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Religious Movements in Collision ~Ed-Tet Avot Melakhot}

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Religious Movements in Collision ~Ed-Tet Avot Melakhot} Jews in America A Contemporary Reader Roberta Rosenberg Farber and Chaim I. Waxman Brandeis University Press 'O~'~'l'\ .,'" ",,,,,,, Published by University Press of New England 1\"'''''' ",.,,,, ,)rf~~ Hanover and London ,~ by a preacher of the past millennium. ler, brought further proof of the causal 17 Jack Wertheimer pointing out a number of correlations: tty-two, which was also the date of the fikvah (22 Sivan); second, the sum total Iline, which corresponds to the number Religious Movements in Collision ~ed-tet avot melakhot}. As noted above Itered modernity only recently, and in A Jewish Culture War? ovards and terrors of the afterlife and of irs, remains far closer to the religious °e unconsciously acculturated members :s true even of one of the least accuItur­ • Hasidic women; see Tamar EI-Or, Ed­ - Peretz's remarks were first reported in 1985. [I am indebted to Chaim I. Wax­ :;s are on the tape series, Ner le-Me'ah: ']' An analysis of shifts in the policies and practices of each Jewish denomination i 1,1 provides a necessary context in which to assess why relations between the reli­ ~' I,/! gious groups have deteriorated in recent years. All of the movements have re­ l~I' sponded to a series of new challenges faced by the American Jewish community: r.fi,:1 ~,~ the rising rate of intermarriage and the resulting question of how to integrate the !;' ~;,' children of such marriages into the Jewish community; the feminist revolution I! and the demands of Jewish women for equality in religious life; and the declining levels of synagogue affiliation and involvement of third- and fourth-generation American Jews, which has forced all Jewish institutions to compete for members. The policies of Jewish denominations have been shaped as well by the aggressive tenor of religious disputation that characterizes relations between segments of American Christianity-and indeed religious antagonists throughout the world. Heightened Religious Tensions Each Jewish movement has responded differently to the new challenges and has embraced policies unilaterally, with little or no consultation with its counterparts in American Judaism. The resulting policies are shaped by profoundly different conceptions of Jewish identity, religious reform, and the future of American Ju­ daism. The Reform and Reconstructionist position on patrilineality is incompati­ ble with Conservative and Orthodox definitions of who is a Jew. The ordination of women as rabbis is viewed by some as a logical extension ofJewish ethical values and by others as an unacceptable deviation from Judaism's differentiation be­ tween gender roles. And the self-segregation of Orthodox Jews, many of whose leaders refuse to participate in communal organizations that include non­ Orthodox rabbis lest such participation confer legitimacy on inauthentic leaders, .J 378 • Religion and Spirituality Wertheimert: raises the question of whether Jews can act in concert. As Irving Greenberg has redefine Jewish identity, as well as the suggested, both extremes on the religious spectrum seem to have written each for a new Reform outreach effort to I other off; both extremes assume that other Jews can be ignored because those oth­ and Conservative rabbis that they cou ers will become increasingly irrelevant to the Jewish future. Specifically, the ma­ Although the Reform rabbis of Denve jority of Orthodox rabbis act as if they expect the non-Orthodox world to assimi­ trilineality, the national decision of th late; and the unilateralism of Reform and Reconstruction on the issue of and Conservative rabbis in an untenat patrilineality suggests a belief that adherents of halakhah are a dying or fossilized conversion program with rabbis who breed. Only those on the Conservative right and the Orthodox left seem overly identity. And furthermore, they could concerned about religious polarization, perhaps because they have ties to all seg­ with increasing frequency due to a Rc;; ments of the Jewish community.! with their own understanding of how Although much of this disagreement has been confined to the journals of vari­ Denver program, a model for other loc ous rabbinic organizations, a few widely reported incidents have focused public of decisions taken far away from that c attention on the heightened religious divisiveness. One episode that came to sym­ form rabbis. bolize the possibilities as well as lost opportunities for greater religious unity has The possibility of future cross-de become known as the Denver experiment.2 Beginning in 1978, Reform, Conserv­ communities was further undermined ative, and TraditionaP rabbis formed a joint Beit Din (rabbinic court) to oversee Denver program. When the existence conversions. (Orthodox rabbis refused to participate, and there was no Recon­ (ironically, through the announcemer: structionist rabbi in Denver at the time.) The purpose of this program was to avoid hue and cry over the folly of Traditic a situation in which rabbis in Denver did not recognize each other's converts to Ju­ conversion effort. As the Jewish Obsc daism. Under the Denver program, each rabbi still retained autonomy to perform Orthodox right, crowed: his own conversions, but a very significant number-approximately 750 individu­ als-underwent conversion in Denver through the communal rabbinic court. While compromise for the sake of unity In order to function in concert, all participating rabbis compromised some of basic principles of faith, "compromise" is their views: the Traditional rabbis "were prepared to say that even though we dox rabbis recognized that Reform and C knew that all of the students coming out of the general conversion process would Torah, and that Klal Yisroel [the totality c not be authentic Orthodox Jews, we were prepared to say as long as they were be­ when Orthodoxy enters in religious assoc: ginning an effort to learn Judaism and aspire to be committed Jews, we were pre­ pared to offer our signatures." Or as another Traditional rabbi put it: "Our compro­ In the judgment of the Jewish Obser mise was simply that we did not make the thorough investigation that we might been party to an outrageous fraud." A have made of our own converts-whether the person, in practice, was prepared to of this fraud, the periodical's editor w embrace a larger measure of traditional Judaism." The Reform rabbis, in tum, plating this type of denominational cc compromised by agreeing to teach about traditional observances, such as Jewish pitfalls involved and step back from tl: dietary laws and special Passover regulations. In addition, the Reform rabbis com­ Since the collapse of the Denver p promised by acceding to the Traditional and Conservative rabbis' insistence that tinued to deteriorate. Among the key converts must go to a ritual bath (mikveh) and undergo a symbolic circumcision Orthodox rabbis of the Rabbinical Cc (hatafat dam brit).4 Not coincidentally, the lone Conservative rabbi in Denver, pendent Reconstructionist movemer: whose conception of conversion represented a centrist position, served as the America, an umbrella agency linking chairman of the board for most of its history. But the actual conversion ceremony the other Jewish religious movemenl was supervised by three Traditional rabbis. Bureau's Chaplaincy Board, which p: In 1983, after six years of relatively smooth functioning, the Denver Beit Din in the military since World War I, in [ was dissolved. The move was precipitated by the resolution on patrilineality seeking to serve as a Jewish militat')o adopted that year by the Central Conference of American Rabbis. This decision to ments by rabbinic groups of the Ortt WertheimerfReligious Movements in Collision • 379 concert. As Irving Greenberg has redefine Jewish identity, as well as the designation of Denver as a pilot community ~ctrum seem to have written each for a new Reform outreach effort to recruit converts, convinced the Traditional ;; can be ignored because those oth­ and Conservative rabbis that they could no longer participate in the joint board. rewish future. Specifically, the ma­ Although the Reform rabbis of Denver held varying views on the question of pa­ lhe non-Orthodox world to assimi- trilineality, the national decision of the Reform rabbinate placed the Traditional Reconstruction on the issue of and Conservative rabbis in an untenable position. They could not cooperate in a !f halakhah are a dying or fossilized conversion program with rabbis who held so different a conception of Jewish :md the Orthodox left seem overly identity. And furthermore, they could not supervise conversions that would occur ,s because they have ties to all seg­ with increasing frequency due to a Reform outreach effort that was inconsistent with their own understanding of how to relate to potential proselytes. Thus, the ~en confined to the journals of vari­ Denver program, a model for other local Jewish communities, foundered because .rted incidents have focused public ofdecisions taken far away from that community at the national convention of Re­ ess. One episode that came to sym­ form rabbis. ,ities for greater religious unity has The possibility of future cross-denominational cooperation in other Jewish ginning in 1978, Reform, Conserv­ communities was further undermined by the response of Orthodox groups to the ~eit Din (rabbinic court) to oversee Denver program. When the existence of that program became public knowledge ~ticipate, and there was no Recon­ (ironically, through the announcement of its demise), Orthodox groups raised a urpose of this program was to avoid hue and cry over the folly of Traditional rabbis for even participating in a joint :cognize each other's converts to Ju­ conversion effort. As the Jewish Observer, an English-language periodical of the .still retained autonomy to perform Orthodox right, crowed: nber-approximately 750 individu­ I the communal rabbinic court. While compromise for the sake of unity can often make good sense, when dealing with lating rabbis compromised some of basic principles of faith, "compromise" is actually a sell-out.
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