DOCSLIB.ORG

Applicative Voice: Geminate and 'Give'-Causatives in Sason Arabic 1

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Applicative Voice: Geminate and 'Give'-Causatives in Sason Arabic 1 Akkuş – geminate causatives in SA Tu+ 5; February 8-9, 2020 Applicative Voice: Geminate and ‘give’-causatives in b. oretman ki tı-qarri kemal lala kitab. Sason Arabic teacher be.3f 3f-read.caus Kemal this.m book ‘The teacher is making Kemal read this book.’ (Yakut 2013:33a) Faruk Akkuş1 University of Pennsylvania c. oretman ki tı-qarri lala kitab mışa kemal. [email protected] teacher be.3f 3f-read.caus this.m book to Kemal ‘The teacher is making Kemal read this book.’ (Yakut 2013:33b) 1 Introduction • In contrast, in ‘give’ causatives, the causee is introduced only as a PP. Sason Arabic (SA) has four strategies of expressing causatives: (i) ablaut, (ii) ‘make’ causatives, (iii) gemination, and (iv) ‘give’ causatives. (4) ‘give’ causatives (GiveC) • Ablaut applies to unaccusative verbs. a. ado dolab-ad-en mışa tamirci addil gave.3pl shelf-pl-their to repairman fix.inf (1) ablaut ‘They had the repairman fix their shelves.’ a. l¯ake tal-e b. tel-tu l¯ake (Lit: They gave their shelves to the repairman to fixing) stain came.out-3f came.out.caus-1sg stain b. ımm-a mışa fatma şi adıd-u addil ‘The stain came out.’ ‘I got the stain out.’ mother-her to Fatma food gave-it.m fix.inf ‘Her mother had Fatma cook the food.’ • Causatives embedded under ‘make’ (MC), (2), involve (Lit: The food, her mother gave it to Fatma to fixing) (Erguvanlı-Taylan 2017:221:30) – overt embedded theme – This strategy is a result of contact with Kurdish (Akkuş 2017; Akkuş and – infinitival verb Benmamoun 2018; Erguvanlı-Taylan 2017). – null embedded agent, interpreted as indefinite. • Today’s focus is on (3) and (4). (2) ‘make’ causatives (MC) Proposal a.a Ga sa nazf haydan. village.lord made.3m clean.inf wall • Gemination exhibits an active-passive alterna- (5) VP ‘The village lord made (someone) clean the wall.’ (Akkuş accepted:1) tion, whereas the GiveC manifests a passive struc- ture. V VoicePappl b.a Ga sa nazf haydan mı nes-ma tawwil. • Both embed a distinct VoiceP, which assigns a village.lord made.3m clean.inf wall by person-a tall DP VoiceP 0 causee T-role as opposed to the canonical Initiator appl ‘The village lord had the wall cleaned by someone tall.’ role of VoiceP. VoicePappl VP • Gemination allows the causee to be expressed either as a DP or a PP headed by • This VoiceP can be called applicative VoiceP (à T Causee la Legate 2014). (mı)şa ‘for, to’, as in (3). V DP (3) gemination Roadmap a. kemal ku i-qri lala kitab. kemal be.3m 3m-read.ipfv this.m book §2 Active-passive in geminates and the GiveC ‘Kemal is reading this book.’ §3 Applicative VoiceP §4 Structures for geminates and the GiveC 1Many thanks to Julie Anne Legate, David Embick and Martin Salzmann for invaluable com- ments and discussions. Thanks also to thank Abbas Benmamoun, Hamid Ouali, Usama Soltan, Matt §5 Conclusions Barros, and the audience at NACAL 47 for feedback. Usual disclaimers apply. §6 Appendix Scan for PDF 1 Akkuş – geminate causatives in SA Tu+ 5; February 8-9, 2020 2 Active-passive alternation (8) a. ams adi-tu dolab-ad-i mışa tamirci addil yesterday gave.3pl shelf-pl-my to repairman fix.inf A variety of diagnostics demonstrate that geminates exhibit an active-passive alter- ‘Yesterday, I had my shelves fixed by the repairmam.’ nation (as in MC; see Akkuş 2019) and that the GiveC behaves as passives. b. ams dolab-ad-i ın-ado mışa tamirci addil (mı-nni) yesterday shelf-pl-my pass-gave.3pl to repairman fix.inf by-me • An initial clue with regard to the structure of geminates comes from passivization ‘Yesterday I made the repairman fix my shelves.’ asymmetries. (‘Yesterday, my shelves were made fixed by the repairman by me’) – With the DP causee, (6b), it is the DP causee that raises to become the grammatical subject, (6c). c. *ams (mışa) tamirci ın-ada dolab-ad-i addil (mı-nni) yesterday (to) repairman pass-gave.3m shelf-pl-my fix.inf by-me – Raising the theme leads to ungrammaticality, (6d). ‘I made the repairman fix my shelves yesterday.’ (Intended: ‘Yesterday, the repairman was made fix my shelves by me’) (6) a. leyla qar-e alu kitabad Leyla read.pst-3f these.m books • This contrast, however, does not necessarily indicate active-passive alternation ‘Leyla read these books.’ (cf. double-object vs dative-shift in English). b. qarri-tu leyla alu kitabad The evidence for the active-passive alternation and the adjunct status of the read.caus-1sg Leyla these.m books PP comes from (i) the interpretation in the absence of the causee, (ii) sluicing, (iii) ‘I made Leyla read these books.’ nonpassivizable idioms, and (iv) secondary predicates (see Appendix). c. leyla ın-qarr-e [_ alu kitabad ] (mı oratman) Leyla pass-read.caus-3f [ these.m books ] (by teacher) 2.1 The interpretation of the null causee ‘Leyla was made to read these books by the teacher.’ • The causee is optional. d. *alu kitabad ın-qarr-o [leyla _] (mı oratman) • The null causee is interpreted as existential (like a missing ‘by’-phrase) rather these.m books pass-read.caus-3pl [Leyla ] (by teacher) than pronominal (like a pro-dropped argument), (9). Intended: ‘The books were made (by the teacher) to be read by Leyla. (9) leyla qarr-e alu kitabad Leyla read.caus-3f these.m books – When the causee is a PP, (7a), the theme argument ends up as the gram- matical subject, as such shows verbal agreement, (7b). YES: ‘Leyla made someone read these books.’ NO: ‘Leyla made him/her/them read the books.’ (7) a. qarri-tu alu kitabad mışa leyla • The interpretation of the null causee as existential also explains the grammati- read.caus-1sg these.m books to Leyla cality of (10a) only in the absence of a DP causee. ‘I made Leyla read these books.’ – The absence of a DP causee indicates that it is not projected, which in turn b. alu kitabad ın-qarr-o [_ mışa leyla ] (mı oratman) allows the theme argument to be raised. these.m books pass-read.caus-3pl [ to Leyla ] (by teacher) – The raising of the theme is possible regardless of whether a PP causee is ‘These books were made (by the teacher) to be read by Leyla.’2 realized or not, (10b), in line with the adjuncthood status of the PP.3 (10) a. alu kitabad ın-qarr-o [ (*Leyla) _] (mı oratman) • The GiveC patterns as like the geminates with a PP causee, thus (8). these.m books pass-read.caus-3pl [ (*Leyla) ] (by teacher) ‘The books were made (by the teacher) to be read by Leyla.’ 2See e.g. Camilleri et al. 2014 for the same restriction in ditransitives in other Arabic varieties 3The adjuncthood status of the PP is also supported by clefting, in that similar to Turkish and such as Egyptian Arabic, Hijazi Arabic and Maltese. Egyptian Arabic, only arguments can be clefted. Expectedly, the PP causee may not be. 2 Akkuş – geminate causatives in SA Tu+ 5; February 8-9, 2020 b. alu kitabad ın-qarr-o [ _ (mışa leyla) ] (mı oratman) # (Someone) opened the door with a key. these.m books pass-read.caus-3pl [ (to Leyla) ] (by teacher) # The door was opened with a key. ‘The books were made (by the teacher) to be read (by Leyla).’ b. fada babe wara mıfta, #hama mı-arafe ande • The same interpretation is observed in the GiveC, as such the absence of the PP opened.3m door with key, but neg-knew-3f who causee leads to an existential reading, (11). ‘(He) opened the door with a key, #but she didn’t know who.’ (11) a. ams dolab-ad-i ın-ado mışa tamirci addil mı-nni • Given that the null causee is interpreted as an existential (cf. sect 2.1), the yesterday shelf-pl-my pass-gave.3pl to repairman fix.inf by-me following arguments also follow from an active-passive alternation, and not two ‘Yesterday my shelves were made by me to be fixed by the repairman.’ different argument structures.4 b. cf. ams dolab-ad-i ın-ado addil mı-nni • With a DP causee, the embedded structure behaves like a canonical active for yesterday shelf-pl-my pass-gave.3pl fix.inf by-me sluicing, (15), such that the remnant cannot be headed by a preposition. ‘Yesterday my shelves were made by me to be fixed (by someone /#by him).’ (15) leyla qarr-e nes-ma alu kitabad, hama m-o-re (*mışa) Leyla read. - person-a these. books, but know to 2.2 Sluicing caus 3f m neg-1sg- ande • While VP ellipsis may allow voice mismatching, sluicing does not (Merchant who 2013); also true in SA. ‘Leyla made someone read these books, but I don’t know who.’ (12) VP ellipsis • With a PP causee, the embedded clause behaves as passive for sluicing, (16). a. kemal kul çax i-xsel potad ta bad ma kınno. Kemal every time 3m-wash clothes if yet not are (16) a. leyla xassal-e alu potad, hama m-o-re *(mışa) ‘Kemal washes the clothes every time if they are not already.’ Leyla wash.caus-3f these.m clothes, but neg-1sg-know to ande b. ala bilgisayar itix in-fıde mı ande le irıllu. who this.m computer can pass-open by who that wants ‘Leyla had these clothes washed, but I don’t know by who.’ ‘This computer can be turned on by anyone who wants to.’ b.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Morphological Causatives Are Voice Over Voice
    Morphological causatives are Voice over Voice Yining Nie New York University Abstract Causative morphology has been associated with either the introduction of an event of causation or the introduction of a causer argument. However, morphological causatives are mono-eventive, casting doubt on the notion that causatives fundamentally add a causing event. On the other hand, in some languages the causative morpheme is closer to the verb root than would be expected if the causative head is responsible for introducing the causer. Drawing on evidence primarily from Tagalog and Halkomelem, I argue that the syntactic configuration for morphological causatives involves Voice over Voice, and that languages differ in whether their ‘causative marker’ spells out the higher Voice, the lower Voice or both. Keywords: causative, Voice, argument structure, morpheme order, typology, Tagalog 1. Introduction Syntactic approaches to causatives generally fall into one of two camps. The first view builds on the discovery that causatives may semantically consist of multiple (sub)events (Jackendoff 1972, Dowty 1979, Parsons 1990, Levin & Rappaport Hovav 1994, a.o.). Consider the following English causative–anticausative pair. The anticausative in (1a) consists of an event of change of state, schematised in (1b). The causative in (2a) involves the same change of state plus an additional layer of semantics that conveys how that change of state is brought about (2b). (1) a. The stick broke. b. [ BECOME [ stick STATE(broken) ]] (2) a. Pat broke the stick. b. [ Pat CAUSE [ BECOME [ stick STATE(broken) ]]] Word Structure 13.1 (2020): 102–126 DOI: 10.3366/word.2020.0161 © Edinburgh University Press www.euppublishing.com/word MORPHOLOGICAL CAUSATIVES ARE VOICE OVER VOICE 103 Several linguists have proposed that the semantic CAUSE and BECOME components of the causative are encoded as independent lexical verbal heads in the syntax (Harley 1995, Cuervo 2003, Folli & Harley 2005, Pylkkänen 2008, a.o.).
    [Show full text]
  • Minimalist C/Case Sigurðsson, Halldor Armann
    Minimalist C/case Sigurðsson, Halldor Armann Published in: Linguistic Inquiry 2012 Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Sigurðsson, H. A. (2012). Minimalist C/case. Linguistic Inquiry, 43(2), 191-227. http://ling.auf.net/lingBuzz/000967 Total number of authors: 1 General rights Unless other specific re-use rights are stated the following general rights apply: Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal Read more about Creative commons licenses: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. LUND UNIVERSITY PO Box 117 221 00 Lund +46 46-222 00 00 Access Provided by Lunds universitet at 04/30/12 3:55PM GMT Minimalist C/case Halldo´rA´ rmann SigurLsson This article discusses A-licensing and case from a minimalist perspec- tive, pursuing the idea that argument NPs cyclically enter a number of A-relations, rather than just a single one, resulting in event licensing, case licensing, and ␾-licensing.
    [Show full text]
  • German Free Datives and Knight Move Binding Daniel Hole/Universität Stuttgart
    German free datives and Knight Move Binding Daniel Hole/Universität Stuttgart 1. Introduction This paper is concerned with German free datives and their peculiar binding behavior. * I ar- gue that free datives are best described in terms of voice. The free dative voice turns out to be very similar to run-of-the-mill cases of reflexivity, which must likewise be modeled as a kind of voice under the theoretical assumptions of Kratzer’s (1996) agent severance. The free da- tive, just like a reflexive antecedent in German, binds a variable in the local tense domain. What is highly peculiar about the free dative voice is the tree-geometrical requirement that goes along with it. The variable that free datives bind must be at the left edge of a clause-mate coargumental possessum phrase or purpose phrase (‘Knight Move Binding’). Standard im- plementations of binding don’t include requirements of this kind. The argumentation strives to show that the requirement of Knight Move Binding really exists, and that this kind of bind- ing is a privileged configuration in the grammaticalization of reflexive pronouns crosslinguis- tically. The paper delimits the empirical domain of free datives in sects. 2 and 3. Sect. 4 estab- lishes the parallel locality restrictions of dative binding for “possessor” and “beneficiary” da- tives. Sect. 5 establishes the Knight Move Binding requirement of free datives. Sect. 6 devel- ops the semantic implementation of free dative binding with a large detour via semantic theo- ries of reflexivization. Competing proposals are briefly discussed in sect. 7. Sect. 8 concludes the paper.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Possessive Voice in Wolof: a Rara Type of Valency Operator 1
    Possessive voice construction in Wolof Sylvie Voisin 29/11/06 “Rara & rarissima” MPI – Leipzig (29 March – 1 April 2006) Possessive voice in Wolof: A rara type of valency operator 1 INTRODUCTION The purpose of this paper is to describe an uncommon valency operator in Wolof, the verbal morpheme –le which encodes a possessive relation between the subject and the object of a derived verb. After a brief presentation of background information to facilitate the discussion, internal possessive constructions in Wolof will be presented. First, the particularities of the “le- construction” will be compared to different strategies of external possession construction observed in different languages following the typology proposed by Payne & Barshi (1999). Second, the “le- construction” will be compared to the Japanese possessive passive, as well as to double derivation constructions, such applicative-passives in other languages. Finally, even if the possessive construction –le in Wolof, and external possession constructions or derivations including passive share some characteristics, I will concluded that this valency operator in Wolof is specific and will propose a hypothesis of its emergence. 2 WOLOF BACKGROUNG INFORMATION1 Wolof is a West Atlantic language spoken in Senegal and also in Gambia and Mauritania. As many Niger-congo languages, Wolof has a nominal class system. It is reduced in comparison with other Atlantic languages. It is compounded of 8 consonants for singular and 2 consonants for plural: - singular: b-, k-, l-, w-, m-, g-, s- and j- - plural: y- and ñ- In this system, the consonants are used as support for determinant markers and can’t be analyzed as affixed class markers (*ñ-góor ; góor ñ-i “the men” ; góor ñ-ale “these men”).
    [Show full text]
  • Diminutive and Augmentative Functions of Some Luganda Noun Class Markers Samuel Namugala MA Thesis in Linguistics Norwegian Un
    Diminutive and Augmentative Functions of some Luganda Noun Class Markers Samuel Namugala MA Thesis in Linguistics Norwegian University of Science and Technology (NTNU) Faculty of Humanities Department of Language and Literature Trondheim, April, 2014 To my parents, Mr. and Mrs. Wampamba, and my siblings, Polycarp, Lydia, Christine, Violet, and Joyce ii Acknowledgements I wish to express my gratitude to The Norwegian Government for offering me a grant to pursue the master’s program at NTNU. Without this support, I would perhaps not have achieved my dream of pursuing the master’s degree in Norway. Special words of thanks go to my supervisors, Professor Kaja Borthen and Professor Assibi Amidu for guiding me in writing this thesis. Your scholarly guidance, constructive comments and critical revision of the drafts has made it possible for me to complete this thesis. I appreciate the support and the knowledge that you have shared with me. I look forward to learn more from you. My appreciation also goes to my lecturers and the entire staff at the Department of Language and Literature. I am grateful to Professor Lars Hellan, Assoc. Professor Dorothee Beermann, Professor Wim Van Dommelen, and Assoc. Professor Jardar Abrahamsen for the knowledge you have shared with me since I joined NTNU. You have made me the linguist that I desired to be. I also wish to thank the authors that didn’t mind to help me when contacted for possible relevant literature for my thesis. My appreciation goes to Prof. Nana Aba Appiah Amfo (University of Ghana), Assistant Prof. George J. Xydopoulos (Linguistics School of Philology, University of Patras, Greece), Prof.
    [Show full text]
  • Causative in Japanese
    Open Linguistics 2021; 7: 87–110 Research Article Hiroshi Aoyagi* On the causative and passive morphology in Japanese and Korean1 https://doi.org/10.1515/opli-2021-0004 received August 22, 2018; accepted October 8, 2020 Abstract: Drawing on the layered verb phrase hypothesis, the unexpected adversity imposed on the subject of causative–passives in Japanese will be explained by the loci of -sase and -rare, both of which may instantiate more than one functional heads. This hypothesis also gives an account of the marginal status of passive–causatives whose passivized subject (=causee) is animate. Turning to Korean, /Hi/ is univocally causative, and its apparent use as passive is the result of Voice–Cause bundling. Furthermore, the possible and impossible uses of /Hi/ and /Hu/ as passive morphology result from their selectional properties. Keywords: causative, passive, layered verb phrase, bundling, Japanese, Korean 1 Introduction The purpose of this study is twofold. First, I will attempt to argue that Japanese and Korean are uniform in that their causative morphemes may appear either higher or lower than Voice. Furthermore, I will contend that while the passive -rare in Japanese may be the exponent of either passive Voice or malefactive (or adversative) High Applicative (Aoyagi 2010), the Korean /Hi/ morpheme is univocally causative, and its apparent passive use results from a structurally reductive process, Voice bundling, in the sense of Pylkkänen (2008). Japanese and Korean are both head-final agglutinative languages; and voice alternation, including passive and causative, is exercised by suffixation as exhibited in (1) from Japanese and (2) from Korean, respectively.
    [Show full text]
  • On the External Relations of Purepecha: an Investigation Into Classification, Contact and Patterns of Word Formation Kate Bellamy
    On the external relations of Purepecha: An investigation into classification, contact and patterns of word formation Kate Bellamy To cite this version: Kate Bellamy. On the external relations of Purepecha: An investigation into classification, contact and patterns of word formation. Linguistics. Leiden University, 2018. English. tel-03280941 HAL Id: tel-03280941 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-03280941 Submitted on 7 Jul 2021 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Cover Page The handle http://hdl.handle.net/1887/61624 holds various files of this Leiden University dissertation. Author: Bellamy, K.R. Title: On the external relations of Purepecha : an investigation into classification, contact and patterns of word formation Issue Date: 2018-04-26 On the external relations of Purepecha An investigation into classification, contact and patterns of word formation Published by LOT Telephone: +31 30 253 6111 Trans 10 3512 JK Utrecht Email: [email protected] The Netherlands http://www.lotschool.nl Cover illustration: Kate Bellamy. ISBN: 978-94-6093-282-3 NUR 616 Copyright © 2018: Kate Bellamy. All rights reserved. On the external relations of Purepecha An investigation into classification, contact and patterns of word formation PROEFSCHRIFT te verkrijging van de graad van Doctor aan de Universiteit Leiden, op gezag van de Rector Magnificus prof.
    [Show full text]
  • Abstract Booklet SWL6.Pdf
    Innovative 1PL Subject Constructions in Finnish and Consequences to Object Marking Rigina Ajanki, University of Helsinki As most of the Uralic languages, Finnish makes use of suffixal person marking in conjugation and declination. The phenomenom is not an example of canonical agreement, but as Haspelmath (2013) suggests, best described in terms of two kinds of person marking, morphological and syntactic, not necessarily dependent of each other. In Colloquial Finnish, the 1PL person suffix in verbal conjugation is hardly ever employed but instead, Impersonal Construction (Finnish Passive) is applied with free 1PL subject pronoun to encode 1PL subject. Due to the replacement of 1PL conjugational construction by Impersonal construction, another previously unexisting pattern has become general in Colloquial Finnish: occurence of a Nominative Object in a construction with a Nominative Subject, not taken into account in (Sands&Campbell 2001), see Examples 1 and 2. Encoding of Finnish Object varies to the extent that Objects are either in Genitive-Accusative or in Partitive, and when there is no Nominative Subject, Object is in Nominative instead of Genitive-Accusative. The novel construction makes an exception: it is morphosyntactically unexpected as in these constructions both, Subject and Object are encoded in Nominative. The asymmetry found in novel 1PL Construction with non- canonical object marking has neither a semantic ground. The present study claims that with the emergence of the new 1PL Subject Transitive Constructions Finnish grammar has gone through a profound innovation. The data is drawn from vernacular, compared with data from dialects and from the data base of Mikael Agricola‘s works from 16th century.
    [Show full text]
  • Download This PDF File
    Research on Humanities and Social Sciences www.iiste.org ISSN (Paper)2224-5766 ISSN (Online)2225-0484 (Online) Vol.6, No.20, 2016 Accounting for Post-Verbal Affixes on the Kĩmwĩmbĩ Verb AnnHidah Kĩnyua Peter Mũriũngi Department of Arts and Humanities, Chuka University, P.O Box 109-60400, Chuka, Kenya Abstract Bantu languages are known to cluster affixes on the verb root, some before the root and others after the verb root. Each of these affixes carries some meaning that contributes to the final meaning of the verb. This raises the question as to whether there are any principles that guide these combinations, and whether these affixes occur in any particular order. This paper is an account of all the suffixes that may occur on the Kĩmwĩmbĩ verb, as w ell as the order in which they occur, starting with the plugs that are idiomatic with the root and on outwards to the affix that occurs farthest from the root. The semantic import of these morphemes has also been dwelt upon as most of them are valency-changing. The paper also presents the variations in their occurrences, the associated phonological and syntactic processes as well as the constraints surrounding their occurrences. The population for the study was all Kĩmwĩmbĩ verbs containing post - verbal affixes and data for the study was obtained from respondents from Tharaka-Nithi sub-county, Kenya, who are competent speakers of Kĩmwĩmbĩ and who were purposively sampled. The instrument of data collection was a structure generation exercise based on Kĩmwĩmbĩ verbs. Data was also gathered using introspective reports.
    [Show full text]
  • Transitivity, Valency, and Voice
    EUROPEAN SUMMER SCHOOL IN LINGUISTIC TYPOLOGY Porquerolles, September 2016 TRANSITIVITY, VALENCY, AND VOICE Denis Creissels DDL (UMR 5596) & Université Lyon 2 [email protected] http://deniscreissels.fr TABLE OF CONTENTS Abbreviations Lesson 1: Transitive coding and other verbal predicative constructions 1.1. Some terminological clarifications 1.1.1. Arguments and adjuncts 1.1.2. Valency, transitivity and voice 1.1.2.1. Valency, argument structure, coding frames 1.1.2.2. Transitivity 1.1.2.3. Voice 1.1.3. Syntactic transitivity 1.1.3.1. Core transitive verbs 1.1.3.2. Syntactically transitive verbs 1.1.4. Basic transitive coding 1.1.4.1. TAM/polarity-conditioned transitive coding 1.1.4.2. Differential coding of agents or patients 1.1.4.3. Basic transitive construction and intransitive constructions of transitive verbs 1.1.4.4. Multiple transitive coding 1.1.5. Direct/inverse marking in transitive constructions 1.1.5.1. Definition 1.1.5.2. The domains of direct/inverse marking 1.1.5.3. Rigid vs. flexible systems of direct/inverse marking 1.1.6. Core arguments vs. obliques 1.1.6.1. Core arguments 1.1.6.2. Obliques 1.1.7. Alignment 1.1.8. Zero case 1.2. Transitive coding typology 1.2.1. Introductory remarks 1.2.2. Joint vs. disjoint A/P coding 1.2.3. Symmetrical vs. asymmetrical transitive constructions 1.2.4. Subtypes of symmetrical transitive constructions ESSLT – Denis Creissels, Transitivity, valency, and voice , p. 4 / 157 1.2.5. Subtypes of fully asymmetrical transitive constructions 1.2.6.
    [Show full text]
  • Examining Morphological Causative Construction in Kalmyk
    Nicholas Magnolia Field Methods Spring 2016 Ling404 Examining Morphological Causative Construction in Kalmyk Instructor: Seth Cable Language Consultant: Andrey Boskhomdzhiev Morphological causative construction primarily involves a productive change in the form of the verb. In Kalmyk, causativization can occur on many verbs and is an operation that contains a predicate of cause and a predicate of effect - involving a ᴄᴀᴜsᴇʀ (agent of the predicate of cause) and a ᴄᴀᴜsᴇᴇ (agent of the predicate of effect). 1. Introduction In this report, I present 14 samples of primary data collected throughout the semester and offer helpful generalizations concerning the following areas of Kalmyk’s productive morphological causative construction: • Causativization using -ul- & English (Section 2) • Causative Construction & Grammatical Case (Section 3) • Causative Construction & Inanimate Aɢᴇɴᴄʏ (Section 4) • Double Causatives (Section 5) • Causatives & Pᴀssɪᴠᴇ Voice (Section 6) 2. Comparing Kalmyk & English Semantically, the thematic role of -ul- is equivalent to the role the periphrastic lexical element ‘made’ plays in the more common, lexical causative constructions in English (i.e. “He made me do it”). As a relatively fixed morphological causative element, the Kalmyk -ul- behaves very differently from English’s vestigial verb-stem change which looks very much like morphological causation but is actually rather analytical. In such case, a productive change will occur in the verb stem, such as using lay as a causative of lie or set as a causative of sit. However, if the a > e/e > i verb stem change presented in the lay > lie, set > sit example was productive in any 1 Nicholas Magnolia Field Methods Spring 2016 Ling404 other verb, it might count as a morphological causative.
    [Show full text]
  • Forms and Functions of the Base Paradigm of Shilluk Transitive Verbs
    Language Documentation & Conservation Special Publication No. 14 – A Grammar of Shilluk Chapter 1: Forms and functions of the base paradigm of Shilluk transitive verbs by Bert Remijsen & Otto Gwado Ayoker http://nflrc.hawaii.edu/ldc/sp14 http://hdl.handle.net/10125/24777 Forms and functions of the base paradigm of Shilluk transitive verbs Bert Remijsen & Otto Gwado Ayoker, University of Edinburgh Abstract • This chapter offers a descriptive analysis of the morphological forms that make up the base paradigm of Shilluk transitive verbs, and also of the functions that are expressed through them. With respect to morphological exponence, tone and vowel length play a central role, both in marking the functions and in distinguishing a total of seven different verb classes. As for the functions, they are syntactic voice, subject marking, and tense-aspect-modality (TAM). These functions interact with one another and with other aspects of the syntax of the clause. For example, Imperfective aspect is only available in Object voice, and certain TAM forms interact with focus marking. We pay special attention to syntactic alignment, a topic on with earlier analyses diverge. Older studies distinguish between active and passive voices (Westermann 1912, Tucker 1955). More recently, the passive has been reinterpreted as an ergative construction (Miller & Gilley 2001). We find that the construction at the center of the controversy has all the morphosyntactic properties of a passive, but not the information-structural characteristics. The scope of this chapter is restricted to the base inflectional paradigm. This means that it does not cover the many derivations which present inflectional paradigms that are largely parallel to the base paradigm.
    [Show full text]