Akkuş – geminate causatives in SA Tu+ 5; February 8-9, 2020 Applicative Voice: Geminate and ‘give’-causatives in b. oretman ki tı-qarri kemal lala kitab. Sason Arabic teacher be.3f 3f-read.caus Kemal this.m book ‘The teacher is making Kemal read this book.’ (Yakut 2013:33a) Faruk Akkuş1 University of Pennsylvania c. oretman ki tı-qarri lala kitab mışa kemal. [email protected] teacher be.3f 3f-read.caus this.m book to Kemal ‘The teacher is making Kemal read this book.’ (Yakut 2013:33b) 1 Introduction • In contrast, in ‘give’ causatives, the causee is introduced only as a PP. Sason Arabic (SA) has four strategies of expressing causatives: (i) ablaut, (ii) ‘make’ causatives, (iii) gemination, and (iv) ‘give’ causatives. (4) ‘give’ causatives (GiveC) • Ablaut applies to unaccusative verbs. a. ado dolab-ad-en mışa tamirci addil gave.3pl shelf-pl-their to repairman fix.inf (1) ablaut ‘They had the repairman fix their shelves.’ a. l¯ake tal-e b. tel-tu l¯ake (Lit: They gave their shelves to the repairman to fixing) stain came.out-3f came.out.caus-1sg stain b. ımm-a mışa fatma şi adıd-u addil ‘The stain came out.’ ‘I got the stain out.’ mother-her to Fatma food gave-it.m fix.inf ‘Her mother had Fatma cook the food.’ • Causatives embedded under ‘make’ (MC), (2), involve (Lit: The food, her mother gave it to Fatma to fixing) (Erguvanlı-Taylan 2017:221:30) – overt embedded theme – This strategy is a result of contact with Kurdish (Akkuş 2017; Akkuş and – infinitival verb Benmamoun 2018; Erguvanlı-Taylan 2017). – null embedded agent, interpreted as indefinite. • Today’s focus is on (3) and (4). (2) ‘make’ causatives (MC) Proposal a.a Ga sa nazf haydan. village.lord made.3m clean.inf wall • Gemination exhibits an active-passive alterna- (5) VP ‘The village lord made (someone) clean the wall.’ (Akkuş accepted:1) tion, whereas the GiveC manifests a passive struc- ture. V VoicePappl b.a Ga sa nazf haydan mı nes-ma tawwil. • Both embed a distinct VoiceP, which assigns a village.lord made.3m clean.inf wall by person-a tall DP VoiceP 0 causee T-role as opposed to the canonical Initiator appl ‘The village lord had the wall cleaned by someone tall.’ role of VoiceP. VoicePappl VP • Gemination allows the causee to be expressed either as a DP or a PP headed by • This VoiceP can be called applicative VoiceP (à T Causee la Legate 2014). (mı)şa ‘for, to’, as in (3). V DP (3) gemination Roadmap a. kemal ku i-qri lala kitab. kemal be.3m 3m-read.ipfv this.m book §2 Active-passive in geminates and the GiveC ‘Kemal is reading this book.’ §3 Applicative VoiceP §4 Structures for geminates and the GiveC 1Many thanks to Julie Anne Legate, David Embick and Martin Salzmann for invaluable com- ments and discussions. Thanks also to thank Abbas Benmamoun, Hamid Ouali, Usama Soltan, Matt §5 Conclusions Barros, and the audience at NACAL 47 for feedback. Usual disclaimers apply. §6 Appendix Scan for PDF 1 Akkuş – geminate causatives in SA Tu+ 5; February 8-9, 2020 2 Active-passive alternation (8) a. ams adi-tu dolab-ad-i mışa tamirci addil yesterday gave.3pl shelf-pl-my to repairman fix.inf A variety of diagnostics demonstrate that geminates exhibit an active-passive alter- ‘Yesterday, I had my shelves fixed by the repairmam.’ nation (as in MC; see Akkuş 2019) and that the GiveC behaves as passives. b. ams dolab-ad-i ın-ado mışa tamirci addil (mı-nni) yesterday shelf-pl-my pass-gave.3pl to repairman fix.inf by-me • An initial clue with regard to the structure of geminates comes from passivization ‘Yesterday I made the repairman fix my shelves.’ asymmetries. (‘Yesterday, my shelves were made fixed by the repairman by me’) – With the DP causee, (6b), it is the DP causee that raises to become the grammatical subject, (6c). c. *ams (mışa) tamirci ın-ada dolab-ad-i addil (mı-nni) yesterday (to) repairman pass-gave.3m shelf-pl-my fix.inf by-me – Raising the theme leads to ungrammaticality, (6d). ‘I made the repairman fix my shelves yesterday.’ (Intended: ‘Yesterday, the repairman was made fix my shelves by me’) (6) a. leyla qar-e alu kitabad Leyla read.pst-3f these.m books • This contrast, however, does not necessarily indicate active-passive alternation ‘Leyla read these books.’ (cf. double-object vs dative-shift in English). b. qarri-tu leyla alu kitabad The evidence for the active-passive alternation and the adjunct status of the read.caus-1sg Leyla these.m books PP comes from (i) the interpretation in the absence of the causee, (ii) sluicing, (iii) ‘I made Leyla read these books.’ nonpassivizable idioms, and (iv) secondary predicates (see Appendix). c. leyla ın-qarr-e [_ alu kitabad ] (mı oratman) Leyla pass-read.caus-3f [ these.m books ] (by teacher) 2.1 The interpretation of the null causee ‘Leyla was made to read these books by the teacher.’ • The causee is optional. d. *alu kitabad ın-qarr-o [leyla _] (mı oratman) • The null causee is interpreted as existential (like a missing ‘by’-phrase) rather these.m books pass-read.caus-3pl [Leyla ] (by teacher) than pronominal (like a pro-dropped argument), (9). Intended: ‘The books were made (by the teacher) to be read by Leyla. (9) leyla qarr-e alu kitabad Leyla read.caus-3f these.m books – When the causee is a PP, (7a), the theme argument ends up as the gram- matical subject, as such shows verbal agreement, (7b). YES: ‘Leyla made someone read these books.’ NO: ‘Leyla made him/her/them read the books.’ (7) a. qarri-tu alu kitabad mışa leyla • The interpretation of the null causee as existential also explains the grammati- read.caus-1sg these.m books to Leyla cality of (10a) only in the absence of a DP causee. ‘I made Leyla read these books.’ – The absence of a DP causee indicates that it is not projected, which in turn b. alu kitabad ın-qarr-o [_ mışa leyla ] (mı oratman) allows the theme argument to be raised. these.m books pass-read.caus-3pl [ to Leyla ] (by teacher) – The raising of the theme is possible regardless of whether a PP causee is ‘These books were made (by the teacher) to be read by Leyla.’2 realized or not, (10b), in line with the adjuncthood status of the PP.3 (10) a. alu kitabad ın-qarr-o [ (*Leyla) _] (mı oratman) • The GiveC patterns as like the geminates with a PP causee, thus (8). these.m books pass-read.caus-3pl [ (*Leyla) ] (by teacher) ‘The books were made (by the teacher) to be read by Leyla.’ 2See e.g. Camilleri et al. 2014 for the same restriction in ditransitives in other Arabic varieties 3The adjuncthood status of the PP is also supported by clefting, in that similar to Turkish and such as Egyptian Arabic, Hijazi Arabic and Maltese. Egyptian Arabic, only arguments can be clefted. Expectedly, the PP causee may not be. 2 Akkuş – geminate causatives in SA Tu+ 5; February 8-9, 2020 b. alu kitabad ın-qarr-o [ _ (mışa leyla) ] (mı oratman) # (Someone) opened the door with a key. these.m books pass-read.caus-3pl [ (to Leyla) ] (by teacher) # The door was opened with a key. ‘The books were made (by the teacher) to be read (by Leyla).’ b. fada babe wara mıfta, #hama mı-arafe ande • The same interpretation is observed in the GiveC, as such the absence of the PP opened.3m door with key, but neg-knew-3f who causee leads to an existential reading, (11). ‘(He) opened the door with a key, #but she didn’t know who.’ (11) a. ams dolab-ad-i ın-ado mışa tamirci addil mı-nni • Given that the null causee is interpreted as an existential (cf. sect 2.1), the yesterday shelf-pl-my pass-gave.3pl to repairman fix.inf by-me following arguments also follow from an active-passive alternation, and not two ‘Yesterday my shelves were made by me to be fixed by the repairman.’ different argument structures.4 b. cf. ams dolab-ad-i ın-ado addil mı-nni • With a DP causee, the embedded structure behaves like a canonical active for yesterday shelf-pl-my pass-gave.3pl fix.inf by-me sluicing, (15), such that the remnant cannot be headed by a preposition. ‘Yesterday my shelves were made by me to be fixed (by someone /#by him).’ (15) leyla qarr-e nes-ma alu kitabad, hama m-o-re (*mışa) Leyla read. - person-a these. books, but know to 2.2 Sluicing caus 3f m neg-1sg- ande • While VP ellipsis may allow voice mismatching, sluicing does not (Merchant who 2013); also true in SA. ‘Leyla made someone read these books, but I don’t know who.’ (12) VP ellipsis • With a PP causee, the embedded clause behaves as passive for sluicing, (16). a. kemal kul çax i-xsel potad ta bad ma kınno. Kemal every time 3m-wash clothes if yet not are (16) a. leyla xassal-e alu potad, hama m-o-re *(mışa) ‘Kemal washes the clothes every time if they are not already.’ Leyla wash.caus-3f these.m clothes, but neg-1sg-know to ande b. ala bilgisayar itix in-fıde mı ande le irıllu. who this.m computer can pass-open by who that wants ‘Leyla had these clothes washed, but I don’t know by who.’ ‘This computer can be turned on by anyone who wants to.’ b.