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Ling 720—Theoretical Perspectives on Languages of the Pacific Northwest Emily Elfner and Anisa Schardl October 9, 2008

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Ling 720—Theoretical Perspectives on Languages of the Pacific Northwest Emily Elfner and Anisa Schardl October 9, 2008 Ling 720—Theoretical Perspectives on Languages of the Pacific Northwest Emily Elfner and Anisa Schardl October 9, 2008 Disjoint Reference and Bound Variable Anaphora: Evidence from Salish Henry Davis (2008, ms.) 1. Introduction • Davis (2008) presents a complex picture of Condition C (=Principle C) effects in St’at’imcets: o Pronouns can co-refer with a DP they c-command interclausally; o Pronouns cannot co-refer with a DP they c-command intraclausally; o Strong crossover (SCO) effects hold; o Cataphora is widespread and unconstrained; o Non-pronominal nominal DPs can appear to be bound in focused and ellipsis sentences. • His account makes the following alterations to previously proposed theories of binding: o He argues that classic Condition C is parametrized to apply within different domains in languages; o He revises Reinhart (2006) by adding a new definition for covaluation to account for the presence of SCO effects; o He revises Linking Theory (Hornstein 1995) to account for the cataphora patterns. • In this presentation, we will discuss and evaluate Davis’ account of the St’at’imcets data. 2. Condition C: Data • Classic Condition C: A pronoun cannot be co-indexed with an R-expression that it c-commands. • Upper St’at’imcets shows systematic violations of Principle C: o Pronouns (usually but not always null) can be co-valued with an R-expression it c-commands when the binder is in superordinate clause and the R- expression in subordinate clause. • Examples: R-expressions in complement clauses, relative clauses, and adjunct clauses can be bound by a pronoun in the matrix clause (p.10): (16) tsút=tu7 [kw=s=cuz’ nas ts’úqwaz’-am s=Mary natcw] say(3SU)=PAST [DET=NOM=going.to go fish-MID NOM=Mary tomorrow] “Maryi said shei was going fishing tomorrow.” (Literally: proi said Maryi was going fishing tomorrow.)7 (17) kw7íkwlacw i=sít.st=as [kw=s=cuz’ dream(3SU) when (PAST)=night=3CNJ [DET=NOM=going.to melyíh-s-as kw=s=Mary ta=níw-s=a] marry-CAUS-3ERG DET=NOM=Mary DET=sweetheart-3POSS=EXIS] “Maryi dreamed last night that shei was going to marry heri sweetheart.” (Literally: proi dreamed last night that Maryi was going to marry heri sweetheart.) (18) cúz’=lhkacw=ha sáw-en [lh=ts’um’qs-án’-as going.to=2SG.SU=YNQ ask-TRA [COMP=kiss-TRA-3ERG s=Mary ta=níw-s=a i=gáp=as] NOM=Mary DET=sweetheart-3POSS=EXIS when(PAST)=evening=3CNJ] “Are you going to ask Maryi if shei kissed heri sweetheart last night?” (Literally: Are you going to ask proi if Maryi kissed heri sweetheart last night.) (19) áts’x-en-as ta=sqáycw=a [ta=taw-en-ás=a see-TRA-3ERG DET=man=EXIS [DET=sell-TRA-3ERG=EXIS s=Mary ta=púkw=a] NOM=Mary DET=book=EXIS] “Maryi saw the man shei sold the book to.” (Literally: proi saw the man Maryi sold the book to.) (20) áts’x-en-as ta=sqáycw=a [ta=naq’w-ens-táli=ha see-TRA-3ERG DET=man=EXIS [DET=steal-TRA-TOP=EXIS s=Bill ta=ts’qáxa7-s=a] NOM=Bill DET=horse-3POSS=EXIS] “Billi saw the man who stole hisi horse.” (Literally: proi saw the man who stole Billi’s horse.) (21) papt wa7 ka-nq’sán’k-a [lh=ka-láx-s-as-a always IMPF OOC-laugh-OOC [COMP=OOC-recall-CAUS-3ERG-OOC kw=s=John ti7 ku=qwámqwmet száyten] DET=NOM=John that DET=funny incident] “Johni always laughs when hei remembers that funny incident.” (Literally: “proi 7 In St’át’imcets, as in other Salish languages, predicates that select for clausal complements can be either formally intransitive (as in (16) and (17)) or formally transitive (as in (18)). 10 (16) tsút=tu7 [kw=s=cuz’ nas ts’úqwaz’-am s=Mary natcw] say(3SU)=PAST [DET=NOM=going.to go fish-MID NOM=Mary tomorrow] “Maryi said shei was going fishing tomorrow.” (Literally: proi said Maryi was going fishing tomorrow.)7 (17) kw7íkwlacw i=sít.st=as [kw=s=cuz’ dream(3SU) when (PAST)=night=3CNJ [DET=NOM=going.to melyíh-s-as kw=s=Mary ta=níw-s=a] marry-CAUS-3ERG DET=NOM=Mary DET=sweetheart-3POSS=EXIS] “Maryi dreamed last night that shei was going to marry heri sweetheart.” (Literally: proi dreamed last night that Maryi was going to marry heri sweetheart.) (18) cúz’=lhkacw=ha sáw-en [lh=ts’um’qs-án’-as going.to=2SG.SU=YNQ ask-TRA [COMP=kiss-TRA-3ERG s=Mary ta=níw-s=a i=gáp=as] NOM=Mary DET=sweetheart-3POSS=EXIS when(PAST)=evening=3CNJ] “Are you going to ask Maryi if shei kissed heri sweetheart last night?” (Literally: Are you going to ask pro if Mary kissed her sweetheart last night.) i i i (19) áts’x-en-asalways laughs when Johni remembersta=sqáycw=a that funny[ta=taw-en-ás=a incident.”) see-TRA-3ERG DET=man=EXIS [DET=sell-TRA-3ERG=EXIS (22) skenkín s=Mary[lh=w=as ta=púkw=a]nmatq xát’em ti7 slow [COMP=IMPF=3CNJ walk uphill that NOM=Mary DET=book=EXIS] ku=qelhmémen’ sqaycw áta7 tsítcw-s=a] “Mary saw the man she sold the book to.” (Literally: pro saw the man Mary sold i DET=old i man to house-3i POSS=EXIS] i alwaysthe book laughs to.) when Johni remembers that funny incident.”) “That old mani walks slowly uphill to hisi house.” (Literally: “proi is slow when that old man walks uphill to his house.”)8 (22)(20) skenkínáts’x-en-as[lh=w=asi ta=sqáycw=ai nmatq xát’em ti7[ta=naq’w-ens-táli=ha slow [COMP=IMPF=3CNJ walk uphill that (23) see-s-lheqw=wítTRA-3ERG t’u DET=man[tsícw.ecw=EXIS [DET=steal-i=ucwalmícw=aTRA-TOP=EXIS ku=qelhmémen’s=Bill ta=ts’qáxa7-s=a]sqaycw áta7 tsítcw-s=a] STA-ride=3PL until [get.there(REDUP) PL.DET=people=EXIS DET=old man to house-3POSS=EXIS] NOM=Billl=t=s=cúz’=i=haDET=horse-3POSS=EXIS] tsítcw-em] “That“Bill old saw man thei manwalks who slowly stole uphill his horse.”to hisi house.” (Literally: (Literally: pro saw “pro thei is man slow who when stole that i at=DET=NOMi=going.to=3PL.POSS=EXISi house-MID] oldBill man’s horse.)i walks uphill to hisi house.”)8 “Ti he peoplei rode horses until theyi reached where theyi were going to camp.” (Literally: “Theyi rode horses until the peoplei reached where theyi were going to (23)(21) s-lheqw=wítpapt wa7 t’uka-nq’sán’k-a [tsícw.ecw [lh=ka-láx-s-as-a i=ucwalmícw=a 3. Structuralcamp.”). ambiguities STAalways-ride=3PLIMPF untilOOC -laugh-OOC[get.there[COMP(REDUP=OOC) PL-recall-.DET=CAUSpeople=-3ERGEXIS-OOC kw=s=Johnl=t=s=cúz’=i=ha ti7 ku=qwámqwmet tsítcw-em]száyten] It 3.1.is im Strategiesportant to forpoi navoidingt oat=utDET tha=t ambiguityNOMit is= ngoing.to=3ot st rinaig exhPLtfampleo.POSSrward= sentences EXISto show C house-onditMIDion ]C violations in St’át’imcets, since DETthe =eNOMxten=siJohnve pro-drothatp and DETwor=dfunny order flexibilityincident] characteristic of the ““TJohnhe pe alwaysoplei r olaughsde ho rwhenses u nhetil rememberstheyi reach thated w funnyhere tincident.”heyi were (Literally: going to “cproamp.” languag(eL uitseurallilly: m“Tahkeey a lrtoedrnea htiovres,e sC ouintdiilt itohne pCe-orepslepe cretiancgh esdtr uwchtuere st haevya ilwaberle gfoori npgo itoential • Davis points out that ishowing that Principle C violationsi occur in St’at’imcetsi is not C o n d i t i o camp.”). n C - v i o l a t i n g s t r i n g s . For example, since VOS order is unmarked in Upper St’át’imcets, 7 a DstraightfoP in the rwardfinal p: oprositi-odropn of a ndbic wordlausal orderstruct uflexibilityre can alm allowost al wforay sa bpossiblee constr ureanalysised as a ma oftri x Isnu Sbtj’eáctt’ i(masc eints t,h aes binra ocktheetirn Sga ilnis h(2 l4aan)g),u raagtehse,r ptrheadni caast easn tehlaetm selnetc ot ff othr ec lsauubsoarld cinoamtep lcelmauesnet s( acsa nin Ibet i seither potentialimp oformallyrtant Principleto pintransitiveoint oCu-t violatingth (asat i int i s(16) structuresno tand stra (17))igh intotf oorrw formallyPrincipleard to s htransitiveo Cw- respectingCond (asitio nin Cstructures:(18)). violations in S t’áthet’i mbracketingcets, sinc ine (24b)).the extensive pro-drop and word order flexibility characteristic of the language usually make alternative, Condition C-respecting structures available for potential Con(24)dition a.C-vitsutolating stri[kw=s=cuz’ngs. For exa mple, since VnasOS ordets’úqwaz’-am]r is unmarked in Us=Marypper St’át’imcets, a DP in the finsay(3al poSUsit)ion[ DETof a= NOMbicla=ugoing.tosal structur10e gocan almfish-ost aMIDlway] s be consNOMtrued= Maryas a matrix subject (as in t“Maryhe braic ksaidetin sheg ini was(24a going)), rath fishing.”er than a (Literally:s an eleme nMaryt of tih saide su bproorid wasinate going claus efishing.) (as in the bracketing in (24b)). b. tsut [kw=s=cuz’ nas ts’úqwaz’-am s=Mary] (24) a. tsutsay(3SU[kw=s=cuz’) [DET=NOM =going.to gonas ts’úqwaz’-am]fish-MID s=MaryNOM=Mary] say(3“MarySU) i said[DET she=NOMi was=going.to going fishing.”go (Literally:fish-MID pro] i said MaryNOMi was=Mary going fishing.) “Maryi said shei was going fishing.” (Literally: Maryi said proi was going fishing.) In order to avoid this and similar problems, I have employed a number of strategies in the • exHeamb.
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