produced by Pither Medjo Mvé, a speaker of the Bitam variety of Fang A75 (Demolin shown inFigure are very fewstudiesofthistype available so farforBantu languages, butonedata set is There available. is production vowel during configuration tract vocal the on data latory the position of the / Note particularly theslopeofalineconnecting the backvowelswhichpointsroughlyto in given is vowels these of plot acoustic An 1997). Mvé (Medjo /ə/ central solely byheight. front vowelsandthe three back vowelscantherefore be distinguished one fromanother three The vowels. higher than pharynx narrower have vowels lower vowels, back than pharynx wider have vowels front position: body tongue from predicted be can It /ɔ/. and /u/ between intermediate is /o/ in that and /ɛ/, and /i/ in that between intermediate is /e/ root surfacetothebackwallofpharynxatheight the topofepiglottis, in tongue the from distance the as ɔ/. measured o width, the backvowelset/u pharynx The ɛ /, nor e not contributetothedistinctions between anymembersofthefrontvowelset/i It is difficult to be certain that ATR contrasts exist in a language unless direct articu direct unless language a in that exist certain contrasts be ATR to difficult is It The Bitam variety of Fang A75 has eight vowels and seven peripheral vowels, plus mid a Tongue root positioninharmonysystems / are not. Note that as many PB many as that Note not. are ɔ / ɛ /e but V1, as common relatively all are ou/ Figure 3.6. These pictures are magnetic resonance images of sustained vowels sustained of images resonance magnetic are pictures These 3.6. 3.6 showsveryclearly that independent tongue rootadjustment does a /, similar to that seen in The soundsof Figure the Bantulanguages & Maddieson 1996 for 1996 Maddieson & 3.1 and Figure Figure a 3.2, and /, when 83 3.7. et - Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 Source: Recording by Pither Medjo Mvé made available by D. Demolin; measurements by the first author.

Source: Mid-sagittalMRIscansofisolatedvowels,madeavailablebyDidierDemolin. FIGURE FIGURE 3.7 3.6 ; OTM O, BACK ROW, BOTTOM /i/,eɛ/; VOWELS VOWELS /u/,oɔ/. FRONT ROW, TOP BITAM). OF ARTICULATORY POSITIONS OF SIX OF THE VOWELS OF FANG(VARIETYOF ARTICULATORY A75 VOWELS THE OF SIX OF POSITIONS TOKENS INFINAL VOWELS IN/ al OF SIX MEASUREMENTS, THREE OF ISOLATED VOWEL TOKENS, PLUS THREE FANG A75 VOWEL FORMANT MEANS. EACH POINT REPRESENTS THE MEAN THE REPRESENTS POINT EACH MEANS. FANGFORMANTVOWEL A75 U i

e o V / NONSENSE WORDS.

Ɛ Ɔ Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 in pharynx width. The other pair /o pair vowel back other The width. pharynx in /i vowels “high” strikingly,the Most counterpart. harmonic its than chart) the on position lower a (hence formant first higher substantially a has vowel [‑ATR]putatively the case each -ATRIn a diacritic. without and with symbol same the one speakerareplotted in Figure and acoustic characteristics of vowels. Mean formant values of the 10 surface vowels for vowel whilethe ATR vowel(ontop)showsmoreofabunchedtongueshape. of the white dotted line. The RTR vowel shows more tongue root retraction than the ATR retraction, which can be estimated by the volume of tongue mass which occurs to the left vowel /e equal. The pair /u pair The equal. the “mid” vowels /e o/. Narrowing the pharynx raises the first formant, other things being ultrasound image, but on the right side of an MRI image. The ATR vowel /e a) andb)ofFigure a phonologicalrolefor ATR. suggests which one not is co-occurrences of form. pattern reconstructed This the of *V2 the not often is cases these in the V2 Fang, in monosyllabic become have *CVCVitems as differing inthephonological feature[ATR]. in thedegreetowhichtheyuse tonguerootpositiontocontrastvowelsthataredescribed differmay language same the of speaker.speakers and that pair suggests vowel This the on depending degrees [ATR]varying in differto that value pairs vowel distinguish help F1, B1(F1bandwidth), center of gravity and A1-A2 (relative amplitudes of F1andF2) study,her In 441). 2008: (Starwalt values gravity of center lower have quality “hollow” a [+ATR]with while vowels values, gravity of center higher have to tend quality voice constricted [‑ATR]a that with found vowels She (2008). Starwalt by provided been has measures concerningvowelarticulationmustbemadewithcaution. ments aresuggestive, it shouldbeborneinmindthat inferences from simple formant measure- acoustic these Although create. they impression auditory the with consistent while theKalangaS16pairsdiffer inheightandtoalesser degreeinbackness,whichis netically in pharynxwidth,whichisconsistent with the auditory impression they create, pho- differ pairs Vovevowel Plausibly,the B305 F2. and F1 both in differ pairs, B305 vowel pairstranscribed/ieanduo/, which are acoustically equally as high as the Vove ally the same second formant values as each other and differ only in F1. The Kalanga S16 Figure when thetonguebodypositionisfront. surprising, asretractingthetonguerootismorelikelytopullbackanddown not is This width. pharynx with backness and height vowel of features major the of tion possible for Fang ɔ A75 o /u parallel lower onetotheset/u /uoaandsecondroughly set vowel the to fit be can line sloping a that Note inferred. ynx widthdifference coupledwithadegreeofopeningtheoralconstriction may be difference given the size of the difference between their first formants; a substantial phar pairs (Gick 2002, Gick vowel across position root tongue in differences show clearly images Ultrasound tions. The ATR/RTR contrast in Nande JD42 is also suggested by the harmonic behaviour harmonic the by suggested also is JD42 Nande ATR/RTRThe in contrast Nande JD42 contrasts with Bitam Fang A75 in that it uses ATR for phonetic distinc uses ATRphonetic it for that in Fang A75 Bitam with contrasts JD42 Nande Acoustic evidence for tonguerootretraction of vowelsinseveral Bantulanguages in vowels Vovehigh and B305 S16 Kalanga the revisit now Wemay / in ʊ/ Voveɪ/ andu /i pairs vowel high the of 3.5. members The virtu- have B305 ̙ / differ bothinthe shape ofthe tongue bodyandinthe amount of tongue root ̙ / where F2 is the same are thus quite likely (almost) solely different solely (almost) likely quite thus are same the is F2 where / 3.8. Note that the back of the mouth is found on the left side of an of side left the on found is mouth the of back the that Note 3.8. . 2006), as seen for the for ATRseen as 2006), et al. /e /. The pattern for the front vowels suggests a greater interac ̙ o ̙ a ̙ . Harmonically related pairs are noted by the use of use the by noted are pairs related Harmonically 3.9. /, but a straight line cannot be fit to the set /uo set the to fit be cannot line straight a but /, The soundsof ̙ / showsasmaller thanexpected F2 ̘ / and RTRand /e / the Bantulanguages ̙ u ̙ / areplaced lower than ̙ / vowels in parts Figure ̘ / and the RTR 3.2 and 3.2 ̙ / asis 85 - - - Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 Source: ImagesmadeavailablebyBryan Gick(cf.2002:118). FIGURE 3.8 IN RIGHT AND THE TONGUE ROOT ON THE LEFT, THE REVERSE OF THE IMAGES MID-SAGITTALTHE ALONG THATNOTE PLANE. THE ON TONGUETIPTHE IS LINE. A LINE. COMPARISON BETWEEN THE TWO IMAGES. ULTRASOUNDJD42 NANDE VOWELS OF IMAGES A) ATR/e FIGURE

VERTICAL WHITE DOTTED LINE HAS BEEN ADDED TO FACILITATETO ADDED BEEN HAS LINE DOTTED VERTICALWHITE TE OGE UFC APAS S CRE WHITE CURVED A AS APPEARS SURFACE TONGUE THE 3.6. ̘ / ) RTRB) / /e ̙ /, TAKEN Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 origin of the pharyngealisation from a reduced velar stops in the reflects which vowel, plain the than longer is vowel pharyngealised /o/. The of those has a higher F2 (above 1000 Hz), and the higher formants are much more prominent than F2 (below 1000 Hz). The pharyngealised /oˤ in pharyngealised The Hz). 1000 (below F2 shape C 2013). This differs from Kwasio A81 pharyngealisation which likely results from the from reduction ofaconsonant. results likely which pharyngealisation A81 Kwasio from differs This 2013). group, wherethey have seemingly resulted from anintrusive consonantal gesture (Faytak ky-Hahn 1999:52). In the Gur language Minyanka, the pharyngeal [ʕ] is a variant of /ɡ/ (Dombrows- Mufu. relative close its in cognates in /ʔ and /k/ final to correspond vowels ryngealised (VollMundabli language Bantoid pha- the 535), In 2012: Niger-Congolanguages. other Pharyngealised vowels /iˤ uˤ ɛˤ oˤ 2.3 , epciey (Duke respectively 220). [ ɞˤ], and [ɵˤ] vowels centralised more and lower the as produced are /oˤ/ and /uˤ/ instance, For counterparts. non-pharyngealised their to cited inBlench2015). (Rueck Bantu Jarawan and 2011) (Blench Gyele A801 including languages Miller 2007, Miller (cf. of languages Khoe and Kx’a Tuu,in found as vowels, aryepiglottalised or epiglottalised i.e., vowels, pharyngealised lower with associated quality voice harsh the have not do Kwasio A81 of vowels pharyngealised upper The pharynx. upper the in constriction a causing root, tongue retracted a with produced are vowels These 2012). Source: DatafromNgessimoMutaka;measurementsbythefirstauthor FIGURE Velarised occur in Aghem, a Grassfields Bantu languages of the Ring of languages Bantu Grassfields a Aghem, in occur diphthongs Velarised Kwasio A81 pharyngealised vowels differ significantly in vowel quality compared quality vowel in significantly differ vowels pharyngealised A81 Kwasio Pharyngealised vowels Figure 1 3.9 VC 2 IN PENULTIMATE POSITIONIN WORDS SPOKENBY A MALESPEAKER. PHONETICALLYOF TOKENS21 SIX AND BETWEEN VOWELS LONG OF MEAN AD J4 VWL OMN MAS EC PIT ERSNS THE REPRESENTS POINT EACH MEANS. FORMANT VOWEL JD42 NANDE V (Duke V shows a typical example of /o/ in the word /ko/ ‘to go’; /o/ has a low a has /o/ go’; ‘to /ko/ word the in /o/ of example typical a shows 3.10 & Martin 2012: 220). Pharyngeals have developed from velars in velars from developed have Pharyngeals 220). 2012: Martin & . 2009a). Pharyngealised vowels occur in a few other Bantu other few a in occur vowels Pharyngealised 2009a). et al. a ˤ/ have been reported for Kwasio A81 (Duke The soundsof Figure in the word /koˤ/ ‘avarice’/koˤ/ word the in 3.11 the Bantulanguages . 2 position in roots of the Mri 2012: Martin & . 2009, et al. & Martin

87 Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 intervening vowels seems likely in the history of Bantu (Greenberg 1951, Hyman 1995). contrast betweenallseveninanyenvironment.ExamplesaregivenTable 3.1. seven thus misprints. are be There lian (1994) does include a few words with short nasalised vowels in stems, but these may ĩ ɛ [ĩ qualities the have to reported are stem the in vowels Nasal vowels. nasal five only but vowels oral seven of system a have 88 B72a, there are three oral and three nasal vowels in prefixes [e prefixes in vowels nasal three and oral three are there B72a, tically, there are fewer nasal vowels than oral ones, at least in lexical stems. In Ngungwel the Bitam variety of Fang A75 (Medjo Mvé 1997). As is generally the case cross-linguis- in R11 (Schadeberg 1982), in Gyele A801 (Renaud 1976) and in a few words in 1994), Tekethe (Paulian of group B72a Ngungwel in example for areas, western mostly Nasal vowelsarenotparticularlycommonintheBantulanguages,butfoundcertain 2.4 and MariekeMartin. Source: Recordingmadeavailable by DanielDuke FIGURE A role forvowelnasalisation in thetransmissionofnasalconsonantharmony across Ian Maddieson Nasalised vowels 3.10 BY A MALESPEAKER. GO’ SPOKEN ‘TO [kō] A81 /ko PCRGA O KWASIO OF SPECTROGRAM and Bonny ã ã ɛ ẽ (prefix) ĩː (stem) Vowel ɔ ũː (stem) õ (prefix) TABLE 3.1 ː (stem) ̃ ː (stem) (prefix) ̃ ː (stem)

NASAL VOWELS IN NGUNGWEL Sands qualities among the nasalised vowels, but no no but vowels, nasalised the among qualities phonetic ̃

ã ɔ ̃ ũ ba ãpǎb ẽběl dzĩĩ Word ntsíɛ ekúɔ ŋkṹṹ ṍkáa ́ ] and to be invariably long. The article of Pau- of article long. The invariably be to and ] a ̃ ̂ ̃ ɛ ̃ ̃ ɔ ̃ ̃ and MariekeMartin. Source: Recordingmadeavailable by DanielDuke FIGURE 3.11 wing horn kola nuttrees tooth Gloss children name woman broom [kɞ A81 /koˤ SPOKEN BY A MALE SPEAKER. PCRGA O KWASIO OF SPECTROGRAM a o ẽ o ã õ ]. Lexical stems stems Lexical ]. ̄ ˤ ː ‘AVARICE’ ] Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 vowel counterparts/iː eː to be lower and more centralised than long ones, while / Sections 6-7). Bemba M42 short vowels /i e vowels short M42 Bemba 6-7). Sections (cf. lengthening vowel of processes various and/or quality vowel in changes by panied Vowel length contrasts occur in some Bantu languages, which may or may not be accom 2.5 usually do not indicate these alternations, unless subsequent developments have created have developments subsequent unless alternations, these indicate not do usually orthographies Bantu pre-Bantu. even possible stage, early an to reconstructed be to ably prob- is kind some of alternation languages. An modern the in implosives to or another structed voiced mostcommonly correspond to voiced ofonetype or sal environments andsometimes before hisreconstructed super-high vowels,the recon- post-na- in Except (1967). Meeussen of reconstruction Proto-Bantu the follows this and Most Bantu languages are reported as having two series of plosives, voiced and voiceless, 3.1 3 vowel /i/. scans indicate that this is appropriately viewed as ahyperarticulation of the ̧ u the description of the contrast between /i̧ vowels tion (Schadeberg 1995, Bastin known as “Bantu Spirantization,” but recent reconstructions have abandoned this explana- u 1970a, 1970b, 1971) and notated as /î û by Meinhof (1899), in addition to mind the “normal” high i / to bring u vowels super-high orsuper-close vowels/i̧ These 2015). (Faytak Grassfields northern the of Ring group (Faytak 2014, Faytak central the of languages Bantu Grassfields two Oku, and Kom in occur vowels Fricated 2.6 ba-Binza 2011). nasals /C_N/ (Roux contrast, Vili H12, lengthens vowels before liquids (in the environment /C_L/) and before as after a -glide sequence (Myers 2005). Another language with a vowel length well as NC before lengthening vowel has also yet vowels short and long contrasts JD61 i - *i̧ which is actually the reflex of the Proto-Bantu augment position (ATR) ratherthantongueheight. root tongue contrast likely vowels the that suggests [u]” [ i], and [ʊ] [ı], between contrast sometimes occurringwithaschwa[ə that, intwoof these languages,KomandOku,*ʊraisedto/u/*ubecamefricated, ] before a voiceless stop or , e.g., in [ʄ˺p in e.g., affricate, or stop voiceless a before [ʄ˺] implosive palatal /. Super-close vowels were reconstructed in order to account for the set of sound changes CONSONANTS i̧ u /i̧ super-closevowels have to claimed been has P13 Matumbi A particularly rare phenomenon reported in Hendo C82 involves the class 5 prefix, 5 class the involves C82 Hendo in reported phenomenon rare particularly A (cf. De Blois 1970: 155). Demolin 155). 1970: Blois De (cf. Vowel length Consonant overview Super-close vowels *u, *ʊ, for the Central Ring group of Grassfields Bantu languages. He argues He languages. Bantu Grassfields of group Ring Central the for *o & Ndinga-Koumba-Binza 2011), but not before NC (Ndinga-Koum- a ː oː uː/ (Hamann et al. 2002, Bostoen 2008). Faytak (2014) reconstructs back & Merrill 2014), as well as in several ̧ / used by Meeussen (1967, 1969) and Guthrie (1967, (1967, Guthrie and 1969) (1967, Meeussen by used / ] offglide (Faytak &Merrill2014). . (2002) describe it as an unreleased voiced unreleased an as it describe (2002) et al. The soundsof ̧ & Kula 2015): short high and mid vowels tend / as being “roughly equivalent to the to equivalent “roughly being as / and /i u/ a ou/tendtobelaxcomparedtheirlong *di- followed by the noun prefix a the Bantulanguages / is higher than / ̧ / (Odden 1996: 5), but 5), 1996: (Odden / a k a ] ‘moth.’ MRI ‘moth.’ ] a /. Rwanda ː/.

89 - Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 90 f vt Saii 4b hw ta ipoie ɗ hs mr rtatd clso than occlusion retracted more a has /ɗ/ (EPG) implosive that Electropalatography shows stops. G42b Swahili pulmonic Mvita of corresponding of those from differ that patterns constriction display may clicks and implosives alveolar and Dental mechanism. airstream the on dependent is consonants alveolar and dental of realisation phonetic The 3.2 which occurintheselanguages. of clicks and their distribution in Bantu, and to some of the interesting aspects of nasality the chapter will be devoted to aspects of laryngeal action in consonants, to the description plex consonants, and the nature of the so-called ‘whistling fricatives.’ Longer sections of cussed: thedental/alveolar place contrast, thepossibleoccurrence of articulatorily com- Cushitic languagesinIlwanaE701(Nurse1994). internal processes in languages such as Ganda JE15 (Clements 1986) and by contact with through developed has Nyokon 2011).gemination in (Lovestrand Consonant found A45 and voiceless uvular fricative (Bennett affricate uvular voiceless a has Tswana2005). S31 2001, Monaka 1987, (Dickens S311 in severallanguages, andcontrastsbetweenvelarsuvularsarefoundinKgalagari dorsal (velar) , contrasts between dental and alveolar places are found Hajek 1999). con- may they trast with the labio-dental /ʋ/ in the and Zezuru S12 variety of Shona (Olson S16, Kalanga such as Nyanja and S15 Ndau S13, Manyika Bantu languages, S11, Korekore N31a, Southern invarious occur reportedly flaps Labial / labio-dental between contrast the enhance to appear posture lip in Differences (2015). Meynadier and Olson by language, Grassfields Narrow a Medumba, in mʙ/ bial trills/ʙ ing withhighvowels/iu/. 2013). The two vocoid // and /w/ occur in many languages, often alternat- (Bennett S53 Tsongaand 2015) (Myers JE15 Ganda in /l/ of allophones tap condition vowels front E60 is among those with more (Davey a . There is often only one contrastive liquid, i.e., /l/, /ɾ/ or /r/, though Chaga [kʟ affricateejective lateral velar the is connection this in striking Particularly S42. Zulu and S41 Xhosa Sotho-Tswanaas such S30, languages, southern the of number a into borrowed been or guistically commontypes,althoughlateralfricatives(andaffricates) havedevelopedin cross-lin- the of fricatives of sets limited relatively have languages the of Most nasals. concerning processes prosodic other and syllabification and alternations nasal/oral ern a stop or affricate appears, but often intricate (morpho)phonological processes gov- prenasalised voiceless stop (cf.Kerremans1980). earlier an of reflex a often is it where languages some affri- in (and cates) stops voiceless of property contrastive a is Aspiration practices. notational occurrence of cross-linguistically less commonphoneticsegments maybedisguisedby the where instance one illustrates /β/. This say,and between, /b/ contrast or a /ɓ/, and /b/ / in Kwangali K33 and in Manyo K332 (Ladefoged 1990). (Ladefoged K332 Manyo in and K33 Kwangali in β/ f v/andlabialfricativesɸ In the rest of thissection, three of the particular issues ofphonetic interest are dis- Although mostBantulanguagesuseonlyonecoronal(typically alveolar) and one Phonetic studiesoflabialconsonantsincludethestudyplainandprenasalisedbila- where articulation of place each at nasals of set full a have languages Bantu Most Ian Maddieson Dental vs.alveolar placeofarticulation & Lee 2015), and of /r/ in the Washili variety of Ngazidja G44a (Patin G44a Ngazidja of variety Washili the in /r/ of and 2015), Lee & ̥ ' ] of Zulu S42 (cf. Naidoo 2007), which is auditorily reminiscent of reminiscent auditorily is which 2007), Naidoo (cf. S42 Zulu of ] and Bonny Sands et al. 1982, Philippson . 2016). A et al.

voiced pharyngeal fricative /ʕ/ is /ʕ/ fricative pharyngeal voiced & Montlahuc 2003). High & Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 Schryver (cf.Nabirye Source: Image made available by Gilles-Maurice de Figure in palatograms the in shown as pattern, this follows JE16 Soga apical. are alveolars the 303) areretractedincomparisontopulmonicalveolarconsonantssuchas/ 303) alveolar /ǃ clicks in Zulu S42 (Thomas-Vilakati 2010) and Xhosa S41 (Doke 1926: pulmonic /t/and/ɗ apical alveolar nasal in lapped either not at all or no more than is typical of sequences such as /tk/ or /pk/ in /pk/ or /tk/ as such sequences of typical is than more no or all at not either lapped are that almost totally overlapped, as in labial-velars, but sequential articulations articulations which are over double in result not does process This 1931a). (Doke S10 Shona and 1983) (Jouannet JD61 Rwanda in alia, inter occurs, obstruents into articulations ary second- of intensification of process interesting An suggested. sometimes is than nants phonetic point ofview, theBantulanguageshavefewerarticulatorily complex conso- (Nurse (Mutaka ing Londo A11 (Kuperus 1985), “Sawabantu” languages of Guthrie’s groups A10–20–30 , but they occur in only relatively few of the Bantu languages, includ Doubly articulated labial-velar stops (andnasals)arefoundalmost exclusively in the 3.3 superimposed oneachphotograph. laminal dental inFigure FIGURE The typical pattern for dental/alveolar contrasts is that the dentals are laminal while laminal are dentals the that is contrasts dental/alveolar for pattern typical The Complex or simpleconsonants? 3.12 andFigure & Hinnebusch 1993, Kutsch Lojenga 2001) among others. However, from the from However, others. among 2001) Lojenga Kutsch 1993, Hinnebusch & 3.12 Eois 19–97, agA5 Mdo v 19) ad iied E70 Mijikenda and 1997), Mvé (Medjo A75 Fang 1996–1997), Ebobissé & MAXIMUM CONSTRICTION. THE INDICATEOF LINES WIDTH THE HORIZONTAL WHITE BY A SOGA JE16 SPEAKER. THE PALATOGRAM OF [ ̪ et al / hasashorterocclusionthant . 2016:223). Figure . 2016). The width of the constriction for the for constriction the of width The 2016). 3.13 (Nabiryeetal. 3.13, as indicated by the positioning of the horizontal white lines 3.12 isnarrowerthan the width of the constriction of the a n a ] SPOKEN The soundsof rice deSchryver(cf.Nabirye Gilles-Mau- by available made Image Source: FIGURE ̪ / (Hayward 3.13 the Bantulanguages et al. 1989: 54). The (post: H MXMM CONS- ­TRICTION. MAXIMUM LINES THE OF WIDTH THE INDICATE WHITE HORIZONTAL THE SPEAKER. JE16 SOGA A BY SPOKEN AAORM F [ OF PALATOGRAM et al tʰ / and/s/. . 2016:223).

a n ̪ 91 a - - ]

Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 FIGURE did not replicate the pattern suggested by Mathangwane. For example, the word meaning speakers ofKalangaS16,onefromFrancistowninBotswanaandZimbabwe, female other two of author first the by made Recordings /p/. the for visible is burst although no articulations, of sequence a contains it suggesting stop, simple a than longer /pk/ publishedinthisstudyactuallyshowsthatthedurationofelementisconsiderably containing word a of spectrogram one The one. velar the than ms) (10–15 later slightly bly articulated segments in other languages in which the labial closure is formedvery be animportantcounter-example tothe more commonpatternfoundin labial-velardou- [p are they i.e., segments, /p/ and /k/ simple of that to similar is duration their and closures lapped /pk/ the like elements which evolvesfromearlierorunderlying/pw/arepronouncedwithalmostfullyover that suggests She S16. Kalanga in forms parallel of nunciation across thedifferent varietiesofShonaS10. observed long ago was by Doke as (1931b, However,1931a), the 1990). phonetic patterns vary (Maddieson quite considerably Shona of variety S12 Zezuru the for shown been have facts similar Somewhat /mŋ/. sequence nasal the of case the in optionally except segments, two the for closures the in overlap no is closure. There first the of release oral strong a is there /tk/, in as voiceless, is sequence the When segments. two the separates ond is formed. When the sequence is voiced, as in bg/, /mg a quite marked central vocoid ures stop afteranon-homorganic nasalorstopareillustrated by thespectrograms inFig- rather produce does unusual consonantsequencesinonsetpositions. it hand, other the On ‘hopkiln.’ or ‘fruitcake’ like words English 92 A particularly interesting claim is made by Mathangwane (1999) concerning her pro- her concerning (1999) Mathangwane by made is claim Ainteresting particularly velar a into /w/ or /u/ underlying an of strengthening JD61 Rwanda the of Examples Ian Maddieson 3.14–3.16. As these show, the first segment is released before the closure for the sec- 3.14 ͡ k , b JD61 BY A MALESPEAKER. PCRGA O RWANDA OF SPECTROGRAM ͡ g ]. She reports that the labial closure is formed first. This would therefore would first. This formed is closure labial the that reports She ]. imwa [ and Bonny im ə g a ] ‘DOG’ SPOKEN Sands FIGURE 3.15 JD61 KER AS IN SPEA ­ SAME (DIMINUTIVE)’; SPECTROGRAM OF RWANDAOF SPECTROGRAM akabwa [ FIGURE a kab ə g 3.14. a ] ‘DOG ‘DOG - Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 Tabasaran (Kodzasov &Muravjeva1982). ments areveryrareintheworld’sseg- languages, but do occur intheDagestanian language Similar phase. release their in labialised be themselves can fricatives” “whistling it coversthefricative duration rather than beingprimarily realised as anoffglide; hence that in labialisation “ordinary” from differently timed also is gesture The raising. back a vertical narrowing ofthelipswithlittle or noprotrusionandaccompanying tongue primarily involves labialisation this articulation, [w]-like a i.e., back, tongue the of ing labialisation, which involves rounding andprotrusionofthe lips accompanied by arais- “whistled,” or “whistling fricatives” (Doke 1931a, Bladon tion co-produced with alveolar fricatives which have led to these segments being named Shona S10 and Kalanga S16 are also marked by the occurrence of a type of labialisa 3.4 and sociolinguisticvariationinthisareawouldbeofgreatterest. more typical of speakers of 50 or more years of age. Evidently more study of the phonetic rowed lip posture is accompanied by a retroflex lingual gesture and thus may be tran- be scribed with a retroflex fricative symbol [ʂ], e.g., may [ʂìr thus and gesture lingual retroflex a by accompanied is posture lip rowed in have not been reported for Tshwa S51, the acoustic positions findings arelip similarAlthough tomeasures. those inacoustic other Tsonga in differ also fricatives the and terpart, coun- non-whistled its than spectra compact and peaked more has fricative whistled The [ ‘armpit,’ transcribed by Mathangwane as [ɦ as Mathangwane ‘armpit,’by transcribed fricative, or [h FIGURE h a Figure A detailed study of a weakly “whistled” fricative in Tsonga S53 shows that the nar the that shows S53 Tsongain fricative “whistled” weakly a of study detailed A k ʰ ‘Whistling’ fricatives w a ] with no labial closure, [h 3.16 3.17. This third pronunciation was characterised by one of the speakers as being JD61 AE PAE AS SPEAKER FIGURE 3.14. SAME PCRGA O RWANDA OF SPECTROGRAM a pkʰ a ] with a sequence of stops with clearly separate releases, as illustrated ugutwi [ ugutkwi] a ‘EAR’; ‘EAR’; px a ] with a labial stop followed by a fairly long velar The soundsof

a p ͡ FIGURE kʰ a ], could receive three pronunciations – pronunciations three receive could ], ̤ á ] ‘disasters’ (Lee-Kim 3.17 et al. 1987). Unlike “ordinary” the Bantulanguages S16 [h S16 Y FML SPEAKER FEMALE FROM . A BY SPECTROGRAM OF KALANGA a pkʰ a ] ‘AMPIT,’SPOKEN ] et al. 2014).

93 - - Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 for Ilwana E701 where the ejectives are in borrowed Cushitic vocabulary, and the ejective is generallyweakcomparedto that foundinlanguagesofthe Afro-Asiatic family, except ejection contexts. The post-nasal in especially South, the of languages in stops voiceless rarely found intheBantu languages, although they occur as variants ofthe unaspirated languages of the Congo basin and the South-West. Ejective stops and are more least one implosive, most frequently a bilabial, but implosives are generally absent in the at have often South-East the and area coastal North-West,Eastern the the of Languages 4.2 Kanincin varietyofRuwundL53(Demolin2015:495). the and 287) 2014: (Cheucle A85b Bekwel in described been has implosives, possibly to coarticulationthanotherconsonants. but Dogil and Roux (1996) argue that ejectives and clicks in Xhosa S41 are more resistant languages Beddor 1987, (Manuel contrasts voicing at looked not have Bantu in coarticulation of studies Other 2001). (Monaka most the are stops to voice category; aspirated stops aretheleast susceptible to coarticulation and voiced to coarticulation bility ofstops varies notonlybyplaceofarticulation, but alsoaccording suscepti- the show to (EPG) electropalatography uses also She 2001). (Monaka voicing tend to be made with a downward movement of the larynx, presumably to help sustain Voicedstops 2005). (Monaka stops uvular or dental bilabial, than measurements VOT within each category. She shows that voiceless palatal and velar stops tend to have longer and unaspirated aspirated stopcategoriesinKgalagariS311, anditalsovariesby place ofarticulation voiceless voiced, between expected, as differs, VOT laryngograph. a bines acoustic data with data about larynx height and vocal fold vibrations obtained using com- study (2001, detailed Monaka's S311. Monaka Kgalagari in and contrast three-way G42 a examines Swahili 2005) in contrast such one study (1985) Lodhi and strand Voiceon based plosives in occur.contrasts do Timethree-way Onset Eng- (VOT) sives, plo- of series voiceless and voiced having as reported are languages Bantu most Though 4.1 4 influence ofBantulanguages. (Ashby Portuguese Mozambican in but occur cross-linguistically,do they rare very are fricatives “Whistling” next. the one the fact that the phonetic realisation of a cross-linguistically rare sound may differ from underscores fricatives “whistling” S53 Changana of study This undescribed. yet is that tration of the frication noise, but it must be due to a particular linguopalatal configuration concen - whistle-like the for account cannot alone constriction labial the [usu], sequence S53. Since a rounded lip posture can also be seen in non-whistled fricatives, such as in the Tsongaand S16 Kalanga S10, Shona in seen posture lip narrowed the than 2011)rather counterparts (Shosted 2006). fricative non-whistled their to compared when frequencies peak spectral lower and bandwidths peak spectral narrower have fricatives “whistling” the that in S53 94

LARYNGEAL ACTION IN CONSONANTS An unusual VOT contrast between partially voiced plosives and fully voiced stops, voiced fully and plosives voiced partially between contrast VOT unusual An (Shosted posture lip rounded a with occur fricatives “whistling” S53, Changana In Ian Maddieson Voice onsettime Implosives andejectives and Bonny Sands & Barbosa 2011), clearly due to the to due clearly 2011), Barbosa & . 2002, Malambe 2015), 2002, et al. Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 waveform of an intervocalic bilabial implosive in Tonga S62 is shown in shown is S62 Tonga in implosive bilabial intervocalic an of waveform (Hardcastle ingressive is airflow initial the release of moment intra-oral pressureisrelatively that atthe low atthetimewhenclosureisreleasedso the that mean Secondly,may release. it the of time the at voicing of percept strong larly the amplitude of vocal fold vibration to increase during theclosure,giving a particu enlarged while being the oral is closure is cavity maintained. This supralaryngeal may have the two principal of effects. size Firstly, the it allows that so production, their during are in the normal position for voicing. Rather, what is critical is that the larynx is lowering is characteristic of their production. In Bantu, this is typically not the case; the vocal folds (Gouskova etal growing amplitudeofthevoicingduringclosure. respectively the positiveandnegative peaks inthewaveformordertodramatise the ous through the closure; upper and lower lines have been constructed on the Dashed vertical lines mark the onset and offset of the bilabial closure. Voicing is continu / ~ [ð ~ kʼ/ S31, ejectives are weakand are sometimes lenited, with loss ofejection: /tʼ Tswana of variety S31c Ngwato the In earlier. mentioned S42 Zulu of affricate lateral pitch of the voice in their neighbourhood (Lanham 1958). It has since sometimes come sometimes since has It 1958). (Lanham neighbourhood their in voice the of pitch originally appliedto consonants which have aparticularlysalient lowering effect on the regions. Southern and Eastern the was of term languages This Bantu certain of acteristic char are which consonants “depressor” the in occurs action laryngeal special Another 4.3 (Nagano-Madsen & Thornell 2012). in F tude burst than [b] (Naidoo 2010). In Mpiemo A86c, implosives have a slight rise FIGURE The segments labelled as implosives are sometimes described as if a glottal constriction ] tends to have a shorter closure duration and lower ampli lower and duration closure shorter a have to tends [ɓ] implosive S42, Zulu In 0 Depressor consonants beforetheonsetofafollowingvowelwhilevoicedplosives have asharpdipinF 3.18 LUTAIG H ICESN APIUE F OCN DRN THE IMPLOSIVE. DURING VOICING OF AMPLITUDE INCREASING THE ILLUSTRATING WAVEFORM OF THE MIDDLE PART OF THE TONGA S62 WORD /ɓ . 2011: 2127). The soundsof the Bantulanguages & Brasington 1978). The 1978). Brasington & à figure linking ɓé/ ‘FATHER,’ Figure ͡ 3.18. t k

͡ 95 ] - - - - 0

Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 Wright (Traill depression in contrast may approximants and nasals as such /h trates thefactthatdepressionisnotnecessarilyassociatedwithvoicingasboth/h/and consonants (Chen consonants cedes thedepressor. onset afterthenon-depressor, andarapidpitchfallbeginsduringthevowelwhichpre- tred on the depressor consonants themselves. At vowel onset, the F the onset, vowel themselves. At consonants depressor the on tred words /líh words lower than a Low elsewhere. Low a than lower considerably begins depressor a after High a Thus female. one and male two speakers, three across mean the is This non-depressors. after than lower Hz 23 is depressors after onset after depressor consonants is 44 Hz lower than after the non-depressors and a Low High a but Hz, 22 is consonants non-depressor of set a after tones Low and High accurately, on the fundamental frequency of vocal fold vibration, abbreviated F abbreviated vibration, fold vocal of frequency fundamental the on accurately, to beusedforanyconsonantwhichhaslocalloweringeffect onpitchor, more 96 the F remains Traill of study that detailed most The use. expanded this from different depressor quite a is of consonant notion original the However, process. spreading high-tone or raising a block simply may which those for used been even has It plosive. voiced ordinary an as the depressor is high (Rycroft 1981), the onset F after tone lexical the that fact the Despite word. second the in depressor a is consonant FIGURE ̤ / are voiceless (Downing voiceless are / Voiceless, voiced, prenasalised and even aspirated stops may all pattern as depressor Ian Maddieson 0 Hz 100 150 200 associatedwithdepressorsislowerthanalowtone,andthelowestpitchcen- & Shryock 1993, Mathangwane 1998). Since these segments make for easy for make segments these Since 1998). Mathangwane 1993, Shryock & 3.19 à ms l à / ‘aloe’/ /líh and . (1987) on depressor consonants in Zulu S42. This study shows that shows study This S42. Zulu in consonants depressor on (1987) et al. l DEPRESSOR /hINSWATI S43(MALESPEAKER). IC CNOR ILSRTN EFCS F O-ERSO AND NON-DEPRESSOR OF EFFECTS ILLUSTRATING CONTOURS PITCH & Downing 2011, Cibelli 2015, Lee 2015). Lee 2015, Cibelli 2011, Downing & h and Bonny 350 ̤ á & Gick 2001, Downing 2009). Equally, voiced segments voiced Equally, 2009). Downing 2001, Gick & l a Figure à ~ / ‘harrow,’/ the that fact the mark to diacritic a is / /̤ where Sands 700 compares the pitch contours of the Swati S43 Swati the of contours pitch the compares 3.19 l a ~ 0 is about 30 Hz lower than the low tone 1050 h l 1400 Figure h 0 difference between & Jackson 1988, Jackson & 3.19 alsoillus- a ! 1750 0 , such Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 FIGURE tracking ofF age oflexicalitemswhichcontain clicks. both in terms of the number of contrastive click consonants, and in terms of the percent (forthcoming), Gunnink & Sands and (2017) languages, as detailed in Pakendorf et al. across varies clicks of load functional . The in as well as roots Bantu in found be can clicks clusters, South-West the and South-East the both of languages In 2015). (Bostoen languages Ju and Khoe from borrowed were they K402, Fwe In South-East. the in those from independently borrowed were cluster South-Westthe in Clicks 1995). Bailey 1945, (Letele languages SEB other into spread (Louw 2013,Pakendorfetal. 2017); from Nguni (primarily Zulu S42), they subsequently were borrowed from Khoe and possibly also from Taa and Kx'a languages into Nguni S40 and theSouth-West (SWB),asshowninFigure Bantu languages. They occur in two separate geographical clusters, the South-East (SEB) various speaking people of millions by used are clicks rare, cross-linguistically Though 5 by Traill (1990). described depressors” without “depression the in as effect grammatical for deployed of class any with associated consonants andthusiscapableofbecomingitselfanindependentphonologicalentity become may gesture This with. associated is it sonant a speciallaryngealpostureconsistentwithverylowpitchco-producedthecon- Traill Following (1980). is notaninvariableaccompanimentofdepressionashadbeenproposedbyRycroft the consonant and at the vowel onset which is transcribed as [ɦ of part during phonation breathy noticeably is there lowest words these the In nasal. the than in pitch higher panel) (right 50Hz or panel) (left 40Hz is vowel the on peak middle ofthenasal,andpitchbeginstorisebeforeconsonantisreleased; trated inFigure illus- are E72a Giryama Twothem. from with examples visualised easily most be can CLICKS 3.20 RECORDING COURTESY OFCONSTANCE KUTSCHLOJENGA. /nh 0 IC EFCS F ERSO NSL I TE IYM E2 WORDS GIRYAMA E72A THE IN NASALS DEPRESSOR OF EFFECTS PITCH throughtheconsonant,centringofdepressiononconsonant a 3.20. In these cases there is a substantial fall in F (IH PANEL). (RIGHT /nho IDEOPHONE AND PANEL) (LEFT ‘EIGHT’ ne/ . (1987), we understand true “depression” to consist of consist to “depression” true understand we (1987), et al. The soundsof

. Clicks in the South-East cluster South-East the in Clicks 3.21. & Sands 2012, Gunnink 2012, Sands & the Bantulanguages ]. However, breathiness 0 fromtheonsetto et al.

97 - Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 Mbalangwe K401 has clicks, but whether it is a sociolect of Subiya K42 (Maho 1998: (Maho K42 Subiya of sociolect a is it whether but clicks, has K401 Mbalangwe Gunnink 1997, Möhlig 1997, (Baumbach K402 Fwe and K333 Mbukushu al. 2003). Clicks are also found in Manyo (Gciriku) K332, Sambyu K331, Kwangali K33, speakers vary, havingasfew12ormany as 22distinct click consonants (Fulopet YeyiBotswana while 257), 1997: (Gowlett consonants Yeyiclick Namibian 19 having R41. Yeyias in described found is is clicks of number largest the meet, Zambia and of variety Mzimba Tumbuka N21(Moyo1995). the in and 1995) (Bailey S61 Chopi in occur to reported been also have Clicks known. well not is lects these in load functional their but 1996), Sitoe 1989, Afido 1974, Baumbach 1954, Doke 1932, Persson 1914, (Passy S54 Ronga and S53D Nkuna S54, Konde TsongaTswaS53, S51, in occur to reported been have clicks Afido 1972, 1970, Mkanganwi (Borland in variety midlands S15 Ndau in the occur in and to S16 reported Kalanga of been varieties only have clicks group, S10 Shona the In 1990). los only occurinafewsoundsymbolicwordsandinterjections in NorthernSothoS32(Pou - but 1971), (Guma S33 Sotho Southern in words many in found are Clicks 2017). et al. have Pakendorf 1954, (Doke clicks fewer has which S43 Swati consonants; click 15 and 12 between S44, Ndebele Zimbabwean and S404 Phuthi S42, Zulu S41, Xhosa cially 98 FIGURE In theSouth-West, theareanearwherebordersofNamibia, Angola, Botswana In the South-East, the core is formed by the languages of the Nguni group (S40), espe- & Louwrens 1994). Clicks do not occur in Vendaoccur not do (Ziervogel Clicks S21 1994). Louwrens & Ian Maddieson 3.21 GIESEKE AND SEIFERT AND (2007). (2009) MAHO FOLLOWING ESTIMATED ARE LOCATIONS LANGUAGE OT-ET N SUHES BNU AGAE WT CLICKS. WITH LANGUAGES BANTU SOUTH-EAST AND SOUTH-WEST B SW and Bonny . 1989, Pongweni 1990). In the Tswa-Ronga S50 group, S50 Tswa-Ronga the In 1990). Pongweni 1989, et al. Fwe Sands Loz SEB Y eyi Ndebele i Xhos Sotho Southern a

Zulu Swati . 1981, Poulos 1981, et al. Lozi national with click Fwe dialects Lects which . 2015). et al. have lost click borde s s

et al.

r Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 the sequence of midsagittal real-time MRI in MRI real-time midsagittal of sequence the unless occur to unlikely are and efforts torevitaliseMalawianNgonionaZulumodelprove effective (Kishindo2002). languages group Manda for reported been not have in map and the TanzaniaMalawi on of shown languages not that are Note 2003). (Maho group N10 Manda the of languages to Nguni from shifted sequently Nguni known as Ngoni N12 (Elmslie 1891, Spiss 1904, Doke 1954); Ngoni speakers sub- 100 than more occurred contrasts click of number 2014). (Gunnink A S33 Sotho Southern with contact to due likely consonants, click of number reduced a has too, S42, Zulu Sowetan forthcoming). nink (Schulz inventory 2016). click Click loss is reduced an on-going process a in Chopi (Bailey have 1995) and Some S407 in Imusho Fwe S42. Ndebele (Gun- Zulu Southern of from speakers back clicks borrowing are speakers S408 Ndebele “Northern” some seems it though 2009), Skhosana 1989, Gowlett 1959, (Ziervogel K21 Lozi and (Maddieson etal clicks with area this of languages former or surviving the from clicks acquired have to appear East Africa of languages Bantu the of none that noteworthy is It (1932). Persson by was attestation last the as case, such one be may TswaS51 attested. once were they (Pakendorf with languages clicks; clicks Bantu may occur in of some varieties and number not others, the as in the state case of Fwe definitively K402 to possible not also is It distribution. ethnographic idealisation not correspondingprecisely with anyexact time or population fictitious somewhat a represents map this maps, linguistic most Like attested. radically spo- been have clicks where zones S61 and S50 S10, the show patterns grey with S44 Ndebele of east and S43 Swati of north Areas inventories. click smaller represent grey sent the geographical distribution of languages with large click inventories, and areas in be seeninthe map ofSouthern Africa in Figure exception of the Shetjhauba variety of Kgalagari (Tlale 2005, Lukusa and Monaka 2008). possible the S311,with Kgalagari Tswanaand in marginalS31 are Clicks R22. Ndonga and R214 Mbalanhu R21, Kwanyama as such cluster, WamboR20 the of languages in found they are nor K21, Lozi or K41 TotelaR11, Umbundu R31, Herero occur not do consonants Click 1896). 311,Jacottet 1997: (Baumbach varieties Zambian or Namibian Ikuhane, or Botswanan Subiya (Ndana in occur to reported been have Clicks unclear. is 307) 1997: Yeyiof (Baumbach or 51) air pressures inside and outside the mouth results in a sharp acoustic transient. Finally, the of equalisation abrupt the and 4) (timestep released is mouth the of side and/or front the at closure the Next, mouth. the outside air the of that below well reduced be to space the Miller there addition, In them. 2008, (Miller clicks some between for root tongue or dorsum tip, tongue the of retraction be may space the of volume the enlarging 2–3), (timesteps center portion ofthetongueisthenloweredwhiletwomainclosures aremaintained closures. dorsal The and anterior between seal the complete to raised also are tongue the of sides the diagram, mid-sagittal a in seen not cavity.Although oral sealed the inside blade of the tongue or the lips, as shown at timestep 1. A area and asecondclosure is formedinfrontofthe location of thisclosure by the tip or formed bythebackoftonguecontacting the roofofmouthinvelaroruvular The mechanism of producing clicks is now fairly well understood and is illustrated by Languages which lost clicks entirely include “Northern” Ndebele of S408 The separate South-East and South-West groups of Bantu languages with clicks can clicks with languages Bantu of South-Westgroups and South-East separate The & Finch 2011). Expansion of the closed cavity causes the pressure in the air inside . 2017: 20, Gunnink forthcoming), and may have even been lost where lost been even have may and forthcoming), Gunnink 20, 2017: et al. . 1999). et al. 2017), but they have not been documented in The soundsof Figure . Areas in black on the map repre- map the on black in 3.21. Areas years ago in the far-flung varieties of varieties far-flung the in ago years 3.22. A

small quantity of air is entrapped the Bantulanguages

closure in the vocal tract is tract vocal the in closure

rapid reduction in the in reduction rapid Figure . Clicks 3.21. Laine &

99 Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3

FIGURE 3.22 TIME-ALIGNED AUDIO AND VIDEO DATA OF A SWATI S43 DENTAL CLICK AND FOLLOWING VOWEL IN THE SYLLABLE ngca /ŋɡǀaː/. THE TOP AND MIDDLE ROWS SHOW A WAVEFORM AND SPECTROGRAM, RESPECTIVELY. BROKEN VERTICAL LINES INDICATE THE FIVE POINTS IN TIME CORRESPONDING TO THE rtMRI IMAGES SHOWN IN THE BOTTOM ROW. AN ACOUSTIC ARTEFACT OF RECORDING IN THE CYLINDRICAL METALLIC MRI SCANNER BORE IS A SERIES OF ECHOES SPACED AT 53 MS INTERVALS. THE WHITE BOW-SHAPED LINE CROSSING EACH MIDSAGITTAL IMAGE IS ALSO AN ARTIFACT. SEE PROCTOR ET AL. (2013), PROCTOR ET AL. (FORTHCOMING) FOR A DESCRIPTION OF THE METHODOLOGY USED TO OBTAIN THE IMAGES.

Source: Recording and images made available by Michael Proctor. Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 form andspectrogramofthewordcaca/ǀ The velar release of a Xhosa S41 dental click is shown in Miller (cf. constrictions velar than rather uvular [ǁ] favour to tend clicks languages (“”) Khoe lateral and Tuu Kx’a, 2008). and (Miller [ǃ] post-alveolar for particularly occur, also constrictions uvular vowel followingtheclickisseenintimestep5. the of posture The audible. separately be may release this and released, is closure back ised and ejected clicks (e.g., /ǀ (e.g., clicks ejected and ised them areconsidered(Ladefoged &Maddieson1996). and numerous, very thus many different categoriesofindividual clicksarefoundwhenallthelanguageswhichuse are variations possible The velum. the lowering and raising iously timed inrelation to theaction in theoralcavity, andtothetiming of movements var be can activity larynx in Changes mechanism. ejective the of use by or folds, vocal can beaccompanied by simpleglottal closure, bymodalorbreathyvoicing,open click a nose. Thus, the through out flow to lungs the from air permit or block to lowered movements are taking place in the oral cavity, norwhether the velum itself is raised or the end of the first vowel, (as indicated by the arrow), which indicate a velar constriction. click also has a velar closure. This can be seen by the converging F2 and F3 transitions at dorsal release that is closer in time to the release of the anterior click closure. The second has a velar burst 17 ms combining insights from acoustic, aerodynamic and electropalatographic techniques, is techniques, electropalatographic and aerodynamic acoustic, from insights combining South-West other of studies phonetic Bantu clicklanguageswillreveal additionalclickaccompaniments. that possible is It language. Bantu other any in including a voiceless nasal accompaniment (Gunnink forthcoming) notknowntooccur clicks withavelarfricated and ejective velar fricated release (/ǀ contrasts Yeyilanguages. R41 Bantu other in found not are which contrasts several ing (Fulop accompaniments different eight has R41 Yeyi languages. though they are typically produced with an “abrupt” or “unaffricated” release in Khoisan (Fulop fricated somewhat are Yeyiin R41 clicks Palatal “unaffricated.” or cated,” or “pre-affricated” (Roux 2007), while the (post-)alveolar Rwanda is described as in “abrupt” as stops, velar and labial JD61 (Demolin 2015: 483). of Dental and lateral sequence clicks are sometimes a called “noisy,” of “affri- pronunciation variant a as and 2014: 27). The /ʘ/ is not found in Bantu except in paralinguistic utterances, (Bradfield Xhosa and Zulu in speech child-directed in used be foundasavariantof/ǃ type click palatal /ǂ/, differentsources. The in “palatal” or “alveolar” called type variously post-alveolar laminal contrastive a as well as types click three these Yeyihas these was often described as “palatal” in older literature. In South-West Bantu languages, of last The types. click have dental /ǀ/, alveolar lateral / ǁ/ andapical post-alveolar /ǃ S41 Xhosa and S42 Zulu used. are accompaniments seven found, than more are no probably types and click contrastive three languages, Bantu South-East In closure. back and thelocation (uvular orvelar) and manner of release (abrupt oraffricated) of the refers toall the other aspects of the click: laryngeal action and timing, nasal coupling, accompaniment The lateral. or central affricated, or abrupt be may which released, is it which in manner the and closure front the of location the to refers type click The ment. Clicks inBantulanguages are oftenmade with abackclosurethat is velar, however In describingclicks, it is customary totalk of the click type and the click accompani these while doing is larynx the what determine not does mechanism click basic The Thomas-Vilakati’s analysis of Zulu click types (Thomas 2000, Thomas-Vilakati 2010), after the anterior click burst. The click in the second syllable has a ʔ . 2003). Fwe has four accompaniments four has Fwe 2003). /, /ǀ'/)(Fulopetal. . 2007, Miller 2007, et al. The soundsof à ǀ à / ‘be clear.’ The first unaspirated dental click . 2009b, Miller 2010, 2016). 2010, Miller 2009b, et al. Figure the Bantulanguages x /, /ǀ 3.23, which has a wave- x 20) includ 2003), et al. '/) aswellglottal . 2003), et al. ǂ may 101 - - - -

Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 (Ladefoged 2007). Lab Archive UCLAPhonetics the at archived and 1979 in Ladefoged Peter by made Recording Source: FIGURE anterior release -0.3481 3.23

Frequency (Hz) 0.3672 1000 2000 3000 4000 5000 6000 7000 8000 0.03517 0.03517 ON THE FIRST CLICK. THE ARROW IN THE SPECTROGRAM POINTS TO A TO POINTS SPECTROGRAM CONVERGENCE OFF2 AND F3CHARACTERISTICOF VELARS. THE IN ARROW THE CLICK. FIRST THE BURST ON DORSAL ARROWS AND SMALL ANTERIOR DISTINCT THE A WAVEFORM XHOSA. SHOW THE OF ON SPEAKER MALE A SATYO, SIZWE BY SPECTROGRAM OF THE XHOSA S41 WORD S41 XHOSA THE OF SPECTROGRAM 0 0 dorsal releas e Time (s) Time (s) CACA /ǀ à ǀ à / ‘BE CLEAR’ SPOKEN CLEAR’ ‘BE / 0.6318 0.6318 Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 in frame150. the way the front release initially involves formation of a narrow channel, clearly visible That Zulu dental clicks are produced with a controlled fricated release is also clear from back. further closure back the of location the moving to due solely not is cavity the of 140. During this time, rarefaction is occurring. This frame until ms, 100 for overlap closures The arc. the of bottom the at electrodes tacted of thetongueenlarges, thefrontedgeof velarcontactisnowvisibleasalineofcon- ms 40 by made is teeth the of inside the around seal The time. this at record EPG the on observed be cannot closure this palate, soft the cover not does insert the Because record. acoustic accompanying the from detected as made, first is closure velar that time the to close is 0, numbered frame, first The click. arc of the teeth and the vault of the palate. Contacted electrodes are shown as black as shown are electrodes Contacted palate. squares and uncontacted ones as grey dots. the of vault the and teeth the of arc displays suchasthoseinFigure stylised using examined be then can contacts articulatory The ms. 10 every made be to 96 electrodes were used, together with software allowing a sweep of the contact patterns Thomas-Vilakati’sIn with mouth. study,inserts the of roof the and tongue the between teeth and hard palate in which a number of electrodes are embedded whichsense contact Speakers wearathincustom-madeacrylicinsertmouldedtotheshapeoftheirupper data aregraphedin relative timing and durations ofvelar and front closures deduced from acoustic and aerodynamic The ms). 80 (about clicks lateral or post-alveolar for that than ms) 105 (about longer held and earlier formed is clicks dental for closure front The differences.significant timing some show closures front the but milliseconds, 175 about for held are data Thomas-Vilakati’sin types click three all for closures Dorsal later. formed be principle must bereleased after the frontclosurefor click mechanism to work,butitcould in vation by Doke (1926), who believed the front closure was formed first: the velar closure that nasals preceding clicks assimilate in place to velar position, and corrects a misobser confirms that the velar closure always precedes the front closure; this accounts for the fact the most detailed study of click production in a Bantu language to date. Thomas-Vilakati FIGURE More details on the articulations of clicks are given by electropalatography (EPG). electropalatography by given are clicks of articulations the on details More 3.24 STIPPLED BARS. HEAVILY AS SHOWN ARE DURATIONS CLOSURE FRONT (2010). VILAKATI VOWEL THREE IN CLICKS THOMAS- FROM SPEAKERS, ADAPTED BYTHREE SPOKEN ENVIRONMENTS VOICELESS FOR MEANS S42; ZULU OF TYPES LSR DRTOS N TMN RLTOS N H TRE CLICK THREE THE IN RELATIONS TIMING AND DURATIONS CLOSURE Figure 3.24. 3.29, Figure The soundsof Figure 3.30 and 3.30 later,back the of area contact the as and 3.25 shows the production of a dental figure makesclearthattheexpansion Figure the Bantulanguages 3.31, which represent the represent which 3.31, 103 - Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 ti’s work provides the first direct measures of how powerful the energy generated by generated energy the powerful how of measures direct first the provides work ti’s center of the tongue creates a partial vacuum in the cavity between them. Thomas-Vilaka- moment ofreleaseisclearlypost-alveolar. frame From type. click this the at configuration the that so back, moves area contacted the 170 frame to through 150 of release before just occurs which tip tongue the of tion retrac the illustrate also frames These 180. and 170 numbered frames two the between As affrication. without released is click post-alveolar a types, click affricated two these to contrast In 180. frame in continuing and 170 frame in shown as back, far quite channel palate. The release of a lateral click is also affricated, occurring initially through a narrow tongue opposite to where the release will be made is braced contra-laterally against the about 80 ms a longlagbetween thetimevelarclosureismadeandwhenfront closureissealed, 104 Source: Thomas-Vilakati 2010. FIGURE During thetimeperiodinwhich thetwoclosuresofaclickoverlap,lowering Production of a lateral click is illustrated in Figure Ian Maddieson 3.25 3.27 shows,the shift from sealed to open occurs rapidly and completely, here later. The contact of the front of the tongue is asymmetrical, as the side of the SPEAKER. P FAE SOIGA ETL LC SOE B ML ZL S42 ZULU MALE A BY SPOKEN CLICK DENTALA SHOWING FRAMES EPG and Bonny Sands Figure 3.26. In this particular token there is - Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 Source: Adapted from Thomas-Vilakati 2010. FIGURE between about 5 and 20 hPa, depending on the loudness of the voice. The peak negative voice. peak the The of loudness the on depending hPa, 20 and 5 about between 1 ambient the to relation in measured is atmospheric pressure in hectoPascals cavity (hPa, equivalent to the pressure required oral to support the in pressure Air is. gesture this Source: Thomas-Vilakati 2010. FIGURE cm of water). For an ordinary pulmonic stop, peak pressure behind the closure ranges closure the behind pressure peak stop, pulmonic ordinary an For water). of cm 3.27 3.26 CLICK SPOKENBY A MALEZULUS42SPEAKER. P FAE SOIG H RLAIG HS O A POST-ALVEOLAR A OF PHASE RELEASING THE SHOWING FRAMES EPG EPG FRAMES OF A LATERAL CLICK SPOKEN BY A MALE ZULU S42 SPEAKER. The soundsof the Bantulanguages 105 Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 representing a voiced (post-). Similarly, /ŋǃ, IPAfollowing click same the indicating /ɡǃ, e.g., principles, n Zl S2 rhgahc ybl i gvn in given is symbols orthographic S42 Zulu ing place before the click type symbol. Our recommended IPA transcription and correspond- dorsal closure is not contrastive, it is not necessary to indicate the (velar in this case) the of place the Because nasalised. voiced and voiced aspirated, voiceless unaspirated), ference canbeaccountedforbythedifference inpeakpressrebetweentheclicktypes. hPa/ms 4.2 and dentals, for 7.9 post-alveolars, the average rate of pressure change over this phase of the click, which is 14.4 hPa/ms calculating by shown be can This clicks. lateral and dental for than clicks post-alveolar The equalisation of internal and external pressure at release occurs much more quickly in clicks. abrupt and affricated the of dynamics different the reflect also data aerodynamic Thomas-Vilakati’spossible. is that lowering tongue-center of amount the constrain may the least,perhapsbecausecontra-lateralbracingoftongueinlateralclicks shown inFigure pressures reached in clicks are typically -100 hPa or more and may reach over -200, as itntos hn e ctgrcl otat eit I Nua 5D Bubc (1974) Baumbach S53D, indicates that clicks are Nkuna indifferently pronounced as dental In or post-alveolar. In exist. Mbukushu contrasts categorical few when distinctions nants.” SomespeakersofXhosa S41produce“plain”clickswithejection(Jessen2002). breathy/slack voiced nasalised accompaniment; these two series are“depressorconso- 2002) and may even be devoiced (Maphalala et al. 2014, Braver 2017). There is a distinct in Zulu S42. The Xhosa S41 “voiced” clicks are breathy or slack voiced (Jessen (post‑)alveolar click. Xhosa S41 has five accompaniments, three of which are the same as Source: Thomas-Vilakati 2010. 106 FIGURE Zulu S42 has four different accompaniments to its three click types: “plain” (voiceless One ofthemoststrikingthings aboutclicksinBantuisthelackofrespectforplace Ian Maddieson 3.28 BY THREE SPEAKERS. MEANS FOR VOICELESS CLICKS IN THREE VOWEL ENVIRONMENTS SPOKEN EK EAIE RSUE N H TRE LC TPS F UU S42 ZULU OF TYPES CLICK THREE THE IN PRESSURE NEGATIVE PEAK 3.28. Post-alveolar clicks have the greatest rarefaction, lateral clicks lateral rarefaction, greatest the have clicks Post-alveolar 3.28. and Bonny Sands for laterals. Only a small part of this dif- this of part small a Only laterals. for Table hr ae eea wy of ways several are There 3.2. ŋ ǃ, ǃ̬̃/ all represent a voiced nasal ɡǃ, / are equivalent ways of ways equivalent are ǃ̬/ & Roux for Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 be pronounced with an unaspirated dental click ([ruǀom click dental unaspirated an with pronounced be ‘papyrus’word the may Fwe, of variety (Imusho) central the In forthcoming). (Gunnink voiced nasal andvoiceless nasal, butthe language has nocontrast for click type orplace oral, voiced unaspirated, voiceless K402: Fwe in accompaniments click four are There 1997). (Möhlig variation” individual broad a with however, dental, “mostly are clicks olar or sub-laminal retroflex articulations (Doke 1923: 713, 1926: 301). In Manyo K332, which may vary in place. Older accounts type of Southern Sotho S33 describe both click post-alve single a has only S33 Sotho Southern 1998). (Fisch sounds” [post-]alveolar K333, the one seriesofclicks is reported to bepronounced“either as dental, palatal or mants (/ ence of across-linguistically rare contrast between nasalised and oralglottal approxi- pres- the is interest of feature relevant. Another particularly are timing of aspects cases both In nasals. “voiceless” of realisation the and involves segments prenasalised languages the principally Bantu the in nasality consonantal of interest phonetic special The 6 other classesofconsonants. vary place of articulation of clicks in someBantulanguages is rarelyencountered with to environment. liberty prosodic context-free and The variables, sociphonetic or stylistic other Bantulanguagesmayalsovaryinamplitude, depending ontheindividual speaker, in clicks that seems it Anecdotally,velars. by replaced are clicks as altogether, variety between clicksandvelarsinImushoFwemayeventually lead tothelossofclicksin [ǃ͉ replace to come has [k] that surprising not [ǃ͉ click weak the in burst stop velar The dorsal constriction of clicks in Fwe is typically velar. In unaspirated alveolar click ([ruǃom click alveolar unaspirated lated with a in place of the click [rukom articu be also ‘papyrus’may word The it. after than rather consonant the under placed articulation, e.g., [ǃ͉ is averyweakclick, as indicated by the extended IPA (extIPA) diacritic for aweak clicks cross-linguistically.In clicks the anteriorclick burst hasahigheramplitude than thevelar release burst, asistypical for tude than the anterior click burst. The click in the word [ruǃom voiced aspirated voiceless unaspirated voiceless nasalised voiced TABLE 3.2

NASALS AND NASALITY NASALS AND h ̃ / and/h/)foundinKwangaliK33 (Ladefoged &Maddieson1996:132).

IPA SYMBOLS AND ZULU S42 ORTHOGRAPHY FOR CLICKS ŋ ɡ ǀʰ ǀ Dental IPA transcription ǀ ǀ ], which is similar to the diacritic for an unreleased stop e.g., (c˺), but ŋ ɡ ǃʰ ǃ Post-alveolar ǃ ǃ Figure a ]), as in as ]), ] is louder than the anterior click burst, it is perhaps is it burst, click anterior the than louder is ] 3.31, however, the dorsal burst has ahigher ampli The soundsof ŋ ɡ ǁʰ ǁ Lateral ǁ ǁ Figure ] for some speakers. The current variation current The speakers. some for ] a ], as seen in , with no difference in meaning. in difference no with 3.30, c Dental Orthography nc ɡc a the Bantulanguages ]), as in as ]), Figure a ] ‘papyrus’ in Figure qh Post-alveolar nq ɡq Figure 3.29 andFigure 3.32. Because the 3.29, orasan Figure xh x Lateral nx ɡx

3.30, 3.31 107 - - - Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 guages the oral stop duration in voiced prenasalised stops is very short, so the total segment guages theoralstopdurationin voiced prenasalisedstopsisveryshort,sothetotalsegment the vowels that precede them in two languages, Ganda JE15 and Sukuma F21. In both lan- Figure sources, these from data Using 1995). (1994, Hubbard and (1993) Ladefoged and dieson 108 Source: RecordingmadeavailablebyHildeGunnink. FIGURE Detailed studies of timing in prenasalised stops are included in Maddieson (1993), Mad- anterior release Ian Maddieson compares the durations of nasals and voiced prenasalised stops as well as of 3.33 comparesthedurationsofnasals andvoicedprenasalisedstopsaswellof 3.29 -0.3582

Frequency (Hz) 0.3665 1000 2000 3000 4000 5000 6000 7000 8000 0.005541 0.005541 K402 WORD [ruǀom WAVEFORM AND SPECTROGRAM OF THE MIDDLE SYLLABLE OF THE FWE THE OF SYLLABLE MIDDLE WAVEFORMTHE OF SPECTROGRAM AND 0 0 and Bonny dorsal release a ] ‘PAPYRUS,’ SPOKENBY A FEMALESPEAKER. Sands Time (s) Time (s) 0.2102 0.2102 0.3665 -0.3582 0 Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 vowels and the nasal portion is quite long. Nyambo JE21 is similar to Sukuma in its pattern. F21 lengthenedvowelsarealmost exactlyintermediatebetweenunderlyingshortandlong Sukuma F21. Sukuma in are they than JE15 Ganda in vowels long underlying to duration in closer much are vowels Lengthened two. the between differences interesting are there but stops, prenasalised before vowels of lengthening compensatory and quantity vowel of duration is not so very different from that of a simple nasal. Both languages have contrasts Source: RecordingmadeavailablebyKoenBostoen. FIGURE 3.30 -0.6485

Frequency (Hz) 0.5382 anterior release 7000 8000 1000 2000 3000 4000 5000 6000 0.001882 0.001882 K402 WORD [ruǃoma]‘PAPYRUS,’ SPOKENBY A MALESPEAKER. WAVEFORM AND SPECTROGRAM OF THE MIDDLE SYLLABLE OF THE FWE THE OF SYLLABLE MIDDLE WAVEFORMTHE OF SPECTROGRAM AND 0 0 dorsal release The soundsof Time (s) Time (s) () the Bantulanguages 0.178 0.178 2 2

109 Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 110 guages with different patterns. The mean results are given in lengthened vowelscountinadifferent wayintoneassignmentrulesthese languages. that fact the to related is Ganda from difference the that suggests 1995) (1994, Hubbard Source: RecordingmadeavailablebyHildeGunnink. FIGURE ubr (94 19) lo oprd h drtos f oes n he frhr lan- further three in vowels of durations the compared also 1995) (1994, Hubbard anterior release Ian Maddieson 3.31 -0.05658 Frequency (Hz) 0.06647 1000 2000 3000 4000 5000 6000 7000 8000 THAN INFIGURE 3.30. K402 WORD [ruǃom WORD K402 WAVEFORM AND SPECTROGRAM OF THE MIDDLE SYLLABLE OF THE FWE THE OF SYLLABLE MIDDLE WAVEFORMTHE OF SPECTROGRAM AND 0.003405 0.003405 0 0 and Bonny ! a ] ‘PAPYRUS,’ SPOKEN BY A DIFFERENT MALE SPEAKER MALE ‘PAPYRUS,’BYDIFFERENTA ] SPOKEN dorsal release Sands Time (s) Time (s) Table 3.3. Ndendeule N101 0.2255 0.2255 0.06647 -0.05658 0 Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 difference seems to be related to the different origin of long vowels; Yaolong maintains of P21 origin different the to related be to seems difference NC. before lengthening compensatory This any show not does but vowels long has M64 Tongavowels. short of duration the double than more have and vowels long underlying cant compensatory lengthening so that vowels before prenasalised stops areaslong signifi- and contrast long/short a has YaoP21 lengthening. no and vowels long no has Source: RecordingmadeavailablebyHildeGunnink. FIGURE 0.05023 Frequency (Hz) -0.0296 3.32 1000 2000 3000 4000 5000 6000 7000 8000 0.002855 0.002855 0 0 THAN INFIGURE 3.31 AND FIGURE 3.32. K402 WORD [rukom WORD K402 WAVEFORM AND SPECTROGRAM OF THE MIDDLE SYLLABLE OF THE FWE THE OF SYLLABLE MIDDLE WAVEFORMTHE OF SPECTROGRAM AND velar release a ] ‘PAPYRUS,’ SPOKEN BY A DIFFERENT MALE SPEAKER ‘PAPYRUS,’MALE BY] DIFFERENTA SPOKEN Time (s) Time (s) The soundsof the Bantulanguages 0.2213 0.2213 0.05023 -0.0296 0 111 Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 112 as afternasals(Zsiga In this variety, some speakers fail to devoice, and others devoice intervocalically as well than devoicing in the Ngwato S31c variety (Gouskova et al . 2011, Boyer (Coetzee speakers stops aredevoiced in KgalagariS311 (Solé etal. 2010), and in Tswana S31 only Post-nasal for some nasals. after stops voiceless against constraint a violate to argued been have in nasals after stops of TswanaS311.Kgalagari and S31 languages related closely These loss. Proto-Bantu vowel length, but hasdeveloped long vowelsfrom intervocalic consonant preserve not does TongaM64 them. to adds and distinctions length vowel Proto-Bantu Vowel durationin. . .CVC alignments aremadeormissed. critical as segments these of pattern acoustic the largein quite variability create gestures retained andsmallvariations in thetimingandmagnitudeofdifferent component of nasal + oral and voiced + voiceless portions found in prenasalised stops are sometimes 1998) and Rwanda JD61 (Demolin 1991), (HuffmanG24 Bondei E71, Pokomo (Maddieson F21 Sukuma in including segments, of types related or nasals less .CVNC .CV:C Source: After Hubbard1995 TABLE 3.3 FIGURE Several recentdetailed studies havelookedatthetimingandlaryngeal characteristics In several areas earlier voiceless prenasalised stops havedeveloped into voice Ian Maddieson 3.33

COMPARISON OF MEAN VOWEL DURATIONS IN THREE LANGUAGES, ONE SPEAKER PER LANGUAGE AFTER HUBBARD 1995. GANDA JE15 AND SUKUMA F21(SEE TEXT FOREXPLANATION). OPRSN F EETD OE AD OSNNS EGH IN LENGTHS CONSONANTS AND VOWEL SELECTED OF COMPARISON & Pretorius 2010). There is evidence for post-nasal rather fortition post-nasal for evidence is There 2010). Pretorius & et al and Bonny . 2006). Ndendeule N101 148 146 –

Sands & Delvaux 2001). Aspects of the original sequencing & Hinnebusch 1998), Kalanga S16 (Mathangwane S16 Kalanga 1998), Hinnebusch & Yao P21 130 132 61 & Zsiga 2013). Tonga M64 100 101 241 - Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 those of the following / is released. The fragment marked B has voiceless oral airflow, with resonances similar to voiceless velar nasal [ŋ a phonetically is lines, two first the between marked A, portion The syllable. first the of ‘basket’ spoken in isolation. Dotted vertical lines separate the major phonetic components in n word. a in tion studies of the major prosodic characteristics of the languages. Stress in Bantu often falls often Bantu in Stress languages. the of characteristics prosodic major the of studies A discussionofBantuphoneticswould notbecomplete without referencetosomeofthe 7 as whispery-voice. (2001) Delvaux and Demolin by pro- described voicing but of fricatives), kind modified voiceless a with after duced (except voiced fully are JD61 Rwanda in ments seg- parallel the whereas (1991), Maddieson in described as voiced, breathy or voiced can betracedthroughitsduration. but oral, and as often in an [h]-sound, the transition of the formants of the flanking vowels tion of the initial stop, A. Fragment D, which is the consonantal part of the /ŋ the latter part of the vowel /ɔ/ in Fragment C, following an oral portion, B, and the aspira- In this case there is no consonantal nasality. The nasal feature is realised as nasalisation of shows a realisationshows ofamedial instance of thesamesegmentinword/kɔŋ nasal.” voiceless “aspirated an as described be well might segment of type FIGURE

PROSODIC CHARACTERISTICS Variation in the realisation of “voiceless nasals” is at least in part correlated with posi- In Sukuma F21, the nasal portion of the “voiceless nasals” is often at least partly least at often is nasals” “voiceless the of portion nasal the F21, Sukuma In 3.34 FOR DISCUSSIONOF THE PHONETICSEGMENTATION. SPECTROGRAM OF THE NYAMWEZI F22 WORD /ŋ WORD F22 NYAMWEZI THE OF SPECTROGRAM Figure ̊ ]. The second line marks the time-point at which the velar closure a .4 hw a pcrga o te ymei 2 wr /ŋ word F22 Nyamwezi the of spectrogram a shows 3.34 / vowel. Fragment C is the voiced portion of the vowel / vowel the of portion voiced the is C Fragment vowel. / The soundsof the Bantulanguages ̊ a / ‘BASKET.’ SEE TEXT ‘BASKET.’SEE po/ ̊ / is voiceless ̊ Figure á / ‘to suck.’ a /. This 113 ̊ 3.35 a po/ Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 position oftheF penult (Downing 2010). In Northern Sotho S32, however, there is speaker variation in the be limited tooneandprominent peaks tend to occur in a predictable position, often the tems. For instance, the number of High tones which may surface in a word or a stem may less oftenusedtoidentifyprosodiccues(Zerbian &Barnard2008). 114 (Downing 2010). A 2010). (Downing on the penult, typically with vowel lengthening, but stem-initial prominence also occurs Bantu languagestendtolookatF prosody.question and prosody focus intonation, tions, Typically,in intonation of studies covered here include: patterning of tones,phonetic implementation of tones,positional restric be to prosody of Aspects 2014). Hyman 2010, (Downing Bantu) (Grassfields Oku and E55 Kamba e.g., tones, level two than more with ones do as M31, Nyakyusa (see also Chapter nologically marked tone, with Low tone being unmarked (Stevick 1969, Downing2011) Low tones, which often may combine into contour tones. High tone is generally the pho- s hs S1 tog te eut s tesdlntee (onn 21) Provisions 2010). (Downing stressed/lengthened is penult the though S41, Xhosa as such languages S40 Nguni in antepenult the on fall to tend tones High model. more elaborate a require may S41, Xhosa in (1995) Roux by by and noted A75, Fang those in (1990) as Hombert such patterns, complex more Certain points. these between valleys filled automatically as treated tones Low the with targets, H local of height and position syllable, countingfromthehigh-tone-bearing,verbsteminitial syllable”(Zerbian2009). FIGURE The patterning of tones in many Bantu languages resembles that of pitch-accent sys- pitch-accent of that resembles languages Bantu many in tones of patterning The The phonetic shapes of tone sequences can usually be modeled on the basis of the of basis the on modeled be usually can sequences tone of shapes phonetic The Ian Maddieson 3.35 FOR DISCUSSIONOF THE PHONETICSEGMENTATION. SPECTROGRAM OF THE NYAMWEZI F22 WORD /kɔŋ WORD NYAMWEZIF22 THE OF SPECTROGRAM 0 peak,whichmayoccur“somewherebetweenthesecondand thethird 5). Languages without tone do occur, e.g., Swahili G42, Mwiini G412,

majority of Bantu languages have a tonal distinction of High and High of distinction tonal a have languages Bantu of majority and Bonny 0 andduration; measures ofintensityandspectral tilt are Sands ̊ á / ‘TO SUCK.’ SEE TEXT SEE SUCK.’‘TO / - Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 anticipatory coarticulation of tone,withtheF (Chen consonants implosive by caused the phonetic effects ofdepressorconsonantsonpitchdiffer frompitchloweringeffects and in languages Kalanga S16 and other Shona group S10 group languages (Downing E70 2010). In Zulu S42, Mijikenda other and E73 Digo in occur also Depressors guages. have tobemadeforthespecialeffects ofdepressorconsonantsontoneinNgunilan- North-Western Bantu languages which have stem-initial accent, such as Eton A71, have a (Kula constituent pre-focus the of raising pitch by and position however, newinformation focus isindicated on asubject by itsplacement in post-verbal use of prosody (Downing devoiced finalvowel(Zerbian2016). S31, InTswana 2016). (Patin declarative sentences are primarily marked bypenultimate lengthening andareducedor syllable final devoiced a with associated often is G44a Ngazidja in sentence a of end the at tone boundary L% a with associated lowering Final (Downing Basaa A43a in attested not is but Bantu, across common lowering and downstep in Pare G22 is detailed in Herman (1996). Final lowering is fairly bian Tswanain (Zer tones S31 High adjacent two of second the affects Downstep 2016). al. (Makasso Basaa A43a in attested is tone Low floating a to due Downstep languages. land which does not have downdrift, still has final lowering due to a L% boundary tone (Rial (Downing common more are former the though drift, variety across Bantu languages. For instance, there are languages with and without down- the volume edited by Downing by edited volume the elsewhere (Downing2010). Stem-initial syllables typically have a greater number of segmental contrasts than found between HL and LH contours is restricted to long vowels in Rwanda JD61 (Myers 2003). contrast a instance, For syllables. heavy to restricted be may tones Contour xvii). 2004: the on surface may penult or antepenult vowels and only occur long word-initially in loanwords however,(Kisseberth G412, Mwiini In 2011). (Downing tone in contrast may roots verb of syllable initial the only instance, for JE25, Jita In 2010). ing trasts andvowellength contrasts areoftenrestricted to stem-initial syllables (Down- and resetting. that unitsofparagraphlengthareorganised bylong-rangepatternsoftonaldeclination demonstrated (1996) Carleton statements. than declination pitch of rate slower a by characterised are questions yes/no unmarked syntactically that shows (1999b) Myers example, For tone. and intonation between relation the in issues several address also form the basis for the frequent shifting of a High tone to a later syllable. These studies may pattern This 1999a). Myers 1998, (Kim associated is it which end to syllable the the of at realised is peak pitch High the cross-linguistically, common is as N31b, guage studied but may provide insights into diachronic issues. For example, in Chewa lan- individual the illuminate only not type this of studies Detailed b). 1999a, Myers Myers 1996, Myers 1996, (Carleton N31b Chewa concerns guage in alatersyllable(Myers2003). Focus inBantuisoftenmarked usingmorphosyntactic means ratherthanthroughthe Surveys ofintonation in Bantulanguagesinclude Zerbian and Barnard(2008) con- Tonallanguages. Bantu in prosody of aspect another are restrictions Positional lan- Bantu single a in tone of the on work of body extensive most The & Aborobongui 2016). There are different types of downstep attested in some Bantu & Kügler 2015) and Bemba M42 (Kula & Hamann 2016). The interaction of final of interaction The 2016). Hamann & (Kula M42 Bemba and 2015) Kügler & & Hyman 2016, Downing & Rialland (2016a). Both surveys reveal a great deal of deal great a reveal surveys Both (2016a). Rialland & Dwig 01. n wna D1 tee is there JD61, Rwanda In 2011). Downing & The soundsof 0 of a syllable being affected by a High tone & Rialland 2016b). In Bemba M42, & Rialland 2016b). Mbochi C25, Mbochi 2016b). Rialland & the Bantulanguages & Hamann 2016). Some 2016). Hamann & & Rialland 2016b). Rialland & & Carleton 1996, Carleton & & Abasheikh 115 et - - Downloaded By: 10.2.98.160 At: 01:56 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315755946, chapter3, 10.4324/9781315755946-3 Bailey, R. (1995) Issues in the Phonology and Orthography of Chopi (ciCopi S 61). In 61). S (ciCopi Chopi of Orthography and Phonology the in Issues (1995) Bailey,R. Ashby, S. Mbuub S. Heins, J. Firmino, Afido, G. P., netic studiesofnatural(unelicited)speech. Allwood languages are currently few in number (Prinsloo prosody in Bantu languages will continue to increase in number. Corpus studies of Bantu and intonation Undoubtedly,of fricatives.” studies “whistling and clicks as such sounds to bedoneoncross-linguistic, intra- and inter-speaker variation of typologically unusual remains that work much is There articulation. on environment prosodic of effect the ing ing availability of ultrasound and MRI technologies should lead to future studies examin the popularity of Bantu languages as subjects of research for years to come. The increas- eses aboutpatternsofsoundchangecanbetestedinthisreal-worldlaboratory, ensuring large numbers of related languages. Phonological theories, phonetic theories, and hypoth- Bantu languagesprovideanopportunitytocomparephoneticdifferences betweenfairly 8 sharpfall a by on thefinalsyllable,butpitchrangeexpansionisalsoused(Kula &Hamann2016). ispreceded Zamba in L% boundary final a by marked are questions polar M42, Bemba In 19). questions 1976: (Bokamba in yes-no High final the instance, For prosody.These seven prosodic types question do not account for all in of the details of the tone individual languages. High final a raise JE15 Ganda and C322 Zamba D43. Nyanga prosody.question in lengthening timate and D28 Holoholo in found are tones mid or Polar C61 has reduction of final lowering, while Zulu S42 and Southern Sotho S33 cancel penul- Mongo-Nkundu JE25. Jita in found are intonations High-falling or High-Low final while Final High or rising intonations are found in Ganda JE15, Chewa N31b and Saghala E74b, prosodies. question in found are patterns intonation rising and falling Both downdrift. of languages, themostcommonbeinguseofregisterexpansionalongwithreduction Bantu in found types prosodic different seven includes survey (2007) Rialland's guages. Chewa N31b and Tumbuka N21, for instance, do not have focus prosody (Downing 2016). G412 (Kisseberth 2016), but this seems to be the exception rather than the rule in Bantu. Velde focus prosody that causes the lengthening of stem-initial consonants and vowels (Van de 116 lwo, . H Hmasrm A Hnrke M N Ncb, . odbvn, L. Nomdebevana, N. Ngcobo, N. M. Hendrikse, A. Hammarström, H. J., Allwood, REFERENCES CONCLUSION Traill, A., R. Vossen Patrick J.Dickens Speech Varieties. and Evaluation Africa. Pretorius Eduardo Mondlane. sobre a Padronização da Ortografia de Línguas Moçambicanas. 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