Harriet Martineau and Ireland Brian Conway University of Nebraska-Lincoln

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2009 Harriet Martineau and Ireland Brian Conway University of Nebraska-Lincoln

Michael R. Hill University of Nebraska-Lincoln, [email protected]

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Conway, Brian and Hill, Michael R., "Harriet Martineau and Ireland" (2009). Sociology Department, Faculty Publications. 361. http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/sociologyfacpub/361

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CHAPTER 4 ioo: reform and the integrity of the empire, io. and Its Remedy. [1346] Shannon: Irish Harriet Martineau and Ireland [-ondon: Routledge. i. ^\[ill on Ireland', Historical 26, Journal, *

BrianConway andMichael R. Hill

INTRODUCTION

The Victorian sociologist-novelist Harriet Martineau visited Ireland on two different occasions, first in r83z and again, twenty years later, in 1852, just six years after the Great Famine of 1846, when the country was still very much visibly affected by that event. Her latter journey covered some r)2oo miles and encompassed all four provinces that make up the island of Ireland, north and south. Martineau was not the first foreign visitor to nineteenth- century Ireland, ofcourse, but she provided one ofthe few genuinely sociological interpretations during this time period. This chapter, then, examines Martineau's Irish writings and her contribution to our sociological understanding of nineteenth-century Ireland. The chapter takes the following structure. S7e begin by offering a brief biographical introduction to Flarriet Martineau in which Martineau's sociological credentials are delineated. Following this we comment on the methodological orientation that guided Martineau's sociological investiga- tions of Ireland. We then briefly outline *re spatial organisation of her travels and the socio-historical context in which she wrote, and go on to discuss her work under the headings of religious divisions and class/gender relations. \7e chose to focus on these two domains of social life because of their pro- minence in her work and the insightfulness of her observations with respect to them. Two of Martineau's texts on Ireland - Ireland (1832), a didactic novel in her massive lllustrat'ions of Political Economy, and her non-fiction Letters from Irelnnd (t852) - provide the focus for the chapter. Tlte lllustrations employs fiction to demonstrate and explore the application of economic principles in concrete settings, an approach that John Stuart Mill initially opposed but later recanted in light of Martineau's wildly successful treatment (Martineau t877,II: r; Hill zoo4; Logan zoo4). Martineau's later work, though described as 'letters' from Ireland, took the character of impressionistic

47 Brian Conway and Michael R. Hill Harriet -\[ee

day-to-day field reports written for publication at the invitation of Frederick as the places she visited the L-lsri Knight Hunt, editor of the Daily.Atreeus (Martineau 1877,II: 4o5-7). Her - railway line, the Bog of Atlen Irish accounts were composed in various settings ranging from 'a quiet in L Covering gender relations, tenaDrj chamber at a friend's house, or amidst a host of tourists, and to the sound of law, organisations, and work, and in the harp, in a salon at Killamey' (Martineau 1877,Il: +oZ). She considered .all and religion, one can say that hu writing the letters anonymously but in the end chose to write them under her Unlike other nineteenth-cenrurr own name. Taken together, they provide a survey account ofthe country. The with the intention of enticing peopie final section of the essay examines the civil reform programme proposed by 2oo4) ina'Let's Go Ireland'mrnne Martineau for the economic improvement of Irish society. Throughout we analysing its economic exigencies a: include excerpts from Martineau's original work to give the reader a sense of felt that Ireland's economic prosperi her writing style and abilities and to communicate her ideas directly. than outside the union with Britaint The abiding impression one gets from reading even a selection of Ireland were primarily economic rad Martineau's work is that she feels Ireland is a country performing well below on in her work that 'though it is my b its potential and that, despite the signs of 'barbarism' evident, there also than of the transient cause of the disr exist many indications of 'civilisation'.1 A good example of this comes from than her politics, I have been perptrt her Galway letters: - present beset all who would cornrnl (Martineau r83z: i). But, in claiming as to the aspect of Galway, the place seems to have been furnished with a vast terrn entanglements between poiirice apparatus for various social action, for which there is no scope. Here is the played out in rhe specifically Irish c,r railroad, with, as yet, very little traffic. Here is this canal, with, as yet, no trade. avowed, however, and one finds frequ Here is a nobly situated port, with, at present, no anicle of expon. (Manineau r85z:87)

As she prepared to leave Ireland at the end of her sojourn and took a 'rear A BRIEF BIOGRAPHY OF H3. view mirror' look at it, Maftineau eloquently contrasts contemporary times Harriet Martineau was born with the distant past: in \o r8oz. She had multiple identities as ; lectual. She was socialised into a l_-n in casting back a last look upon Ireland as her shores recede, the traveller parents Thomas and Elizabeth Ra::I naturally thinks of that remarkable island as she once was, in conffast with what - Her parents sent her to a co-educarir she has been since, and with what she is now. There was a time when Ireland the family lived) for two years, foilov gave light - intellectual and moral - to the nations of northem Europe; when she in Bristol, though she was largell- hoc was the centre of the Christian faith, whence apostles went forth to teach it, and formal private schooling amounted rc where disciples of many nations came to learn it. She had a reputation for the main her early life was unremark scholarship and sanctity before England and Scotland were distinctly heard of. died when she was 24yearc of age alr Few nations then stood so high as the Irish; and few have ever sunk so low as she of her fianc6, meant that she begar has since sunk. (Manineau r85zl. zrz) woman. The years r83z to 1834 rna during this time her first major wo: Yet for all this, her writings are imbued with a strong sense of hope that the Economy witnessing the launch of a fortunes of the country will improve. Convinced of the country's wealth of - 1989, r99rt Hill and Hoecker-Drys& natural resources and its underachievement as a nation, she feels that the In 1834 she embarked on an arnl Irish people have only to make a go of it if they want to see their country wrote a landmark ethnography and i prosper into the future. The topics she took up in her writings were as varied (tSEZ), based on her observations. \ 48 '.;h,al R. Hill Harriet Manineau and lreland

.auon at the invitation of Frederick as the places she visited the lJlster linen industry, the Derry-Coleraine \tarrineau t877, II: Her - 4oS-7). railway line, the Bog of Allen in Leinster, and west of Ireland emigrants. r-q seftings ranging from 'a quiet Covering gender relations, tenant-landlord relations, social stratification, ost of tourists, and to the sound of law, organisations, and work, and institutions such as the family, education :et t877,lI:4o7). She considered and religion, one can say that'all human life' is here. end chose to write them under her Unlike other nineteenth-century travel writers, Martineau did not write sura'ev account of the country. The with the intention of enticing people to come to Ireland (Hooper and Young r- reform programme proposed by 2oo4) in a'Let's Go lreland' manner. Rather her focus is documenting and lr of Irish society. Throughout we analysing its economic exigencies and conditions. To this end, Martineau il rrork to give the reader a sense of felt that Ireland's economic prosperity could be better secured within rather lr.:nicate her ideas directly. than outside the union with Britain. She also took the view that the ills of 'lm reading even a selection of Ireland were primarily economic rather than political in nature, writing early :s a country performing well below on in her work that 'though it is my business to treat of the permanent rather r: 'barbarism' evident, there also than of the transient cause of the distress of Ireland, - of her economy rather sood example of this comes from than her politics, - I have been perplexed by some of the difficulties which at present beset all who would communicate with the public on her behalf (Martineau r83z: i). But, in claiming this, she arguably understated the long :-i ro have been furnished with a vast terrn entanglements between political and economic issues and problems as rii;h there is no scope. Here is the played out in the specifically Irish context. Politics are not completely dis- 1'i :: rhis canal, with, as yet, no trade. avowed, however, and one finds frequent mentions of it throughout her work. !€nr. no anicle of expon. (Manineau

(18oz-76) :d ofher soiourn and took a'rear A BRrEF BTOGRAPHY oF HARRIET MARTINEAU :--'.- .ontrasts contemporary times Harriet Martineau was born in Norwich, Norfolk, England, on 12 June r8oz. She had multiple identities as a novelist, sociologist, and public intellectual. She was socialised into a Unitarian religious tradition and both her : ,is her shores recede, the traveller parents - Thomas and Elizabeth Rankin Martineau - were devout Unitarians. is :ie once was, in contrast with what Her parents sent her to a co-educational private school in Norwich (where :c,i','. There was a time when Ireland the family lived) for two years, followed by 15 months at a boarding school :a:rorrs ofnonhem Europe; when she in Bristol, though she was largely home-schooled and self-schooled and her ,:i a3osdes went forth to teach it, and formal private schooling amounted to only slightly more than three years. In : -eam it. She had a reputation for the main her early life was unremarkable except for the fact that her father :i Sci,rdand were distinctly heard of. died when she was 24yearc of age and this, together with the sudden death ; ;:d ltrv have ever sunk so low as she of her fianc6, meant that she began early adulthood as an independent woman. The years r83z to 1834 marked an important period in her life; during this time her first major work appeared - Illustrarions of Political r:h a strong sense of hope that the Economy witnessing the launch of a remarkable sociological journey (Hill :"r,nced of the country's wealth of - r989, r99r; Hill and Hoecker-Drysdale zoor; Hoecker-Drysdale r99z). er! as a nation) she feels that the In 1834 she embarked on an ambitious tour of the United States and -: --irel' want to see their country wrote a landmark ethnography and comparative study, Society in America ,k up in her writings were as varied (r832), based on her observations. Vhile in America she travelled widely

49 Brian Conway and Michael R. Hill Harrbt.l[a and consulted with both cultural elites like Ralph Waldo Emerson and evening, among the mountains anr William Ellery Channing as well as ordinary people' Her work on America such an evening, is like breathing c was guided by the methodological principles later set down in How to Most visitors to modern-da1- Obserle Morals and Manners (1818), the first systematic treatise on socio- Martineau entered Ireland r-ia Lor logical methods (Hill rgSq). Interestingly, Martineau was a contemporary of with Northern Ireland and she ha Alexis de Tocqueville, the subject of comment in another essay in this Derry and settler-native relations. collection, and her American work received much less attention, undeser- travelled down to Dundalk and rh' vedly, than his (Hill zoor). One of her especially significant sociological travelled across to Galway on the achievements was a translation/condensation in r853 of Auguste Comte's Kildare and Queen's Counry (nou Cours de phitosophie positiae. A move to the English Lake District in 1845, references in her letters to the Bog r prompted by failing health, led her to turn her attention to the English north Irish Califomia' (Martineau r85e: and culminated in her Complere Guide to the English Lakes (r85). Between reveals the interest she took in bo,E her two visits to Ireland, she overcame a major illness (Martineau r844, and capaciry to function as a sou 1877,Il: r41-r74) and showed a strong resolve by coming back to Ireland a points to the fact that she ma1'rre. second time (Hill zoo4). Martineau died in Cumbria in 1876; among the reference for her work on Ireland. hills and lakes she dearly loved (Hill zoo4),leaving a prodigious record of Along the west coast she trarel published and unpublished work (Logan 2ooza'b; zooT; Rivlin 1947).ln Ballina, Westport, Newport and C sum, by the time Manineau visited Ireland for the second and last time, she Galway and Clare (stopping in Cll was an accomplished sociologist, political economist, and well-known writer then on to Kerry (stopping in Cah and world traveller. Tlne Illustrations andsubsequent works attracted a wide, the Dingle Peninsula), Cork, eastm' often appreciative and sometimes critical, audience. and funher east to Waterford ac.d by the signs of industry. Islands. observers oflreland, also caught Il islands along the west coast Arar MARTINEAU'S IRISH ITINERARY -

Travel in nineteenth-century Ireland was a difficult endeavour. Little is known about Martineau's first visit int83z, but her r85z trip is thoroughly METHODOLOG outlined. Though suffering from a hearing disability, Martineau travelled around the country by means of railway and post-car (a horse-drawn one) Martineau was methodologrcaJ-19 and mostly with a travelling friend, her niece (Hooper zoor: 6). She didn't by the principles elaborated in ,h find the going easy and in her autobiography indicated her belief that her paid great attention to what she re failing health at the time was the beginnings of a'fatal malady' (Martineau she meant all manner of obsen'ab'le 1877,lI: 4o7).Her self-diagnosis was overly pessimistic, however. The Irish val material and documentan- sol trip was obviously less fatal than Martineau surmised, as she lived and (i.e. face-to-face interview data n worked productively for nearly a quartel century after her visit to Ireland. Martineau 1838: 63, zzz-3o). Sno Surprisingly, her Irish observations do not receive as much attention in her given by anybody'being validate'J I autobiography as one might expect. Like any visitor to a strange new else' (Martineau r85z: zr4) and l.h.' countfy, Martineau's experiences were a mixture Of serendipitOus enCounters, interview data. unexpected diffrculties, and confirmed expectations. The beauty of the As part of her prepararioc= country struck her very much and time and again we find references in her Martineau drew on the work of the letters to the Irish landscape. Of Connemara, she writes that 'there are few Social Inquiry Society, two earl1- : things in the world more delightful than a drive at sunset, in a bright autumn with sensitising concepts before s

5o \[:ieel R. Hill Harriet Marcineau and Ireland s Lke Ralph Waldo Emerson and evening, among the mountains and lakes of Connemara . ' . the air here, on lan- people. Her work on America such an evening, is like breathing cream' (Martineau t85z: gz). ::.ciples later set down in Hozo to Most visitors to modern-day Ireland come first through Dublin but e irst systematic treatise on socio- Martineau entered Ireland via Lough Foyle. Her earlier letters have to do ;, -\lanineau was a contemporary of with Northern Ireland and she has a good deal to say about Donegal and c,3m.rnent in another essay in this Derry and settler-native relations. From the northern part of the island, she ,:.;ed much less attention, undeser- travelled down to Dundalk and then on to Dublin and from the capital city : especially significant sociological travelled across to Galway on the west coast taking in midland counties s,ajon in 1853 of Augusre Comte's Kildare and Queen's County (now County Laois) along the way. Extensive ihe English Lake District in 1845, references in her letters to the Bog of Allen, which Martineau refers to as 'the : her afiention to the English north Irish California' (Martineau r852: 77), stretching through most of Leinster, ::t" English Lakes (r85). Between reveals the interest she took in bogs both for their quiet and tranquil beauty : a major illness (Martineau 1844, and capacity to function as a source of economic betterment. But it also :esolve by coming back to Ireland a points to the fact that she may well have considered America as a frame of :.1 r.n Cumbria in 1876; among the reference for her work on Ireland. o-g_, ieaving a prodigious record of Along the west coast she travelled through counties Mayo (stopping in n 'co2a, b; zooT; Rivlin ry47).ln Ballina, \Testport, Newport and Castlebar and travelling to Achill Island), ni tbr the second and last time, she Galway and Clare (stopping in Clifden, Balllwaughan and Ennist5mron) and J economist, and well-known writer then on to Kerry (stopping in Cahirciveen, Kenmare, Valencia Island, and su'bsequent works attracted a wide, the Dingle Peninsula), Cork, eastwards to Tipperarytowns such as Clonmel, *. audience. and further east to \(Iaterford and Wexford where the visitor was impressed by the signs of industry. Islands, long attracting the attention of foreign observers of Ireland, also caught Martineau's attention and she visited three H iTI\iERARY islands along the west coast - Aran, Valencia and Achill.

;a-. a difficult endeavour. Little is i,i:, but her r85z trip is thoroughly METHODOLOGICAL ORIENTATIONS r-ng disability, Martineau travelled 'a:d post-car (a horse-drawn one) Martineau was methodologically ready for her work in Ireland. Guided riece (Hooper 2oor: 6). She didn't by the principles elaborated in How to Obsere Morak and Manners, she raphv indicated her belief that her paid great attention to what she terms the 'observation of things' by which lrgs of a 'fatal malady' (Martineau she meant all manner of observable behaviours and artifacts, including archi- ::i'; pessimistic, however. The Irish val material and documentary sources. Within this framework, discourse (Hill =eau surmised, as she lived and (i.e. face-to-face interview data) was important, but secondary r989; : .earury after her visit to Ireland. Martineau 1838: 63, zzz-3o). She notes the rarity of finding 'information c i receive as much attention in her given by anybody' being validated by the 'independent testimony of anybody ;ie any visitor to a strange new else' (Martineau r852: zr4) andthus questions the independent reliabiliry of nisture of serendipitous encounters, interview data. eryectations. The beauty of the As part of her preparations for her countrywide tour of Ireland, ilJ again we find references in her Martineau drew on the work of the Dublin Statistical Society and the Belfast nara, she writes that 'there are few Social Inquiry Society, two early sociological organisations, to provide her i irir-e at sunset, in a bright autumn with sensitising concepts before she set out to make her own observations

5r Bian Conway and Michael R. Hill Hariet J[a and inquiries. She was especially influenced by Professor William Hancock, SOCIO-HIST'{ a key figure in the Dublin Statistical Society and met with him in Dublin to discuss her work (Martineau r85z: iv). Hancock was professor of political Nineteenth-century Ireland rqas a r economy at Trinity College Dublin, author of Impe&iments to Prosperity in marked by a number of imponar Ireland (r85o),2 and a disciple of Adam Smith's laissez-faire approach. features (O Tuathaigh zooT). Eci Through his work with the Dublin Statistical Society, Hancock sought to based society with little or no indu bring the insights of political economy to bear in ameliorating Ireland's social and an even weaker market econol problems. Martineau's work reflected this emphasis on social improvement society with some class distinction and sought to draw attention to the constraints and barriers to Ireland's future economic betterment. Between the policy and the operat Another feature of Martineau's methodological approach is her use of there was created a great gap i-n I demographic data which she supplies on various towns and villages encoun- middle class . . . Even now, it is a ; tered in her journeys. This data comes from the r84r Census, the first attempts of the Irish to sell food to comprehensive national census carried out in Ireland (Bourke r99g: 3z)' and, in itself (along with the earlier Ordnance Survey mapping of the country The potato crop was the mainsu in r836), a major example of early sociological work on the part of the state favourable climate and soil for prct to map the demography of the island (Gray 2oo5). across class lines (O Gr6da zooc During her joumeys she kept detailed notes in a travel ioumal and she was peasants farmed on very small ho careful to do this as soon as possible after leaving the field' She also consulted when the potato famine struck. local key inforrnants and a variety of sources including census data, historical In the post-famine period, al-rt studies, and government reports. Beyond acquainting herself with this docu- reduced through death and oumug mentary material, Martineau was convinced of the need to do on-the-ground based society. Production of the empirical sociology and this meant actually going into the field for extended famine (O Gr6da zooo). Agricultu periods of time, immersing herself in people's everyday lives and seeking to section of the population. Most i understand the social world from their standpoint. To be sure, sometimes this poultry were the major kinds t-rf . could generate unsettling feelings in the researcher as Martineau explains in growing was more common anj a letter of zr September r85z: 'a few days of observation of how the people industry which exported its goo.i: live, merely by our going to see them, are sad enough to incline one to turn Britain, representing, accordi-ng ir away, and never come again' (Martineau l85z: r5o). Collectively, though, the factory' in which women .2T: such data sources provided the basis for a rich description oflrish social life zoo5: 3). Family life in post-fam, and lent to her writings a strong and powerful sense of immediacy and realism marriage but within marriage by tr well captured in her early fictionalised account of poultry keeping: land, which was common before r passing on the farm to a single inh The fowls and pigs disappeared at the same time; and to all the hubbub which land in hand, made an attracfi,''e disturbed the morning hours, the deep curses of Sullivan, the angry screams of non-inheriting siblings were facet his wife, the cackling of the alarmed poultry, the squealing of the pigs, and the staying on the farm as relatives a: creaking of the crazy cars, there succeeded a hush, which was only intemrpted by Thus, inheritance customs cruciall the whirring of Dora's wheel. (Martineau r83z: zo) Irish society and resulted in an u-r fertility within marriage. It is, of course, a long intellectual journey from Martineau's fact-based The post-famine period u-as a fictional account of r83z to her direct observational report of 1852, but her Poor Law, administered in eacl attention to detail and empirical veracity show clearly *roughout her writings. designed to alleviate the povern

52 ':,:,1;;, R. Hill Harriet Martineau and lreland ec trr Professor \Tilliam Flancock, SOCIO-HISTORICAL CONTEXTS r:-' and met with him in Dublin to {:-cock u,as professor of political Nineteenth-century Ireland was a very poor society. Pre-famine Ireland was rtrr trf Impediments to Prosperity in marked by a number of important economic, demographic and political : Sn-rith's laissez-faire approach. features (O Tuathaigh zooT). Economically, Ireland was an agricultural- s:cal Society, Hancock sought to based society with little or no industrial base, with the exception of Belfast, 'ea: rn ameliorating Ireland's social and an even weaker market economy. And, as Martineau obseryes, it was a s emlhasis on social improvement society with some class distinctions: ::ramts and barriers to Ireland's Between the policy and the operation of the penal laws about religious matters, ,:'ar]ogrcal approach is her use of there was created a great gap in Irish society where there should have been a ;-::icus towns and villages encoun- middle class . . . Even now, it is a curious spectacle to the English traveller, - the :lm the r84r Census, the first attempts of the Irish to sell food to each another. (Martineau r8fi:37) ::: ur Ireland (Bourke r999t 32), -;e Sun'ev mapping of the country The potato crop was the mainstay of the farming economy) aided by a :€.;al v-ork on the part of the state favourable climate and soil for production, and consumption of the food cut

3 ! J_\/, (O meant that many - - across class lines Gr6da zooo). Subdivision of land -.,::es in a travel joumal and she was peasants farmed on very small holdings, a practice that proved disastrous -a-.ls the field. She also consulted when the potato famine struck. s ncludilg census data, historical In the post-famine period, although the population was now drastically -:;;-uainting herself with this docu- reduced through death and outmigration, Ireland remained an agriculturally- ": ,:f rhe need to do on-the-ground based society. Production of the potato reduced significantly after the - " 3orng into the field for extended famine 16 Craaa 2ooo). Agricultural labourers still comprised a substantial r-e's er-eryday lives and seeking to section of the population. Most lived in miserable cottages and cows and rr:"J1nt. To be sure, sometimes this poultry were the major kinds of livestock (Bourke r99r.In lJlster, flax :::a:cher as Martineau explains in growing was more common and generated an important linen-making : ,:: tr'bsen.ation of how the people industry which exported its goods to Belfast and beyond to neighbouring r -:.aJ. enough to incline one to turn Britain, representing, according to Jane Gray, a form of 'capitalism before : :!_<.: r-so). Collectively, though, the factory' in which women (and children) were to the forefront (Gray , r:cr description oflrish social life zoo5: 3). Family life in post-famine Ireland was marked by low rates of tl >ense of immediacyandrealism marriage but within marriage by high rates of fertility. The subdivision of rLrr;:rr of poultry keeping: land, which was common before the famine, gave way to a new practice of passing on the farm to a single inheriting son, usually the eldest, who, with :; :i:rei and to all the hubbub which land in hand, made an attractive match for a dowried partner. The other :..cs r: Sullivan, the angry screams of non-inheriting siblings were faced with the choice of either emigrating or ;_;, ie squealing of the pigs, and the staying on the farm as relatives assisting (O Tuathaigh zooT; Ryan ry69. "i ::s:: *'hich was only intem-rpted by Thus, inheritance customs crucially shaped marriage and fertility patterns in -i-. 1^\ Irish society and resulted in an unusual pattern of late marriage and high fertility within marriage. :er- trom Martineau's fact-based The post-famine period was also marked by the intensification of the ie:-'-adonal report of r852, but her Poor Law, administered in each local area by Poor Law unions, and i lw clearly throughout her writings. designed to alleviate the poverty and destitution of labourers. On her

53 Brian Conway and Michael R. Hill Harrie: -\l: journey around the island, Manineau visited a number of workhouses, the So when Martineau retumec r society Ennist5rmon workhouse in County Clare for example, and wrote warmly, for in transition. She did ne.r , the most part, about the condition of these buildings representing state funding agency and funded her authority. She writes, 'the visitor . . . enters the workhouse gates without that resources. This intellectual freed..-n painful mingling of disgust and compassion in his mind which is one of the concerns and to detail the smail p: most disagreeable feelings in the world' (Martineau r85z: r58). all, she saw herself as a liberal ar The many villages that Martineau visited would have taken a simple form (Martineau fi77: 4) who coulc : with the chapel or church at their centres and surrounded by a public house, political economy perspective ro b post office, and a small bundle of houses. The chapel, usually in gothic style, Middle East or Ireland. In s-ia was the hub of the village and was marked out from other buildings by iron observations in two specific doma railings (Bourke r99r. relations - and, following this, t= Culturally, an old world of folk beliefs and practices such as those bution to our understanding of n:: centred on wakes was giving way, in the post-famine period, to a new world The first thing that should re based on standardisation and regularity (Bourke rygil. At one point in the Ireland was her sympathetic ari:_: Illustrations Martineau mentions the Irish custom of wakes, the traditional work on the 'Green Island', tbi:.::. cultural practice of paying homage to the dead, which, she opines, 'rank with the plight of the Irish poor -\ ,indrs:;_ so high among social obligations in Ireland' (Martineau r83z: 7o). Such is as she puts it herself, as an the importance of funerals in Irish social life that it has sometimes been document and discuss these in a ;-. described as a funerary culture (Bourke tg99: l3r) . Describing the character Irishpoor' (Martineau r83z: ir . :t of Dan, Martineau writes: as a foreign sffanger) the prac:::.- Drysdale zoor). The bold asse--r: He gave notice, at the same time, to his captain and comrades, that when a blaze erned'leaves no room for ambrg;: should be seen on the cliff, and the funeral lament heard, all would be ready for seems to lie more on the Irish tr.::: : their reception at the wake: - the burning of the bed of his deceased before the about her intentions in anorher :.: door, and the utterance of the death cry, being the customary mode of invitation to the wakes of the Irish poor. (Martineau r83z: 7o) the purpose of my title is to dir;--: -. concerns; and my persona_ses .:i 'S7akes, as Gibbons reminds us, tended to be associated with story- confined space, how long a s::--=.: telling, dancing, drinking and sexual adventure, and for these reasons, conducted like that of Ireland. .::: : are ..: often provoked the ire of clergy (Gibbons, zoo2, p. 69). At another point driven into disaffection a::i. _ - Martineau mentions fairies, another key feature of this old world. On her visit to Achill Island her account reveals that 'it.n'as by mere accident that we Only by knowing about the gne1.= discovered that, of all the population of the Catholic village of I(eel, there could one understand their co::=e;. are no adults who dare go out after nightfall,forfear of thefairies' (Martineau that have marked Irish histon- a:-: r85z: rz3, our emphasis). Storytelling too) around a fire or more likely in a ment action to redress these g:--= public house, was very common for socialising and educating the next disposed ro her work, though. ar: generation (Bourke 999), as this account from Martineau suggests: 'many Edinburgh Reoiew, while seeins s.-: a laughing party may be seen round a huge pile of smoking potatoes, in a finds it deficient: dirty cabin' (Martineau r85z: rz8). But these cultural practices - storytelling, wakes and belief in the fairies - were declining as the world of the In this tract are to be found ma:ri- ,:,: railway, mechanised agriculture, and print culture (Bourke r999) become publications; - an adherence to h:: more and more important. - gleat distinctness and porver r- ;:

54 Harriet Manineau and Ireland :;i:el R. Hill

So when Martineau returned to Ireland in the mid-rSoos she came to a iled a number of workhouses) the society in transition. She did not come under the aegis of a government or L-: example) and wrote warmlyr for expenses from her own personal :ese buildings representing state funding agency and funded her travel resources. This intellectual freedom allowed her to focus on people's everyday s rhe rvorkhouse gates without that print of Irish people's social worlds. Above rr in his mind which is one of the concerns and to detail the small qualifications' \larrineau r85z: r58). all, she saw herself as a liberal and a'lady of very superior (Martineau 1877: who could bring the insights of the then hegemonic ei'* ould have taken a simple form 4) political economy perspective to bear wherever she ventured America, the ml surrounded by a public house, - her insights and The chapel, usually in gothic style, Middle East or Ireland. In what follows we examine divisions and class/gender i trut from other buildings by iron observations in two specific domains - religious relations and, following this, offer an assessment of Martineau's contri- ::ls and practices such as those bution to our understanding of nineteenth-century Ireland. be noted about Martineau's orientation to !.st-famine period, to a new world The first thing that should its people. In the preface to her B:urke r9gr. At one point in the Ireland was her sympathetic attitude towards a strong sl.rnpathy : .ustom of wakes, the traditional work on the 'Green Island', for instance, she announces plight poor (Martineau She visited the country, :; j.ead, which, she opines, 'rank with the of the Irish r83z). '-\lartineau as she puts it herself, as an 'indignant witness of her wrongs' and proceeds to :J' r83z: 7o). Such is document and discuss these in a way that would'most serve the cause of the '" ,i:t that it has sometimes been poor' (Martineau revealing early on, from her vantage point rnt: r3 r). Describing the character Irish r83z: ii), as a foreign stranger, the practical import of her work (Hill and Hoecker- Drysdale zoor). The bold assertion that'Ireland has been and is misgov- erned'leaves no for ambiguity (Martineau i83z: iii), though the blame ::-':r and comrades, that when ablaze room seems to lie more on the Irish than the English side. She is even more explicit - -.rent heard, all would be ready for about her intentions another part of the opening section of her work: : : --::e bed of his deceased before the in e::i; ie customary mode of invitation -i--.-nl the purpose of my title is to direct the work into the hands of those whom it most concerns; and my personages are few because it is my object to show, in a in a sociery .' iLr be associated with story- confined space, how long a series of evils may befall individuals a repetition of grievances its members :-"'3:r:.1reJ and for these reasons, conducted like that of Ireland, and by rvhat (Martineau r83z: ii) r:. :132_. p. 6S). At another point are driven into disaffection and violence. ' :::i'-ue of this old world. On her grievances of the poor, according to Martineau, :!: ':: -,\'as by mere accident that we Only by knowing about the kinds -:,. Carholic village of Keel, there could one understand their consequences in rebellious acts of various have and, in motivate and inspire govern- t .-.'. r i: ar of the.fairies' (Martineau that marked Irish history turn, ment action to redress these grievances. Not all people were positively ":. a fire or more likely in a =:..u;rd periodical, .:::--.lng and educating the next disposed to her work, though, and one reviewer in the Scottish Edinburgh Rez-tiew, while seeing some merit in Martineau's account, overall :-, :,rn -\lartineau suggests: 'many finds it deficient: -i-: :':le of smoking potatoes, in a : ----ese cultural practices - story- Miss Martineau's other a-:re ,j.eclining as the world of the In this tract are to be found many of the characteristics of :r: culrure (Bourke r999) become publications; - an adherence to her general principles, carried, perhaps, too far, - great distinctness and power in enunciating them . . . Still, though this tale is

55 Brian Conway and Michael R. Hill Harrie: -\{:"

very able, yet, taken on the whole, it is not attractive. It appears to us to deal too Archbishop McHale conseffared much in shadows; and where a light is thrown in, it is rather that of a torch, or of help energise the devotional life o: an explosion, than ofthe noonday sun. (Edinburgh Review :'833 252) rzr). On her journey from Dub^': account of the national seminaq; ; priesthood she frequently takes :s': RELIGIOUS DIVISIONS to be surrounded by gardens ani hang about the neighbouring rur::= One of the features of nineteenth-century Ireland that attracted noteworthy Leinster, and clothe the entran;e attention from Martineau was religion and specifically the role in Irish (Martineau r85zi 75). sociery and culture of both the Catholic Church and the Church of Ireland. In this poverty-ridden sociery, She was particularly drawn to what she tefins the 'theological strifes of Ireland' its people and the esteem and sr-m: (Martineau t85z: t5z). while she recognises the important role of the is critical of their role as moral church in social life, she clearly implicates it in Ireland's underdevelopment: example of the great respect for c-, about a home visitation of Fr G-er: The world sees, and Ireland feels, that all her peace and progress (and it is not premature to speak of peace and progress now) are owing to influences quite Dora came cunseying to the drrr:: i apart from both churches; while the obstacles, the discouragements, the dis- within; her mother rose feeblr- 1.. : sensions with which she has to contend, are owing to the faults of the one or the would be pleased to remain nll h::: other Church, or their mutual strife. (MartineawtS5z:. zzo) 37-38)

This line of argument, in which religion as ideology stands in the way of Beyond the national seminary ar: -'l economic progress and modernisation, is difficult to square, however, with references to various chapels anJ cr the emphasis Martineau places on education, largely provided in and through the Lough Foyle region, u-e are :: the Catholic Church, as a mechanism for bettering the island: 'we must look some Catholic chapel', the terrn c: for hope and help to that power which will never disappoint us - to in nineteenth-century Ireland ali education. Of all the new features of Irish life, this is the most important . . . grow (Bourkergggi S).The Irish p" It is a leading out of. Education will lead the Irish people out of their woes; for advice on worldly matters. :L; and it will lead them up to the threshold of a better destiny' (Martineau r85z: their livelihood, as they looked ru- : zrr). She notes the 'eagerness for learning' among the Irish poor (schools were then funded by the state) under the National School Act of I83I, but After more words of exhofiac.-: were run and controlled by the Catholic Church) but commented how little present of money, and expres'ei use this human capital was put to in terms of improving the material morning, after which he rvould ; conditions of the land and generating badly needed economic capital. (Marrineau r83zl,43) Regional variation in religious cleavages surprised her and she seemed puzzled.by the apparently friendly Catholic-Protestant relations in Dublin Adherence to church norms about and the seemingly strong religious cleavages animating life along the west of source of absolution from one's sr: Ireland Atlantic coast. Competition for the hearts and minds of the island habitus (Inglis 1998). In lvlanr::e people of Achill, County Mayo, between the newly established Protestant worries about her husband's \Thrr, mission, on the one hand, and the Catholic Church, on the other, led by the conscience, so much so that she r formidable DrJohn McHale, then Archbishop of Tuam, or the 'Lion of the alone could bring relief to her a: West' as he came to be known,3 is a good example of this inter-religious influence of the church in the mor: rivalry between Gael and Gall. Faced with strong Protestant proselltising,

S6 tr::hul R. Hill Harriet Martineau and Ireland t anractive. It appears to us to deal too Archbishop McHale consecrated a new Catholic chapel on the island to 'o'"r:r in, it is rather that of a torch, or of help energise the devotional life of the Catholic faithful (Martineau r85z: :.::niurgh Rez.tiew t833: z5z) rzr). On her journey from Dublin to Galway, Martineau offers this short account of the national seminary at Maynooth, the training ground of the priesthood she frequently takes issue with: 'the college at Maynooth appears gardens and plantations; and some old trees .'!'I S I ONS to be surrounded by thriving hang about the neighbouring ruins of the ancient castle of the Fitzgeralds of estate of the Duke of Leinster' -",; Ireland that attracted noteworthy Leinster, and clothe the entrance to the a-a.d specifically the role in Irish (Manineau r812i 75). Caurch and the Church of Ireland. In this poverty-ridden society, Martineau notes the religious fervour of *-. rrhe' theolo gical strifes of lreland' its people and the esteem and symbolic power of priests within it even if she Lrgmses the important role of the is critical of their role as moral entrepreneurs (Cohen r98o).4 A good s ir i-n Ireland's underdevelopment: example of the great respect for clergy is given in this fictionalised passage about a home visitation of Fr Glenny: - i;r peace and progress (and it is not -*- ron') are owing to influences quite Dora came cunseying to the door to invite him to repose himseif on the furf seat "s--.acl.es, the discouragements, the dis- within; her mother rose feebly to pay her reverence as he entered, and hoped he ::: ..wrllg to the faults of the one or the would be pleased to remain till her husband and Dan retumed' (Martineau r 832 : ::neau t85z zzo) 37-38)

. as ideology stands in the way of Beyond the national seminary at Maynooth, her letters are peppered with :s irifrcult to square, however, with references to various chapels and cathedrals encountered on her journeys. In : -,-n. largely provided in and through the Lough Foyle regionr we are told 'we find a Company building a hand- : renering the island: 'we must look some Catholic chapel', the term chapel being more widely used than church .:: rl-ill never disappoint us - to in nineteenth-century Ireland and around which whole villages tended to : ^rje. this is the most important . . . grow (Bourk e rgggi 5) . The Irish poor looked to the Catholic priest as much i-::.e Irish people out of their woes; for advice on worldly matters, such as making enough money to preserve :: a bener destiny' (Martineau r 852: their livelihood, as they looked to him for the receipt of the sacraments: j:g among the Irish poor (schools .c \adonal School Act of r83r, but After more words of exhortation and comfort, the priest gave Dora a small Ciurch) but commented how little present of money, and expressed his hope of seeing them all at mass in the :::ms of improving the material morning, after which he would converse funher with them on their affairs. r i'',' needed economic capital. (Manineau r83z:43) a3e. surprised her and she seemed

" :,,ic-Protestant relations in Dublin Adherence to church noffns about the regular use ofthe confessional as the :.ges animating life along the west of source of absolution from one's sins was a key feature of the Irish Catholic ' re hearts and minds of the island habitus (Inglis 1998). In Martineau's narrative) non-confessed sins and :n ihe nervly established Protestant worries about her husband's S(4:iteboy activism weighed heavily on Dora's :.'; Church, on the other, led by the conscience, so much so that she felt the need to turn to Fr Glenny, who e;.hop of Tuam, or the 'Lion of the alone could bring relief to her anguish. This passage reveals the strong ocd example of this inter-religious influence of the church in the moral lives of ordinary people:5 n; strong Protestant proselytising,

57 Brian Conway and Michael R. Hill Harrier .\{;cr

Again and again, in her solitude, she had meditated a night's expedition to Father sometimes resorted to using chrlc I Glenny's dwelling . . . she was more than ever distressed at her own spiritual Overcrowding among tenants anl e state . . . her conscience so burdened wirh an accumulation of sins. (Martineau Some peasants joined the ranks of .ec r83z: 8r) to challenge the landlord system rha these operated in a clandestine rnr::' In the main, Martineau characterises Catholic priests negatively and their to challenge the colonial hegem.-n influence as malevolent, seeing them as an impediment to the quest for zoor). In Martineau's narrative. Dc, reviving a central place for truthfulness in Irish life - contrasting this with the of her husband and especiaill- h:s role of the National School system - (Martineau r852i 2r5) and as thwarting intensive interrogation from Engiis : the ability of Irish peasants to gain 'knowledge and independence' (Martineau secrecy and hidden truths (trIurt:' t85z: z16) . She attributes the 'fear and hatred' of the Irish to the dominance ruling Protestant elite kept tenan:r :: of the Catholic Church and'a priesthood as theirs for their moral guides' (Martineau r85z: zt4). Looking to the future, she predicts the demise of the She was next questioned about -'.r; .. Church's power and confidently claims'that priesthood is obviously destined nothing of the matter but b1' hear':- to decline. It may become more noisy and quarrelsome as it declines, but its Then came inquiries whither he: ::- power for mischief would soon be over' (Martineau r85z: zr9). place to place, she supposed. as::; ' was not so sure of this when he sa:-r' towards some panicular spot in :: ,:: CLASS AND GENDER RELATIONS an anifice; forDora now began tr b,. her husband should appear fiorn --:e Martineau's letters from Ireland provide an important and rare insight into their retum. (Martineau r 83z: 84. i i a society convulsed by a massively traumatic event, the Great Famine of r846, or 'Black Famine' as it has come to be known 16 Graaa zooo). Her The other soldiers, though, sei .:: earlier letters do not give us a good sense of these events because they hazardous bog, a metaphor, as Tn:c provide accounts of the Ulster experience, which was less affected by the towards the Irish - as a hard to 'i:; famine than the western coastal regions. Early on, the picture that emerges zoor: r48). For Trumpener, the b. from the letters is of a relatively prosperous and industrious country) but this constantly shifting landscape, stani' story changes radically as Martineau's journey takes her to the west of national character' (Trumpener r 9 9 Ireland speckled with'rows of deserted cottages' and 'wrecks of habitations', Martineau's account of Dora'= l: stark and visible reminders of the horrors of the r846 Famine (Martineau instrumental things like land as n'., r85z: 77). At the same time) ruins of castles, monasteries and churches in making of a marriage match in nin:: places like Athenry register and summon up an earlier 'land of saints and scholars' Ireland. (Dan) had been long in love with D'::: Her account begins with the Lough Foyle region) near present-day he had had so much as half an acr: i: Derry, and reveals how class relations were given spatial form. Catholics tended to live on poorer mountain land, from which they undoubtedly had Inheritance of the family farm allc a great view of the world around them, while Protestants, or more precisely, a family but, without it, marriage Scottish Presbyterians descended from Ulster planters, tended to live on altogether. land more favourable for tillage and farming. Property relations between the Martineau seems to suggest = Anglo-Irish landowners and native Irish tenants loom large in Illustrations. people's orientations to the larv. In Irish tenants found it difficult to raise enough income from meagre crop and criticism from Martineau and she , potato production and the sale of animals to pay their landlords, and respect for the law among the peoplo

58 ':/.:el R. Hill Hariet Marcineau and Ireland

:ed:rared a night's expedition to Father sometimes resorted to using child labour to generate additional monies. : :r'er distressed at her own spiritual Overcrowding among tenants and eviction were common grievances also. : =: accumulation of sins. (Manineau Some peasants joined the ranks of secret agrarian societies like the lil(rhiteboys to challenge the landlord system that impoverished them. Societies such as these operated in a clandestine manner and used the methods of terrorism ,-rolic priests negatively and their to challenge the colonial hegemony of the Anglo-Irish gentry (Murphy , ar Lmpediment to the quest for zoor). In Martineau's narrative, Dora's desire to conceal the whereabouts L:sir life - conrrasting this with the of her husband and especially his membership of the $Thiteboys, after t852i ::eau 2rS) and as thwarting intensive interrogation from English soldiers, reveals Ireland as a society of :ge and independence' (Manineau secrecy and hidden truths (Murphy zoor) and helps to explain why the .=el' of the Irish to the dominance ruling Protestant elite kept tenants under constant close observation: a as rheirs for their moral guides' she predicts ::e! the demise of the She was next questioned about the shipwreck: and here she was safe. She knew ':: pnesrhood is obviously destined nothing of the matter but by hearsay, and could not answer a single question. i :-uarrelsome as it declines, but its Then came inquiries whither her husband had gone. She did not know; from \Lardneau t85z: ztg). place to place, she supposed, as he did before he married (p. 8+) . . . The officer was not so sure of this when he saw how earnesdy she glanced from time to time towards some particular spot in an opposite direction from the alder bush. It was i R,ELATIONS an anifice; for Dora now began to be cunning, and to wish an end to this visit, lest her husband should appear from the beach . . . A soldier was left to guard her till a: :mponant and rare insight into their return. (Martineau r83z: 84, 88) ra-jc event) the Great Famine of 're : known (O Gr6da zooo). Her The other soldiers, though, set off to negotiate their way through the :-.e of these events because they hazardous bog, a metaphor, as Trumpener points out, of Anglo-Irish attitudes :<. *'hich was less affected by the towards the Irish - as a hard to understand, recalcitrant people (Murphy Ear-1-on, the picture that emerges zoor: r48). For Trumpener, the bog, at once a mnemonic device and a a::d rndustrious -. country, but this constantly shifting landscape, stands as an'emblem for Ireland's intractable '-r-rrney takes her to the west of national character' (Trumpener rggTi 47). =ges! and 'wrecks ofhabitations,, Martineau's account of Dora's romantic plans reveals the importance of s t-rr rhe 1846 Famine (Martineau instrumental things like land as much as expressive factors like love in the "les, monasteries and churches in making of a marriage match in nineteenth-century Ireland: . ',.rr an earlier 'land of saints and (Dan) had been long in love with Dora, and would have married her out ofhand, if F!.\'le region, near present-day he had had so much as half an acre of ground to marry upon. (Marrineau r83z:7) ere given sparial form. Catholics rrrm $'hich they undoubtedly had Inheritance of the family farm allowed a newly married couple to raise ;'e Protestants, or more precisely, a family but, without it, marriage was either postponed or abandoned -lsrer planters, tended to live on altogether. rg. Property relations between the Martineau seems to suggest that unequal class relations influenced enants loom large in lllustrations. people's orientations to the law. Irish hostility to legal codes came under :gh rncome from meagre crop and criticism from Martineau and she seemed to be disappointed by the low Lals to pay their landlords, and respect for the law among the people, observing that:

59 Brian Conwag and Michael R. Hill Hdni:: -r'l

We have had frequent occasion to regret the high walls which surround all the are saving the remnant of the ;"r pretty places in the neighbourhood of the towns we have last visited . . . we have makes reference to the keepine a: been told the reason - tfrat the people have so little idea of the law being instituted nineteenth-century Ireland, ali for just and mutually protective purposes . . . we should like much more to see the for women (Bourke r99il. people leaming that the law is meant to be every honest man's friend, and Her next destination poLn:. guarding it accordingly. (Martineau t85z; zr5) owing to the practice of using .. village of Claddagh in Galu-a1':s' Irish antipathy to law, as Gibbons notes) was a common target of attack by like detail and makes some rci: nineteenth-century civil reformers, both Irish and English (Gibbons zooz: practice - unsavoury in N{ar.jre; r5), and to the extent that this is true Martineau was in step with opinion at of their children: the time. Against wretched circumstances of dire poverty and destitution, it is not surprising that some peasants took to stealing to meet basic The cottages are in ron'sl arj : subsistence needs) justified on the basis that it was necessary to provide for between the stones, or mo.s ::j-' one's family dependants, and that a minority seized upon violent means tree, affords a strange lirtle pa::i to effect political change (Martineau r83z: 6z). Martineau mentions the and grass grow to the heigh: :: violence of the secret agrarian group, the Whiteboys) at various points in the seeds into the thatch . . . bu: r::: Illustations. In an accotlnt of their plundering of a ship marooned at night at all. Voices are heard froin -.:; along a barely visible but highly dangerous and rugged west coast, she notes where the door was shut . . " :-i that the aggressive actions of the V4riteboys did not find a receptive mud close by the head of iie :,: audience in county Mayo towns like Ballina and Killala. This description of fish-market, were performrng ::-: the travels of survivors of the shipwreck points to a strong rural-urban own persons, which is ap: : cleavage with respect to indignation about agrarian violence in nineteenth- (Martineau r85z: 84-5) century Ireland and the limits of 'popular' support for rural agitation: Martineau's obsen'atior.. .. - As they went along the road, and through small villages, they met with little Irish society. The bogs, she =e sympathy in any of their complaints against whiteboys; but the townspeople were that could transform tlte co:: ": of a different temper) and Ballina and Killala soon rang with the tidings of the reclaimed for agricultural use horrible outrage, which had been committed on the coast. (Manineau t83z: 74) occupies nearly 3rooo,ooo c: =:: into wealth, the fact would be ,-: Interestingly, sites of popular culture such as wakes and weddings were people - and to our whole e::;: often attended by the recruiting sergeants of the Whiteboys, infusing these ridiculous or misplaced' i-\lar= de'r- rituals with a strong political meaning (Gibbons r998).u Although Martineau "- In addition to class relationsr Martineau was also interested in the status empirical detail, she goes be1-c-, of women and their social relations with men. The industriousness of Irish why things are as they are in Ire-, women impressed her a good deal and she noted that it was 'the industry of she attempts to explain the lc',';l"; the women which is in great part sustaining the country' (Martineau r85z: of a middle class of socieq-' -\1 65) and that 'the employment of the least in the place of the most able- location in the city, she obse:-,'e bodied is one of the peculiarities which marks the anomalous condition of old families, on the one hani. , Ireland' (Martineau t85z 65-6). The range of women's work, extending far other (Martineau r85z: 891 - n:' beyond the private sphere of the household, also surprised her: 'we observe absence of a stable middle clas-. women working almost everywhere. In the flax-fields there are more women many infrastructural adr-antase than men pulling and steeping. In the potato fields it is often the women who potential as an economic hub.

6o Ireland ".:ie;l R. Hill Harriet Martineau and n: argh walls which surround all the are saving the remnant of the crop' (Martineau t85z: 69). Martineau also :.,T, *.n \\'e have last visited . . . we have makes reference to the keeping of poultry, an important economic activity in o": -lrde idea of the law being instiruted nineteenth-century Ireland, and an especially important source of income ;;e should like much more to see the forwomen (Bourke r99r. : :- elery honest man's friend, and Her next destination point, Galway, is described as a strange placeJ owing to the practice of using seaweed as a form of manure. A visit to the village of Claddagh in Galway is vividly recalled by Martineau with forensic- n-as a common target of attack by like detail and makes some reference to Irish mothers, mentioning their n::sh and English (Gibbons zooz: practice - unsavoury in Martineau's eyes - of removing lice from the heads :::eau was in step with opinion at of their children: s ,:: ciire poverty and destitution, it ::lk to stealing to meet basic The cottages are in rows; and there are streets or alleys, where grass springs i]r.r: li \fas necessary to provide for between the stones, or moss tufls them, and where a stunted elder-bush, or other .':nt]- seized upon violent means tree, affords a strange little patch ofverdure in the dreary piace . . . netties' docks, i:: 6z). Martineau mentions the and grass grow to the height of two feet, and the thistle and ragwofi shed their ![L.teboys, at various points in the seeds into the thatch . . . but infiniteiy worse is the inside. Some have no windows :e:-ng of a ship marooned at night at all. Voices are heard from the interior of one where there was no window, and s :1.1 rugged west coast) she notes where the door was shut . . . elsewhere we saw a litter of pigs wallowing in the irero]'s did not find a receptive mud close by the head of the bed. Many mothers in the street, and even in the :: and Krllala. This description of fish-market, were performing that operation on their daughter's heads or on their s p,.-rrnts to a strong rural-urban own persons, which is apt to turn English stomachs in Naples or Lisbon. :: agarian violence in nineteenth- (Martineau t85z:84-5) : :-Fpori for rural agitation: Martineau's observations on Irish bogs reveal her concern for bettering = .r:rall r'illages, they met with iittle Irish society. The bogs, she feels, represent an enolmous economic asset .:;"':rrebo5's; but the townspeople were that could transform the country's fortunes, if only they were speedily i: soon rang with the tidings of the reclaimed for agricultural use: 'if it were probable that the substance which :=: u the coast. (MartineautS3z:74) occupies nearly 3)ooo)ooo of acres of the surface of Ireland could be tumed into wealth, the fact would be of such incalculable importance to the whole -r;h as rvakes and weddings were people - and to ouf whole empire - that no degree of earnestness could be '. ci rhe Whiteboys, infusing these ridiculous or misplaced' (Martineau t85z: 78). ir::ons r998).6 Atthough Martineau demonstrates in her writings a great eye for :s:i il-as also interested in the status empirical detail, she goes beyond mere description by attempting to explain r.en. The industriousness of Irish why things are as they are in Ireland. In her account of Galway, for example, :i -urrf d that it was 'the industry of she attempts to explain the lowly position of the city, in terms of 'the absence :-E'i1e country' (Martineau r85z: of a middle class of society' (Martineau l85z: 89). commenting on class esr ur the piace of the most able- location in the city, she observes that two groups make up the aristocracy - ra:L. the anomalous condition of old families, on the one hand, and college professors and officials, on the lge ot n'omen's work, extending far other (Martineau r852: 8g) - with a missing population in between. It is this rii. also surprised her: 'we observe absence of a stable middle class that Martineau feels prevents the city, with :e i.a:-fields there are more women many infrastfuctural advantages such as transport links, from realising its -aro fields it is often the women who potential as an economic hub.

6r Brian Conway and Michael R. Hill Harriet Jf"t

there is nothing the matrer nirh tbt MARTINEAU'S IRISH CIVIL REFORM PROGRAMME good enough: rhe sea is fruirhr_l eo country. And there is Schooling, religious belief and practice, family inheritance, the subdivi- nothing tl.e task-work at secure work aad sion of land, tenant-landlord relations, absentee landlordism, and agrarian - r anybody. (Manineau r85z z.n, tq violence in nineteenth-century Ireland, were all topics that attracted Martineau's interest and sociological comment and constituted her empirical But she singles out the lack of resp concerns. But she was as much interested in changing the way people sharp relief in the country's cou-trt, organised their everyday lives as in understanding them; and, as a way out of as 'the natural product of the fear i Ireland's economic ills, she comes down, in the final analysis, to endorsing for centuries, with such a pnes: education and capital development as viable solutions to Ireland's miseries (Martineau r85z: zt4). This is a and as key to reconfiguring Anglo-Irish relationships. The emphasis on edu- tendency (a Martineaunian 'ser cation was understandable given that the ability to read and write was ;:, in her writings, to lavish praise on : crucial to participation in the newly emerging modern world (Bourke r99q. the same breath, to put fonvard a -" But not everyone could take advantage of education and Martineau endorses emigration as a safety valve for a population whose needs ran ahead of its resources - 'the clearance of the land by a method which secures the main- tenance of the inhabitants seems to us a very great good' (Martineau r85z: C Lf,\ zo5) - allowing those that remain behind to sustain a livelihood drat they would Through her wide-ranging anc . not be able to do otherwise, thus stabilising social and economic relations. offers the reader a rare socioloqr:a She tells us 'of the Irishman's passion for land' as being explainable in and culture. The author's obie;r terms of the symbolic meaning of land as a source of 'power, independence, Paddies' (Martineau r85z: z, ls and dignity' (Martineau r85z: zt7). But Martineau sees this as a constraint i: on pre- as well as post-famine lre- on the country's abiliry to modernise and prosper. For her, this preoccu- 'before' and'after' account of pation with land led to 'habits of slovenly cultivation, of dependence on the '.i-:.: two important periods in ninel:e: (Martineau z16), aIl potato) and of consequent idleness' r85z: traits that did ' event is assured a place in Irish c.- not fit well with a modernising agenda. For this reason) Martineau advocated people cannot be expected ro tbr:.: a more rational organisation of economic life; Ireland's economy more than over'(Martineau r85z: zr3). its politics being her key concern, centred around 'regular and punctual Oia, it is perhaps the land quesrion ih; labour' and greater 'obseryance of hours and ruies' (Martineau t85z: zr7). helps to explain certain In this view, Ireland stands at a critical switch point in her economic feature s --: economy with the truth, a tend.e:-; trajectory- one road leading to modemisation through agricultural improve and poor agricultural techniquc" ment, the other to a pastoral society of continued stagnation and decline. In 'nothing-good-can-come-out-o:-r: this view, the world of oral culture, of encapsulating knowledge about observers imbued with the ml-.h , geography, moral codes, and sources of danger in story and myth, is viewed exhorts the Irish people to turn ro : as backward and regressive, standing in stark contrast to the orderly world things as waged labour to lin d represented by censuses, maps, and written records.T - social condition. This analysis of Ireland's situation might be interpreted by some scholars Though here not expresslt ctrr as representing a crude caricature of the Irish aslary and feckless and incap- America provided a comparadse ; able of showing any signs of industry and commerce or of a capacity to govern her Irish writings. She some im: themselves. But Martineau is full of praise for the Irish character, reminding comparison between the condirion us of its globally recognised 'fine qualities'. Towards the end of her letters she black slaves in America. But she is , offers an extended and highly complimentary assessment of the Irish people:

6z Harriet Martineau and lreland :t:;;i R. Hill

there is nothing the matter with the original structure of the country. The land is :FORlt PROGRAMME good enough: rhe sea is fruitful enough . . . there is nothing the matter with the country. And there is nothing the matter with the men in it . . . employ them at :aniiv inheritance, the subdivi- task-work - at secufe work and they soon show themselves as industrious as sen:ee landlordism, and agrarian anybody. (Martineau 18521 2t3-r4) 5rere ail topics that attracted lear and constituted her empirical But she singles out the lack of respect for iaw and truthfulness, thrown into ed r:r changing the way people sharp relief in the country's court system, as a major vice of the people and a-n3ing theml and, as a way out of as 'the natufal product of the fear and hatred in which the people have lived r..fie final analysis, to endorsing for centuries, with such a priesthood as theirs for their moral guides' :.e solutions to Ireland's miseries (Martineau 18521 2r4). This is a good example of Martineau's curious i:..aships. The emphasis on edu- tendency (a Martineaunian 'set piece' perhaps), evident at different points arilirl' to read and write was ii in her writings, to lavish praise on the subjects of her analysis and, almost in '- g modern world (Bourke r99il. the same breath, to put forward a very strong critique' ,iucadon and Martineau endorses :t,:i 'rhose needs ran ahead of its :r:e-$od q'hich secures the main- CONCLUSION 3:..- sreat good' (Martineau r85z: a would -.r:-.--aur iivelihood that they Through her wide-ranging and discerning wfitings, Harriet Martineau .i s,:cial and economic relations. offers the reader a fare sociologicai and important insight into Irish society ::,: land' as being explainable in and culture. The author's objective of carrying out a 'good study of the . !t-'i-ic€ of 'power, independence, Paddies' (Martineau r85z: z) is indeed realised. crucially, her work bears .1,:--l:eau sees this as a constraint on pfe- as well as post-famine Ireland and for this reason we get a unique I For her, this preoccu- ;r.rsper. 'before' and 'after' account of what it was like to live in Ireland during these on the :j::i'ation, of dependence two important periods in nineteenth-century Irish history. She feels this :r:au r852: z16),alltraits that did event is assured a place in Irish collective memory by reminding us that'the ' --::s reason, Martineau advocated peopie cannot be expected to forget what they have seen in ghastly years iust Ireland's economy more than -::e: over' (Marrineau r852: z13). of ail the issues that Martineau engages with, :d aiound 'regular and punctual it is perhaps the land question that looms the iargest, which, she claims, i:j rules' (Martineau t85z: zr7). helps to explain certain features ofthe Irish character, the chiefones being ;.rirch point in her economic - economy with the truth, a tendency towards idleness, potato dependency, :tr:: rhrough agricultural improve and poor agricultural techniques. Though at times this comes close to a :i:ued stagnation and decline. In ,nothing-good-can-come-out-of-the-Irish' position common among foleign eicapsulating knowledge about observers imbued with the myth of Ireland (Ryan ry65i 77), Martineau nger in story and myth, is viewed exhorts the Irish people to turn to the modern world - associated with such '!aiR contrast to the orderly world things as waged labour - to lift them out of their current impoverished :- records.T social condition. :r be interpreted by some scholars Though here not expressly comparative, Martineau's earlier work on ::.h as laz_v and feckless and incap- America provided a comparative and international frame of reference for or of a capacity to govern 'r:merce her Irish writings. She sometimes mentions, for example, and draws a l :or the Irish character, reminding comparison between the conditions of the Irish landed poor and indentured To'rards the end of her letters she black slaves in America. But she is struck by how much better things would .ai,r; assessment of the Irish people: 63 Brian Conway and Michael R. Hill Harn;: -\

be if the landed poor took to waged 'work on some social labour which 5 For a discussion of declining Ca: requires an observance of hours and rules'rather than the unwaged, unsys- nineteenttr-century golden age of In_r:. ( tematic labour on the land. study of the 'Kerry Babies' (zoo3). Now, Martineau is increasingly mentioned in sociology theory texrbooks 6 Gibbons notes that the use br' --: and odrer writings as an early pioneer in the discipline and the first female ordinary people to recruit and organisc : the everyday sociologist (Hill rg8g, r99r; Hill and Hoecker-Drysdale zoor; Hoecker- rounds and folk cusrt :::. _ Drysdale r99z). In nineteenth-century studies too, her contribution is increas- r998:4r). rX/illiam ingly noticed and commented upon. Less well known and recognised is the 7 See Smyth's monumen:- : important contribution she made to nineteenth-century Irish studies, though of how map-making was a key elern-::: she was recently mentioned as an early pioneer of Irish sociology (Conway zoo6; Share, Tovey and Corcoran, 2oo7i 6-Z). '$7e hope this chapter helps to introduce the person and her work to Irish sociologists and to a wider E audience. uThile many may well take issue with her diagnosis of Ireland's ills Andrews, H., zoor. The Lion of tiie '.t-::-. as having to do largely with 'economical and religious causes' and her Bourke, A., rggg. The Buming of Br;;::

marginalisation of a sharp political analysis, she is no doubt eloquent and Cohen, S., r98o. Folk Devils and^lf--,: -: provocative in putting forward her analysis. Towards the end of her work, Basil Blaclarell.

her description of Ireland as a'country which has begun to taste of peace Conway, 8., zoo6.'Foreigners, faii:: - -- : present and progress'was accurate in its thrust if not in its timing. More broadly, the status of Irish Sociolog.. . -i-- text from the lllustrations and Letters from lreland, the focus of this chapter, de Nie, M., zoo4. The Eternal Pa;:,., --_ exemplifii the general features of Martineaunian sociology: concern with University of Wisconsin Press. everyday social life, direct empirical observation, a desire to make sociology Edinburgh Reaiew, 1833. Revieu- ot H.:_-: socially useful, a strong commitment to bettering sociery, and independence Gibbons, L., 1998. 'Between Cai:.::_ i of thought (Hill zoo5) - all important uaits with continuing relevance to and in T. Foley and S. Ryder (eds . I::: topicality in contemporary social science. Four Courts Press, z3-44. Gibbons, L., zooz. The Quiet ,\Iat:. C::, Gray, J., zoo5. Spinning the Tltr:;:: :- -_ Ireland Duing the Notes Long Eighr::.::;: l: Hill, M. R., 1989.'Empiricism an.i riTe thank S6amas O Siochfin for inviting us to contribute to this collection. An earlier version r:=.-,: How To Obserue Morals ana of this essay was presented at the Harriet Martineau Sociological Society,4th Intemational -'"!:':-- Transaction, xv-lx. STorking Seminar, National University of Ireland Maynooth, County Kildare, zt-23 May

Hill, M. R., r99r. 'Harriet . zoo7, andin a classical social theory course (SO zor) taught in Maynooth in autumn zoo7. -\lar::.=_ Bibliographical Sourcebook. \eir l'- : r It should be pointed out that Martineau's use of words such as barbarism and civilis- Hill, M. R., zoor. 'A merhodollrs.;a. . :: ation, and the word 'Paddy' to denote the lrish, suggest a colonial world view. Words like (1837) and Alexis De Tocquerl:'. -l barbarism and Paddy were in common currency among nineteenth-century political elites S. Hoecker-Drysdale (eds). Ht-:: ;, and were frequently seized upon in descriptions of colonised subjects like the lrish, New York: Routledge: 59---1. contrasting with the 'civilisation' of the colonial centre (de Nie zoo4). Hill, M. R. (ed.), zoo4. An htdep;,:i:-:: z $7e owe this point to Eamonn Slater. Amherst, NewYork: Humani:.'B , 3 For an interesting biography of Dr John McHale, Catholic Archbishop of Tuam, see Hill, M. R., zoo5. 'sociological t::,::s Andrews (zoor). Sociology', Sociological Oigtns. : :. 4 The concept of moral entrepreneur comes from the work of Stanley Cohen (see Cohen Hill, M. R. and S. Hoecker-Dn.s:' : r98o). Methodological Perspectiaes. Loi: : :-

64 and Ireland ;,,tul R. Hill Harriet Martineau

Church influence in Irish society from the rrk on some social labour which 5 For a discussion of declining Catholic golden age oflrish Catholicism to the contemporary eral see Inglis's case ' rather than the unwaged, unsys- nineteenth-century study of the'Kerry Babies' (zoo3). use by the Whiteboys of wakes and other social gatherings of in sociology theory textbooks 6 Gibbons notes that the 'ned pointed to the 'integration ofrituals ofresistance into ie discipline and the first female ordinary people to recruit and organise rural life'in nineteenth-century Ireland (Gibbons r'ecker-Drysdale zoor; Hoecker- the everyday rounds and folk customs of r998:4r). !:: roo, her contribution is increas- study, from the perspective of a cultural geographer, n-ell known and recognised is the 7 See William Smyth's monumental English colonial programme (Smyth zoo6)' errh-century Irish studies, though of how map-making was a key element of the oneer of Irish sociology (Conway 6--). We hope this chapter helps lrish sociologists and to a wider Bibliography Veritas' nifi her diagnosis of Ireland's ills Andrews,H.,zoor. TheLionofthelVest:ABiographyofJohnMcHale.Dublin: :- and religious causes' and her Bourke, A., 1999. The Buming of BridgetCleary: A True Srory. London: Pimlico. the Mods and Rockers. oxford: srs, she is no doubt eloquent and cohen, S., rg8o. Folk Deails and Moral Panics: The creation of il.. Towards the end of her work, Basil Blackrell. ,Foreigners, and ri:ch has begun to taste ofpeace conway, B., zoo6. faith and fatherland: the historical origins, development gy" Origins,5; r, Special Supplement, .c,t n its riming. More broadly, the present status oflrish Sociolo Sociological 5-35' Madison: n,:iand, the focus of this chapter, de Nie, M., zoo4. The Eternal Paddy: Irish Identity and the Bitish Press, r7g8-r882 ' .:aulian sociology: concern with University of Wisconsin Press. Harriet Martineau's lreland' A Tale. .;adon, a desire to make sociology Edinburgh Redew, t833. Review of 57,249-79. insurgency', :nerhg society, and independence Gibbons, L., rgg8. 'Between Captain Rock and a hard place: art and agrarian (eds), Ideologt and Ireland in the Nineteenth Century. Dublin: s lrirh continuing relevance to and in T. Foley and S. Ryder Four Courts Press, z3-44. Gibbons, L., zooz. The Quiet Man Cork: Cork University Press. Gray, J., zoo5. Spinning the Threads of (Jneaen Development: Gender and Industrialization in Ireland During the Long Eighteenth Century. Lanham: Lexington Books. Hill, M. R., 1989. 'Empiricism and reason in Harriet Martineau's Sociology', in H. Martineau, ::i ::e io *ris collection. An earlier version How To Obserue Morals and Manners [Sesquicentennial edn]. New Brunswick' NJ: i:: S.-ciological Society, 4th Intemational Transaction, xv-lx. llai-nuroth, County Kildare, zr z3 May Hill, M. R., r99r. 'Harriet Martineau', in M. I. Deegan (ed.), Women in Sociology: A Bio- l -:ghr in Maynooth in autumn 2oo7. Bibliographical Sourcebook. New York: Greenwood, 289-96 - ,A of Harriet Martineau's society in Ameica : :: ';ords such as barbarism and civilis- Hill, M. R., 2OOr. methodological comparison (r835-r85o)', in M' R' Hill and ;!E:-ii a colonial world view. Words like (1837) and Alexis De Tocqueville's Demoffacy inAmeica S. Hoecker-Drysdale (eds), llarriet Manineau: Theoreical and Methodological Perspectiztes. :. -. :s nireeteenth-century poiitical elites - -.: colonised subjects like the Irish, New York: Routledge: 59-74. ::e je \ie zoo4). Hili, M. R. (ed.), zoo4. An Independent Woman's Lake District lf,/ritings: Hatriet Martineau. Amherst, New York: Humanity Books. the history of i:"le. Catholic Archbishop of Tuam, see Hill, M. R., zoo5. 'sociological thought experiments: five examples ftom Sociology', Sociological Oigins, 3: z, Special Supplement,3-r9' and : --:e n'ork of Stanley Cohen (see Cohen Hill, M. R. and S. Hoecker-Drysdale (eds), zoot. Harciet Martineau: Theoretical Methodologic al Perspecth;es. London: Routledge'

65 Brian Conway and Michael R. Hill

Hoecker-Drysdale, S., 1992. Harriet Martineau: First lX/oman Sociologisr. Oxford: Berg. Hooper, G. (ed.), zoor. Letters from lreland: Hamiet Martineau. Dublin'. Irish Academic Press. Hooper, G. and T. Young (eds), zoo4. Perspectives on Traztel lYriting. Aldershot: Ashgate. Sir Henrl'l in Modern lreland Inglis. T., t998. Moral Monopoly: The Rise and Fall of the Catholic Church Survival r (znd edn). Dublin: UCD Press. Inglis, T., 2Oo3. Truth, Power and Lies: Irish society and the case of the Kerry Babres. Dublin: UCD Press. Logan, D. A., zooza. The Hour and the woman: Haniet Martineau's 'somewhat remarhable' Life. D eKalb, IL: Northern Illinois University Press. Sianin Logan, D. A. (ed.), 2OO2b. wriings on Slaaery and the American ciail IYar, by Harriet Martineau. DeKalb, IL: Northern Illinois University Press. Logan, D. A. (ed.), 2Oo4. Illustrations of Political Economy: Selected Tales, by Harriet Martineau. Peterborough (Canada) : Broadview. I\T?i Logan, D. A. (ed.), zoo7. The Collected Letters oJ Hatriet Martineau. 5 vols. London: Pickering & Chatto. The career of Sir Henry Maine :! Martineau, H., r832. Ireland. (Illustrations of Political Econom!, g).London: charles Fox. From a modest middle-class rac Maftineau, H., 1837. Society in America. 3 vols' London: Saunders and Ot1ey. regular winner of prizes and scroi Martineau, H., 1838. How To Obsetwe Morals and Manners. London: Charles Fox. Pembroke College, Cambridge- it Martineau, H., 1844. LiJe in the Sick-Roorz. Boston: Bowles and Crosby. of civil law at Trinity Hail, Can:c Martineau, H., 1852. Lettcrs from lreland. (Reprinted from the Daily News). London: John became first reader on Roman la'*' , Chapman. London. In 186r, not yet forq-, c,e Martineau, H., r853. .condition and prospects of Ireland" The lYestminster Rez;iew 3,35-62. reputation and which still stani-. a Martineau, H., t877. Hariet Martineau's Autobiography, with Memoreais by Maria weston In addition to his legal work, -\la::,

Chapman. 3 vols. London: Smith, Elder, & Co. as early as r85o he had begun a ; Murphy, \7., zoor. 'The almost hidden Ireland: secrecy and the Irish novel, r8oo-r829', anon)'rnous) written for qualitl' pel PhD Dissertation, Department of English, University of Notre Dame, Indiana, USA' was this combination that led tc' o Gr6da, c., zooo. Black'47 and Beyond: The Great Irish Famine in Historlt, Economy, and member qf the Viceroy's councl r Memory. Princeton: Princeton Universily Press. his retum to England in 1869 he ;-' 6 Tuathaigh, G., zoo7. Ireland Before the Famine 1798-1848 (3rd edn). Dublin: Gill & of jurisprudence in Oxford acd i{- Macmillan. his Indian career) he produced :: Rivlin, J. 8., tg47. Hariet Martineau: A Bibliography o;f Her separately Published Boo&s. New Communities, in which, dra*'ing .rr -r York: The New York Public Library. pared village communities there Ryan, L., 1965. 'sociologists look at the Irish family', Rural lreland, TT-83. In r875 he produced Early fli5;'- Share, P., l{. Tovey and M. P. Corcoran, z oo7 . A Sociologt of Ireland (3rd edn) . Dublin: Gill discussion of the early Irish (breh'r: and Macmillan. the summer of 1873. In the sacre Smyth, w. J., 20c,6. Map-making, Landscapes and Memory: A Geography of colonial and Early Indian Council in London. Tu-o 5e Modem lreland. Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press. Hall. In t883 Dissertations on Earl'. Trumpener, K., rggT.Bardic Nationalism: The Romantic Novel and the British Empire. last book, Popular Goaernnent. In 7 Princeton: Princeton Universiry Press. of International Law, Cambndge. yearr on 3 February 1888. A fe\l-' Goaentment, from May r88o to De