A Kalkatungu Grammar

PACIFIC LINGUISTICS

Se��e� B - No. 57

Barry J. Blake

Department of Linguistics

Research School of Pacific Studies

THE AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY

Blake, B.J. A Kalkatungu grammar. B-57, xii + 210 pages. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1979. DOI:10.15144/PL-B57.cover ©1979 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative. PACIFIC LINGUISTICS is issued through the Lingui�tic Cihcle 06 Canbehha and consists of four series:

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The editors are indebted to the Australian National University for help in the production of this series. This publication was made possible by an initial grant from the Hunter Douglas Fund.

National Library of Australia Card Number and ISBN 0 85883 197 X TO THE GENERATIONS OF KALKATUNGU, AND TO

MICK AND LARDIE MOONLIGHT WHO TAUGHT ME

THE OUTLINES OF THEIR LANGUAGE THAT I MIGHT

RECORD IT HEHE FOR FUTURE GENERATIONS .

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page ABBREVIATIONS x MAP xii

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

1.1. THE PEOPLE 1 1. 2. THE LANGUAGE 3 1.3. PREVIOUS WORK ON THE LANGUAGE 3 1. 4. THE PRESENT DESCRIPTION 4 1. 5. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 4 1. 6. DESCRIPTIVE FRAMEWORK 5

CHAPTER 2: PHONOLOGY 2.1. PHONEMES 9 2.2. PHONEMOTACTICS 9 2.3. PHONEME FREQUENCIES 13 2.4. PRONUNCIATION 15 2.5. PHONEMIC OVERLAP 16 2.6. VARIANT FORMS 17 2.7. CONSONANT ASSIMILATION 17 2.8. VOWEL ASSIMILATION 17 2.9. NASAL-PLUS-STOP DISSIMILATION 18 2.10. THE VARIANTS OF -jan (CONCOMITANT) AND -iati (INTRANSITIVISER) 19 2.11. AUGMENTATION 20 2.12. CLITICISATION 20 2.13. ELISION AND DELETION 20 2.14. IDIOSYNCRATIC ALTERNATIONS 21 2.15. THE PROBLEM OF THE GLIDES 22 2.16. LONG VOWELS OR DOUBLE VOWELS 25 2.17. STRESS 25

v vi Page 2. 17. 1. Word Stress 25 2. 17. 2. Sentence Stress 26 2. 18. PHRASE-FINAL INTONATION 26

CHAPTER 3: NOUNS AND PRONOUNS 3. 1. THE SYNTACTIC CASES 27 3. 2. CASE PARADIGMS 29 3. 2. 1. Regular Nouns 29 3. 2. 2. Irregular Nouns 30 3. 2. 3. Personal Pronouns 31 3. 2. 4. Demonstratives 34 3. 2. 5. Interrogative Pronouns 35 3. 3. CROSS-REFERENCING BOUND PRONOUNS 35 3. 4. CO-REFERENCING BOUND PRONOUNS 38 3. 5. SENTENCES ILLUSTRATING CASE MARKING 41

3. 5. 1. Nominative - 0 41 3. 5. 2. Ergative/Instrumental -iu , -Qku 42 3. 5. 3. Locative I -ii , -pia 42 3. 5. 4. Dative -ku etc. 44 3. 5. 5. Locative II -Qii 46 3. 5. 6. Causal -iuQu , -QkuQu 47 3. 5. 7. Ablative -iiQu, piaQu 47 3. 5. 8. Allative I -kuUa , etc. 47 3. 5. 9. Allative II -QiiU a 48 3. 5. 10. Prolocative -uun 48 3. 5. 11. Double Case Marking 49

CHAPTER 4: THE VERB 4. 1. VERB CLAS SES 51 4. 2. TENSE AND ASPECT SUFFIXES 54

4. 2. l. Present - 0 54 4. 2. 2. Past - oa 54 4. 2. 3. Future -mi 54 4. 2. 4. Imperfect I -mioa 55 4. 2. 5. Imperfect II maoi i 55 4. 2. 6. Habitual -pca Qu 56 4. 2. 7. Purposive -pcaaja 56 4. 2. 8. Imperative -ja 57 4. 2. 9. (a) Perfect (b) Sequential -mpa 58 4. 2. 10. Participle -pin 59 4. 2. 11. Possibility -m ia 60 4. 2. 12 -ma 61 4. 2. 13. -mu 61 vii Page 4.3. THE FAVOURITE CONSTRUCTION 62 4.4. THE "LEST" CONSTRUCTION 68

CHAPTER 5: OTHER FUNCTION MORPHEMES 5.1. INTRODUCTION 77 5.2. NOMINAL MORPHOLOGY 77 5.2.l. -j an Concomitant 77 5.2.2. -iti Privative 78 5.2.3. -QU (with Dative Stems) 78 5.2.4. -QU (with Adverb Stems) 79 5.2.5. -Qujan 79 5.2.6. -pcir Nominaliser 79 5.2.7. Number Marking with Nominals 80 5.2.7.l. Dual -wat i 80 5.2.7.2. Plural -m ia 80 5.2.7.3. Kinship Terminology and Related Morphology 81 5.3. VERBAL MORPHOLOGY 84 5.3.1. -pun i Transitiviser 84 5.3.2. -ma Verbaliser 85 5.3.3. -�at i Intransitiviser 85 5.3.4. -nta Intransitiviser 86 5.3.5. -t i Reflexive and Reciprocal 86 5.3.6. -n ti Transitiviser 87 5.3.7. -pcama Transitiviser 89 5.3.8. -niiti Verb Pluraliser 92 5.3.9. -pcaan i Continuing 92 5.3.l0.l. -n�u Motion Away from the Speaker 92 5.3.10.2. -u Motion Towards the Speaker 92 5.4. ADVERB MORPHOLOGY 92 5.4.l. Adverb Inflection 92 5.4.2. -na Adverb Forming 93 5.4.3. -m inQu 93 5.5. REDUPLICATION 94 5.6. COMPOUNDING 94 5.7. -Jana CO-ORDINATING CONJUNCTION 95 5.8. -wa, -ja LIGATIVES 95 5.9. PROSODIC SUFFIXES 95 5.9.l. -ka 95 5.9.2. - pa 96 5.10. FREE FORM FUNCTION MORPHEMES 96 5.10.1. -luu Intensive Particle 96 viii Page 5. 10. 2. pa- Definitiser 96 5. 10. 3. ini Auxiliary Verb 96 5. 10.4. papca Intensive Verb 97 5. 10.5. I)upca , .I)upcapun i 'to miss, to fait' 97 5. 10.6. I)ampu 'comptetety ' 97 5. 10. 7. uca 'just' 98 5. 10. 8. lamu 'might ' 98 5.10. 9. kuntu Negative 98 5.10. 10. wanta Negative with Imperatives ('don 't') 99 5. 10.11. miar 'very ' 99 5. 10. 12. kia '"like' 99 5.10. 13. k i al)u 'this way ' 100 5.10. 14. puj u 'if' 100 5. 10.15. mutu 'together' 100 5.1l. I)U RELATIVE/TEMPORAL PARTICLE 100 5. 12. INTERROGATIVE SENTENCES 103 5. 13 . INDEFINITES 105

CHAPTER 6: WORD ORDER AND THEMATIC STRUCTURE 6.1. WORD ORDER IN THE SIMPLE SENTENCE 107 6. 2. NOUN PHRASE lOa 6. 3. VERB PHRASE 109 6. 4. CO-ORDINATION OF NOUN PHRASES 110 6.5. COMPLEX SENTENCES 110 6.5.1. Independent Clauses as P 110 6.5. 2. Word Order in Complex Sentences 111 6. 6. COMPOUND SENTENCES 112 6. 7. THEMATIC STRUCTURE 114 6. 8. DELETING A AND P 116

CHAPTER 7: KALKATUNGU IN COMPARATIVE/HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE 7. 1. CLASSIFICATION BY LEXICOSTATISTICS 117 7. 2. THE PATTERN OF BORROWINGS 129 7.3. KALKATUNGU AND COMMON AUSTRALIAN 131 7. 4. SOME PHONOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENTS IN THE 131 HISTORY OF KALKATUNGU 7. 5. PRONOUNS 136 7. 6. BOUND PRONOUNS 139 7. 7. CASE SYSTEMS 145 7. 8. OTHER MORPHOLOGY 149

TEXTS: 'MY WIVES AND CHILDREN' M-i.c.k. Moo n.Ug h.t 151 ix

Page 'MY RACEHORSES' MiC/Z. Mo 0 ntig h.t 152 'MAGPIE' La�die Moontigh.t 154 'HOW I WAS BORN' LaAdie Moontigh.t 155 'PLANTING' Mick and La�die Moontig h.t 156 'COOKING BY THE CREEK' Mick and La�die Moontigh.t 158 'THEN AND NOW' Mi.ck Mo 0 nUg h.t 159

REFERENCES 161

GLOSSARY 167

SUBJECT INDEX 197 ABBREVIATIONS

A AGENT Intr Intransitiviser Abl Ablative Lig Ligative Adv Adverb LM Lardie Moonlight All Allative Loc Locative Alp Anti-passive MM Mick Moonlight C Consonant N Nasal C. A. Common Australian Nom Nominative Cau Causative Nom Nominaliser Caus Causal P PATIENT CC Charlie Caldwell Part Participle Comp Complementiser Perf Perfect Con Concomitant Pl Plural Conj Conjunction Poss Possibility Contin Continuing Purp Purposive Dat Dative Re Reciprocal/reflexive Du Dual Rel Relative particle Erg Ergative S Stop

Habit Habitual S·1- INTRANSITIVE SUBJECT Imp Imperative Seq Sequential Imperf Imperfect Sing Singular Instr Instrumental Tr Transitiviser Int Intensifier V Vowel

# word boundary 0 Indicates (in glosses) a morpheme without referential content e. g. -ka . See §5.9.l. 1 First person 2 Second person 3 Third person > (a) acting on, e. g. 1>3 first person acting on third. (b) is realised or pronounced as

x xi

Note on glosses

Where a morpheme has no apparent meaning it is glossed as zero. A transitive verb in an independent clause is normally marked by -j i. This element appears to have no function with independent verbs. It is left unglossed and is not separated off from the stem in order to simplify the glossing. In subordinate clauses -j i is significant, being an anti-passive marker. xii

Gulf uf Ctlr/lc'utaria

MAYIKULAN

z <>: '" :t: f <>: NGAWUN o z I WAKAYA

MAYITHAKURTI

YARUWINGA CLONCURnY I

KALKATUNGU WUNUMARA (

• Duchess

WARLUWARA GUWA

Woonamoo Waterhole

YANDA

QUEENSLAND

o 50 100km '-' ----', --'-' -

I NTRODUCTI ON

1.1 . THE PEOPLE l The KalkatungU (or Kalkadoons as they are generally called) inhabitated an area of what is now western Queensland, an area that embraces the present day towns of Mt . Isa and Cloncurry . It is rocky , hilly country on the watershed between the rivers that flow north to the Gulf of Carpentaria, and those that flow south through the 'Channel Country ' to the inland lakes of South Australia. The first Europeans to enter Kalkatungu territory must have been members of the Burke and Wills expedition who passed through their territory in 1861. However, no contact was made . The first European settlement began in the eighteen sixties and with it the first conflict . The first notable incident occurred in 1878 when a new settler, Malvo , and three companions were killed at the Woonamoo waterhole on Sulieman Creek. This led to the mount ing of a punitive expedition of nat ive police under Inspector Ernest Eglinton. Eglinton's main claim to fame , ironically enough, lies in the fact that he supplied our sole source for the extinct Yanda language with the vocabulary he contributed to Curr (1886:II,360-3) . He also contributed a vocabulary of Pitta-Pitta (id.:364-5) and one of Yalarnnga (id.:346-9). The expedition resulted in the killing of a number of Kalkatungu. The killing of Malvo and his party was considered to be murder and some years later when the Kalkatungu had been 'tamed' and were living on cattle stations and in towns , a tribe sman who was said to be one of those responsible for the killing of Malvo 's party was made to wear a breastplate around his neck inscribed 'Woonamoo murderer' .

l The name has been recorded as [ka lkeduQ(u),) [ka l kaduQ(u») and [ka lkuduQ(u»), the last version suggesting the name is really Kalkutungu and that [e) and [a) represent the neutralisation of unstressed e and unstressed u. However, since I have heard slow versions with [e), I believe Kalkatungu is a legitimate variant along with Kalkutungu and I will use the former.

Blake, B.J. A Kalkatungu grammar. B-57, xii + 210 pages. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1979. DOI:10.15144/PL-B57.1 ©1979 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative. 2

Over the next few years there were further 'incidents' and native police were stationed at Cloncurry under the command of Inspector Beresford. However, he and four of his men were killed in 1 883 while on patrol and he was suc ceeded by F.C. Urquhart . Urquhart later became Commissioner of Police in Queensland and later again was appointed Administrator of the Northern Territory. Urquhart contribut ed a 'Kulkadoon ' vocabulary to Curr (1886:11,326-9) and some 'legends ' to the Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute. He also wrote poems of dubious value , one of which is recorded in Fysh (1950: 145-7). He led a number of punitive expeditions culminating in one involving a pitched battle near the head of Prospector Creek at a site that subse quently came to be known as Battle Mountain. It seems that a compara tively large number of Kalkatungu were killed and it seems that this incident marked the end of Kalkatungu resistance. Thereafter they were no longer ab le to maintain their own way of life . The survivors found their country entirely occupied and they were forced to live on the fringes of European settlements, accepting handouts or providing labour and receiving some payment in kind . The detailed history of the early contact period is not available and what accounts are available tell only one side of the story . Fysh (1950) contains a colourful account and although his treatment will irk readers sympathetic to the Aboriginal point of view , he provides a clear insight into the settlers ' attitude. Popular writers seem to have written the Kalkatungu off rather pre maturely. Fysh (op .cit. 209) states that , "About the only members of the Kalkadoon tribe living fift een years ago [c.1918] were eight blacks on Yelvert oft station, one of these being Prince Micky, son of the late King and Queen, Jimmy and Nelly." And Holthouse (1974:121) claims that , "Today it is doubtful if there is one full-blooded Kalkadoon left alive." However, there are scores of full-blood Aborigines who identify themselves as Kalkatungu, on the basis of their father having been Kalkatungu . What has almost died is the language . When Gavan Breen and I began working in Queensland in the mid-sixties there were no more than a dozen people who could speak Kalkatungu, probab ly no more than six who were fluent . At the time of writing only one fluent speaker remains , Lardie Moonlight . The fluent speakers were all very old when they were first contacted (in their sixties at least ) with the exception of Lardie Moonlight who was a little younger (in her fifties) and none of them was born 'in the bush ' i.e. none of them was born before the time the Kalkatungu were living in or around European settlements. 3

Mick Moonlight , who was the principal source for the material on which my earlier description was based ( Blake 1969), was the proud possessor of a brass breastplat e inscribed, "Moonlight , King of the Burke" , wh ich he inherited from his father. However, I understand from Tim Howard of Boulia that he was not the "Prince Micky" referred to by Fysh in the quotation cited above . Mick 'inherited ' the Burke which was Yalarnnga territory not Kalkatungu country . Today his portrait hangs in the Boulia library and Boulia is in Pitta-Pitta territory . So he seems to have been a 'prophet without honour in his own country '. The elderly speakers we consulted were all very willing to be recor ded. They were all familiar with recording inasmuch as some of their friends and family owned recorders and they seemed to see some value in having their language recorded knowing that they were the last speakers . A few Kalkatungu in their forties and fifties understand some of the language , but the younger people have no knowledge of it.

1.2. THE LANGUAGE

Kalkatungu is a Pama-Nyungan language classified by O'Grady , Voegelin and Voegelin as the sole member of the 'Kalkatungic group ' ( O'Grady et al. 1966:42, Wurm 1972: 131). Yalarnnga , the language spoken imm ediat ely to the south of Kalkatungu shares some lexical and morpho syntactic material with Kalkatungu but the two languages are certainly not closely related. Details of the relationship between Kalkatungu and other Australian languages is given in chapter 7. Kalkatungu employs suffixes for word derivation and for noun and verb inflection. Nouns and free pronouns operate in an ergative para digm . There are also bound pronouns which may cross-reference within a clause or co-reference between clauses or between sentences . These operate in an accusat ive system. Syntactically the language exhibits an ergat ive/accusative mixture but is predominantly ergative . There is an anti-passive construction.

1.3. PREVIOUS WORK ON THE LANGUAGE

I first began recording Kalkatungu in 1966 during which time I was a research fellow in the Linguistics Department of Monash University supported by the Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies. The only language data available on Kalkatungu at the time consisted of two vo cabularies . One was collected by F. Urquhart and J. O'Reilly and appeared in Curr, volume 11: 328-9. The second was collected by W.E. Roth and appeared in Roth 1897. The latter source also contains a list of kinship terms and has a number of Kalkatungu words scattered through 4 the text . All in all these sources yield about a hundred and fifty words glossed fairly accurately but in a phonetically inaccurate form. Short ly before I began work, C. Osborne and Ken Hale made brief recor dings of Polly Wilson. My own writings on Kalkatungu are listed in the bibliography . The principal one ( Blake 1969) consists of a brief description mostly of the morphological system. The pres ent work is intended to supersede this earlier description. Everything in the earlier work has been retained, but the morpho-syntactic material has been greatly expanded and a number of errors , mostly in the notation of particular words , have been corrected.

1.4. THE PRESENT DESCRIPTION

The present description of Kalkatungu is based on a corpus of over eighty hours of taped material plus a small amount of material taken down in notes . Most of the material was recorded by the author, but about twelve hours was recorded by Gavan Breen. The main speakers con sulted were the late Mick Moonlight and Lardie Moonlight but substantial quantities of valuable information were also recorded from Polly Wilson and Charlie Caldwell. SmRll amounts of mat erial were provided by Lulu Lucas , Mrs. Louie Hunter, Mrs . Noby Clay, Willy Malcolm and Topsy Harry ( the last three being recorded only by Gavan Breen) and Dolly Douglas ( recorded by Peter Sutton ) . The corpus consists largely of words , phrases and sent ences elicited as translations of English. Some material was given by way of descrip tion of the environment or of pictures . There is some dialogue , a fair amount of monologue , mostly reminiscence , a solitary traditional story given in three versions , and a good deal of non-elicited mat erial of various kinds consisting of isolated sent ences or grcups of senten ces usually interspersed with English. Elicitation was carried out in English. All the informants spoke English in most situat ions , some of them using a fair admixture of Pidgin feat ures.

1. 5. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to record my appreciation of the patience of the speakers I consulted, parti cularly Mick and Lardie Moonlight and also Polly Wilson and Charlie Caldwell. I would like to thank Gavan Breen for making several recordings for me , for discussion of various pOints, for listening to tapes to give a second opinion on points of difficulty , for checking the present manus cript , and for making available ext ensive data in numerous other Australian languages . 5

I would also like to thank Tasaku Tsunoda for recording some vocabu lary from Mrs. Louie Hunter on Palm Island, and Peter Sutton for recording Dolly Douglas , also on Palm Island. Lastly I would like to thank Ken Hale for sending me a copy of a recording he made of Polly Wilson plus a transcript. My field work was supported by the Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies (1966, 1967, 1970, 1975) and by Monash University (1976) .

1.6. DESCRIPTIVE FRAMEWORK

The present description recognises the following case relations or functions: INTRANSITIVE SUBJECT (S ) AGENT (A), PATIENT (P), RECIPIENT i ' (R) (the traditional indirect obJect), DATIVE (the complement of certain intransit ive verbs , beneficiary/possessor), ALLATIVE, LOCATIVE , ABLA TIVE , CAUSAL and INSTRUMENTAL. My o.escription must remain incomplete through lack of data and some areas of the grammar are shadowy and little understood. A complete description would perhaps have to recog nise other relations such as TIME. These case relations are expressed via a set of case forms that includes nominative , ergative , dative and so on (see §3 .2.1.) . Each syntactically determined case relation expresses one or more semantic roles. Thus A expresses the agent of a verb like ica 'to bite', the perceiver of Qapi 'to see', and also the agent of this same verb since it covers the sense of 'look at'. Similarly P expresses the affected of ica 'to bite', the effected of kiakati 'to make' and the neutral of Qa p i 'to see, look at'. In some instances a semantic role may be expressed by more than one case form. Thus the role of indirect cause or reason as in 'They fought over a woman' may be expressed by the causal or the locative. It is probab le that this role is expressed by two separate case relations , CAUSAL, the relation typically expressed by the causal form, and LOCATIVE , the relation typically expressed by the locative form. The need to differentiate syntactically determined case relations from morphologically distinct case forms is fairly clear. In Kalkatungu , as in many Australian languages, t.he ergative case form appears to express two distinct case �elations , A and INSTRUMENTAL. This can be established on two grounds. Firstly , an actant in A function can be cross-referenced by a bound pronoun but not one in INSTRUMENTAL function. Secondly, an actant in INSTRUMENTAL function may receive alternative expression by marking the verb with nt i (for details see §5 . 3.6.), an option not available for A. The framework must also allow for situations such as the following. (1 .1) and (1. 2) both have the same meaning , 6

(1.1) cipa-j i iti-ji laj i marapa i-tu8u this-erg man-erg hit woman-causal 'This man hit him beaause of a woman '.

(1. 2) laj i -mant iji ma rapa i cipa-j i iti - j i hit-beaause:of woman this -erg man-erg 'This man hit him beaause of a woman '.

There is a syntactic re lationship between the two sentences inasmuch as for every sentence of the pattern exemplified in (1.1) there is a corres ponding sent ence like (1.2). In (1.1) the CAUSAL case form on marapai marks the CAUSAL case re lation . In (1.2) the case relation is marked on the verb by mant i. ma rapai now appears in the nominative ( the case form used for Si and p) and some would describe marapai as still bearing the CAUSAL relat ion though appearing in a morphologically different case form . I believe this vlew is incorre ct and that marapa i in (1.2) is syntactically P. One piece of evidence for claiming this is the fact that a bound pronoun could be used in sentences like (1.2) to cross-reference the putat ive P. Another piece of evidenc e can be found in cases where the construction with -manti is used in comp lements like the following .

(1.3) pini pant i camati -na a-kin laj i -mant i you teLL: on- past comp-you hit-beaause:of 'You 'dobbed ' so that he wouLd hit (him ) over you '.

This rather ob s cure sentence refers to a situation where a woman tells her husband of the advances of a would-be lover so that the husband will hit the lover . In complements of the type found in (1.3) normally only one bound pronoun appears suffixed to the complementiser a-. The choice of which actant is to be encoded as a bound pronoun is not det ermined by syntactic function but by the relative person of the A and P actants, first person taking precedence over second and third , and second taking precedence over third . In (1.3) it is the second person which completes successfully with the third for the bound pronoun slot . Note however that this second person is not the semant ic P but our putative syntactic P. And note that the rule determining which actant is to be encoded by a bound pronoun operates in pure syntactic terms . The case form can only be determined after a comparison of a syntacti cally determined A and a syntactically determined P. One way to handle this situation is to recognise different strata as in Relational Grammar . In (1.2) marapa i would be allotted a CAUSAL case re lation in an initial stratum and a DIRECT OBJECT relation (my P) in the final stratum. Simi larly in (1.3) the second person actant would appear as a CAUSAL in the initial stratum and be advanced to 7

DIRECT OBJECT in the final stratum. Kalkatungu under this view would be held to sanction the advancement of LOCATIVE , INSTRUMENTAL and CAUSAL to P with the change of relation registered in the verb by the suffix -nti � - man ti. It also sanctions the advancement of the DATIVE relation to P with the addition of -pcama to the verb. The indirect obj ect behaves as in English. It may appear in the allative or as a direct obj ect. One could describe the RECIPIENT (in my terms ) being advanced to P, but it is not clear in this case that one pattern is basic and the other derived. In the present description statements referring to the case marking of P are to be taken to include those instances where P encodes an underlying LOCATIVE , INS'I'RUMENTAL, CAUSAL and DATIVE . In constructions corresponding to English 'John gave Mary a book ', I shall refer to the actant corresponding to Mary as RECIPIENT. It is probably true that this actant is P just as Mary is syntactically P in the sentence just cited (witness the passive : 'Mary was given a book by l John '). However, this cannot be established for certain and even if it could I feel it would be confusing to refer to it as P, especially since the actant corresponding to 'book' will take the same case marking. I will refer to the actant corresponding to 'book' as P. There is another construction that presents a prob lem for accurate description. Compare 1.4 and 1.5,

(1.4) matu-j u maa l;.uj i mother-erg food cook 'Mother cooks the food'

(1.5) ma!u maa-ci tuj i mother food-dat cook 'Mother cooks food '

Both sentences can mean the same though the construction in 1.5 is usual for an indefinite object (see also §3.1). 1.4 represents the normal ergative construction, 1.5 is an examp le of what has come to be called the anti-passive . I believe that 1.5 is intransitive . This means that ma �u maa-ci is Si and is DATIVE, or perhaps in Relational Grammar terms , a 'direct object ch6meur '. However , it has proved convenient to refer simply to A being marked by the nominative and to P being marked by the dative . See the text following 4.70 for further discussion. Where the term 'subject' is used, it re fers to S and A. Where the i term 'absolutive' occurs , it refers to S and P. i l One problem in English is the fac t that the RECIPIENT advanced to P cannot be rel ativi sed. Most speakers cannot say *'I saw the girl you gave the book '.

CHAPTER 2

PHONOLOGY

2.1. PHONEMES

Consonants: Bi Apico Apico Lamino Lamino Dorso Labial Alveolar Domal Dental Palatal Velar (Retroflex)

Stops p t c k

Nasal m n !l I)

Laterals 1 Rhotics r

Glides j w

Vowels: Front Back

High u

Low a

2.2. PHONEMOTACTICS

A word consists of at least two vowels ( according to the interpret ation offered here - see §2.16). There may be no consonant , a single consonant or a nasal plus homorganic stop word initially. Between vowels there may be one or two consonants as specified below. In word final position n, I, r, Q, � and p may occur. Word shapes may be summarised by the following formula,

,------'1 0 « C ) C ) V ( C ) C ) V ( C ) 1 2 3 4 5 The sequence under the bar may recur ( 0).

9 10

Note that the bar could have just as ea sily been placed over C , C 3 4 and the following vowel. I have not found any phonological reason to place syllable boundaries. There are phonetic syllable boundaries of course, though not always easily determined. One cannot determine phono logical syllable bo undaries from phonetic ones . For example, initial nasal stop clusters are phonologically tautosyllabic but in speech the nasal may become phonetically the final consonant of a preceding vowel final word: #paa#�!ia# 'that rock' could be pronounced [ p� :��i�J with the vowel a: being nasalised and retroflexed as in a word like a�paj i 'coZZed' [�Qbai J.

C may be any consonant except the alveolars ( t, n, 1 and r ) . 2 C may be filled only if C is filled by a stop . l 2 C l is a nasal ( mp, Q! , nc, ok ) . homorganic with C 2 nt, C may be any consonant. 4 C may be filled only if C is filled. If C is a stop , C may 3 4 4 3 be a homorganic nasal or lateral. If C is a labial or velar ( p, k, m, 4 C may be any apical nasal or lateral or r n, �, I, !, r ) . If C 0), 3 ( 4 is filled by any other consonant (e.g. C may not be filled (but r), 3 see below). n, I, r, , ! or n. n occurs as a final consonant in only C 5 may be � a few words . A has not been recorded in word-final position. Given the low frequency of n in word-final posit ion, A would have had a low frequency in this position . I think that the ab sence of A in word-final position is likely to be accidental not systematic. Table 1 lists the intervocalic consonant clusters covered by the generalisations given above . Some further clusters occur intermorphemically when the rare final consonants are followed by consonant initial suffixes , but the appropr iate generalisation here seems to be that except for the ergative (and a restricted allomorph of the locative viz. -ta- -!a ) the other conson ant initial suffixes and clitics can occur freely with stem-final consonants without morphophonemic change . Thus we have clusters such as np mu lpin + pia (on the parrot ) and ru : aj a rua 'on ly' aj ar 'one + ua (adverbial) . As my description stands it allows for a lot of intermorphemic clusters that do not occur int ramorphemically . However, it is clear that the vocabulary I have collected is to o small to permit accurate phonemotactic statements about a language which seems to have permitted a fairly large number of possibilities. Sharpe 1972:21 questions my decision to treat initial sequences such as mp, o k, etc. as sequences of phonemes rather than units even though these nasal-stop sequences occur intervocalically . However, heterorganic nasal-stop sequences occur intervocalically and if the homorganic 11 sequences are taken as units the question would arise whether all intervocalic homorganic sequences were units or whether some were sequences analogous to the heterorganic sequences. The distribution does not give clear evidence for taking nasal-stop sequences as units, nor does the behaviour of speakers who syllabify kunka 'branch ' as ku unka and pipcamu 'sun ' as pi i pcamu. In any case arguments based on how speakers break up words are du bious since the break-up may reflect phonetic syllables which need not accord with distribut ionally deter mined phonological sy llables. Note that my description does not involve assigning intervocalic consonants either to a preceding syllable or to a following one .

P t � 1 c k m n Q n p 8

n + +

Q + +

+ +

+ + + +

1 A

r + + + +

TABLE 1 Intervocalic Consonant Clusters 12

Examples Illustrating the Phonernotactics p paa 'there ' kupu 'spider ' t a t i 'm eat ., t tuu-tuu 'markings ' matu 'mother ' i iina 'they ' iii 'ant , C cutu 'coolaman ' iciflci ' nose ' k kua 'river ' juku 'spear ' m maa 'food ' I) amun ' lump ' n i!li 'be ' mal)aQaan 'doctor ' Q Qa ipu 'knife ' wa':la 'mound ' mucuQ 'chicken hawk I Il n i la - 'steal ' i I) kana 'went' fl fl i n i 'you ' afla 'gave ' mu lpifl 'parrot ' I) I) ata 'we ' al) i 'wi II give ' I k iii an ' torn ' piflC i 1 'corpse ' !u l)a 'cry ' kulu-ku!u 'again ' wan ta! 'shell' 1 laj a 'hit! ' uli 'die ' A A uwati 'two ' iAa 'now ' r j u r u 'man I util)ar �emu • r rump i Ife ar I marapa i Iwoman' w wampa 'girl ' awa 'give! ' j jafli 'ghos t I mpaj a 'you two I mp mpuu 'rotten ' rump i Ife ar r nt wanta 'don 't / ':It Qt ia 's tone ' wa':lt u /h eel I nl nl i i 'rouse on ' a nia 'mouth I flC flca- 'sniff ' I) uflca 'nothing ' I)k I) kaa 'yam ' il)ka 'go '

It 7 It wa!tur-wajt ur 'swag ' l;t pil;ti 's oft, Ac uAci 'blood ' np lunpun ,log ' ':IP a':lpa i Ito co llect ' nk kunka 'branch , ':Ik a':lka 'to ai l I

Ip jalpi 'emu net ' jp i j pu 'me lon � Ik jalka- 'boomerang ' ! k pajku 'a little I pa r i rp kurpa i 'three ' rk j a rka 'far ' 13

nm munma 'take ' �m nl) -mi nl)u (see §5.4.3) �I) mua�l)u 'cousin '

1m almi 'squeeze ' ! m aa!m i 'wi n put down , II) m i Il)a 'bZ.owfZ.y ' !I) rm warma ' song ' rl) 1url)un 'ashes '

2.3. PHONEME FREQUENCIES

The following frequencies are based on 333 words evenly spaced through the lexicon. They are expressed as percentages to the nearest half per cent .

Frequencies of each phoneme as initial.

P t � 1 c k

15 1 7 6 14.5 43.5

m n � !l f1 I)

14.5 1 3 1.3 5 25

1 A

0.5 1.5 * 2

r r

1 1

j w

6 7 13

29.5 3.5 11. 5 13.5 26.5 84.5

a u

5 4.5 6 15.5

*initial A has been observed only in Auwat i 'two ' which did not happen to appear in the 333 words . 14

Frequencies Intervocalically

p t 1 i. c k 9 6 G 5 6 11 43

m n Q n fl I)

5 5.5 1.5 3 1 4 20

1 II

5 4.5 1.5 1 12

r r

14 7 21

j w

3 1 4

14 30.5 19 9.5 11 16 100

Final Frequencies

Consonants 10

a 26.5

u 26.5

The raw figures for some of the consonants are so small that it is not very revealing to convert them to percentages to the nearest half per cent. The raw figures are

r 15

n 13 Q 2 fl 2

6 1 15

Overall Frequencies

p t t 1 c k

5.5 2.5 1.5 3.5 3 6.5 22.5

m n IJ !l fl I)

4.5 3 1.5 2 1.5 3 15.5

1 J..

1.5 1 1 0.5 4

r �

3.5 1.5 5

j w

1.5 1.5 3

10 10.5 5.5 6.5 6.5 11 50

a u

14.5 21 14.5 50

Average length of words is 2.5 syllables (based on head words in the lexicon) or 2.75 syllables per word (based on text).

2.4. PRONUNCIAT ION

The stops, p. t. �. 1. c and k are basically voiceless lenis stops , but voicing through co-articulation is normal. Voicing is strongest in intervocalic stops and in stops preceded by a homorganic nasal. It is not so strong initially , finally nor in clusters with the flapped r or with the laterals . p is a bilabial stop. t is an ap ico-alveolar stop like English t and d. � is an apico-domal or apico-post-alveolar stop , i.e. it is like English t or d but with the tongue making contact back behind the gum ridge. The apico-domal phonemes, or retroflexes as they are generally called, have an 'r' colouring to them, most noticeab le in the onset. t is made either with the tongue tip protruding between the teeth (an interdental stop) or with the tongue tip behind the lower teeth. In either case the occlusion is formed by pressing the blade of the tongue 16 against the back of the teeth and gum ridge . This lamino-dental stop is dist inguishable from t largely by its rather fricative character. c is a palatal stop similar to 1 except that the occlusion is formed with the blade or middle of the tongue against the hard palate. Like 1 , c is somewhat affricated. k is a dorso-velar stop with quite advanced allophones before i. The nasals have the same points of articulation as the corresponding stops, and similarly the laterals. r is a flap in slow pronunciation and in very clear, emphatic pro nunciation a lingual trill. However, most typically it is a weak flap or a glide wh ich makes it difficult to distinguish it from [, which is a glide produced with greater retroflection and/or bunching of the tongue . In word-final position r may be pronounced as a st op [ t]. Note that there is no contrast between the two series of ap icals in word-initial position. I have written them all with the subscript dot to indicate retroflection and my phonemotactic statements refer to retroflexes but not alveolars occurring in initial position . It is true that initial apical t often sounds retroflex as does I. n, however, usually sounds alveolar as does nt. There are retroflex tokens of n and nt like the one quoted in §2.2 (paa Qtia [pa:Q�i�]), but typical tokens are alveolar. j is a glide produced with the same tongue position as for c. w is a labio-velar glide . Words phonemicised with initial i and u, may have initial glides j and w respectively . This is discussed in §2.15 . i is a high front vowel, u a high back vowel with moderate lip rounding and a a low central vowel. All vowels have slightly less peripheral realisations in closed sy llables. a has advanced allophones when st ressed and preceded or fo l lowed by a lamino-palatal or to a lesser extent a lamino-dental. This is particularly noticeable between laminals: laja 'hit! ' [ laj � ] , jap i 'white man ' [ jrep i ]. Unstressed sy lla bles exhibit vowel reduction. In rapid sp eech any vowel may be pronoun ced [a ] , but generally the vowels remain distinguishable.

2.5 PHONEMIC OVERLAP

Intervocalic t may be pronounced as a flapped rhotic [f ] or with some friction . Phonetically then some of these realisations fall into the range of r and in a phonemic transcription of particular realisat ions we would have to write r if we stuck to the phonetic data alone . Some words then would occur with two sp ellings e.g. iti or iri ('to return '). I have regularised all such cases and sp elled them consist ent ly with t since they contrast with r inasmuch as t may be realised by a flapped 17 rhotic but intervocali c r may not be realised as a stop -

t [t d _ f -j]/V __V r [f j]/V __V In word-final position r is sometimes pronounced clearly as [ t ] . It would be possible to say that t and r were in free variation in this position. I have preferred to say that r has a realisation [t] that overlaps with a common realisation of t.

2.6. VARIANT FORMS

The following morphemes have been recorded with and without the final vowel. In each case the form with the final vowel is less common .

pu1ur, pu1ura 'good', 'weLL' -wapcir, wapciri 'a pair ' (see §5.2. 7.3.) f)ucir, f)ucir a 'father 's sister ' aAcir, aAcira 'sweat'

2.7. CONSONANT ASSIMI LATION

The ergative/instrumental case suffix is repre sented by -f)ku with disyllabic vowel stems and -1u with longer vowel stems. With consonant stems , a homorganic stop appears in the suffix. Where the stem ends in r, t appears in lieu of r and t :

ut i f)ar ut if)at u 'emu ' f)arkun f)arkuntu 'wa L Laroo ' 1a i 1 1a i 1 t u ' firm ', 'hard '

mucu,:, mucu':'t u 'chicken hawk ' wanta! wantalt u 'sheLL' pirmap pirmapcu 'vein '

The same assimilation appears in the irregular locative allomorph that occurs with the following:

ucan uca nta 'fire ' ulaa,:, ulaa':lt a 'high ' (of sun)

-ta also occurs fo llowing the participle -pin and -1a occurs following the ligative -wa- (see §3.2.2.).

2.8. VOWEL· ASSIMILATION The ergative allomorph occurring with vowel stem kinship nouns and with non-singular personal pronouns displays vowel harmony with high vowels . Following a- it is -j i: 18

mpaj a mpajaji 'you two ' kula ku I aji ' father ' I)ali I)ali ji 'we two ' pupi pup i ji 'mother 's brothel" puju puj uj u 'they two ' matu mat uju 'mother '

The dative of vowel st em nominals is -a with stems in a, -i with stems in i and -u with stems in u:

macumpa macumpaa 'kangaroo ' iii iiii 'ant ' kupu kupuu ' spidel"

Longer forms of the dative also occur with -j a following the 'dative vowel' e.g. kupuuja. The same harmony occurs with the suffix that marks a third person possessor with a kinship noun (see §3.2.3.),

ku!aapei 'his/her father ' pupiipei 'his/her mother 's brothel" matuupei 'his/her mother '

maa 'food ' and ati 'me. at ' take the following dative forms respectiv ely: maaci, maaciwa, maaeuwa and atipei, atipeiwa, atipcuwa. The forms maaeuwa and atipeuwa apparently exhibit assimilation of the vowel i to the glide w producing u. The clitic sequence for third dual acting on first singular has been recorded as -I)iju and -I)uju, the later exhibiting assimilation.

2.9. NASAL-PLUS-STOP DISSIMILATION

There is a rule that deletes the nasal from a nasal plus stop sequ ence in a suffix when that suffix is added to a st em already containing a nasal plus st op sequence . The rule is not a general phonetic one but is particular to certain suffixes. The rule operates in

-I)ku the ergative allomorph used with disyllabic vowel stems -pea I)U habitual -pcaani continuing -peaaja purposive -n1iti verb pluraliser

It also operates in

-pin part iciple 19 which dissimilates to -cin. It does not operate in

-nt i (_mant i ) transitiviser etc . -mpa perfect -mani i imperfect

examples: jard + I)ku jaflil)ku 'white man ' (+ erg) wampa+ I)ku wampaku 'girl ' (+ erg) kunka+ I)ku kunkaku 'stic:k ' (+ erg) iuna + flcal)u iuniflCal)u* 'run ' (+ habitual) il) ka + flcal)u il)kacaflU 'go ' (+ habitual ) al)ka + flcal)u al)kacal)u 'ai l' (+ habitual) iuna + flcaani = iunaflc aan i 'run ' (+ continuing) i I) ka + flcaani il)kacaan i 'go ' (+ c0ntinuing)

luna + flcaaja = tunaflcaaja 'run ' (+ purposive ) i I) ka + flcaaja i flkacaaj a 'go ' ( + purposive )

iuna + flin iunaflin 'run ' (+ part iciple ) , il)ka + flin il)kac in go ' (+ participle) * The appearance of rather than a in iun i flC al)U is idiosyncrat ic. It also appears in the past tense of this verb - iun ina.

2. 10. THE VARIANTS OF -jan (CONCOMITANT) AND -iat i (INTRANSIT IVISER)

With both these stern-forming su ffixes there is an alternation as follows

- jan fo llowing vowels -aan " consonants -iat i " vowels - a t i " consonants

The loss of the initial consonant of the suffix after a consonant is peculiar to these two suffixes. The appearance of the double vowel in the case of -jan - -aan is quite idiosyncratic.

kUl)i 'wife ' kUl)ijan 'married' (of a man)

malia 'mob ' • 'a lot ' maliajan 'having a lot ' juku 'spear ' j ukuj an 'having a spear ' jal)pa r 'beard ' j al)pa raan 'bearded ' arkun 'battle ' , 'fight ' arkunaan 'bel ligerent '

m i li i 'eyes ' miliiiat i 'to be born '

pi r i na 'up' • 'high up' pirinaiat i 'to grow up' 20

' kupal)uru 0 Ld man ' kupal)uruia ti 'to become an oLd man ' pupujur 'very hot ' pupuj urat i 'to become very hot ' ia i 1 'firm ' ia i 1 at i 'to become firm '

2.11. AUGMENTATION

Since Kalkatungu does not allow monosyllabic words (at least in the interpretation offered here ; see §2.16.) monosyllabic stems that occur without affixat ion or without themselves being cliticised are augmented by repetition of the vowel. Thus while a disyllabic st em such as ica ('to bite ') may occur as ica or icaj i, icaj ina, etc. , the monosyllabic st em la- ('to hit '), when not su ffixed by -j i or -j i+na etc . is aug mented to laa.

The relative part icle [I)UU _ I)u :] seems to be I)U plus augment , since I)U + wa is pronounced [I)u(w) a] not [*I)uu (w) a]. In the case of the demonstrative stems caa, naa and paa , it is un certain whether the second vowel is an augment or part of the st em . See the paradigms in 3.2.4. The st em for the word for 'man ' is jur-. It is the only example of a monosyllabic consonant st em.l Note that in the nominative it is aug mented to juru. Compare the locative jur-I)u . See §3.2.2.

2. 12. CLITICISATION

When the sequence complementiser plus bound pronoun followed by a monosyllabic verb occurs, either the monosyllabic verb is cliticised to the complementiser plus bound pronoun or the monosyllabic verb is augmented and pronounced as a separate word . The former is typical of rapid speech, the latter of slow : a-I)i la 'complementiser- me hit ' is pronounced either as [�I)ila] or [al) i la :]. See §3.4. and §4.3. for further information. There are some other cases of cliticisation . See examp le (4.68), for instance, where the clitic pronoun kina 'them ' attracts the verb awa 'give ' to produce [kfnawa].

2. 13. ELISION AND DELETION

Consonants between like vowels tend to be weakened or lost entirely . caawat ikaja 'these two ' regularly becomes [ca:w�digaj�J, [ca�d igaj�J, [ca:digaj�J. Note the forms caa-at ikaja and ca-at ikaja in the text . julpala-jana 'father:son+and ' > [julpaia:n�J ka !ara 'neck ' > [kala:], iitiri 'centipede ' > [iitii] macumpa-jan 'kangaroo+con ' > [maJ Umbaen], [maJUmba: n]

�ut note also the locative of palla etc . §3.2.2. 21

A word-final vowel may be deleted before the initial a- of a following word .

a-ni awa ' comp-you+give ' > anawa

apa 'money+gave ' >

awa 'comp-me+give ' > al)awa

A similar elision seems to occur sporadical ly with -u stems before the suffix - i t i ' laaking , : 'silent' (without ta lk)

juru 'man ' plus -iti 'laaking ' occurs as juriti or juruiti.

Since the locative of juru is jurl)u and the dative jurku , I take it that the st em is jur and the second vowel of the nominative an augment ( cf. §2.11.). Apparently juru is sometimes taken to be the st em, witness juruiti and case forms such as jurul) i ina 'towards the man '. There is a tendency to delete final vowels following -m and sometimes fol lowing -I):

it im i 'will return ' itimi _ itim

ka l katul)u , Katkatungu ' ka l katul)u _ ka l katul)

With -t i stem verbs the final is often deleted :

i 1 i t i 'throw ' i1iti - it ir ( see §2.S) The suffixes -pin 'part iciple ', -m i 'future ' and -m ia 'possibility ' occur with the long and short forms of these st ems. The final vowel of al)i 'wi tt give ' and Qal) i 'witl see ' is regularly deleted before a following initial ku- sequence :

al)i kupupa > al)kupupa 'wilt give a neaktaae ' Qal) i kUI)i > Qal)kul) i , test he see me '

2.14 . IDIOSYNCRATIC ALTERNATIONS

The sequence a + kin ( complement1ser + se cond person (P» occurs in the weakened form aj in in rapid sp eech. The form julpajapala ( see §S.2.7.3. for meaning) involves reduplicat ion of the formative pa1a in the weakened form paja. The imperative of regular verbs is formed by adding the suffix -ja. There is an optional variant -j i with intransitive verbs in -a:

il)ka ja il)kaja. i I)kaj i 'go ' QU- j a Quj a ' tie ' in i ja in i j a 'remain ' la - ja laja 'hit' pat i ja pat ija 'te t t' 22

Note that if the variant -j i occurred with transitive verbs in a-, the resulting form would be homophonous with the present indicat ive .

The imperative of the minor verb classes is given in §4 . l. iuna- 'run ' is iun i- before the su ffix -pc aQu : iun i pcaQu 'runs regu ZarZy ' and before the past tense -na : iun ina 'ran '. Irregular nouns are listed in §3.2.2. See also §4 .3. for some other irregular verb forms.

2. 15. THE PROBLEM OF THE GLIDES

Phonetically the following sequences occur :

I II III iu i j u ia i j a i i i j i i: a i aj i au awu aa a: u i uwi ua uwa uu uwu u: # i # j i #u #wu

However, no set of these sequences that is listed on the same row may contrast i.e. a set such as [ uu] , [ uwu ] and [ u: ] does not involve a contrast . For instance , the word for 'water ' which I write Ikuul may be pronounced [ kuu] , [ kuwu] or [ ku : ] where [ kuu] represents two distant vowels that are perceptually distinct because of a weak coda-onset or hiatus between them . Leaving aside the problem of the long vowels, let us consider the relationship between sequences such as C ui] and [ uw i ] and analogous pairs ( as in columns I and II above ) . As the phonemotactic rules stand ( see §2.2.), they allow for sequences of vowels with no intervening con sonant , any one intervening consonant or certain pairs of intervening consonants. Thus the rules allow for sequences such as lu il and luw il and other sequences such as luj i/. The rules also allow for no word initial consonant and for initial j and w, so the sequences I# i/, I#j il and [ #u] , [ #wu] are permitted. However, since sequences such as C ui] and [ uw i ] do not contrast , it is misleading to allow lu il and luwil as separate possibilities. I would suggest that we introduce an equivalence rule to the effect that the sequences in I and II above are equivalent . The problem of the 23 glides is common to many languages including English and is to be found in most if not all Australian languages, though it is not commonly recognised as constitut ing a problem . Most writers on Australian lan guages avoid sequences of vowels and would thus write lijul rather than li ul and lij il rather than lii/. Since the phonetic facts and the morphophonemic facts vary from language to language it is possible that this is an acceptable treatment in at least some instances, but I doubt if it is so widely acceptable as its common adoption suggests. In my earlier work on Kalkatungu (Blake 1969 ), I chose to omit all glides from sequences such as [ uw i ] , [ ij i ] etc. on the grounds that they were pre dictable . Thus I wrote lu i/, Ii ii, etc . This solution received a unanimous judgement - nobody liked it; see, for instance, Alpher 1970 . In particular, Alpher considered that omitting the glides from sequences such as [ iju] resulted in " a number of apparent phonological alternations" . For example, I wrote the causative (called causal in the present work) of 8al i ('we two ') , mpaj a ('you two ') and puju ('they two ') as 8aliwa, mpajawa and puj ua respectively implying a morphopho nemic alternation between -wa and -a . Alpher is correct of course. The decision to omit phonetically predictable glides does lead to " apparent phonological alternations" . However, the solution Alpher suggests is equally misleading. He would write glides in positions where they are contrastive and where they are not. What is involved in these competing treatments become s clear from a comparison of the ergative and dative (called genitive in Blake 1969) of -i, -a and -u stem pronouns or kinship nouns.

- i -a -u 8al i ('we two ') mpaja ('you two ') puj u ('they two ') ergative [ 8ali : - 8ali (j ) i ] [ mpajai _mpajaj i] [ puj uju ] dative [ 8ali : - 8a!i ( j ) i ] [ mpaj a:] [ puju: - puju(w) u ] The ergative clearly contains the glide j. In a process model of phonology , one would take the underlying form of the ergative to be I-j i/. The dative clearly does not contain a glide , but consists of lengthening or geminating the final vowel of the stem. Leaving aside the possibility of considering the dative to be marked by vowel lengt h ening , a question taken up below, and considering the dative to be formed by gemination, we can see that the underlying form in a process model would be a. A rule specifying that the vowel of a suffix must match the final vowel of the stem if high , would then account for the vowel alternations of both the ergative and dative . 24

If we decide to omit all phonetically predictable glides from our phonemic level, then, as Alpher points out , we will need to have a morphophonemic rule deleting the j of the ergative from forms like /Dalii/ and /mpaj ai/. No problem however arises with the dative . If on the other hand we decide to include glides wherever possible, we will have to insert glides in the dative , either by having allomorphs -j i, -a and -wu or via a rule of epenthesis that inserts j before i and w before u. The idea of setting up allomorphs -j i, -a and -wu is clearly contrary to the spirit of what Alpher is suggesting . But given the equivalence rule that states (a) a sequence of high vowel plus a vowel is equivalent to a sequence of high vowel plus homorganic glide plus vowel (b) a sequence of low vowel plus high vowel is equivalent to a sequence of low vowel plus glide plus homorganic high vowe l (c) a sequence of glide plus homorganic high vowel at the beginning of a word is equivalent to a high vowel alone then we have no need to adopt either the 'no glide ' or the 'all glide ' solution . Under this rule one can freely interchange forms such as /Dali i/ and /Dali ji/. In theory one could write one now and the other another time . To avoid confusion I will use a morphophonemic spelling . This means that the ergative of /Dali/ will be ./Dalij i/ since /j / appears distinctively with '-u stems ' ( /puj u-ju/) , and the dative will be /Dali i f . However, it must be emphasized that this is purely a con venient convention and not an argument for morphophonemically based phonemicisation . The anti-passive will be represented as -j i since it appears as -j i fo llowing iu- 'to aook '. I will consistently avoid writing initial glides that are homorganic with the first vowel; thus I will write unu 'faeaes ' not wunu . I choose this example since the question of an initial glide arises again in §7.4. where the relationship of this word to its putat ive earlier form kuna is dealt with. There was some phonetic difficulty in phonemicising some sequences involving high vowels. The j of the sequence uj i is oft en weakened or deleted so that uj i becomes homophonous with ui. The word kuj iri for 'boy ' was regularly heard as [ ku iriJ and it is only on the basis of a very small number of ultra-slow tokens that it has been phonemicised as kuj i r i . 25

2. 16 . LONG VOWELS OR DOUBLE VOWELS

In the preceding section I discussed the question of whether to interpret a sequence that was phonetically [ i i J or [ ij i J or [ i:J as / i j i/ or /i i/ without discussing the possibility of writ ing /i :/. The numb er of syllables in the stem determines some of the allomorphs that occur for the ergative/instrumental and the locat ive . For example, -iu occurs as the ergative of vowel stems of three syllables or more and -Qku as the ergative of shorter stems , wh ile -ii occurs as the locative of vowel stems of three syllables or more and -pia with shorter stems .

macumpa macumpaiu macumpaii , kangaroo ' kupu kupuQku kupupia , spidel''

Now the allomorphs -iu and -ii occur with stems containing one short vowel and one of the vowels or sequences under discussion . Thus we find caampa caampaiu caampaii 'kingfisher ' kaaci kaac i1u kaac i1i 'friend ' i i t i i i i t i i iu 1 i t iii I 'centipede '

This suggests that the sequences that could be long vowels or double vowels are in fact treated like do uble vowels. If we adopt the double vowel solution then words of the above type fit in with th e rule that distinguishes trisyllabic and longer stems from others . If we adopt the long vowel so lution , then we would have to amend the rule that determines the ergative/instrument al and locative allomorphs to refer to stems of three syllables or more plus disyllabic ste ms containing one long vowel. Obviously it is simpler to adopt the doub le vowel solut ion though the fact that it is simpler does not mean that it is correct. There is no guarantee that Kalkatungu speakers prefer simpler solutions . However, in the absence of any contrary data I will adopt the double vowel solution. Phonetically the doub le vowel solution makes sense as the sequences in question can be pronounced as separate vowels at least if they are high. It is not normal however for [ a:J to be pro nounced as separate vowels .

2.17 . STRESS

Stress is realised primarily in terms of loudness as in English . 2. 17.1. WORD STRESS

Each word is marked by primary stress on the first syllable. I'm not sure that there are any other rules for stress within words . I 26 previously reported ( Blake 1969 : 16-17) that the first sy llable of every polysyllabic morpheme received stress and that sequences of more than two unstressed sy llab les did not occur . I now believe that there is only one phonological rule and that this rule places primary stress on the first sy llable of the word . Other secondary stresse s may occur but their appearance seems to be sporadic , being determined by tempo and by hesitations and the like . It would be unusual for a se condary st ress to fall on a syllab le other than the fir st syllable of a non-word initial polysyllabic morpheme where such a morpheme occurs, thus 1 6 ar k u na would be normal, and a secondary stress on the second or fourth syllab le would occur only under contrastive st ress. In general secon dary stresses occur spaced by one or two unstressed sy llables but in fluent speech they hardly occur at all and I'm inclined to think that their occurrence is determined by some natural iambic tendency towards alternating st ressed and unstressed sy llables rather than as the result of the application of a rule . Where phonetically long vowels occur in non-word-initial position, they appear to take a strong se condary or even primary stress . However, this impression of stress seems to me to be entirely a side-effect of the length . Thus I would notate ja�aalu ('Zanguage ') as [ j a �a :luJ .

2.17.2. SENTENCE STRESS

Sentence stress appears to be organised on the same basis as it is in English . The first sy llab le of the final word in a phonological phrase normally rec eives the tonic or main stress . If there are more than two words in the phrase , the first ( sy llable of the first ) word receives stronger stress than the other non-final words.

2. 18. PHRASE-FINAL INTONATION

Polar interrogative sentences are marked by rising intonation on the phrase-final word . Non-sentence-final phrases are marked by suspended intonation on the phra se-final word . Other phrases are marked by falling intonat ion on the phrase-final word . CHAPTER 3

NOUNS AND PRONOUNS

3.1. THE SYNTACTIC CASES

The basic syntactic system is an ergative one in which nominals in AGENT (A) function are marked by a suffix ( -iu or -Qku ) in contradis tinction to nominals in PATIENT (P) function and nominals in INTRANSI

TIVE SUBJECT (Si ) function : (3.1) marapa i caa icamaj i "'oman here 'laugh 'The woman 'laughs '.

(3.2) marapa i-iu caa kunka iumaj i-na woman -erg here stick break -past 'The woman broke the stick '.

However , there are also bound pronouns which may cross-reference noun phrases and which, in compound and complex sentences and in dis course, may co-reference actants in a preceding clause or sentence . These bound pronouns operate in an accusative system, with one form for S and A functions another for P: i and (3.3) marapai caa icamaj i-na-j u woman here 'laugh -past-3rd dual 'The two women 'laughed ' .

( 3.4) marapa i-iu caa kunka iumaj i-na-ju woman -erg here stick break -past-dual 'The two women broke the stick '.

There is another method of marking the syntactic relations in a transitive clause and that is by putting A in the nominative and P in the dative e.g. :

(3.5) matu maa-c i iuj i m� ther °food-dat cook 'Mother is cooking (food) '

27 28

This is used to express indulgence in an activity rather than to express what happened to the PATIENT . In the example ab ove , P is virtually redundant (and hence bracketed in the translation) . One is not express ing what is being done to any particular food , but rather that mother is 'food-cooking '. This example could be contrasted with

(3.6) matu-j u 1uj i wa ka r· i l)a-c i -wa -1al)u mother-erg cook fish me- da t- l 1 g-ab l 'Mother is cooking the fish from my [sc. wife] '. where the reference is to what is being done with the specific fish that was given to the speaker 's wife . This intransitive-like system of marking is common with 1u- ('to cook ') and ari ('to eat ', 'to drink ') and is commonly used where the reference is to an indefinite P or to indulgence in rather than com pletion of an activity . It is alway s used when the verb is suffixed by -m iQa (imperfect) and almost always with -f1cal)u (hab itual) . There is a small residue of instances where informants use this construction without any apparent motivation . If questioned about its use, they say that it is the same as the ergative construction and they tend to repeat the queried sentence with the ergative construction. The intransitive-like system of marking is also found in subordinate clauses, for examp le in - f1 i n clauses (see § 4.2.10.), where A in the subordinate clause co-refe rences an actant in the governing clause .

I)a-,tu l)af1a marapa i il)ka-cin pi la-pi la-a wa 1 int i - j i - c i n I-erg saw woman go-part bahy-dat carry-alp-part 'I saw the woman carryinr the baby '. Where this intransit ive-like marking occurs in a subordinate clause, the verb is marked by the suffix -j i. The use of intransitive-like case marking parallels similar mechan isms in a numb er of other Pama-Nyungan languages. The best known examp le occurs in Dyirbal and I will follow the precedent set in Dixon ed. 1976 of calling this construction the ant i-passive (alp) . Note that although there is alternation between '-ji' and non-'ji' forms of the verb in subordinate clauses , there is practically no such alternation with independent verbs . In general the -j i form of the verb represents the stem to which past tense, present tense , etc . are affixed. For instance, consider examples (3.5) and (3.6) . -j i occurs both in (3.5) (anti-passive construction) and in (3.6) (ergative con struction) . To simplify the glossing, I have treated the base plus -j i as an unanalysed stem. There are a few examples where this -j i is omitted for no apparent reason . 29

In the future tense there is alternation between a stem without -j i and one with -j i. Thus 'witt hit' is la-mi but laj i-mi in the ant i passive . In some instances verb forms that are normally dependent are used as independent verbs . In these circumstances there is alternation i.e. the non-'ji' form is used unless there is an anti-passive construction . For example, -pcaaja normally marks dependent verbs in purposive/infin itive-like complement clauses, but it may be used marking an independent verb indicating simple future tense . In this case we find -pcaaja suff ixed to the non-'ji' form e.g. la -pcaaj a 'to be going to hit', unless the ant i-passive is used (see examp le (4.22 )). The imperative and the suffix -m ia, indicating 'possibility' (see §4 .2.11.) are added to the 'non-j i' form of the verb .

3.2. CASE PARADIGMS

NOUNS

3.2.1. REGULAR NOUNS

Vowel Stems Consonant Stems

Stems of 2 Syllables Stems of - nasal stop stop more than + nasal two syllables cluster cluster

Nominative kupu kunka macumpa ka 1 pin (spider) (stick) (kangaroo) (young man) Ergative/ kupu-I)ku . kunka-ku macumpa-iu ka lpin-t u Instr Locative I kupu-pia kunka-pia macumpa-ii ka lpin-pia Dative kupu-u(ja) kunka-a (j a) rnacumpa -a(j a) kalpin-ku

Locative II -I) i i Causal As for ergat ive plus -I)U " " Ab lative " locative I -I)U " Allative I " dative " -na " " Allative II locative II" -na Prolocative -nun (see §3.5.10 for allomorphs)

The locative -pia and the dative -ku are used with all consonant stems . The ergative also has allomorphs -tu with r, � and ! stems and -cu with palatal stems as listed in §2.7. 30

Kinship vowel stem nouns decline in the same way as non-singular pronouns (see §3.2.3.). Thus pupl 'mother 's brother ' declines like Qall 'we two ', kula 'father ' like mpaja 'you two ' and matu 'mother ' like puju 'they two '. Note that there is no morphologically distinct class of adjectives . The equivalents of English adj ectives are mostly nouns or , in some cases, verbs .

3. 2.2. IRREGULAR NOUNS

Nominative Ergative Locative Dative English

maa maa,tu maa,ta maac I 'food ' - ma acuwa a t I at ln,tu atlnla atlflcl 'meat ' - at l flcuwa

mpuu mpuuku mpuuka mpuruu(ja) 'rotten ' I)tuu I)tuuku I)tuuk a I)turuu{ja)'ho Ze ' Qkaa Qkaa ku Qkaaka Qkaraa (j a) 'yam '

muu mulu mulu muruu 'camp '

kuu kuuQku kuuQka kuuja 'wa ter '

ucan ucant u ucanta ucanku 'fire ' - ucanp la I ulaal) ulaal)tu ulaal)ta 'high (of sun) ' -flln -fllntu -fllnta -fl l nku participle -wa -wa,tu -wala -waku ligati ve* -ja -ja,tu -jala -jaku ligative*

j u r u I t I j I j u rQ u jurku 'man ' ,tuku ,tukuj u ,tukul}u lukuu 'dog ' jaun jauntu jaunQ'u jaunku 'big '

malla mal1aj I mallapl a malla a 'm ob '

pal1a pal1aQku pal1l lja pal1aa (ja) 'fork(of tree ]I kanla kanlaa kanll lja kanlaa (j a) 'head ' junlu junlaa j u ni I I j a junluu (ja) 'arms ' QUl.tu QuliuQku Qul1l lja Qul1uu(ja) 'thighs ' anla aniaku anll ija aniaa (ja) 'mouth, Zips '

* See §3.5.4., §3.5.ll. , §5.8. (cont . ) 31

Nominative Ergative Locative Dative English

mun1u mun1uku mun1iija mun1uu {jal ' fa ce' kunkuju kunkujuju kunkujul)u kunkujuu ' child'

The locative allomorph -I)U appears sporadically with regular nouns in place of -1i or -pi a e.g. 1uarl)u or 1uarpia 'snake ', marapail)u or ma ra pa i 1 i 'woman '. The locative II is -I)ii for all nouns . The prolocative is of in frequent occurrence, and the range of variants not known (see §3.5.l0). The 'compound cases ', causal, ab lative , allative I and allative II are all formed regularly by the addition of -I)U or na , except that the ablative of muu is mulal)u.

3.2.3. PERSONAL PRONOUNS

Singular ' I' ' you , , he, she, it '

Nom I)ai pin i .Laa, paka i (see notes below Erg l)a1u pint i 1 i j i (see notes below) Loc I I)a il)u pin i I)U a,lal)u Dat I)aci J1 unku a.La a, pakaja Causal I)aciwa J1unkuwa a,lawa Ab l I)ail)uwal)u pinil)uwal) u a,lal)uwal)u All I I)acina punkuna a,laana All II I)ai I) i ina J1 i nil)i ina a,lal)i ina

Dual ' we two ' ' you two ' ' they two '

Nom I)a,li mpaj a puju Erg I)a,liji mpajaj i puj uju Lac I I)a,lil)u mpajal)u pujul)u Dat I)a,li i mpaja a puj u u Causal l)a.Liwa mpajawa pujuwa Ab l I)a,li l)uwal)u mpajal)uwal)u puj ul)uwal)u All I l)a.Li ina mpajaana puj uuna All II I)ali I) i i ni3 mpajal)i ina puju l)iina

(cant.) 32

Plural ' we' 'you ' 'they '

Nom r)a ta nutu .tIna Erg r)at a j i nutuj u .tinaj i Loc I r)atar)u nutur)u .tinar)u Dat r)ataa nutuu .tinaa Causal r)atawa nutuwa .tinawa Ab l r)atar)uwa r)u nutur)uwar)u I .t i nar)uwar)u All I r)ataana nutuuna .tinaana All II r)atar)i ina nut Ur)i ina .tina r)iina

There are no occurrences of -r)ii with pronouns and -nun occurs with some but no t all pronouns , but presumab ly it can occur with all of them without morphophonemic change .

NOTES ON TH IRD PERSON FORMS

Some difficulty was experi enced in establishing the third person singular paradigm. The third person singular is normally expressed by ala- zero, at least when it is in S i ' A or P function . The stem appears to function as a means of facilitating the expression of third person singular in an ob lique function . It does not occur very often and the forms were obtained by paradigmatic elicitation . liji consistently refers to third person singular in A function . I take it to belong to the same paradigm as ala-, but since there is a formal discrepancy and since the appearance of lij i is redundant from the point of view of information, I have been rather caut ious about including it here . Given that third person singular is normally expressed by zero when it is in liji Si ' A or P function, one would expect the overt form to be used only for emphasis . It is true that li ji is used for emphasis ( see example (3.10) below) but in some instances I can find no apparent mo ti vation for its use . In some cases lt is used alongside a noun in A function ( examp les (3.8 ) and (3.9)).

(3.8) li-j i kuu-r)ku r)a i r)an.tamaj i i iin ta 3s-erg rain- erg me find in: the:middle 'The rain caught me in the open '.

(3.9) li-ji it i-ji-ka caa .tuku r)a-ci laj i r)ampu-pi a 3s-erg man- erg-0 here dog me-dat hit behind-loc 'The man hi t my dog from behind '.

In the following example, I assume li -j i is introduced so that the third person can be stressed. 33

(3.10 ) �a-1u patu-ma pua . �a i u�ku lu patu-ma Il-Ji-ka I-erg caLL-pres o:sis me young :sib caLL - pres 3s-erg-0 'I caLL her pua; she ca LLs me u�ku!u'. ( pua 'oLder sister ', u�ku! u 'younger sibLing ')

The form laa given as the nominative for this paradigm is particularly dub ious . There is a particle laa which corresponds to the 'meaningless' English 'now ' or 'weLL ' as in 'Now we can do one of two things .' However, there are a number of instances where laa seems to parallel 1 i j i. laa ( appearing with nouns in S i but not P) function, wh ereas 1 i j i appears with nouns in A function . Given that the third person is normally ex pressed by zero in S i function, a third person nominative is in a sense 'meaningless ' and there is obvious ly room for confus ion with the meaning less laa used for 'weLL' or 'now '. Eliciting contrastive examples does not help , since the informants use the demonstratives in situat ions where there is a contrast ( or they use nouns ) . Discussion with the in formants does not lead anywhere . It is difficult to obtain dire ct explanations of non- lexical forms . The fo llowing is a typical example .

l aa pi ! ap i ! a wan1 i-wan1i �a i-�u he chiLd fo L Low-fo L Low me- loc 'The kid keeps fo LLowing me '.

A further complication lies in the fact that paka i also appears to function as a third singular form . Its form invites comparison with paawat ikaja 'those two ' and paamiakaja 'those ', however, there is no evidence that it has any deict ic function . It has been re corded only in the nominative and the dative ( pakaja) .

-apc i (also -ipci and -upc i )

-apc i indicates a third person ( singular , dual or plural) possessor, e.g. , ku l a-apci means 'his or her father '. The third person possessor need not be overt ly expressed. -apc i follows any derivat ional suffixes and precedes any case suffix. It seems to occur only with kin terms .

(3.12) wampa paa �ata1at i ma tu-upci-I)u girL there sit mother-locative 'The gir L is sitting over there with her mother '.

mun1 i The free form mun1 i expresses the thir d person possessor especially in those instances where there is no overt nominal expressing the 'possessed' , i.e. it is usually used like the English pos sessive pronoun .

ku nt u caa pun-ku-ka . mun1 i caa naalakia not here you-dat-0 his here back 'It 's not yours. It be Longs to him over here at the back '. 34

munii may be inflected . muniiwaia 'in his ' and muni iwaiaQu 'from his ' has been recorded, but I have not succeeded in eliciting any other cases (see example (3.76» .

3.2.4. VEMONSTRAT1 VE S

There are three demonstrative roots: caa , naa , and paa . caa refers to something relat ively close to the speaker, paa to so mething relatively far from the speaker, and naa to so mething that is neither. There is also a root cipa- which seems to be an alternative to caa in the non singular. In the singular there is an apparent merger of a caa paradigm and a cipa paradigm. The dual and plural forms are clearly demonstrative pronouns (corres ponding to the demonstrative pronouns and demonstrat ive adjectives of English) . The singular forms seem to be partly pronominal/adj ectival and part ly adverbial . It is difficult to know how to analyse some of the forms e.g. caa seems to be amb ivalent between pronominal/adj ectival and adverbial . Some of the irregularities in the singular are probably relat ed to this. caQkaai i and caQkajaQu, for example , function in an adverbial-like way . There are some instances of the demonstrative root and the number marker being separately inflected in the non-singular e.g. paQu wat ikajaQu 'from those tlJO '. There are a few instances of the regular ergative allomorph -iu and the regular causal -iuQu being used instead of -ju and -!uQu . The forms caawat ikaja and the alternative cipawat ikaja are usually reduced to caat ikaja and cipaat ikaja. See also §6.1. and §5.10.2.

Singular 'this ' 'thi8 ' ' that '

Nom caa naa paa Erg c i paj i naj i paj i Loc I caQkaaii nal)U paQiii Dat cipaa nau pau Causal cipaja naja paja Ab l caQkaj aQu naQuwaQu paQu All I cipaana nauna pauna All II cipaQi ina naaQi ina paaQ iina

(cont .) 35

Dual ' these two ' 't hose two ' ' those two '

Nom caawat ikaja naawati kaja paawat ikaja Erg caawat ikaja[u (As for (As for Loc I caawat i kajal)u caa) caa) Dat caawat ikaj aa Causal caawat ikaja[ul)u Abl caawat ikaj al)uwal)u All I caawat ikajaana All II caawat i kaj al) i ina

Plural ' these ' ' these ' ' those '

Nom caam iakaja naam iakaja paam iakaja Erg caamiakaja[u (As for (As for Loc I caam iakajal)u caa) caa) Dat caam iakajaa Causal caam iakaja[ul)u Ab l caamiakajal)uwal)u All I caamiakajaana All II caamiakaj al)iin a

3.2.5. INTERROGATIVE PRONOUNS

'who?' ' what?'

Nom nani naka Erg nantu nakaiu Loc I nanil)u nakai i Dat nanku nakaa Causal nantul)u nakaiul)u Ab l nanil)uwal)u nakaiil)u All I nankuna nakaana All II nanil)iina nakal) i ina

3.3. CROSS-REFERENCING BOUND PRONOUNS

Kalkatungu employs bound pronouns in independent clauses and in some types of dependent clause. The bound pronouns in independent clauses may simply encode an actant , or co-reference an actant from an earlier 36 clause or they may occur cross-referencing nouns or free pronouns in the same claus e. I will refer to the bound pronouns in indep endent clauses as cross-referencing bound pronouns . In general there is a free choice at the information level between using a bound pronoun , a fr ee pronoun, or a bound pronoun in cross reference with a free one . In elicited sentences particularly in ones given slowly or haltingly, free pronouns are used almost exclusively , but in more fluent , spontaneous material , bound pronouns , with or without free ones, are common . If a pronoun is in focus (see §6 .7.) or repre sent s a topic that is co ntrasted with another topic ('£ did so-and-so, but he did something eLse '), then the free forms are used. As might be expected, the bound forms are not ab le to be stressed . With the verb suffixes -mioa (imperfect) and -mpa (perfect), the bound forms for 8 and A are apparent ly ob ligatory and the free forms i optional . A full set of 8 /A forms is available . It is clear from the use of i -mina and -mpa with first person Singular that the first person singular is represented by zero as is the third person Singular, the latter fact is to be expected of course. With the P forms , only -Q i and -kin occur with any frequency. -Ia and -ta have been elicited paradigmatically only and no bound P forms have been found for the second and third person dual and plural, at least not in the indicat ive . When I made up inde pendent in dicative sentences with bound forms that represent P in the imperative and in subordinate clauses, they were rejected.

8 /A P i 8ing.l -tJ 2 -n 3 -0

Dual 1 -I -Ia 2 -!!u 3 -(mu) ju

PI . 1 -r - t a 2 -our 3 -na

-muju (third dual 8i or A) is used in the present tense and -ju else where . The free forms mpaja 'you two ', puju 'they two ', outu 'you mob ' and iina 'they ' may be cliticised to the verb , but given the freedom of word order that is found their appearance in this position is not of the same significance say of nous and vous appearing before the verb to mark P in 37

French (i.e. in the special clitic position) .

EXAMPLES

(3.14 ) naka-a pini ari-l�mina-n7 ari-li- mina-0 maa-ei what-dat you e � t-a/p-imperf-you e� t-a/p-imperf-I food- dat 'What are you eating? ' 'I'm eating tucker '.

With -m ina 'imperfect ' A is marked by the nominative and P by the dative, i.e. the anti-passive construction is used.

(3.15) iea-pin-kin pini muniun-tu pini 8ar kumaj i-mia bite-part -you you bu l lant-erg you vomit-possibility 'If you get bitten by a bul lant, you might vomit'.

Note that with three-place verbs the P bound forms represent the RECIPIENT not the PATIENT :

(3.16) pin i pa - j i apa-kin you that- erg gave-you 'That man gave it to you (not 'you to it ')

With the imperative of intransitive verbs the fol lowing forms are ( -ja -j i used to mark Si or represents the im perative cf. §2.14) . singular i8ka -j i-n 'Go!' dual i8ka -ja-mp i 'You two go! ' plural i 8ka-ja-tu 'You mob go! '

With the imperative of transitive verbs the following forms represent A.

They are also used to mark S i with a few two-place intransitive verbs such as 8kuma 'to look for '.

singular la-ja-6 'Hit (him, her it) ! ' dual la-ja ku-mp i 'You two hit (him, her, it) ! ' plural la-ja ku-tu 'You mob hit (him, her, it) ! ' Where A is non-singular , P is represented normally by a noun or free pronoun. Where A is singular (and in this case there is no bound pro noun form) , then P is represented by a bound pronoun suffixed to ku-:

Is kU-8i Idu ku- Ia 3du ku-ju Ipl ku-ta 3pl kina la-ja kina 'You (singular) hit them! '

Note that there may be only one occurrence of ku in an imperative clause. If A is non-singular the A pronoun is suffixed to ku . If A is singular, then any overt P pronoun will be suffixed to ku . 38

With the verb ari 'to give ', the imperative of which is awa , the P series of bound pronouns refers to the RECIPIENT . In the first person I have recorded forms with ku and without it :

awa8 i or awa kU8 i 'You (singular) give it to me ! ' awala or awa ku la 'You (singular) give it to us two! ' awata or awa kuta 'You (singular) give it to us mob! '

The forms kuju and kina are generally confusing since they may refer to S /A in some constructions and to P (or RECIPIENT) in others . For i example, they mark Si with intransit ive verbs when the imperfect marker -man1 i is used :

ku l awa1ara Qata1at i-man1i-kuju twin sit-imperfect-dual 'The twins are sitting together '.

(3.18) juru la-t i -man1i-kuj u man hit-re-imperf-dual 'The two men are hitting one another '. kina appears in the favourite construction (§3.4., §4.3.) marking P and both kuj u and kina appear in the 'lest ' construction (§3.4., §4.4.) marking both S /A and P. Some light is thrown on the my sterious be i haviour of kuju and kina in chapter 7 (see §7 .5.)

It seems in general only one bound pronoun may occur in an independent clause. With -m ina and -mpa the S i/A series is obligatory . In other instances, the bound pronouns are used too sparingly for there to be enough examples to make it clear how it is determined which actant is to appear as a bound pronoun . The only instances of two bound pronouns in one independent clause are the sequences -8iju or 8uju for 3du > Is and 8ina for 3pl > Is.

3.4. CO-REFERENCING BOUND PRONOUNS

Co-referencing bound pronouns occur in two types of subordinate clause, the "favourite" construction and the "lest" construction. The favourite construction, which is described in detail in §4.3., earns its name from its high functional load and high frequency of occurrence. It consists of a verb , a particle a- (glossed as comp(le mentiser) ) to which co-referencing bound pronouns can be suffixed and noun phrases . A typical example would be,

i8ka-na 8ata 8arkun-ku a-t i la-j i go-past we waZZ-dat comp-we kiZZ- a/p 'We went to kiZZ waZZaroos '. 39

The following pronouns are used in this construction. In the table, the complementiser a- is shown as well as the pronouns themselves . The first form on the table appears to be suppletive . Basically it is probab ly la, the second a being supplied by the augmentation rule (§2.11.). In rapid speech it may be prefixed to the verb as la .

3 A P i/ Sing 1 laa af)i 2 ani akin 3 a i

Dual 1 a l i ak i 1 a 2 anu akumpaj a 3 a i I u ( akuju)

Plur 1 at i a kita 2 anur akutu 3 aina ( akina )

Normally only one bound pronoun occurs in the favourite construction. In the transitive instance the choice between representing A or P by a bound pronoun is determined by a person hierarchy rule ( see §4 .3.). Bound pronouns for both A and P in the one clause occur only if one actant is first singular and the other third non-singular . In these cases the forms are

Is > 3 pI laa kina "Is > 3 du laa kuju 3 pI > Is af)ina 3 du > Is 1

The forms akuju and akina are bracketed on the table. They are the expected forms but are constrained from appearing by certain syntactic rules ( see §4.3 .). kina does occu� as noted ab ove , but not directly suffixed to a- . The "lest" construct ion is described in detail in §4 .4. It occurs quite often as a complement to the verb 'to fear' and it will be con venient to illustrate it in this function. In one variant , it appears with a bound pronoun for 3 suffixed to an auxiliary particle unu , or i in another variant it appears with a bound pronoun for A suffixed to kUQu ( ku + uQu, uQu has an apparent free alternant una in the non-sing ular ) .

C3. 20) rump i f)a i f) uj i unu-n fe ar I fa LL L;st-you 'I'm afraid you 'LL fa LL'.

C3.21) rumpi Qutu iuma kUQu-r fear you break Lest-we 'You 're afraid we might break it '. 40

Note that these bound pronouns do not always have a co-referencing func tion (see examples ab ove) . In another variant of the construction, pronouns represent ing P are �uffixed to ku (without any auxiliary part icle unu) .

(3.22) rump i I) ai :t.uku-jul)u iea kU-l)i fear I dog-caus bite me 'I'm afraid the dog 'ZZ bite me '.

The choice between these variant constructions is determined by a person hierarchy rule and details are given in §4 .4. Another variant occurs where the Si of the lest clause is third person or where both A and P are third person . In this case an auxiliary particle ana is used kuj u kina are used dual S or A: and the forms and to mark a or plural i rump i I)a l ana iea 'I 'm afraid he might bite ' . II II ana kuj u iea , " " they two might bite ' . II II and kina iea , " " they (pl. ) might bite ' .

In the following tab le , the forms are shown with ( k ) unu and ku as well, S /A P i Sing 1 ( k ) unu kUl)i 2 ( k ) unun kukin 3

Dual 1 ( k ) unu l kula 2 ( k ) unanu kumpaja 3 kuju* kuj u*

Pl 1 ( k ) unur kuta 2 ( k ) unanur kutu 3 kina* kina*

* The explanation of how kuju and kina are to be interpreted appears in §4 .4. There is not a full set of forms for instances where both A and P are to appear as pronouns . There is however , ku�aj in for ls > 2s (first singular acting on second singular , ku�aj inpaja (ls > 2du) and k u �aj initu (ls > 2pl) . Other "combinations" recorded are

kunu kina ls > 3pl kunun kina 2s > 3pl kunun kuj u 2s > 3du kUl) iju 3du> ls kUl)ina 3pl> ls 41

Some remarks by Lardie Moonlight ('There 's some more twists but I forget ') lead me to believe that there may have been other portmanteau forms like ku�aj in. See also the table in §4.4.

The form ku�aj in is interesting . I refer to it as a portmant eau as I cannot find good synchronic , language-internal reasons for analysing it . However, the clitic for second person singular in P function is -kin and this so metimes appears in a weakened form -j in in combinat ion with the comp lementiser a-. Thus a-kin may be pronoun.ced [ agi n J or [ aj inJ . If we ident ify the -j in of ku�aj in with the -j in variant of -kin, we are left with -�a- as first person singular . -�a is the first person singular subject clitic in most of the western Pama-Nyungan languages . It seems that Kalkatungu contains the easternmost example of this form .

3.5. SENTENCES ILLUSTRATING CASE MARKING

3.5.1. NOMINATIVE - �

The nominative marks citation forms , S i and P. It also marks A in the anti-passive construction.

(3.23) kupu caa luna spider here run 'The spider runs ' .

(3.24) ma �a pa i-lu ku pu laj i-na woman-erg spider kHZ-past 'The woman HUed the spider ' .

(3.25) ma rapa i ucan-ku iflciji-mani i woman wood-dat chop-imperfe ct 'The woman is chopping wood '.

Note that reflexive and reciprocal are marked on the verb by a suffix -t i and verbs so marked are intransitive .

(3.26) afli -t i-muju ca-at ikaja give-re- they:2 this-dual 'These two gave one another things '.

The verb afl i 'to give ' occurs with two constructions . In one , P is in the nominative and the RECIPIENT in the allative . In the other both P and R are in the nominative . As noted in §1.6. R in the latter con struction is probably the syntactic P. It is this underlying R that is cross -referenced , not the 'gift '.

(3.27a) ma rapa i-lu at i afla flun-kuna7 woman-erg meat gave you-allative 'Did the woman give meat to you?'

------42

(3.27b ) marapai-1u pini at i apa-kin7 woman-erg you meat gave-you 'Did the woman give you meat?'

3.5.2. ERGATIVE/INSTRUMENTAL

The ergative/instrumental (abbreviated erg(at ive ) for convenience) marks nominals in A function or INSTRUMENTAL function.

(3.28 ) wampa !ana pini �a-1u laj i -na aaaidentaZZy you I-erg hit-past 'I hit you aaaidentaZZy '.

(3.29 ) juku cipa-j i ma lJ I kun1a li- 1u spear this- erg grease fa t-erg 'This (man) greased the spear with fa t '.

(3.30 ) �a imi-ja kutu wa lkaat' u 1uku-ju ahase-imp you Zizard dog- erg 'Chase the lizard with a dog, you mob! '

(3.31) kun1u�u caaka kupa�uru-ka canpa ra-1u i�ka Zame here oZd man-� stiak-erg go 'The oZd man is Zame and waZks with a stiak '.

(3.32) maka1i �a i pipci-ti-na kankari-1u hand I aut-re-past knife - erg 'I aut my hand with a knife '.

(3.33) �t ia-ku �a i �uj i -na stone-erg I fa lZ- past 'I fe ZZ over a stone '.

(3.34 ) wa nta la-ja kina naur-ka ; li-ja kutu; �urkuna don 't hit- imp them ahiZd-p Zeave-imp you mereZy 'Don 't hit the kids . Leave them alone. Just ja�aa lu-1u pat i-ja language-erg taZk- imp rouse on them '.

Regarding the last example , note also pat i -pca�u ka l katu�u-1u 'to aaZl something/someone by suah-and-suah a word in Kalkatungu '.

3.5.3. LOCATIVE I -1 i. -pia

The locative I (re ferred to simply as the locat ive for convenience) marks nominals in LOCATIVE function . In most cases it expresses lo cation in place or time , but the comp lements of certain verbs regularly appear marked by the locat ive (e.g. arkunaanat i 'to be wiZd at ') and there are a number of metaphorical and idiomat ic usages . 43

mil1iiati-na I)a i pa imara-ii be born-past I CLoncurry-loe 'I was born in CLoncurry '.

(3.36) warampata pini-I)u caa nuu pikaja axe you-loe here iie nea r 'The axe is Lying near you '.

I)a i il)ka -mi iaun-kuna I)a-ci mat u-I)u I go-fut town-all me-dat mother-loe 'I'm going into town with my mother '.

< 3. 3 8 ) I)a i iti-mi iunia l-I)a ra -ii I return-fut month-other-loe 'I'LL come back in a month '.

< 3.39 ) at i caa I)a-iu apa ja lkapari-ii meat here I- erg gave boomerang-loe 'I gave him meat in exchange for a boomerang '.

< 3.40) maa-ia I)a-iu ut imaj i food-loe I-erg consume 'I used it [se. money ] up on food '.

< 3.41) wam ila-il pini I)a-iu at i j i sLeep-loe you I-erg produce 'I dreamed of you '.

< 3.42) na aka jaun-pia-ka wacal ii-I)u this big-loe-¢ first-adj 'This one is the biggest' (lit . �i rst in big(ness)�

la-ti -muj u caa ma rapai-ii hit-re-they 2 here woman-loe 'They are fighting over a woman '.

To express 'A fought with B over C', the causal is used to expre ss C and the locative to express B.

< 3.44) pini la-t i -na pi ja-pi ja-I)ara-ii you hit-re- past chiLd-other-loe 'You have been fighting with another kid '.

< 3.45 ) naka-ii caa arkunaan-ati what-loe here angry-instransitiviser 'What is he wiLd at?'

A locative phrase refers to a whole predication ('outer locat ives ') or to actants in 8i or P function ('inner locatives '). Where the location of an aetant in the A function is to be expressed, a partieipal phrase qualifying the ergative must be used, the locative referring to the 8 i of the embedded phrase . 44

(3.46) wakari f)a-iu paa napa kU-f)ka ini-pin-tu fish ' I- erg there saw water-Ioc be: present-part-erg 'I saw a fish when I was at the water '.

Note also that ara ('enter'), juu ('alimb on '), wap,li ('fo How ') all take locative complements. I)anti i ('bark at ') takes the locative or dative . Examples of the locative suffixed following the participle -pin are given in §4.2.10. and examples of the locative suffixed to tense-marked verbs are given in §5.11.

3.5.4. DATIVE -ku e.tc. .

The dative case form expresses the DATIVE case relation and it also expresses P in the anti-passive construction . The form of the dative is -ku with consonant sterns , and with vowel sterns a vowel that is the same as the final vowel of the stern. However, in slow speech the dative of vowel sterns consists of a syllable- j a as well: fluent slow, deliberate

spider kupu-u kupu-u-ja kangaroo macumpa-a ma cumpa-a-ja breast m i ml-i mimi-i-ja

-ja is always used if another case suffix is to be added ( see §3.5.11.), except in the formation of the allat ive . As ment ioned in §3.1., Kalkatungu has an ant i-passive construction which is used with transit ive verbs to indicate indulgence in an activity rather than a specific act of impingement on a PATIENT . In this con struction, A is marked by the nominative and P by the dative . It is always used with the imperfect aspect marker -mioa and almost always with the habitual aspect marker -pcaf)u. It is often used with the verbs iu- (to aook) and ar! (to eat, to drink) in sentences corresponding to English, 'She is aooking ' or 'She is aooking the tea ' where the PATIENT is not the focus and is of low information value .

f)a-c i mat u maa-ci iuj i me-dat mother food-dat aook 'My mother is aooking (food) '.

The verb jakapi when used in the anti-pas sive construction corres ponds to English 'to understand ' or 'to be ab le to hear ' but when used in the normal ergat ive construction corresponds to English 'hear, listen to '. The verb f)aoiama when used in the ant i-pass ive construction corr esponds to English 'look for ' and in the ergative construction to 'find '. In all recorded instances where a noun in A function is qualified by a clause the verb of which is marked by -mani i 'imperfect ', the anti- 45

passive is used . If A is dual or plural, -maUli is followed by -kuju or kina respe ctively.

(3.48 ) caa-atikaja Qa�alati-maUli -kuju luar-ku laji-ua this - dual sit-imperf- they : 2 snake-dat kirr-past 'These two sitting together kirred the snake ' .

This use of the anti-passive is in accordance with the general principle of using it in a transitive clause where A co-references an absolutive actant in another clause of the same sentence ( see §3.1.). Here ca-atikaja is the 3 of Qa �ala ti and the A of la -. i The dative marks the complement of verbs like wa ira �u- 'to rike ' ( literally : heart rie) and ulara 'to wai t fo r'. It is also used to mark the comp lement of punpati 'to speak ' when reference is made to the name of the language used :

Qata punpa ti ka l ka tuQu-u we speak Ka rkatungu-dat 'We speak Karkatungu '.

The comp lement of punpati may alternatively be expressed in the locative II form : ka l katuQu-Qi i. The dative is used to mark the optional complement of a great range of intransitive verbs, usually with the role of purpose:

(3.50) wampa iQka upun-ku girr go frog-dat 'The girr i8 going for fro gs '.

With transitive verbs there do not seem to be any dative complements ( in addition to p) . All datives occurring with transitive verbs are adnominal . The fo l lowing sentence can be translated as 'I cooked your fish ' or 'I cooked the fish for you '.

(3.51) luj i -ua pun-ku waka ri cook-past you-dat fish' 'I cooked your fish '. The dative in a sentence like (3.51) can be separated from its head which is part of a general tendency in Kalkatungu in which modifiers are nominalised and separated from their heads :

(3.52) wakari Qa-lu pun-ku luji-ua fish' I-erg you-dat c o ok-past 'I cooked your fish ' .

As far as I can see the dative case marks only one case relat ion, viz. DATIVE and covers the roles of possessor, beneficiary and purpose. 46

The dative complement of an intransitive verb and a dative adnominal to P can be expressed as P by adding the derivat ional suffix -pcama to the stem. See examples in §5.3.7.

cutu caa pun-ku cootaman here you-dat 'The cootaman is yours '.

(3.54) I)a i mu ru-u na -u I c a�p-dat this-dat 'I be tong to this camp '.

(3.55) I)a ta ajar-ku jal)a alu-u we one-dat tanguage-dat 'We be tong to one tanguage '.

3.5.5. LOCATIVE II

The suffix -I)i i is rather restricted in semantic scope . It covers the sense of 'on ' as in 'fatt on one 's back ', 'tie on one 's side ' and it is suffixed to the names of languages in expressions for 'to speak tanguage so-and-Bo'. The dat ive is an alternative for this latter sense.

C 3. 56) il)ka-cin I)a i muniu-I)i i I)uj i -na go-part I face-loc :II faH-past , Wa tking atong I fe H on my face '.

(3.57) I)ata punpat i jalal)l)a-l)ii we speak Yatarnnga-loc :II 'We speak Ya tarnnga '.

Note also unul)kat i -I)i i 'downwind '. -I)ii occurs too infrequently for me to be able to discuss the case relation it expresses. It may express the LOCATIVE , the difference between -I)ii and -ii/-pia being semantic . 47

3.5.6.

The causal case covers the sense of indire ct cause or reason and mo st instances could be translated into English by 'because '. It ex presses the CAUSAL relation .

piciri-iuQu Qa i milii wak ini pituri-caus I eyes spin 'I'm high on pituri '.

(3.59) Qa i rump i naa iti-jiQu miliiwakini-pin-tuQu I fear here man-causalintoxicated-part-causal 'I'm afraid of drunken men '.

(3.60) at i -ntuQu maant i-na wakari-iuQU ari-I i-pin m eat=c aus sate - past fi s h-caus eat-alp-part 'I'm fu ll because I ate the fish '.

3.5.7. ABLATIVE -i iQu, piaQu

The ablat ive covers the sense of "motion away from" . It expresses the ABLATIVE relat ion .

(3.61) mal1a japi wa1ara kacapi-1IQu many white emerge plane-ablative 'A lot of white people got off the plane '.

(3.62) kunka caa ma n lJ I cipa-J I iuku-j u caa-m iakaja -QuwaQu stick here get this-erg dog-erg this-plur-ab l 'The dog got the stick from these (people) '.

The ab lative phrase re�ers to actants in S or P function in all i attested examples.

3.5.8. ALLATIVE I -kuna , e�c .

The allative I form, which can conveniently be referr'ed to simply as the allative , covers the RECIPIENT function and the ALLATIVE function. The RECIPIENT can be distinguished on the grounds that it may be alter natively expressed by the nominative (i.e. as P) . The RECIPIENT occurs with api 'to give ', QunaQunaapi 'to teach ', punpat i 'to talk to ' and luman1i 'to explain '. punpat i seems to be unusual in being intransitive but taking a RECIPIENT .

(3.63) iQka-na Qa i taun-kuna go-past I town- allative 'I went to town '.

(3.64a) ma rapa i punpat i-na Qa-cina woman speak-past me - all 'A woman spoke to me '. 48

(3.64b) marapa i punpat i-na -I)i woman 8peak-past-me 'A woman spoke to me '.

lumant ij i jal)aa !u I)a-c ina cipa-j i expZain Zanguage me-all thi8- erg 'He expZains the Zanguage to me '.

(3.66) puiur caa-ka kanimaipcir-ka nutu-una ini good here poZiaemen-¢ you-all be 'The poZiaeman i8 good to you peop Ze '.

�! i a I)a-iu iiiti-na iuku-una 8tone I-erg throw-past dog - all 'I threw a 8tone at the dog '. (If the target is hit , one uses ipci- 'to hit with a mi8siZe ' with the missile in ergative and target in nominati ve ) .

3.5.9. ALLATI VE II -I)iin a

The allative II case covers the sense of "towards".

(3.68) i I)ka-na-j u taun-I)i ina go-past-they:2 t own- allative : II 'They went towards town '.

(3.69 ) wataci-I)i ina caaka napij i cipa-a maa-ci ma l imputi fruit-all:II here iook thi8-dat fo od- dat droo Z 'He Zooked towards the fruit Ziaking his Zip8 for the food '.

It may be possible to regard the allative II case form as marking the ALLATIVE function or case relation . The difference between the forms may be analogous to the difference between the English prepos itions 'to ' and 'toward8 ' which I would describe as marking the ALLATIVE relation ('to ' has other functions as well) but differing in semant ic features.

3.5. 10. PROLOCATIVE -nun

This suffix has a rather restricted function and has been found only in examples of the following type .

(3.70) cipa-j i I)a i jakap iji maiu-ipci-nun this-erg me think mother-his-for 'He took me for hi8 mother '.

(3.71) I)a ! I-I)a ! i I)a-iu maniji macumpa-nun waZ Zaby I- erg take roo-for 'I mistook the wa Z Zaby for a kangaroo '. 49

(3.72) 8a-lu pini jakapiji uli-pin-an I-erg you think die-part-for 'I thought you had died'.

-nun has not been observed with any other consonant stems except for ka lpin 'man ' and mUlpip 'parrot' where we find the form ka l pinin and mu 1 pipin. I do not have sufficient data to be ab le to discuss the case relation involved .

3.5.11. VOUBLE CASE MARKING

Since case marking is applied to all words in the noun phrase and since the dative has adnominal usages , it is possible that case marking will need to be added to the constituents of a noun phrase where one is already marked by the dative ( e.g. 8a-c i matu me- dat mother i.e. 'my mother '). The case marking is not added directly to the dative ; a ligative suffix is used. With vowel stems the ligat ive is -ja, the form which is sometime s added to the dative even when there is no fur ther affixation ( see §3.5.4.). With noun consonant stems and with singular pronouns the ligative is -wa . See also §5.2.3., §5.8.

8a i 8a-c i -wa -iu kunkuj u-lu apa kuu me me-dat-lig-erg dauqhter-erg gave water 'My daughter gave me water '.

(3.74) kupa�uru-u-ja-iu 8a i icaj i old:man- dat-lig-erg me bite 'The old man 's (dog) bit me '.

8a-iu caa �apa ma rapa i matu-ipci-i-ja-ku !u-j i-pin I-erg here saw woman mo iher-her-dat-lig-dat c ook- alp-part maa-ci food-dat 'I saw the woman cooking food for her mother ' .

(3.76) muni i-wa-ia8U ca8kaja8u i8ka ma a-ci at i-pc i his-lig-abl this: ab l go food- dat meat-dat 'He is going from his own (camp) for food and meat '.

In some cases where the syntax of the clause requires that a dative marked phrase be further marked, this further marking is simply omitted. This is fairly common with the ergative case but not with other cases ,

8a-ci mat u-ju iuku laj i -na me- dat mo- erg dog hit-past 'My mother hit the dog ' . 50

However, in some of these instances the modifier ( if pronominal) and the head of the phrase are pronounced as one word with the primary stress on the first syllab le of the dative constituent . In general it seems to be possible to pronounce the sequence 'pronoun + dative noun ' as one word. There are some instances .of the ligative -wa being used when no further suffix follows ,

(3.78 ) ma ra pa i-lu Qa-ci -wa luku laj i-ua woman-erg me-dat-lig dog hit-past 'The woman hi t my dog '.

This is not quite the same as the optional use of -ja with vowel stems when no further suffix follows . -ja seems to be characteristic of careful speech, but the use of -wa seems sporadic. CHAPTER 4

THE VERB

4.1. VERB CLASSES

Almost all verbs are strictly transitive or strictly intransitive .

However, the verb manl I 'to burn ' occurs as an intransit ive - ucan manl l 'The wood burns ', and a transitive - ma rapa liu ucan man il 'The woman burns the wood '. Similarly , at l I occurs as an intransit ive - kuu at I I 'Rain fa Hs', and as a transit ive - kacap I -iu kuiu at i i 'The hawk lays an egg'. Verbs fall into two open classes, one intransitive and the other transitive , plus a few irregular closed classes.

(a) intransitive (open class)

Il)ka 'go' u.LI 'die ' IJU- ' lie down ' iuna 'run ' rump l ' fear ' juu 'go up ' waia ra 'emerge ' I n I 'remain ' cUlJpa 'jump ' ara 'enter ' I t I 'go back '

(b) transitive (open class)

I ca 'bite ' rukupl 'swallow ' .La- 'hit, kill ' Ipcl 'chop ' I)ka- 'send ' plpcl 'scratch ' unpl 'take ' I tint I 'bring/send back '

I i I t i 'throw ' k I akat I 'make ' waiukat I 'dig ' pat l ' te II '

These verbs are irregular in that the final -I may be omitted before the suffixes -pin, -ml and -mla and also when no suffix fo l lows . Thus we find lilr or liltl, Itlrpln or liltlpln, etc . The anti-passive -j l is suffixed to the stem with I : iii t I j I. I i I t I j I pin. etc.

51 52

These verb s are irregular also in th at the imperative forms are i1ita, wa 1ukata, kiakata, etc. See also §4.3. The verb pat i is irregular in that it has an imperative pata but it does not normally drop its final vowel since this would result in a monosyllab ic stem .

(d) transitive and intransitive ( -ma stems)

1uma 'break ' �ulurma 'catch hold of, grab ' �kuma , look for, find ' �an1ama , look for ' icama ' laugh (at) '

This seems to be a closed class th ough there are more members than are listed here (see glossary) . They are irregular only in that the imperative stem and the 'non-j i' form used in the favourite construct ion ends in -mi . Thus 1umi , �u l urmi , etc. in the favourite construct ion when no anti-passive is used (see §4.3.) and 1umija, �u l urmija, etc . in the imperative . 1uma is transitive (the intransitive verb 'to break ' is 1uti, -ti probab ly representing the reflexive/reciprocal marker) as is �u lur ma . �an1ama is transitive but frequently occurs in the anti-passive when it corresponds to 'look for ' as opposed to 'find '. �kuma is intransi tive but it is almost always used with an overt comp lement in the dative . icama is intransitive and may take a locat ive comp lement . All verb s of this class show alternation between forms with -j i and forms without -j i irrespective of transitivity. Thus one finds forms like �kumaj i where one would find icaj i 'to bite ' and �kuma where one would find ica. A verb like �kuma takes the distinctly transitive forms in the imperat ive for non-singular actor e.g. �kumija kut u 'You mob look for it ' .

(e) transitive ( -wa stems)

present past future imperative

a fl i awa ' give ' I)afli I)uwa ' see, look'

(f) transitive ( -Ia stems ) These verbs take an imperative in -Ia and an anti-passive in -1 i. ari 'eat ' and �kaa 'spear, stab ' also have some other irregular inflec tions as shown below. See also section (g) . For each entry in the fol lowing tab le the anti-passive forms are given immediately below the basic forms . 53

present past future imperative

arl . arlma ar I mu a rimI ala ( sic ) 'eat' a r I 1 I a r I I Ina ar I I i ml

c I aj I claj lna claml ci lia , take out, take off' c I a! I cla! lna clalml ( sic)

I)kaaj a. I)kaama I)ka aj lna I)kaaml I)kaaI I a 'spear' I)kaa I I I)kaa ! Ina I)kaa I I ml

ma I j I ma ljlna ma lml ma I I a ' rub ' ma I! I mal ! Ina ma l lml ( sic)

IJtI aj I I)t lana IJt laml IJtI I I a ' sharpen' I)tI aa ! I I)tI aa ! Ina IJtI aa I I ml

The verb aa! 'to Zeave ', 'to put down ' has been recorded in the forms aa! ( present ) , aa !ml ( future ) and aa la ( imperative ) . The imperfect aspect marker -mlna takes the same anti-passive stem forms as -mi . Thus we find ari I Imina but ma i Imina. The forms for 'eat ' presented considerab le phonetic difficulty . Earlier I notated them as ai and ai! i. Gavan Breen point ed out to me that I had misheard ari I i as ai Ii, trans fe rring the retroflection to the fo l lowing 1. On checking the non-anti-passive form, we found it was ari, the ( being difficult to pick up on the few tokens availab le . By analogy with the other verbs in this group the anti-pas sive of ari should be ari ! i. Perhaps it is , but we find it di fficult to hear as well as r. Perhaps *! has dissimilated to 1. See also § 4.3. for the '-ji' and 'non-ji' forms of these verb s used in the favourite construction.

(g) (misce lla neous)

The verbs 1i- {'to reZinquish '}, juu {'to go up '}, ari {'to eat '} and I)kaa {'to spear '} take an optional present tense -ma , and ari occurs with a past tense -mu . It is worth noting that the present tense and past tense in Yalarnnga are -ma and -mu respectively . There is a verb form patuma ('to te LL, to caLZ someone some thing ') for which no paradigm can be constructed ( cf. pat i ' to te L Z ' ) . There is also a defective verb mitaa, the imperative being the only form that occurs . It means 'give! '. Perhaps it could be considered a particle rather than a verb . The verb lua- {'to Leave behind, to re Linquish '} occurs with past tense 1uaj ina, future 1uaj imi . The imperative is supplied by 1lja the imperative of' 1i-. iu- {'cook, burn '} has a has a non anti-passive stem 1i -. 54

4.2. TENSE AND ASPECT SUFFIXES

4.2.1. - � PRESENT

The present tense form covers much the same semantic range as the present tense in English i.e. it covers the sense of action in the present and habitual action . In some cases it is used to refer to past time .

(4.1) iuar caa ntuu-ka ara snake here hoZe-loc e�ter 'The snake is going into the hoZe '.

(4.2) iitiri caa wa1a ra ma11a kuu at ii-pin-ta centipede here emerge many water f� ZZ-participle-loc 'Centipedes appear in great numbers when it rains '.

4.2.2. -na PAST

The past tense form corresponds to the past tense of English, except that the present tense form may also refer to the past .

(4.3) Qkara-a Qkumaj i-na-na yam-dat seek-past-they 'They Zooked for yams '.

4.2.3. -m i FUTURE

The future tense covers the range of English 'wiZ Z/shaZZ' and 'to be going to '. The simp le future is formed by adding -mi to the 'non ji' form of the verb . When the anti-passive construction is used, the suffix -mi is added to the '-ji' form of the verb and the reference is to continuing present activity into the future :

( 4.4) kuntu Qa-iu la -m i not I- erg hit-fut 'I'm not going to hit him'.

(4.5) kuntu Qa i la-j i-mi ku !uku!u not I hit-a:p-fut again 'I'm not going to hit him again '.

(4.• 6) kuntu Qa i Qkara-a Qaniama-j i-mi not I yam�dat Zook : for-a: p-fut 'I'm not going to keep on Zooking for yams '.

In Blake 1969 :53 it is reported that "object markers" suffixed to ku occur with -mi . However, this seems to be true only if some appre hension is being expressed e.g. 'I'm frightened they 'ZZ hit me '. In other words the use of an object marker suffixed to -ku with the future is a variant of the 'lest ' construction described in §4.4. In partic ular see examp le (4.10 7) . 55

4.2.4. -mina IMPERFECT I

mina The 3 i/A bound pronouns are always used with and A always appears in the nominative and P in the dative .

(4.7) I)arpa-i i pini ini-mina-n other-loc you remain=imperf-you 'You 're Living with someone eLse '.

(4.8 ) pini la i-mina-n jur-ku a-i uAc inta you hit-imperf- you man-dat comp-he bLeed 'You are hitting him and making him bLeed/so that he 's bLeeding ' .

4.2.5. mani i IMPERFECT II

-mani i is used to indicate an ongoing state or activity . It is used in independent clauses and it is used to mark intransitive verb s of subordinate clauses which qualify nominals (see example (4.10 )). If the 3 of a subordinate clause marked by -mani i is dual or plural, i it is marked by kuju or kina respectively (see examples (4.13) and (4.14 )). If the nominal qualified by a -mani i clause is in A function and is non-singular, it is marked by the nominative and P appears in the dative (see example (4.13) ); i.e. the anti-passive construction is used. Note that case suffixes may be added to -mani i (example (4.11 )). Compare -pin (§4.2.l0.).

(4.9) kua-lal)u caa kuu muniu-wai intiji-manii creek-abl here water face-carry-imperfect 'She is bringing water from the creek ' . ( muniu indicates direction towards the speaker)

(4.10) I)a-c i kula-j i a�ka-manii-iu laj i caa iUl)ump iri me-dat fa :'erg aiL-imperf-erg hit here bad 'My sick fa ther hit the bad man '.

(4.11) il)ka pipcamu -waia ra-mani i-I) i ina go sun- eme r ge-imperf-allative II 'I am going towards the rising sun ' .

(4.12) paa I) ai pi la-pi la-ja �apiji il)ka-manii-i there I chiLd- dat see go-imperf-dat 'I'm watching that kid waLking '.

(4.13) caa- ( w ) at ikaja I)ataiat i -manii-kuj u iuar-ku laj i -na this-dual sit-imperf-dual snake-dat kiL L-past 'These two sitting together kiLLed a snake '.

(4.14) pin-t i caa iumaj i -mpa-n kunka rapc i -manii-kina-ka you-erg here break-perf-you stick Lie-imperf-plur-¢ 'You 've broken the sticks that were Lying about everywhere ' . 56

4.2.6. -pcaQu HABITUAL

The semantic range of -pcaQu can be determined from the following examples . Note that in transitive clauses the ant i-passive construction is used (cf. §3.1.).

(4.15) wi i pini wan i -pcaQu warma-a query you ptay- habit danae-dat 'Do you danae?'

kunt u Qa i wa ni-pcanu 'No, I don 't '.

(4.16) pini iuj i -pcaQu maa-c i, kuntu Qa i iuj i-mia you aook-habit food-dat not I aook-poss 'You (aan) aook, but I aan't'.

(4.17) caa- ( w) at i kaja Qu!i iapantu-iu la -t i -pcaQu-ju this-dual atways foot-erg hit- re-habit- they: 2 'These two are atways kiaking one another '.

(4.18 ) malia-Qujan marapai-ka iQka-caQu-na Qkara-a muah-times wo�an-¢ gO-habit-they yam-dat 'Often the women used to go for yams '.

(4.19) Qa i cita anmaj i -QcaQu Qa-ci-wa-ku naur-ku-wa , I took- after- habit me-dat-lig-dat kid-dat-¢ putapiti- pcaQu fe ed: up-habit 'I look after my kid and feed him up '.

4.2.7. -pcaaja PURPOSIVE

Note that all of the examples can be parallelled by the favourite construction (see §4. 3. ). -pcaaja is almost certainly analysable as -pca ( as in -pcaani and -pcaQu ) and the dative -aja, but I doub t if it is worth making this analysis from the point of view of explaining how the grammar functions . There are some examples of -pcaaja as a main verb indicating purposive or simp ly future time .

(4.20) Qata maa-ci ari- 1i- pcaaja we food-dat eat-alp-purposive 'We are going to eat (food) '.

(4.21 ) ucan caa a�pa-ja maa-c i iuj i -mant i-caaja ( For mant i wood here gather-imp food-dat aook-wi th-purposive see 'Gather some wood to aook (food) with '. §5.3.6.)

(4.22) muniuQara Qa-iu ap i -pcaaja iuku other I-erg give- purp dog 'I 'm going to give it to the other dog '.

(4.23) kanimaj ipcitu Qali muniunat i la-t i -pcaaja poliaeman:erg us:2 prevent hit-re-purp 'The poliaeman stopped us from fighting '. ( Compare example (4.88» . 57

(II.24) fl i n i il)ka-na nauna la-flcaaja you go-past hither hit-purp 'You came to get belted '.

Note the operation of the anti-passive in the se examples. The anti passive is used in subordinate clauses when A of the subordinate clause co-references an actant in an ab solutive relation in the governing clause . It is used in (4.20) since A co-references S . It is not used in (4.21) i since A co-references A. Note that if the anti-passive marker had been used in (4.21) it would have occurred between -manl i and -ca aja. The -j i of luj i is not significant . For some strange reason the -j i form is always used be fore -mant i (the function of which is described in 5.3 .6.) . In (4.22) the verb marked by -flcaaja is independent . In the se cir cumstances no -j i is used. In (4.24) P co-references S so no anti-passive is required. i Although my examples indicate that the anti-passive is used when A co-references S or P as opposed to A, I do not have examples to indi i cate what happ ens when A co-references an actant in an oblique case.

4.2.8. - ja IMPERATIVE

The forms of the imperative have been dealt with in §3.3. The foll owing sentences il lustrate the singular, dual and plural with both in transitive and transitive verbs.

(4.25) paflca-ja I)ul urml-ja ana I)uj i intensive-imp hold- imp lest fa ll 'Hold him tight or he might fa ll'. (the verb paflca- has no direct equivalent in English. It corresponds roughly to the intensive adverb 'very ' in semantic range )

(4.26) il)ka-j i-n! il)ka-ja-u I)a-cina go-imp-you go-imp-hither me-al lative 'Come! Come here to me !'

(4.27) il)ka -j i -nlu-mpi ja� kana go-imp-away-you:2 alone 'Go away on your own you two! '

(4.28 ) luna-J I-n1u-tu pa�aaulun! run-imp-away-you far:over 'You mob run away over there! '

(4.29) wanta la-ja kina don 't hit-imp them 'Don 't hit them '. 58

(JL 30) nuwa kumpi-ka l laa kumpaja ! iook-imp you:two-¢ kill you:two 'Look out you two! It might kill you'. (See §4.4. for the construction of the second clause .)

(4.31) maa caa nutu-j u ala kutu food here you-erg eat: imp you: plural 'You mob eat up this food '.

(4.32) citaanmi-ja kina naur look after-imp them kid 'Look after them kids '.

(4.33) punpat i-j a-I)i ta Zk-imp-me 'Talk to me '.

kuju and kina refer to the RECIPIENT of three place verbs.

(4.34) paa-( w ) at ikaja Auwati a�la kuju they-dual two give:imp them: dual 'Give it to them two '.

(4.35) malia juru paa-miakaja ini, awa kina mob man they-plur be:present give : imp them 'They're a big mob . Give it to them '.

4.2.9. -mpa (a) PERFECT (b) SEQUENTIAL

-mpa has been glossed as 'perfect ' on the basis of its usage in single sentences where it indicates the completion of an activity or state . In su ccessive sentences of narrative , it simply refers to actions performed in sequence and has been glossed as seq(uential).

(4.36) pin i ucan-tu man iji-na pini japacara-iat i-na-mpa-n? you fire-erg burn-past. you well-intr-past-perf-you 'You got burnt in the fire. Are you well again?'

( 4.37) wi I i pin-t i wa ku ciaji-mpa-n? query you-erg skin take: out-perf-you 'Have you cleaned [sic] the skin?'

(4.38) caa I) a-iu ma n iji iuar-ka jarari ma nij i-mpa laa here I- erg get snake-¢ tail get-seq then 'I got the snake, got the tail and then I whizzed

wakini laj i -mant ij i -mpa mu-lu spin hit-with-seq ground-loc it around and cracked it on the ground '.

(4.39) caa I) a-iu ununtuj i macumpa-ka , unuricur. una iiiti-mpa here I- erg gut kangaroo-I> guts throw-seq 'I gutted the kangaroo and then I threw the guts away '. 59

(4.40) pini il)ka-na f)ain i iti-na -mpa-n you go-past later retu;n-past-perf- you 'You went and then you came back later '.

4.2. 10. -pin PARTICIPLE

-pin ( with a variant -c in after stems with a nasal-plus-stop cluster) occurs both in subordinate clauses and independent clauses . The label "participle" is suggested on the basis of typical examples such as :

(4.41) f)a-iu I)apa macumpa a�i-l i-pin kaiir-ku I-erg saw 1'00 eat alp-part grass-dat 'I saw the kangaroo eating grass '.

Here it corresponds to the English present participle . It also exhibits another participle-like property in that it facilitates the addition of case forms to verb stems :

(4.42) jarikajan-at i-pin-tu caa f)a-iu laj i hungry-intr-part-erg here I-erg kiH 'Being hungry I killed it '.

However, -p in may be used as a finite verb form in independent clauses:

(4.43) kupaf)uru-iu f)a ima-pin old man-erg chase-part 'The old man is giving chase '.

When used to form a finite verb , -pin appears to be non-specific as to tense and aspect . Examples occur in which the reference is to present or past time and to imperfect , perfect or punctiliar aspect . The trans lat ion of the immediately preceding example is on the basis of the situ ation and the speaker's translation. For similar examples see the texts. When A of a -pin clause co-references an actant the ant i-passive is used in the -pin clause. See examples (4.45) and (4.48 ). The only examples in which a -pi n clause qualifies the A of the governing clause involve -pin suffixed to an intransitive verb as in (4.42) ab ove . -p in commonly occurs with both transitive and intransitive verbs in clauses qualifying the P of the governing clause :

(4.44) iuatu pa-J I ma rapai icaj i il)ka-A-il)ka -cin snake: erg that-erg woman bite go-lig-go-part 'The snake bit the woman as she was walking along '.

(4.45 ) I)a-:\:u laj i j u ru niia-j i-pin I)a-ci -wa-ku jalkap ari-i I- erg hit man stea l - alp - part me-dat-lig-dat boo- dat ' 'I hit the man for stealingl as he was stealing/ who stole my boomerang '. 60

(4.46) kuni-ja caa Qa rpa a- I napi-ji pipci-cin-ku macumpa-a catt- imp here other comp- he s ee- alp cut-part-dat roo- dat 'Gatt the other one to see the kangaroo when it is cut up '.

It also occurs qualifying a DATIVE complement :

(4.47) Qkumaj i Qa i -ka iumpaki-i pa-J I kupaQuru-iu uiijakapi seek I tobacco-det that-erg 0 td: man-erg tose-part- pin-ku dat 'I'm tooking for the tobacco the otd man tost'.

-pin occurs with both transitive and intransitive verbs qualifying the 3 of the governing clause : i (4.48 ) Qa i unuani pun-ku I)api-ji-pin I rejoice you- dat see-alp-part 'I'm happy to see you (happy at seeing you) '.

(4.49) kuntu caa lUQa-na Qa-iu la-pin-ka not here cry - past I- erg hit-part-¢ 'He didn 't cry when I hit him'.

(4.50) iQka-A- iQka wampa lUQa-pin go- l 1 g- go girt cry-part 'The girt is watking atong crying '.

A -pin clause may modify another clause without there being an actant common to the -pin clause and the main clause . In such instances the anti-passive naturally enough will not occur with the -pin verb :

(4.51) unuani-na Qa i -ka pi n-t i la-pin caa iuar-ka rejoice-past I-¢ you- erg ki H-part here snake-¢ 'I was gtad you kitted the snake '.

-pin is commonly supported by the addition of -ta, which I take to be a locat ive allomorph - see §3.2.2. when the participial clause has this adverbial function:

(4.52) kuntu at ii-pin-ta, caa-ka uli-mi not fa tt- part-loc here-¢ die-future 'If it doesn't rain, it wi tt die '.

(4.53) ma a - c i Q a i a r i-I i - pin- t a unuQkat i-ka jaun iuna food- dat I ea t-a/p-part-loc wind-¢ big btow 'White I was eating, a strong wind was btowing '.

The use of the anti-passive in the first clause of (4.53) is seman tically not syntactically motivated.

4.2.11 . -mia POSSIBILITY

-mia will be glossed as poss(ibility) . It means "might ' or 'can '. The combination of the negative and -mia means 'cannot '. In comp lex 61 sentences comb ined with an indication of past time, it is used to express the irrealis 'wouZd have '.

(4.54) Qai ma kaii-jan ka ri-ti-mia I hand-con wipe-re- poss 'I've got a hand to wash myseZf (I don 't want you touching me) '.

(4.55) kuntu puj u Qa i kapani-pin-ka , Qa i jarikajan-at i-mia not if I hunt-part-¢ I hungry-intr-poss 'If I don 't go hunting, I might get hungry ' .

(4.56) ma'.lu-iati Qa i ma kaii wat ina, kuntu Qul ur maj i-mia weak-intr I hand both not hoZd-poss papcaj i -m i a very-poss 'My hands have become weak; I can 't hoZd it tight '.

(4.57) Qa-iu pini cajana la-mia, kuntu iQka-cin-ta kanimaipc i r-ka I-erg you formerZy hit-poss not go-part-loc poZiceman-¢ 'I wouZd 've hit you if the poZiceman had not come '.

(4.58 ) kuntu puj u pini iti-na caa-miakaja-Iu' a-Qi -na not if you return-past this-pI-erg comp-me-they la-mia hit-poss 'If you hadn 't come back, they wouZd've hit me '. ( See §4.3. for the construction illustrated in the second clause. )

4.2.12. -ma

The following verbs appear with a present tense suffix -ma o It coin cides in form and function with Yalarnnga -ma , but what its exact status in Kalkatungu is I'm not sure .

patu-ma 'to instruct, to teZZ someone to do something' j uu or j uu-ma 'to cZimb ' (-¢ and -ma both occur ) ari or ari-ma , to eat' 1 i i -ma ' to Zeave ' (transitive) , ' to reZinquish ' ( see note at end of §4.1.)

4.2.13. -mu

The following verb appears with a past tense -mu, which coincides in form and function with Yalarnnga -mu .

arimu ' ate ' 62

4.3. THE FAVOURITE CONSTRUCTION

Kalkatungu employs a construction in which there is a particle a-, glossed as comp ( lementiser) , to which bound pronouns are suffixed . This construction occurs as a complement to verb s and to nouns and is used to express purpose, result and indirect commands . The following is a typical example :

(4.59) ma rapa i i I)ka-na I)kara-a a-i wa1ukat i-ji woman go-past yam-dat comp-she dig-alp 'The woman went to dig yams '.

This construction carries a high functional load and occurs with very high frequency so for convenience of reference I have labelled it "the favourite construction" . Besides occurring as a dependent clause, it may also be used independently . This usage is dealt with at the end of the section . The verb of the favourite construction is probably finite but in the nature of things there is little requirement for tense and aspect to appear . -mia ( possibility) is the only suffix to appear in the favour ite construction except for one isolated case with -na ( past ) and one with -mina ( imperfect) . The bound pronoun or pronouns that occur in the favourite construction typically co-reference an actant in the governing clause, but they may represent a new actant ( one not present even covertly in the main clause) or they may cross-reference an actant of the dependent clause. In general only one actant may be encoded by a bound pronoun in the dependent clause and the ch oice as to wh ich actant is to be encoded is made according to a person hierarchy rule . First person is given pre cedence over second and third, and second over third . If, however, one actant is first singular and the other third non-s ingular, then both may be encoded by bound pronouns :

(4.60) il)ka -na a -I)i laa go-past comp-me hit 'He came to hit me '.

(4.61) kunt u il)k a-na flun-ku laa la-j i not go- past you- dat comp:I hit-alp 'I didn 't come to hit you '.

(4.62) il)k a-na fl i n i 1ina-a a-ni la-j i1 go-past you they-dat comp-you hit-alp 'Did you go to hit them?'

(4.63) wa ira I)a i �uu a-I)i -na �uwa heart me tie comp-me-they see 'I want them to see me '. 63

(4.64) Qa i wa ira �uu paa-miakaja-a laa kina laa me heart Zie that- plural-dat comp:I them hit 'I want to hit them '.

In the last example kina is a clitic form for third person plural in P function di stinct from the free form tina. The sequence laa kina laa is usually pronounced lak( nala in rapid tempo . The second a in laa (complementiser plus first person subject) and in laa ('hit ') is an augment required when these forms are pronounced as separate words . Where there are three actants involved in the dependent clause the P forms refer to the RECIPIENT not the PATIENT . Normally it will be the case that the PATIENT of a three-place verb will be third person and the RECIPIENT will often as not be first or second person . I have no examples of a first or second person PATIENT with a third person RECIPIENT.

( 4 .65) iQka-na a-Q-awa « a-Qi -awa) go- past comp -me- give 'He came to give it to me '.

(4.66) wa ira Qa i nuu laa kin- awa (

If both A and P (or the RECIPIENT in the case of a three-p lace verb ) are third person, then A must be represented by a bound pronoun never P,

(4.67) iQka-na a- ina �uwa go- past comp - they see 'He came for them to have a Zook at him '.

If there is only one bound pronoun in the dependent clause and if it represents A, then the ant i-passive construction is used whenever A co references S i or P. As mentioned in §3.l., the anti-passive construction is one in which A appears in the nominative and P in the dative and in which the verb is marked by -j i. However, some verbs are irregular in their non-j i forms , exhibiting in most cases a form homophonous with the imperative :

-j i form non -j i form

�af1iji �uwa ' Bee ' (see examp les (4.67) ,(4.71» ) a f1 i j i awa ' give ' (see examples (4.65) ,(4.66» (but �af1i and af1i are used in constructions other than the favourite one ) Qulurmaj i Qu l urmi ' catch '

(similarly all othe r verbs in -ma ) 64

a r iii ala ' eat' ti t i a! i titiii a 'sharpen' cia! i c iii( a ) 'take out of' Qkaa Ii Qkaai la, Qkaa 'spear' rnai ! i rnai , rna i I ( a ) ' rub, paint' aa ! i aa ! ( a ) 'put down, plaae ' iuj i i i- 'aook, burn '

(but i u - in other constructions e.g. iu-rcaja)

iii t i j i iii ta 'throw '

(similarly with other -t i stems ) The following examples illustrate some of the co-referencing possibilities. A co-references S anti-passive required . i ( ) See examp le (4.61) . S co-references A anti-passive in governing clause . i ( ) On the basis of a small numb er of examples it seems that where S i co-references A in the governing clause, the ant i-passive is used in the governing clause:

(4.68) caa juru cipa-a smdal -ku man i j i a-i iQka this man this-dat saddle- dat get comp-he go pui li!i-ija a-i Qukupuni-ji bul loak-dat comp-he muster-alp 'This man got the saddZe to go to muster the aattle '.

A co-references P ( anti-passive required) .

(4.69) Qa-iu rini pat i -na iatltu-u a-ni waiukat i-ji I- erg you te l l-past hole- dat comp-you dig- alp 'I told you to dig a hoZe '.

A co-re ferences A ( no anti-passive ) .

(4.70 ) Qa-iu tiara paa kan imaJ ircir Qu lur ma-j i-rin juniu -u I-erg saw there po liaeman grab - alp-part arm- dat a- i itinti a- i aniakam i comp-he bring:baak comp-he loak:up 'I saw the poliaeman grab him by the arm andlto take him baak andlto loak him up ' . Note that in (4.70) A in the second clause appears in the nominative because the anti-passive is used. A in the second clause co-references P in the first clause so this is to be expected . Actually A does not appear in the second clause, but its case form can be deduced from the presence of the dative for juniu and -j i- on the verb . Note that A in the third clause co-references an A that is in the nominative and that no anti-passive A is used in the third clause. Normally no anti- 65 passive is used where A co-references A but one might have thought that if the anti-passive construction was intransitive ther. A in the third clause would be co-referencing S in the second . i Unfortunately one cannot argue conclusively that the ant i-passive involves a change of case marking but not a change in case relations (transitive to intransitive construc�ion) , since the rule for the use of the ant i-passive could be framed on the basis of underlying or semant ic case relations . In the fourth clause no anti-passive is used because A co-references A. Note in this instance A in the third clause is nominative because it is represented by a bound pronoun but if a noun had been used then the form would have been ergat ive . A co-references ALLATIVE (no anti-passive)

(4.71) I) a-iu flun-kuna p i i pa it i nt i j i a-ni I)uwa I- erg you-all book bring comp-you Bee 'I brought you a book for you to have a look at '.

Where A co-references the RECIPIENT of the verb afli(' to give '), examples can be found with and without the anti-passive . A co-references RECIPIENT (anti-passive in some instances)

(4.72) I) ai l) a-c i -wa-1u kunkuju-!u al)a kuu laa ala me me-dat -lig-erg daughteI'-€rg gave water comp :I drink 'My daughter gave me water to drink '.

See also example (4.81) . The verb in (4.81) l) unal)Unaafl i, is a compound of I) unal)una and afli. In all the available examples R is in the nominative (and probab ly syntactically the PATIENT), not in the allative . In some instances the presence or ab sence of the anti-passive is critical from the information point of view. Compare the following for example :

(4.73) na-una il)ka-na a-i I)uwa here=all go- past comp - he Bee This could be translated as 'He came here for Bomeone to Bee '/He came here to be Been ', 'He came here BO that he cou ld Bee him ', but in the last case the second 'he ' could not be co-referential with the first .

(4.74) na-una il)ka-na a- I napi- ji here=all go- past comp-he s ee-alp 'He came here to see (him, her, it) '. In this instance, the A of the dependent verb must be interpreted as being co-referential with S because of the presence of the anti-passive . i The particle a- with bound pronouns suffixed to it also occurs in independent clauses as a means of expressing the future . The verb form is always in the "non-j i " form (i.e. without the anti-passive marker) 66 in these independent clauses. Since a- is not a complementiser in such cases , I have glossed it as part ( icle) . Note that the bound pronouns suffixed to it become cross-referencing rather than co-referencing .

( 4 . 75) kunt u I)a i pan1ij i rini anka -cin, I)a i -ka .l.aa not I know you ai r-part I-¢ part:I iti-mia return-poss 'I didn 't know you were siak 01' I wouLd 've aome baak '.

(4.76) at i rin-t i a-n i ci il pUl)kuari-1il)u? meat you-erg part-you take bag- ab l 'Are you going to take the meat out of the bag?'

(4.77) l)a -1u a-j i n-awa « a-kin awa) I-erg part-you-give 'I'LL give it to you'.

In the first of this group of sentences , it looks as if there is a complement to a ve rb that is 'understood', but this is untenable in (4.76) and (4.77) where the ergative is used. I do not have enough trans itive examples of this construction to be certain how it is determined which actant will appear as a bound pro noun . The person hierarchy seems to operate in most cases but note in (4.77) the second person P was encoded as a bound pronoun rather than a first person A. There are some examp les of this construction used with the negat ive and the sense is normally something like 'must not ' rather than simple futurity .

(4.78 ) kuntu ma rapa i-1u a- i nuwa not woman- erg part-she ' see 'A woman is not (aLLowed) to see it '.

The rest of this section consists of a list of examples classified according to syntactic and semantic function.

(a) expressing an indirect command

(4.79 ) pat i-ja a- i il)ka I)a-cina teLL-imp comp- he go me-allative 'TeLL him to aome to me '.

The negative indirect command is formed with kuntu preceding the complementiser.

(4.80) cipa-j i kupal)uru-1u caa pat u-ma kuj i r i kunt u a - i this-erg oLd man-erg here teLL-pres boy not comp-he pant i-ji te L L-alp 'The oLd man toLd the boy not to te LL anyone '. 67

(b) expressing the complement of I) unal)unaapi ('to teach 'l

(4.81) I) a-c i ku la-j i I) ai I) unal)unaapa juku-u laa iiiti-ji me-dat fa� erg me taught spear-dat comp :I throw-alp 'My father taught me to throw a spear '.

(4.82 ) pil)a-I)ku I) ai pat i-na a-I)i ipci-carni girl-erg me te l.l.-past comp-me chop-tr 'The girl told me that she would chop (wood) for me ' . Compare example (6.18) .

carn i is the "non-j i" form of pcarna , a derivational affix used to promote a DATIVE participant to the ab solutive relation. The appro priate synchronic analysis is to treat pcarna as an affix, but it has a verbal characteristic in that it exhibits anti-pas sive versus normal forms . Historically it must be -pca plus rna , the second element of -rna class verbs. Doubtless rna was a verb historically .

(d) expressing the complement of wa ira ')u- ('to like ', 'to desire '):

(4.83) kuntu I)a i wa i ra-ka nuu laa il)ka not I heart-¢ iie comp:I go 'I don 't want to go '.

(4. 84) I) ai kuntu wa ira nuu pin-t i -ka a-I)i ka ri-ka I not heart iie you-erg-¢ comp-me wash-¢ 'I don 't want you to wash me ' .

(e) ad junct expressing result ( 4 . 85 ) nan-tu caa pi la-pi .la laj i a-i IUl)a -ka �ho-erg here chi ld hit comp-he ary-¢ 'Who hit the child 80 that he cried? '

( 4 . 86) iuku caa pin-t i laj i a-i uli dog here you-erg hit comp-he die 'You hit the dog and he died (as a result) '.

(f) adjunct expressing purpose

(4.87) jarka il)ka-ja-tu a-nur wan i-ka far go-imp-you comp-you play-¢ 'Go a long way away and play '.

(g ) expressing the complement of rn.unlunati ('to prevent ') ( compare (4.23) )

(4.88) I) a-iu caa-rniakaja rnuniunat i kuntu a-ina la-ti I- erg this-plural prevent not comp-they hit-recip 'I prevented these (peop le) from fighting '. 68

(h) expressing the complement of the phrase NP pu!ura (NP 'had better ' )

(4.89) puiura I n I kuntu a-ll rump l good comp-we remain not comp -we j·ear 'We had better stop (here) and not be afraid '.

(i) expressing an ad junct to a nominal

(4.90) mut una caa-ka a-I Il)ka-ka shy here-¢ comp-he go-¢ 'He 's (too) shy to go '.

4.4. THE "LEST" CONSTRUCTION

The "lest" construction appears in a number of variant s according to the person of the actants. I have called it the "lest" construct ion, since all examples could be translated into English by "lest", though not necessarily felicitously . The fo llowing examples illus trating the forms are all complements to the verb rumpI 'to fear '; other functions are listed at the end of the chapter . The simplest case to illustrate is an intransitive "lest" clause. The following are the forms that occur in the first and second person ,

(4.91) rump l I)a l I)ujI unu-,s lear I fa n �est-l 'I'm fr ightened I'n fa n'.

(4.92 ) a rumpl I) al I) uj i unun 'you ' �� fa n' b " " I) uj l unul 'we two ' � � fa n' c " " I)uj i ununu 'you two '�� fa n' d " " I) uj I unu r 'we'�� fa ��' " " e I)uj i ununur 'you mob'�� fa ZZ '

In a transitive "lest" clause, in which first or second person acts on third (1)3,2>3) , an auxiliary particle kunu ( =ku+unu) is used and AGENT pronouns are suffixed to this,

(4.93) rump l kupal)uru iuma kUQu-,s fear o�d man break �est-I 'The o�d man 's frightened I' ZZ break it ' .

(4.94) a rump i kupal)uru iuma kunun 'you ,�� break it ' b " " iuma kunu l 'we two '�� break it ' c " " iuma kununu 'you two '�� break it ' d " " iuma kunur 'we ' �� break it' " e " iuma kununur 'you mob 'n break it ' If however third person acts on first or second (3)1,3> 2) , a pronoun represent ing P is suffixed to ku and no unu appears , G9

(4.95) rumpi I)a i iea kUl)i fear I bite me 'I'm frightened it 'H bite me ' .

(4.96) a rumpi I)a i iea kukin 'it'H bite you ' b " " iea ku la 'it 'H bite us two ' c " " i ea kumpaja 'it'H bite you two ' d " " iea kuta 'it 'H bite us ' e " " iea kut u 'it 'z.z.bite you '

For the combination, first singular acting on second singular (1) 2) , there is a portmanteau form,

(4.97) rumpi pini iea ku�aj in7 fear you bite 1>2 'Are you frightened I'z.z.bite you? ' and the following forms are used for 1>2 Du and 1>2 Pl ,

(4.98 ) rump l mpaja iea ku�aj i npaja fear you 2 bite 1>2 Du 'Are you two afraid I'H bite you? '

(4.99 ) rump I nutu i ea ku�aj initu fear you bite 1>2 Pl 'Are you mob afraid I'H bite you?'

For the combinations 3 Du > 1 and 3 Pl > 1, the following are used,

(4.100) rumpi J.aa kUl)i-ju fear hit me-they:2 'I'm afraid they 'z.z. hit me '.

(4.101) rump i J.aa kUl)i-na fear hit me-they 'I'm afraid they 'z.z. hit me '.

The third person intransit ive forms are as follows ,

(4.102) a rumpi I)a i ana I)uj i fear I z.est fa H 'I'm afraid he '1.1.fa H'. b rump i I)ai ana kuj u I)uji 'they two wiH fa z. z.' " " " " c kina 'they (plural) wil.1. fa H'

And 3 > 3, 3du > 3 and 3pl > 3 are expressed thus ,

(4. 103) a rump i I)a i ·ana iea fear I Zest bite 'I'm afraid u'z.zbite (him, her, it) ' ..

b rumpi I)a i ana kuj u iea 'they two wiZZ bite (him, her, it) '. " c " " II kina 'they 'Zz.bite (him, her, it) '. 70

Where both actant s are third person, and P is dual or plural , the non-singular number of P mu st be represented by a free form pronoun (or noun) :

(4.104) pi lapi la rumpi-muj u cipa-wat ikaja-] uI)U ana kuju chiLd ' fear-dual this-dual-caus Lest they:2(AJ puj u-la they: 2(PJ -hit 'The two chi Ldren are fr ightened that these two men wi H hit them '.

(Note in passing that the monosyllabic verb la- is cliticised to the preceding pronoun .) The interesting thing about these constructions is that kuju and kina represent 8 and A. However , if used in conj un ction with kUQu i or kUQun , they represent P (dompare remarks in §3 .3 and see discuss ion in chapter 7) .

(4.105) rumpi kupal)uru kUQu-� kin a la a fear oLd man Lest-I them hit 'The oLd man 's afraid I'LL hit them '.

(4.106) rumpi kupal)uru kUQu-n kuj u laa fear oLd man Lest-you them: two hit 'The oLd man 's afraid you'LL hit them two '.

The informant from whom the bulk of these paradigms were taken , Lardie Moonlight , was hesitant about translat ing other combinat ions involving first and second person actant s (e.g. 1 Du > 2 PI) and gave the fo llowing construction consistently ,

(4.107) rump i I)ali mpaja-j i la-mi ku- Ia . fear we :2 you:2 -erg hit-future us: two 'We 're afraid you two 'LL hit us '.

However, she would say things like , 'That 's not rea LLy right. There 's another twist in that again ', suggesting that she has forgotten some of the less common morpho logical complications . If a bound pronoun representing the AGENT in a "lest" clause co references an actant 8i or P function, the anti-passive construction must be used. Compare the following,

(4.10 8 ) 1apaQ1u paa-miakaja rumpi ana kina 1ua-j i foot that-plural fear Lest they cut- alp

kampul)u-1u (8 = A) sharp:stone-erg i 'Those ones are frightened they might cut their feet on a sharp stone '. 71

(4.109) rumpi juru cipa-j i jur u-�ara-iu ana �kaa fear man this-erg man-other-erg rest spear

juku-�ku (0 = A ) spear-erg 'The man is fr ightened this other man might spear him'.

(4.110 ) cu!uia ti caa-ka ana �uwa (0 = A ) hide here-p rest see 'He 's hiding in case he 's seenlsomebody sees him'.

(4.111) caa naur rumpi ana iuma-j i ana kina laa here �hHd fear rest break-alp rest they hit

= � = = iuma-j i-pin ( S i A, A, P A ) break- alp- part 'The chird is frightened he might break it and they 'rr hit him for breaking it '.

(4.112) rump i pini kUQu-n iuma-j i7 A ) fe ar you rest-you break-alp 'Are you frightened you 'rr break it?'

(4.113) la-ja caa iuar ana ica-j i (P A ) kHr- imp here snake rest bite 'Kir"l the snake in case it bites him ' .

(4.114) waka!a-iu�u caa rumpi ana ica ( CAUSAL = A ) crow -causal here fear "lest bite 'He 's frightened of the crow; it might bite him ' .

If the AGENT of a transitive "lest" clause appears as a noun phrase, it may be marked by the ergative in the normal way , unless the anti passive is used:

(4.115) rump i �a i iuku-ju ica ku-�i fe ar I dog- erg bite me 'I'm afraid the dog'"l"l bite me '.

However, if the word for 'fear ' is involved as in the above example, it is much more common to use a causal noun phrase thus ,

(4.116) rumpi �a i iuku-ju�u ica ku�i Sentences (4.115) and (4.116 ) probably represent two conceptualisations of the same situation, but they mean the same thing for practical pur poses. I think (4.116 ) means 'I 'm afraid of the dog (that he might bite me) '. Grammatically iukuj u�u is in the governing clause. The following tab le summarises the auxiliary particles and bound pronouns that have been recorded for the various comb inations of actants of different person and number in the lest construction. PATI E N T

I SINGULAR DUAL PLURAL 1 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 3

1 - kUr:'aj in kunu kUr:'aj inpaja kunu kuj u kUl)aj initu kunu kina

Po: I cx: ...:I 2 kUl)i kunun kunun kuj u kunun ki na I :::> Cl z H U) 3 kUl)i kukin ana kula kum paja kuta kutu

1 kunu l kuna l

...:I cx: :::> 2 kunanu Q kununu

3 ku I) i j u ana k uj u

1 kunu r kuna r ...:I cx: Po: :::> 2 kunanur ...:I p., kununur

3 kUl)ina ana kina 73

The meaning of the "lest" construction can be more easily illus trated than explained and the following informal list of examples is designed to do just that . Note that the "lest" construction is not always formally subordinated and some times occurs as the only clause in the sentence . With the favourite construction it is possible to distinguish sentences in which what appears to be the favourite con struction is clearly iudependent (see (4.75) , (4.76) , (4.77 )). With the "lest" construction the difficulty is to demonstrate that it is ever subordinate . I think that the use of the " -j i " form of the verb alternating with the unmarked form is clear evidence of subordination. The anti-passive principle is regularly employed with subordinate clauses and not with coordinated clauses . However, in many instances there can be no such evidence . For example , if the lest clause is intransitive or if it is transitive with a first or second person patient , there is no possibility of a syntactically determined alter nation between the " -j i " and unmarked forms .

(4.117) ut ima kUQu-n kuruku-1i use up test-you grog-locative 'You might spend it att on grog '.

(4.118) ica kU-r)i cipa-j i , uJ.i U!lU bite me this-erg die test: I 'He might bite me . I might die '.

(4 .1l9 ) !lutu-ju wanta wan i-nti-ja , 1uma kUQu-r you-erg don 't ptay-with-imp break test-you 'Don 't you mob ptay with it. You might break it jari ana ir)ga a-i !l1 i-ji w:man test go comp-he sco td-a/p and the white man might come and rouse (on you) '.

(4.120) anka unu-n ait Zest-you 'You might fa ZZ iZt' (following sentences that mean , 'Don 't eat that fruit. It 's been on the ground a Zong time. ')

(4.121) ka laa 1u-t i u!lu-n ne�k break Zest-you 'You might drown ' (following sentences that mean, 'Don 't swim there. The current is too fa st '. ka !aa 1ut i is literally 'to break one 's neck ' but it is the regular idiom for 'to drown '). 74

(4.122) macumpa -:t.ul)u caa rumpi ana laa :t.apantu-:t.u roo-causal here fear lest hit foot-erg 'He 's frightened of the kangaroo in case it kicks him ' . 'He 's frightened the kangaroo might kick him ' .

(4.123) muni afl i caa-ka ana 1)1Iwa crouch here-¢ lest see 'He crouched over so he wouldn 't be seen '.

(cf. (4.73) Note that the use of I)uwa as opposed to I)afl ij i indicates the A of the lest clause cannot be co-referential with Si in the main clause.)

(4.124) rump i caa pila-pi la cipa-ja mucun-t ul)u ana ica fear here chi ld . this-caus hawk�caus lest bite pi ku-I)ku ana piflCi milii claw-erg lest scratch eyes 'The child is frightened the chicken hawk 'll bite him and claw his eyes (out?) '.

(4.125) iuku-ju ica kU-l)i dog- erg bite lest-me 'The dog might bite me '.

(The use of this construction implies a sense of 'I hope he won't'. The free form lamu is used where one is merely speculating ab out what might happen .)

(4.126) iti-j i puju I) aniama ku-kin, iti-ja ma lamp ira man-erg if find lest-you return-imp quickly 'If someone comes across you, come back quickly '.

(4.127) ma lampira I) a i - ka al)paj i, juru ana kina iti-na quickly I-¢ collect man lest they re turn-they 'I am hurrying gathering (the yams) in case the men come back '.

(The use of -na as we ll as kina in this construction is not otherwise attested.)

(4.12 8 ) !,ul)ump iri caa-ka arkun-aan, la -j i-fl cir, flin-t i la -ja bad here fight-c on hit- alp - nom you-erg hit-imp wacali -na first-adv 'The bad one is bel ligerent. He 's a "hitter". You hit him first before he hita you '.

(4.129) rumpi caa juru-ka cipa-J I jur u-I)ara-iu ana I) kaa fear here man-¢ this-erg man-other-erg lest spear j uku-I) ku spear-erg 'The man is afraid the other man wi ll spear him '. 75

(4.130) iuna-ji kaia-kaia-ii a-n-ara �aQ-ku-kin iina-j i run-imp rubbish-1oc comp-you-enter see-you they-erg 'Run and get in the rubbish so they won 't see you '.

(a-n-ara a-ni ara, �aQ < �aQi)

(4.131) li -ja cutu iuma kunu-n leave-imp coo break lest-you 'Leave the coolaman alone. You might break it'.

CHAPTER 5

OTHER FUNCTI ON MORP HEMES

5.1. INTRODUCTION

This ch apter consists of a list of function morphemes including bound forms and free forms . It does not include case inflection , which is dealt with in chapter three , nor tense, aspect , mood and voice marking, which is dealt with in chapter four . Very broadly three word classes can be determined : nominals , verb s and adverbs. The function morphemes are listed under the headings nominal , verbal and adverb morphology respectively . The morphological processes of reduplication and compounding follow the nominal , verbal and adverb sections and are in turn followed by those function mor phemes that are not clearly nominal, verbal or adverbial . The final section of the cha pter consists of a rather miscellaneous list of free function morpheme s.

5.2. NOMINAL MORPHOLOGY

5.2.1 . -jan CONCOMITANT

-jan means having something concrete, having a characteristic , a property or a condition . It may be added to any nominal with the possible exception of the personal pronouns (but see last example) . However, although it may be added to any (1) nominal by a general syntactic rule , some instances of nominal plus -jan have idiomatic me anings and must be listed in the lexicon .

(5.1) j uku-j an f)ai i f)ka-mi macumpa-a spear-con I go-fut roo-dative 'I wiZZ go for the kangaroo with a spear '.

(5.2) f)a i laa pu1ur-aan cutu-jan I now good- con e ar-con 'I have a good ear '.

77 78

(5.3 ) I)ai - ka I)unkur-aan I-r6 cold-con ' I ' ve got a cold'.

(5.4) I)awajan I)ai punpat i jal)aa lu-u heavy-con I speak language-dat ' I 'm talking heavy ' . (i .e. not in a simplified way )

Note also iuar ( ' snake ' ), iuaraan ( 'doctor ' ); putu ('stomach ') , putujan ( 'pregnant ' ); wamila ( ' temp le ' , ' sleep ' ); wamilaj an ( ' asleep '); arkun ( ' fight ' , ' battle '), arkunaan ('belligerent ' ). There is one example of -jan being used with a pers onal pronoun,

(5.5) I)a i-jan, I)a i miHiiat i -na . . . me- con me be born-part ' (She) had me ; I was born ... '

5.2.2. - i t i PR IVATIVE

(5.6) ma li-iti I)a i kuntu punpat i, wa l palaj i I)a-iu to�gue-less I not speak lose I erg ' I have no tongue; I (can) not speak. I lost it '.

(5.7) papca-ja ala maa , jalaura-iat i maa-iti very-imp eat:imp food sick-1ntr food-less 'Eat up your fo od, [you wilZ] get sick if you don ' t eat ' .

5.2.3. -I)u (with dative �tem� )

There are a small numb er of instances of -I)U being added to the dative of nouns to de rive a new nominal stem. For convenience I have glossed it as adj (ective) .

kula 'father ' k la-a-ja-I)u 'male ' pipcamu ' sun ' pipcamu-u-ja-I)u ' clock ' , 'watch ' tuu-tuu 'writing ' tuu-tuu-u-ja-I)u 'pen ' , 'pencil '

In these examples , -ja is a ligative between the dative and -I)U (see §3.5.11., §5 .8.). In tuu-tuu-u-ja-I)u the dative allomorph -u has no audible re flex as a sequence of three identical vowels is impossible . The same applies to the ne xt example.

(5.8) a raka paka i cutu kuu-u-ja-I)u-ka where it coolaman water-dat-lig-adj-¢ ' Where ' s the water coolaman ?'

There are a few examples where I)a rpa is suffi xed by the dative plus -I)U plus -ii (presumably the locative ) to express 'because of an interest in' . 79

(5.9) pin-t i Qarpa-a-ja-Qu-1i Qa i l,i-ma you- erg other-dat - lig- adj - loc me leave-pres 'You are leaving me beaause of another one '.

5.2.4. -QU (with adve�b 4tem4 )

There are a small numb er of examples of -QU suffixed to adverbs to produce a nominal stem.

iAa 'now ', 'today ' iAa-QU 'new ' 1i i nta 'in the middle ' 1i inta-Qu 'middle ' eaja- 'old ' eaja-Qu 'old '

eaja- does not occur in isolation . There is an adverb eaja -na 'earlier ', 'formerly '.

(5.10) ul,i Qa-ei-ka waeal,i-na-Qu-ka ma rap a i die me-dat-¢, firs t - adv- adj -¢' woman 'My first wife died'.

waeal,i does not occur in isolation as a nominal.

5.2.5. -Qujan

One could compare -QU and -jan. Synchronically the form is prob ab ly unanalysab le .

Auw ati 'two ' Auwat i-Qujan 'twiae ' kurpa l 'three ' kurpai -Qujan 'three times ' mal,1a 'many ' mal,1a-Qujan 'many times '

(5.11) Qa-1u pini pati-na Auwati -Quj an a - n i ini-ka I- erg you tell-past two-times comp-you remain-¢' , I told you twiae to stop (there) '

5.2.6. -pei r NOMINALISER

-peir is used to form nouns from verbs . It is fully productive but there are some ready made derivations that need to be recorded in the lexicon .

kan ima 'to tie ' kan imaj ipeir 'poliaeman ' iea 'to bite ' ieaj ipeir 'a "biter'"

(usu.applied to insects or insect-like creatures that bite)

. (5.12) 1uQumpiri eaa-ka arkunaan l,a-j i-p eir bad here-¢' savage kill- alp - nom 'He 's bad, a savage killer '. 80

(5.13) kuu-ja pujur-puni-n tl-ji-cir water - dat hot- tr- with - a/p - am 'A copper (boiZer) (thing with which one makes water hot) '. In all the available examples, the anti-passive is used. In princi ple one would expect the possibility of using -pci r to form 'patient nouns ' as opposed to agent nouns cf. la-pin 'one who is hit ' and la-ji pin 'one who hits '. On the nature of things 'patient nouns' would be unusual.

5.2.7. NUMBER MARKING WITH NOMINALS

There is no singular marker other than the free form ajar but �ara 'another ' is used like a stem-forming suffix :

pi ! a pi ! a - �a r a - i i 'with the other chiZd ', pi!api !a-�ara-ii ... pi !api !a-�ara-ii 'with one chiZd ... with the other chiZd '.

5.2.7.1. -wat i Dual

-wat i marks the dual of nominals . It is common with kinship nouns and it is part of the system for forming the dual of the demonstratives; with other nominals it is rarely used .

juru 'man ' juruwat l 'two men ' pupi 'mother 's brother ' pupiwat i 'two brothers of mother ' caa 'this ' caa-wat i-kaJ a 'these two ' naa 'this ' naa-wat i-kaja 'these two ' paa 'that ' paa-wat i-kaja 'those two '

The root wa t i also occurs in wat ina 'together, both' , and possibly in Au ( w ) at i ' two ' . Note that when wat i is used with kinship nouns, it cannot refer to two members of a reciprocal pair . For instance , ego calls his mother 's mother mucu and she calls him mucu , but the pair made up of ego and his mother 's mother is mucuwaapc ir. wat i can refer to two sisters , two brothers , two of mother 's brothers, two of father 's brothers , etc. See also under kinship , §5 .2.7.3.

5.2.7.2. -mia Plural

-mi a, like -wat i is common with kinship nouns , is part of the system for forming the plural of demonstratives, and is used only rarely with other nominal s.

juru 'man ' jurum ia 'men ' pu p i 'mother 's brother ' pup imia 'mother 's brothers ' caa caa-mia-kaj a ' these ' naa naa-mia-kaja 'these ' 81

paa paa-miakaja 'those ' kula , father ' ku!amia 'those ego aatts father '

With kinship nouns -mia refers to a number of brothers , sisters, mother 's brothers , etc. or to a number of people that one calls by a par ticular term e.g. ku!amia 'fathers ' refers to one 's own father and father 's brothers . However, like wat i it cannot refer to reciprocally related groups like ego and his mother 's brothers even though they may call one another by a common name , pupi. See also under kinship , §5 .2.7.3.

5.2.7.3. Kinship Terminology and Related Morphology

'otder sister ' pua 'father 's mother ' papi (pi) 'otder brother ' iapu 'father 's father' I) aca(ci) 'younger sibUng ' ul)kulu 'man 's ahitdren ' kunkuJ u 'mother ' matu 'woman 's ahi tdren ' I) alu 'mother 's sister ' matu, upaci 'mother-in- taw ' wapuiu 'mother 's brother 'pupi 'aross-aousin ' mual)l)u , father ' ku la 'wife ' kUl)i 'father 's brother 'ku!a, piiata 'husband ' jukuta 'father 's sister ' I) ucir ' spouse ' markutu 'mother 's mother ' mucu(cu) 'great grandparent 01' 'great 'mother 's father ' caci ( ci) grandahitd' macara

Notes

An older 'otder sister ' is dist inguished from a younger 'otder sister ' by using jaun 'big ' and katakulu or kacaku!u 'little '. Similarly with other distinctions of relative age . One calls one 's mother 's sister matu i.e. 'mother ', and one calls one's father's brother, kula i.e. 'father '. However , upaci and piiata also occur for mother 's sister and father 's brother re spectively . I am not sure of exactly how and when they are used , but they are used in the following context . If one 's mother wants to re fer to one 's mother 's sister, she uses upa ci, and similarly one 's fathe r referring to one 's father 's brother uses piiata, e.g. iunt ija piiataana 'Take it to your father 's brother '. The bracketed syllab les of mucu(cu) etc . appear only in the nominative . They are deleted before all suffixes.

Moieties and Sections The Kalkatungu were divided into two moieties . Roth (1897 :56) gives the names of the moietie s as uia ru and maAara. I recorded uiaru and 82 parka1a , which are the names Roth records for Pitta-Pitta, Mayi Thakurti, Mayi-Yapi , Wunumara and Guwa, i.e. for practically every other tribe in the area . Each mOiety was divided into two sections as shown in the following diagram.

u1aru mal-a ra ( pa rkata7) pa11 1) u ma ri n a l) u kal)k i 1 al)u* 1unpu yu I)U

( *Roth gives this form. I have recorded kal)ilal)u )

This system of moieties and sections ( 'skins ' ) operated with respect to the marriage system as follows . One had to choose a marriage partner from the opposite moiety but from the same generation, i.e. from the section of the same row in the diagram . A child be longed to the same moiety as his mother but to the section of the other generation . If a pa1il)u man married a ma rinal)u woman , the ir children were 1unpu yu l)u . If a 1unpu yu I)u boy married a kal)il al)u girl , the children would be pa1il)u, but if a 1unpuyuI)u girl married a kal)i lal)u boy , the ir children would be ma rinal)u. This sytem operates not only in terms of a division into moieties but also in terms of a division into alternate generat ions . One is in the opposite generation to one 's parents and to one's children but in the same generation as one's grandparents and grandchildren. The terms mucucu, cacicl , pa pi pi and I)a cac i all reflect this split into alternate generat ions . They are reciprocal terms by which ego refers to and addresses his grandparents and is referred to and addressed by his grandparents, and they are also used by ego to refer to and address his grandchildren who in turn use the same terms to refer to and address ego . Thus the meaning of each of these four terms might be specified as fol lows : mucucu 'mother 's mother ' 'a woman 's daughter 's chiZd '

cac ici 'mother 's father ' 'a man 's daughter 's ahiZd '

pap i p i 'father 's mother ' 'a woman 's son 's ahiZd '

I) acacl 'father 's father ' 'a man 's son 's chiZd ' The split into alternate generat ions is also reflected in the use of the suffix -wapc ir wh ich can be added to any of the four terms given above to indicate a pair of persons who are mucucu to one another,etc. 83

These four terms with the suffix -wapcir appear in the fol lowing forms ,

mucuwapcir cacuwapc ir papuwapc ir I)acuwapcir mucuwapc ir would refer to ego and his or her mother's mother or a female ego and her daughter's child and so on with the other three terms .

The suffix -wat i is used for two persons holding the same relation ship . Thus puawat i is 'two oZder sisters ' and pupiwat i means 'two of mother 's brothers ' and mat uwat i means 'two mothers '. The kinship system is classificatory and the term matu can refer not only to one 's 'bZood mother ' but also to 'one 's mother 's sis ter ', etc.

The suffix -mia is used for more than two persons holding the same re lationship . Thus I)ucirmia is 'aZZ my auntie' i.e. more than two of my father's sisters . There is a special term for two persons who are related by a male descent line and another term for those not so related. Thus the term j u I pa;ta can refer to 'father and chi Zd ', 'father 's father and grand chiZd ', 'brother and sister ', 'father and fa ther 's brother or sister ' and so on . The term kunil)ka la is used for two persons who are not so related i.e. 'mother and child', 'mother 's fa ther and child ', 'mother 's mother and chiZd ', and so on. Th ese terms have reduplicated forms to indicate more than two people so related. kunikunil)kala can be used to refer to 'a mother and two chiZdren ', or to 'mother 's brother pZus mother 's sister plus ego ', etc . The reduplicated form of julpa;ta is julpaja pa;ta and it could re fer to 'ego and his or her father and fa ther 'S brother or sister ', or to 'ego and fa ther and father 's father ', or to 'ego and two or more of his children ', etc . The suffix -apci (see §2. 8. for the morphophonemics) is used with kinship terms to indicate that the referent is possessed by a third person .

pupi ipci 'his 01' her mother 's brother ' kuJ aapci 'his or her fa ther ' matuupci 'his 01' her mo ther '

Inflection

Kinship nouns ending in vowels decline like non-singular pronouns . Kinship terms ending in consonants like consonant-stem nouns . kunkuju 84

'man 's child ' takes an ergative in -!u. kuniDkala and julpa1a decline regularly .

Examples in Sentences

(5.14) caa 1ina iDka julpaja pa1a kunkuju-upci-jana here they go chiZd -his -too 'There they go, that man and his kids too '.

(5.15) Data-j i 1uku laj i-na kunikuni Dka la-1u we-erg dog hit-past -erg 'We hit the dog, my daughters and I' (woman speaking)

However, there are also cases like the following with no agreement ,

(5.16) Dali-ji caa kuniDkala( j ) ana laj i caa 1uku we- erg here -and hit here dog 'We two, my mother and I, hit the dog '.

(5.17) Da-ci papi-wat i wa ni-muj u me- dat son 's: kids - dual pla y-dual 'My (woman speaking) son 's kids are playing '.

(5.18) Dalu-uDci matuupci-DU ini dau -her mother-her-loc be 'The daughter is with her mother '.

5.3. VERBAL MORPHOLOGY

5.3.1. -pun i TRANSITIVISER

-puni is used to form transitive verbs from nouns and adverbs. It seems to be fully productive and can be used with any noun . The following examples recur and perhaps :o hould be listed in the lexicon , particularly those where the me aning 1s not exactly derivable . I have glossed puni as "tr" for transitiviser.

pi l.t i ' soft ' pilli puni 'to mash, to squash, to smash, to cut into small pieces ' ja rka 'far ' jarkapuni 'to put at a distance ' kaki-jan 'wounded, kakijanpun i 'to wound, to make sore ' sore ' (5.20) marapai-iu rJ ai laj i kaki-jan-puni ji-I)i woman-erg me hit sore-con-tr-me 'The woman hit me and made me sore (or 'wounded me ').

5.3.2. -rna VERBALISER

-rna is used to form verbs mostly transitive verbs. It is not a productive suffix and it is not possible to describe the classes of stems with which it could be used because some of the stems do not occur in isolation, but it seems to occur with nominal and verbal stems (see below) :

rumpi 'to fear ' rump i rna 'to fr ighten ' kan i 'knot' kan ima 'to tie ' I) a i rna 'to fo ZZow, to chase ' I) aniama 'to Zook for, to find ' I) u lur ma 'to catch hoZd of ' ania 'mouth ' an;tama 'to put a hoZe in ' iu-t i 'to break '(intrans) ;tu-ma 'to break ' (intrans ) mina l)a ra 'whatchamacaZZit' minal)arama 'to "whatchamaca Z Zit'" (trans)

It also seems to appear in the formation of some intransitive verbs e.g. ieama 'to Zaugh '« iea 'to bite ') pakapakama 'to hurry '.

5.3.3. - ;tat i INTRANSITIVISER

( -at i with consonant stems )

-iat i is used to form intransitive verbs from nouns and adverbs . It seems to be fully productive and can be used with any noun . It often has an inchoative sense .

malia 'many, mob ' mal1aiat i 'to become numerous ' mimi-jan 'having breasts ' mimijanat i 'to deveZop breasts ' kupal)uru 'oZd man ' k upa I) u r u i at i ' to become an 0 Zd man ' jarka 'far ' jarkaiat i ' to be at a dif'tance ' pirina 'up, above ' pirioaiat i 'to grow up ' puj u r 'hot ' pujurat i 'become hot ' ;ta i 1 'hard ' ia i1at i 'become hard ' jaun 'big ' jaunat i 'become big, grow big '

Note also milii-iat i (lit . 'become eyes ') meaning 'to be born ', ma li pilii- iat i (lit. 'tongue become soft ') meaning 'to be dumb '.

(5.21) I) a-iu kapi r pilii-puniji a-I pilii-iat i I-erg grass soft-tr comp- it s oft- intr 'I crushed the grass (seeds) and it became soft '. 86

5.3.4. -nta 1 NTRANSITI VISER

-nta is of infrequent occurrence and seems to be restricted. It has been found only with the fol lowing stems where it forms verbs from nouns.

UAc l 'bLood ' uAc lnta 'to bLeed' an1a 'mouth ' an1anta 'to open the mouth ' unu 'faeaes ' ununta 'to defeaate ' k 11a ' araak, spl.it' kl lanta 'to araak, to spl.it '

(5.22) pa1a klla-nta-nt ljl (re -ntI see §5. 3.6. ) mud araak-intr- 'The mud araaked ' .

(5.23) pl !a-pl !a ma rapa l-1u lajl- na a-I uAcl-nta chiLd woman-erg hit-past comp-he bLood-intr 'The woman hit the ahiLd and he bLed '.

uAc l-nta caa UAc l caa kaanta uAainta here bLood here fLow '''ULainta '' means bLood fLow '.

5.3.5. -t l REFLEXIVE ANV RECIPROCAL

-tl indicates both the refle xive and reciprocal . Normally the presence of a singular actor indicates the re flexive and a plural actor the reciprocal . A word mun1uplr may be added to specify recip rocity if necessary . The reflexive/reciprocal verbs are intransitive . They can be derived only from transitive verbs and in those cases where one require s a reflexive or reciprocal form of an intransitive verb (e.g. okuma 'to Look for ') the verb must first be transitivised (see §5.3. 7. ) before tl can be added. (5.25) maka1 I oa I 1ua-t I -na hand I aut-re-past , I au t my hand '.

(5.26) pa-at lkaja macumpa -ka la-t l 1apan1u-1u that-dual kangaroo-� hit-re foot-erg 'Those two kangaroos are kiaking one another '.

ap l-ti-muj u ca-at ikaja give-re-they:2 this-dual 'These two gave one ano ther things ' .

. (5.28) pi p cl-ti-muj u muni upi r saratah-re- they:2 one another 'They 're saratahing one another '. 87

The intransitive verb for 'break ' is iu-t i and the transitive 'break ' is 1uma (where ma is a non-productive causat ive or transit iviser) .

(5.29) iu-t i -ua uaa f)a-ci kaunu break-re-past here me-dat dress 'My dress tore '.

The normal productive means of transitivising intransitive verbs for the purposes of the reflexive/reciprocal is to use -pcama (see § 5 . 3.7 . ).

5 .3.6. - nt i TRANS ITI VISER Some transitive verbs take an allomorph -mant i suffixed to the -j i form of the stem e.g. laj imant i 'hit', iuj imant i 'cook, burn '. I have not been ab le to discover the reason for this . -nt i is used to perform a number of related functions . First of all, it is used to form transitive verb s from intransitive ones:

intrans itive

ara 'enter ' arant i 'insert ' I)uj i 'fatt ' f)ujint i 'to knock down, to push over ' pia 'go down ' piant i 'to take something down (from a high pLace) , waiara 'come out of, wa1arant i 'to wake someone up ' emerge ' j uu ' c l-imb on ' juunt i 'tocUrrib , to mount (a horse)' wani 'to pLay ' waninti 'to pLay with something, to pLay (a part in a) corroboree '

(5.30) pila-pi la. caa !uf)a-ua . waia ra-nt ij i f)a i wamila-jan chiLd here cry-past wake: up-tr me sLeep-con 'The chiLd cried. He woke me up '.

In the case of waia rant i the P of the derived transitive corresponds to the S of the intransitive stem . This is the usual case . Note, i however, that with a verb like juu, the effect of adding -nt i is to derive a transitive verb in which A corresponds to Si ' -nt i may also be used to indicate that an INSTRUMENTAL , LOCATIVE or CAUSAL actant is being expressed as P (i.e. nominative, or , if the ant i-passive is being used, the dative) . -nt i commonly occurs in this function in the favourite construction where the INSTRUMENTAL , LOCATIVE or CAUSAL actant is anaphorically deleted. 88

Examples of INSTRUMENTAL

It is rare to find -nt i used for INSTRUMENTAL in independent clauses , but it is common in describing the action of killing a snake by cracking it against something.

(5.3Ia) ma rapa i-iu iuar laj i-mant i kunka-pia woman-erg snake hit-wi th tree-Ioc 'The woman cracked the snake against the tree (hit with the snake) . '

It has also been obs erved in the following (compare (5.33) below) ,

(5.3Ib) I)t ia I)a-iu maa man i-nt ij i money I-erg fo od get-wHh 'I got food with the money '. 'I spent the money on food '.

However, it is common to find it in subordinate clauses as in (5.32) and (5.33) .

(5.32) kankari caa awa-I)i at i-pc i laa pipci-nti - ji knife · here give-me rneat-dat comp :I cut-with-a/p 'Give me the knife to cut the meat wi th '.

(5.33) maa-c i a-I)i -awa laa man i-n ti-j i food-dat comp-me-give comp:I get-with-a/p , (I wan t you to) give it (sc. money) to me to get food with '. ( a-I)i -awa becomes al)awa at normal tempo ). -nt i is also common in descriptions of tools .

(5.34 ) kampul)u caa na ipu iua-nt l-ji-caja kampungu here knife cut-with-a/p-purposive 'A "kampungu " is a knife for cutting things with '.

LOCATIVE Almost all the examples availab le occur in subordinate clauses . (5.36) is included to illustrate that the locative is used for 'to sLeep wi th someone '.

(5.35a) iuku nuu kulapuru-t i dog iie bLanket-Ioc 'The dog Lay on the bLanket'.

(5.35b) iuku nu-nt iji kulapuru dog-erg iie-on bLanket 'The dog Lay on the bZanket'.

(5.36a) ma rapa i il)ka jaJ1i-pia a- i nuu woman go w:man-Ioc comp-she iie 'The woman is going to sZeep with the white man '. 89

(5.36b ) ira-iraci Qka-ja kutu cipa-ana japi-ina a-ina gir�s · send-imp you (pl) this- all white-all comp - they nu-nt i-ji iie-with-a/p 'Send the gir�s to the white man to �ie with him '.

caa ka1ir Qa-1u itin tiji a-I nu-nt i 1uku-ju here grass I-erg bring comp-he iie-on dog- erg 'I brought the grass for the dog to �ie on '.

(5.38) Qa-1u caa �apa �! ia QUu na-nt i I- erg here saw stone rel s tand-on 'I saw the stone he stood on '.

CAUSAL

(5.39 ) laj i -mant i caa ma rapa i cipa-j i iti-ji hit-because: of here woman this - erg man-erg 'The man hit (him) because of the woman '.

(5.40) pin i pant icamat i-na a-kin laj i-ma nti you teH: on-past comp-you hit-because:of 'You "to�d on" (i.e. informed) so he would hit him over you '.

A few examples similar to (5.40) occur. The reference is to a woman telling her husband that another man has made amorous advances so that the husband then hits the other man 'because of' (CAUSAL) the woman, 'on account of' the woman . Note that the CAUSAL actant in (5.40) is expressed by the P form of the bound pronoun . See discuss ion in §1 .6. The third function of -nti is to mark verbs which have an inanimate AGENT or in one or two examples an inanimate INTRANSITIVE SUBJECT .

(5.41) �! i a-ku 1uar ntat i-nt iji stone-erg snake crush- 'The stone crushed the snake '.

(5.42) kuntu pa lku 1una-nt i not sl;w run- 'It (sc. car) goes real fa st'.

-nt i is not used for every instance of an inanimate AGENT but there are a number of examples similar to (5.41) .

5 . 3 . 7. -pcama TRANSITIVISER

-pcama ( -cama with stems containing a nasal-stop cluster) is suffixed to the verb to indicate that an underlying DATIVE is being expressed as P. -pcama can be analysed (as -pea as in -pcaaja, -pcaani and -pcaQu) plus ma . The identificat ion of this ma with the ma that occurs as a causative in rumpima 'to frighten ' is supported by the fact that in both 90 instances rna takes an irregular imperative stem and anti-pass ive form -mi . However, this identification seems to be of little if any signi ficance in the grammar and I will treat -rcama as an unanalysable element , glossing it as '-tr' for transitiviser. In the first examples to be considered, -rcama in effect transiti vises an intransitive verb so that it can be marked for reflexive/ reciprocal , a marking which detransitivises the verb . Consider first of all the following,

(5.43) naa-ka iuku nant i -cama-t i here-¢ dog bark-tr-reciprocal 'The dogs are barking at one another '.

Here we have an intransitive verb that takes the dative or the locat ive . - ( n ) cama is used to advance this comp lement to P. This intermediate structure then contains a P coreferential with A. This reflexive/reciprocal situation is expressed by deleting P and marking the verb with -t i. The resulting sentence is intransitive . In the next example , - ( r ) cama is used to transitivise a verb that takes its complement in the dative ( !uQa Qa rpa aja 'cry for someone ') .

(5.44) !uQa-niiti-cama-t i maliana cry-plur-tr-re in great numbers 'They are a�� crying for one another '.

Similarly in the next example.

(5.45) kuntu pa !ku iuni -ncaQu, api-ncama-ti -caQu not s�ow run-habit , sing-tr-re-habit 'He runs fast (because) he sings himse�f'.

In the following examples -rcama is used to express what would other wise be expressed in the dative as a P in the nominative . Each example is paired with a corresponding sentence without -ncama .

(5.46a) cipa-j i nautu nitaj i Qa-c i maa nUQu this-erg kid; erg stea� me- dat food hence 'This kid sto�e my tucker from here '.

C 5.46b ) cipa-j i Qa i nautu niia-ncamaj i maa nUQU this-erg me chi�d-erg stea�-tr food hence 'This kid stote my tucker from here '. 91

(5.47a) f)a-ci f)alu-ju kunt i ka r i f)a-ci me- dat dau-erg house a'Lean me- dat 'My daughter a'Leaned the house for me '.

(5.47b) f) a-ci f) alu-ju f) ai ka ri-flcamaj i kunt i me- dat dau- erg me a'Lean- tr house 'My dau ghter a'Leaned the house for me '.

In the next example the -flcama construction is used within the favourite construction. Note that the P bound pronoun for first person refers to the underlying DATIVE .

(5.48) f) a-1u pat i -na f) a -ci iapu ucan-ku a-f)i iflci-cami I-erg teH- past me- dat bro wood-dat comp -me a hop - tr 'I to'Ld my o'Lder brother to ahop me some wood ' . ( - ( fl ) cami is the normal non-anti-passive of - ( fl ) cama )

The fo llowing example of -flcama is fairly typical, in fact -flcama is particularly common with ni1a 'to stea'L'. The function of fl cama seems to be to allow what would normally be a DATIVE to be expressed as a P. This P can then play its part in the co-reference rules . In (5.49) the person stolen from comes to be expressed potentially as P and can then be omitted from the sec ond clause under co-reference with juru in the first clause. -flcama allows recovery of the underlying syntactic case relation and hence semantic role of the deleted actant . Note that English has a verb 'rob ' as well as 'stea'L'. 'Rob ' allows the victim to be expressed as P. 'Rob ', of course, is a lexical form that allows different syntactic arrangements in the expression of 'theft sentences'. -flcama is a morpho-syntactic device not confined to 'theft sentences'.

(5.49) caa-ka juru arkunaan-at i ni1a-fl cama-cin this-¢ man angry- intr stea'L-tr- participle 'This man got wi 'Ld beaause I robbed him'.

The final example illustrates the use of -flcama with the three-place verb af) i 'to give '. Note that it enables the posses sor/beneficiary to be expressed as P. Unfortunately I do not have an example with an overt RE CIPIENT .

(5.50) ma rapa i-1u 1uku afl i -flcamaj i at i woman- erg dog give- tr meat 'The woman gave him meat for the dog '. 92

5.3.8. -n1 i t i VERB PLURALISER

-n1iti is quite rare . I have glossed it as plural, but that may not be accurate; it may indicate mutual activity or co-operation or the like .

(5.51) !u�a-n1iti -ca�u ma11ana cry-plur- habit mob - adv 'They a�� cry together '.

(5.52) i1i caa 1una, malta i�ka- 1iti-man1i , at i-pci �kumaj i ant here run mob go-plur- imperf meat-dat 8eek 'There are ant8 running around here, a �ot of them, going �ooking for meat '.

5.3.9. -Jlcaani CONTINU ING

-Jlcaani is of very low frequency except with the stem �u- 'to �ie '. It seems to indicat e imperfect aspect , ongoing activity or the like .

(5.53) �a1u �aJla macumpa uli -Jlcaan i-cin I-erg saw kangaroo di e-contin-participle 'I 8aw the kangaroo dying (but I didn 't have a weapon to put it out of its miseryj '.

(5.54) kuntu kupa�uru Inl , paa �u!i i�ka-caani not o�d man be:present that 8ti�� come-contin 'The o�d man is not here, he (i8 there) 8ti�� coming '.

5.3.10.1. -n1u Motion away from the speaker

This has been observed in the imperative only .

(5.55) 1una-j i -n1u-tu run-imp-away-you plural 'You mob run away!'

5.3.10.2. -u Motion towards the speaker

This has been observed in the imperative only .

(5.56) i�ka-ja-u �a-cina go-imp- hither me-allative 'Come here to me! '

5.4. ADVERB MORPHOLOGY

5.4 . 1 . AVVERB INFLECTION Adverbs are uninflected except that the stem araka- appears with -ni ('to '), -1i ('a.t') and -�u ('from'), 93

arakan i 'where to ' arakaii 'where at ' arakal)u 'where from '

-I)U ( , from ') also occurs in

jarka 'far ' jarkal)u 'from afar pi rina 'on top, aloft ' pirillal)u 'from above '

A number of adverb s can be observed to carry inflections e.g. watal)ka 'at night ' ( cf.watamaka l 'dark ', watal)ana 'tomorrow '), but I doubt if this is of any synchronic significance . They cannot be considered defective nouns as they cannot be qualified . arkuntu 'savage ly, belligerently ' appears to bear the ergative/instrumental -tu but contrasts with the nominal arkunaantu 'bel ligerent' in the ergative/ instrumental (for -aan, see §5 .2.l. ) .

5.4.2. -na AVVERB FORMING

-lla is used to form adverbs .

aj ar 'one ' ajarna 'only, sin gly ' wat ina 'both ' cajana 'onae, before,formerly ' malta 'mob ' maliana 'in great numbers ' if.al)u 'new ' if.al)una , soon '

wat i does not occur alone but occurs in caawat ikaja ('these two ') etc . caja appears in cajal)u ('old, former '). There are numerous examples of -na scattered through the present work , but where the stem does not occur as a word I have not separated -na off by a hyphen nor have I glossed it .

5.4.3. -mi nl)u

I have taken -m i nl)u to be adverb-forming in light of examples such as (5.57) below . Note, however , that the adverb-forming na may occur with -minl)u. -mi nl)u is glossed by the English 'as '.

wampa 'girl' wampa-minl)u 'as a girl, when she was a girl' ka 1 pin 'young man ' kalpi n-minl)u 'as a young man, when he was a young man '

(5.57) ka lpi n-mi nl)u I)a-iu iua r laji-pcal)u malia young man-as I-erg snake ki t t-habit mob 'As a young man, I used to kill a lot of snakes '. 94

(5.58) juru-mi nQu-na malia juru iui-pin Qiii iQka-cin man-as-adv mob man remain-part here go-part kit i-kiti ucan-ku-wa -ka a-ina anpa-j i crowd firewood-dat -li g-¢ comp-they co H ect- a!p 'When there were Aborigines, a Lot of Aborigines, Living here they wouLd go, crowds of them, gathering firewood '.

kataku!u-mi nQu-na , Qa-iu caa I)apa cajana smaLL-as-adv I-erg here saw former Ly 'I saw it once, when I was LittLe '.

5.5. REDUPLICAT ION

Stems exhibiting a reduplicated base are fairly common . In some cases the unreduplicated base does not occur . Where it does occur , it is possible to see in the reduplication the sense of plurality (more than one of) , intensity (more than the normal degree of) or a sense of repetition (more than one occurrence of) . I have wr1.tten a hyphen between the reduplicated elements. This 1. s to facilitate read1.ng. A few cases of partial redupl1.cat ion have been noted, but there are not enough examples to allow any generalisations. Note also the use of a ligative A between vowels in the last two examples.

iuna 'run ' iuna-iuna 'to run around ' jakapi 'to tisten ' jdka pi-jakapi 'to tisten in tenHy ' pujur 'hot ' pujur-puj ur (or pupujur) 'very hot ' Auat i 'two Auat i-Auat i 'four ' pi !a-pi !a 'baby ' kuj i r i 'boy ' kuj i - kujiri 'boys ' wampa !ana 'incorrectLy ' wa mpa-wampa ! a n a ' quite incorrectLy ' I)api ' see ' I)dPi 1 ap i 'stare ' iQka 'go ' il)ka-A-i Qka 'go repeatedLy, go back and forth, wa Lk around ' i pci 'chop ' ipci-A- ipci 'chop repeatedLy '

5.6. COMPOUNDING

There are a numb er of examples of compounds of the type noun-plus noun and noun-plus-verb . The apparent order 'modifier-head' in the first example is exceptional.

pilii - ma! i 'soft ' + 'tongue ' , soft ' (of speech) , 'dumb ' iunia l-putu 'moon ' + 'stomach ' 'crescent moon ' kuiu-waiara 'brains ' + 'come out " to be angry ' 95

milii -puiur-at i 'eyes ' + 'good ' + 'to open one 's eyes ' intransitiviser m i li i - wa kin i 'eyes ' + 'spin ' 'to be intoxicated ' (also heard as miliawakini)

5.7. -jana 'and ', 'too ' CO-ORDI NAT ING CONJUNCTION

(5.60) I) ata ari-l i-pin maa-ci-ka at i-pc i -jana-ka we ea t-alp-part food- dat- � meat-dat - conj -� 'We are eating food and meat '.

(5.61) maliang caa ari-li ci pa-a I) a rkun-ku , aniamuru-iat i in mobs here ea t-alp thia-dat wa LL- dat fLoa k- intr waka la-jana kacapi-jana crow�conj hawk- conj 'In great numbers they eat the waL Laroo, they fLock together, both crows and hawks '.

(5.62) pini ari-li-mi at i -pci1 M.M. you ea t-a/p-fut meat-dat 'Are you going to eat meat?'

B.B. maa-ci ( maa = 'vegetabLe food' as opposed to at i 'meat ') fo od- dat 'Food ' .

M.M. I) a i-jana I) iii maa-c i ari-l i at i-pc i -jana me-conj here food-dat ea t-alp meat- dat - conj 'And I down here wiLL eat food and meat too '.

5.8. -wa , -ja LIGAT IVES

-wa and -ja were described in 3.5.11. in relat ion to case marking and in 5.2.3. with reference to -I)U. -wa is also us ed between the dative allomorph -ku and the prosodic suffix -ka e.g. ucan-ku-wa-ka tfire-dative-ligat ive-�' . It may also occur following the dative allomorph -ku where nothing else follows , e.g. ucan-ku-wa . As far as I can see it is not of any syntactic signi ficance. This final -wa could be a lenited allomorph of -pa (see §5.9.2.) but if it is, we would have to posit free variation between -pa and -wa .

5.9. PROSODIC SUFFI XES

5.9.1. -ka

-ka appears to have no function at the informat ion level. It is difficult to say much about the principles determining when it is used. It is extremely common. It may be cliticised to any word. It is 96 common after disyllabic words , much more common than after longer words . Numerous examples are scattered through this book . They have been glossed as � as ex plained in the intr oductory note.

5.9.2. -pa

-pa appears to have no function at the informat ion level. It occurs mainly in the speech of Lardie Moonlight , cliticised to a variety of words .

5.10. FREE FORM FUNCTION MORPHEMES

5.10.1. luu INTENSIVE PARTICLE

(5.63) caa-ka 1 uu I) aniamaj i caa curujan-ka kuntu I) arpa-iu-ka here-� 1nt find here eahidna-� not other-erg-¢ caa luu cipa-j i here 1nt this-erg 'He found the eahidna, no one else did. He found it himself'.

( 5.64) lij i-ka luu-ka I)a i laj i-I)i 3s : erg-� 1nt-� me hit-me 'He hit me '. ( also occurs as lij i I)a i luuka laj il)i)

5. 10.2. pa- VEFINITISER

The demonstrat ive pa- functions as a 'definitiser ' particularly in correlation with a restrictive qualifying nominal or restrictive quali fying clause:

(5.65) ma rapai-iu caa pa-j i u!kuuri-iu 1 aj i iuar-ka woman-erg here that-erg tall-erg kill snake 'The tall woman kil led the sna ke '.

(5.66) I) ai I) kumaj i pa-u jur-ku I) uu niia-j i -na I seek that-dat man-dat rel steal-alp-past I) a-c i -wa-ku maa-c i me-dat- lig-dat food-dat 'I'm looking for the man who stole my tuaker '.

5.10.3. ini AUXILIARY VERB

The verb ini ('to be prgsent, to remain ') is used as a means of using tense, aspect and mood marxers with nominals in equational clauses, the tense or aspect marker being suffixed to ini.

(5.67) macumpa milii mucupari ini-na kangaroo eyes blind b e - past 'The kangaroo was blind '. 97

( 5 .68) I)a i ini-mi at i-iti, jarika-jan-at i-mi I be-fut meat-Less hungry - con- intr- fut 'I wiLL be without any meat. I'LL be hungry '.

( 5 .69) wi i f1 i n i puiura ini-ka I)ai kia ini-maoi i query you good be-¢ me Like be-imperf puiura-ka? puiura ini-ja I)ai kia good-¢ good be-imp me Like 'Are you being good? Being good Like me? Be good Like me ' .

5.10.4. paf1ca INTENS IVE VERB

paf1ca corresponds to English 'very ' in meaning. It is a verb but seems to occur only in parallel with a lexical verb with which it agrees in tense, aspect , mood , reflexiveness/reciprocalness and person/number marking.

(5. 70) ma�u-1at i I)a i ma kai i wat ioa, kuntu I)ul urmaj i-mia weak-intr I hand both not hoLd-poss paf1caj i-mia intens-poss 'My hands are weak, I can 't hoLd it (sc . microphone) tight '.

5. 1 0.5. l)uf1ca , l)uf1capun i 'to miss' , 'to fai L'

l)uf1ca appears as an intransitive verb meaning 'to have fai Led to do ' or 'nearLy to have done ' the activity described by another verb of the same phrase or a verb that is understood from the context , linguistic or extra-linguistic. l)uf1capuni is the transitive equivalent .

( 5 . 71) I)a i cal)kaali l)uf1ca-oa I)uj i -oa I here fa iL-past fa LL-past 'I nearLy fe LL' (or 'I escaped (from ) fa LLing ')

( 5 . 72) I)a-:t.u caa I)uflcapunij i pukucur I- erg here faiL mouse 'I nearLy caught the mouse '(or 'I missed the mouse ')

5. 10.6. I)ampu 'compLeteLy '

I)ampu means something like 'compLeteLy '.

( 5 .73) juku il)ka-na I)ampu uiaal)a ra-ii spear go-past right other:side-loc 'The spear went right through to the other side '.

( 5 . 74) kuntu I)a i ku!u-ku!u iti-mi na uoa I)ampu I)a i kaanta not I again return-fut hither for :good I go 'I'LL never come here again. I'm going for good '. 98

(5.75) I) ampu caa I)a-;t,u at i -ka pi flC i j i pil1ipu niji a tt here I-erg meat·-¢ cut break/smash 'I cut the meat art up into piecea'.

(5.76) ka;t, ir-ka laa I) ampu man iji-na grass-¢ now att burn-past 'The grass att got burned '. (also given as I)ampu caa laa ka;t, irka manij ina )

Note also I) ampu-;t,at i ('to disappea2" ), I) ampu kan;t,a- kan;t,a ('back of head').

(5.77 ) kuntu caa-ka I) ampu-wa nuu caa I) urku nU-flcaani mil;t,i not this-¢ whotty-¢ iie here on ty iie-contin eyes 'He's not reatty asteep. He 's just pretending to be asteep '.

5. 10.7. uca , just'

(5.7 8) caa flin-t i at ika I)uj intiji mu-lu-ka uca arkun-ku-wa here you-erg meat-¢ drop ground-loc-¢ just fight-dat-¢ 'You dropped the meat on the ground just to cause troubte '.

(5.79) I) a i-ka uca il)ka-na flun-ku laa nafl i - j i I-¢ just go- past you- dat cO?lp:I s ee- alp 'I just came to see you '. See also example (5.92) .

5.10.8. lamu 'might '

(5.80) at ii- mi lamu fa n-fut ;'ight , It might rain '.

(5.81) ;t,ul)umpiri naa-ka maa-ka watac i-ka, flin-t i lamu ari-mi bad here-¢ fo od-¢ fr �it-¢ you-erg ;'ight eat-fut 'This fruit 's not too good; you might eat it '.

(5.82) iAa-I)U-na caa-ka ciriku-;t,u laj i, japacara -;t,at i-mi lamu now-adj -adv here-¢ bone-erg kitt we tt- intrans- fut ;'ight 'Btackfetta bin catch 'im atong bone. Be might get att right'. ( iAal)Una means 'recentty ')

(5.83) ;t,uku lamu caa-ka wa;t,a ra -mi macumpa lamu dog ;'ight here-¢ emerge-fut roo might 'He might come out [re incarnated as ] a dog or perhaps a kangaroo ' .

5. 10.9. kuntu NEGATIVE

(5.84) kuntu I) a-;t,u �al)a caja-na-ka not I-erg saw former-adv-¢ 'I've never seen him before '. 99

(5.85) cipa-j i kupaQuru-tu caa pat u-ma kuj i r i kunt u a- i this-erg old man-erg here tel l-pres boy not comp-he pant i-ji teZZ- a/p 'The old man told the boy not to tell (anybody) '.

5.10. 10. wanta NEGATIVE WITH IMPERATIVES ('don't' )

(5.86) want a la -ja don 't hit-imp 'Don 't hit it '.

5.10.11. miar 'very '

miar can be used to indicate emphasis as in the rirst examp le below or it can be used fo llowing a nominal to indicate the sense of 'very '.

(5.87) tupu-Qku ka ri-ja-Qi mi�r soap-erg wipe-imp-me emph 'Wash me well with soap '.

(5.88. ) Qa i kuntu ari-1i -J1caQu, ati-ka ta i 1 miar-ka I not eat-alp-habit meat-!6 hard emph-!6 'I don 't eat ( sc. ga lah), the meat 's too tough '.

(5.89 ) jaun miar iQka-mia big emph go-poss 'The "biggest" (sc. plane) might aome '.

5.10.12. kia 'like '

kia is a particle meaning 'that way ' or 'this way '. Used after a noun phrase it corresponds to English 'like ' in the sense of 'resemble ', and it may be cliticised to a preceding nominal .

(5.90) Qa i kia naa naur-ka me like here �hild-!6 'The ahiZd looks like me ' .

(5. 91) caa-ka muniu-ka ku !a-aJ1c i kia here-!6 faae-¢ father-his like 'He looks like his fa ther '.

(5.92) J1 ini-ka uca punpa-punpat i kia-ka arkun-ku you-!6 just ta lk that:way-p fight-dative 'You 're just ta lking like that to aause a fight '.

k i a Qa i iQka (ac companied by pointing) that way I go 'I'm going that way '. 100

5.10.13. kial)u , this way '

kial)u ( kia + I)u) means 'this way ', 'like this ', 'thus ' and 'equals ':

(5.94) I)ata-j i kuntu u1ant iji kial)u-ka ucan kiakar we-erg not possess such-¢ fire make 'We didn 't have that kind of thing that makes fire '. ( Sent ence refers to 'matches '.)

(5.95) kial)u , li-ja I)a i ....•... like this leave-imp me ( Offering an example to explain a pOint ) 'Like this, leave me '.

(5.96) kul1uur kial)u maka1 i- ajar-ku at ii-pcal)u bro lga hand one-dat Zay-habitual 'The brolga lays as many as five eggs '. ( This sentence was given among descriptions of the habits of various birds. kial)u corres ponds to a pause that fo llows a topic as in 'as for x, he ...... ' constructions .

5.10.14. puj u 'if'

puju ('if ') usually occurs as second word in a -p in clause,

(5.97) kan imaj ipcir puj u il)ka-cln, I)a r unuan i-mia po liceman if come-part I rejoice-poss 'If the policeman comes, I might be happy '.

(5.98) kuntu puju la -p in caa l) a-1u pini cipa-j i ica-mia not if kill-part here I-erg you this-erg bite-poss 'If I hadn 't killed it, it would have bitten you'.

5.10.15. mutu 'together '

mutu ('a heap, pile ') occurs in contexts suggesting that besides its lexical meaning it has the function of meaning 'collectively, together ':

(5.99) caa-ka juku I)ali-i mut u-u here-¢ spear we-dat together-dat 'The spear beZongs to both of us '.

5.11. I)u RELATIVE PARTICLE

I)u is a relative particle . It is of infrequent occurrence and it is difficult to produce examples of it by direct elicitation. The range of examples available is unsatisfactory and it is not possible to dis cuss the syntax of I)U constructions fully . There are some re latively straight forward examples in which I)U appears to be a relative pronoun, 101

(5.100) Qatatat i QUU tu-j i-na (Quu = QU augmented) sit rel burn- a!p-past 'The one who burned him is sitting down '.

(5.101) Qa-iu caa juru Qaniamaj i Qa-ci-wa-ku iuku-u I-erg here man find me-dat-li g-dat dog-dat rJ uu la-j i -na rel hit- a!p-past 'I found the man who hit my dog '.

Where A of the QU clause is co-referential with an actant in the governing clause, the anti-passive is used in the QU clause. There are no examples available in which A of a QU clause is co-referent ial with an A. There are some examples in which the actant marked by the relative is the P of the relative clause and the relative appears as Quna ,

(5.102) kaant a-na paka i-ka ka lpuru-iiQu pin-ti Quna �apa Leave-past that-¢ BouLia-abl you-erg rel-acc saw 'The one whom you saw Left BouLia '.

(5.103) Qa i u!antiji-na pa-u naur-ku pin-ti Quna laj i I Look after-past that-dat chi Ld-dat you-erg rel-acc hit 'I've been Zooking after that kid you beZted '.

I have glossed Qu-na as relative + accusat ive . If this interpretat ion is correct then this would be the only appearance of the accusat ive marker anywhere in the language . -na is an accusative marker in many Australian languages and so its appearance as an accusative in Kalka tungu is not too surprising. Attempts to elicit examples of the relative in other case relations have failed. For example, the sentence 'I saw the rock he jumped from ' was translated as ,

(5.104) Qa-tu caa �apa nt ia QUU cu�pa-na pa-Qu �t ia-piaQu I-erg here saw rock which jump-past that-abl rock-abl (lit . : 'I saw the rock which he jumped fr om that rock'.) and the sentence 'I didn 't see what he was frightened of' was trans lated as,

(5.105) kuntu Qa-tu �apa QUu rump i -ka not I-erg saw rel ;ear-p 'I didn 't see what he was frightened of'.

Since the complement of the verb rumpi is always marked by the causal case, one would have expected some marking on QU . These examples may be correct , but I suspect them, as they are contrary to the genius of the language , which normally makes case relations explicit . 102

Attempt s to elicit examples of QU representing an actant in a LOCATIVE relation produced.

(5.106) Qa-1u �apa nt i a QUU na-nt i I- erg saw ;'�ak rel s tand-on 'I saw the roak he stood on '.

This appears to be partly genuine in that -nt i is used to express the LOCATIVE via the verb , but this should produce a transitive verb �ant i 'to stand on ' and I would have expected -na suffixed to QU-. There are also examples where QU is used with a verb suffixed by -m i ( future) or -na (past ) plus -1i ( locative). For example,

(5.107 ) Qa-1u wa terbag kuu-Qku putamaant i Qu-wa iQka -mi-1i I-erg waterbag water-erg fi ll rel-¢ go-fut-loc 'I fi l led the waterbag when I was leaving '.

(5.108) caa Qa-1u in1akaipu niji kankari-ka Qa i QUU here I-erg forget knife:"¢> I rel ari-1i-na-1i eat-a/p-past-loc 'I forgot the knife when I ate '.

(5.109) jarka-pun i-ja at i QUU aa!-mi-1i far-tr-imp meat rel put-fut -loc 'Move the meat away so that I aan put it down ' .

(5.110) Qulur mi - ja caa pilapi la naa minaQara QUU grab- imp here ahi ld · here thlng rel aa!-mi-1i bandage waQka-pia put-fut -loc shin-loc 'Grab the kid 80 I aan put that thing, that bandage, on hi8 leg ' .

There are also examples where an adverb is added to express the not ion of 'before ' or 'after '.

(5. 111) kuu caa Qa-1u apa QampuQu1una Qu-wa la- mi- 1i water here I- erg gave before rel-f> ki U-fut- loc 'I gave him water before killing him '.

(5.112) caa ucan caa an1a1u-ja caQkaa1i ma�kana QUU ini-mi-1i here fire here light-imp here-loc later rel stop- fut-loc 'Light a fire here after we 8top '.

This then leaves a residue of case s where we have Quna and the verb suffixed by -mi + 1i. I present these below with glosses and the infor mants' translations.

i Qka Quna �u-mi-1i go rel lie-future-locative 'I go 80 you aan lie down '. 103

(5.114) Qaika iQka mara Quna I)u-pcaan i-mi-ii I go now lie-contin-future-locative 'I'm going till he laying down '.

(5.115) kari-t i-ja muniu-u iQka -mi-ii wash-re-imp faae-dat go-future-locat ive 'Wash your faae before you go '.

(5.116) na ka pin-t i caa pi !a-pi !a uiant iji maa-ci Quo.a iuj i-mi-ii why you-erg here ahild keep food-dat c o ok- fut - loc 'Why do you have your kid with you while yQU are aooking the tucker?'

pini Quna iti-mi-ii taun-kuna papl i ka ur-kuo.a ku!u-ku!u you return- fut-loc town-alI hotel-all again tuu-tuu anat ii « a-ni at ii) writing comp:you:put down 'When you go baak to town, to the pub, you will write it down '.

The sense of the Quna clause in (5.113) clearly refers to 'before ', in (5.116) to 'while ', and in (5. 117) to 'after '. As far as I can see Quna in the 'time ' clauses is not significantly different from QU. Whether QU or Quna is used, the subordinate clause seems to refer to time 'before ', 'when ' or 'after '. It looks as if the notion of relative time is left to the context , but can be made explicit by the use of an adverb if necessary . Apparently the sense of 'in order to ' is also within the ambit of QU clauses ( see (5.113) ).

5. 1 2. INTERROGATIVE SENTENCES

Most interrogat ive sentences contain an interrogative pronoun or adverb or verb . The interrogative word is almo st always the first word in the sentence. The only interrogative sentences without an interro gative word are polar questions marked by rising intonation ( see example (5.132 ) ). Note that naka may mean 'what?' or 'why?' or it may mark a polar question . nakaja, nakajakuwa 'V nakaakuwa (naka + ja + ku + wa) nakajan (naka + jan) seem to be synonymous all meaning 'why '. naka!.uQu may also expre ss 'why?' nakaii, the locative case of naka expresses 'how? ', not nakaiu as one would expect .

(5.118) nan i i pa 1 7 ka 1 i who name not know 'What 's his name? I don 't know '.

(5.119) nan i iuna-mi at i -pc i a-i man i-ji-ka7 who run-fut meat-dat comp-he get-a/p- ¢ 'Who wi ll run and get the meat?' 104

(5.120) nan-ku naa iuku? who-dat here dog 'Whose dog is that?'

(5.121) naka pini jal)aalu? jala�l)a , ka l katul)u? what you language Ya lar>nnga Ka lkatungu 'What 's your language ? Ya larnnga or Ka lkatungu ?'

(5.122) caa macumpa Qaka-ii pin-t i laj i? jalpi-pia naa here roo what-1oc you-erg kill net-1oc here I)a-iu laj i I-erg kiH 'How did you kill the kangaroo? I killed it in a net '.

(5.123) Qa kajakuwa pin-t i laj i caa jurul)ara-ka? 1 i - j a! why you-erg hit here man-other-¢ leave-imp 'Why are you hitting this other man? Let him alone '.

(5.124) naka naa pin-ti itintiji panta-panta l)a-ciQa what here you-erg bring:back wood:adder me-all 'Why did you bring that wood adder back to me?'

(5.125) Qaka-jan pin-t i caa j uru-ka laj i? puiura I)ataiat i-pin what-con you-erg here man-¢ hit good sit-part 'Why did you hit this man?' 'He bin good. '

(5.126) Qaka-iul)u pin-t i ma il-m i'/ what-caus you-erg rub':fut 'Why are you going to massage him?'

(5.12 7 ) Qaka-jan-at i-mina-n pin i? what-con-intr-imperf-you you 'What are you doing?'

(5.128) Qaka-ja pin-t i iunt ij i-ka I)a-ci ma rapa i-ka? what-dat you-erg take-¢ me-dat wo�an-¢ 'Why did you take my wife?'

(5.129) Qa ka-jan-at i caa? iuku lamu caa-ka waiara-m i what-con-intr here dog ;;;ight here emerge-fut 'What will he become? He might come out a dog (when he dies) '.

(5.130) naka-jan-pun ij i? what-con-tr 'What is he doing?'

(5.131) Qamil)u pini apa? Auat i how many you gave two 'How many did he give you? Two '.

(5.132) Qial)u pini iti-mi? watal)aQa when you return- fut tomorrow 'When wi ll you come back? Tomorrow '.

'Where (at) ' is expressed by araka ii , 'where to ' by arakaQi and 'where from ' by arakal)u . 105

(5.133) araka pa ka i cutu-ka kuu-u-ja-Qu-ka where that aoolaman-¢ water-dat-lig-adj-¢ 'Where 's the aoolaman to put the wa ter in ?' ('aoolaman be long water ')

(5.134 ) arakali )1 i n i 7 Qili where you here 'Where are you? Here ' .

(5.135) arakani )1 i n i 7 kia-ka where7to you this:way-¢ 'Where are you going? This way ' .

(5.136) kia )1 lnl (iQka)7 kia-ka whiah:way you go this:way-¢ 'Whiah way are you going? This way '.

(5.137) nakalicajan )1in-t i laj i-ka ma cumpa-ka? i)1cij i naa how you-erg kill-¢ kangaroo hit there

Qa-lu �t i a-ku (i)1c i = 'to hit with a missile ') I-erg stone-erg 'How did you ki ll the kangaroo? I hit him with a stone '.

Polar interrogat ives are expressed, ( a ) by using interrogat ive in tonation, ( b ) with wi i or wi Ii, or ( c ) naka •

(5. 138) )1in-t i a-Qi-la? nakaakuwa )1in-ti Qai la-mi -ka7 you-erg comp-me-hit why you-erg me hit-future-¢ 'Are you going to hit me? Why are you going to hit me? '

(5.139) wi i )1ini pulura ini7 query you good be 'Are you being good? '

(5.140) wi I i )1in-ti waku-ka ciaj i-mpa-n7 query you-erg skin-¢ take out/off-perf-you 'Have you taken the skin off? '

No significance appears to attach to the distinction between wi i and wi T i; both occur with intransitive and transitive verbs for instance. wi i may simply be wi li with I deleted in accordance with the tendency to delete consonants between like vowels ( see §2.13.).

5. 13. INDEFINITES

The interrogatives are not used as indefinites as in some languages . Qarpa is the indefinite 'some areature '. Qarpa ...• QarpaQara may be used for '(the)one ..... (the)other '. minaQara is 'something '. minaQara is also used in a way that corresponds to our use of terms like 'whatahamaaallit ' and there is a verb form minaQarama 'to whatahamaaallit '. Qarpa and minaQara dec line like regular nouns .

CHAPTER 6

WORD ORDER AND THEMAT IC STRUCTURE

6.1. IWRD ORDER IN THE SIMPLE SENTENCE

There is a good deal of variation in word order, but it seems that the most frequent patterns for intransitive and transitive sentences are :

( a) intransitive : Si V

(6.1) wampa caa i I)ka girt here go 'The girt goes '.

( b ) transitive A P V

(6.2) macumpa caa l)ai �al)a kangaroo here me saw 'The kangaroo saw me ' .

However , the pattern A V P is fairly common too . Ver bless sentences occur too of course:

(6.3) pini caa jafli you here white man 'You are a white man '.

Often the topic is set off from the co mment by caa or naa as in the examples ab ove . paa may also be used but only if there is reference to a location relatively distant from the speaker, whereas caa and naa need not have any deictic function ( see §3.2.4.).

(6.4) l)arkun paa iuna l)ampuiat i watt there run disappear 'The wattaroo is running away '.

caa and naa seem to be used also as 'hesitation fillers '. For example , an informant in translating a difficult English sentence will oft en use caa or naa in front of each group of words trans lated. They are also

107 108 used for prosodic effect . In the following example, for ,instance, the function of caa is to balance kunt u and more important ly to set off the second phonologi cal phrase from the first .

(6.5) nan-ku �! ia7 who-dat money 'Whose money is it?' kuntu I)a-ci-ka, caa j a,ni - i not me-dat - ¢ here white man-dat 'It 's not mine, it 's the white man 's ' .

Adverbs and adverb-like noun phrases (e.g. locat ives) tend to follow V, A P V, A V P patterns listed ab ove . Negatives and interro the S i gatives , however, are virtually always in sent ence-initial position .

(6.6) kuntu pin-t i apa puiur-ka, pint i apa iUl)umpiri not you-erg gave good-¢ you-erg gave bad 'You didn 't give him good (food). You gave him bad (food ) '.

Locat ive phrases are often accompanied (preceding or fo llowing) by an adverb expressing a specific orientation :

(6. 7) iuar nt ia-pia pi r i Ua snake roak-loc on top 'The snake is on the roak '.

6.2. NOUN PHRASE

Within the noun phrase the modifier (determined semantically) normally follows the head :

(6.8 ) pini i I)ka nt ia-ana- jaun-kuua you go �t-all big-all 'You 're going to the big mountain '.

However, demonstratives and adncminal dat ives normally precede the head :

(6.9) I)a-iu pini cipa-j i at i -uiu ipci-mi I-erg you this-erg meat-erg hit-fut 'I'll hit you with this meat '.

(6.10) I)a-ci pap ipi miua l)aramaj i-pcal)u ka riji-pcal)� muru-u me-dat f's m whatahamaaallit-hab it alean-habit c a�p - dat 'My granny whatahamaaa llits ...eh ...al eans the aamp '.

It is common , particularly with ergative noun phrases, to split the constituents, often by putting one (or more) in sentence initial position and the other (or others) in sentence final position:

(6.ll) I)a-ci-ka ku la-j i 1 aj i iuar malia japacara-iu me-dat- ¢ fa:'erg kiH snake mob alever-erg 'My alever fa ther killed the snakes '. 109

Note that all constituents of a noun phrase , wh ether they are separated or not , receive the case marking appro priate to the syntac tic function of the phrase as a whole. The only exceptions are dative adj uncts which are somet ime s not marked , particularly in A function , as in the precedin g and the following examples:

(6.12) I)a-cil ku !a-j i a�ka-mani i-iu !aj i caa iUl)umpiri me-dat fa - erg aiZ- imperf-erg kiZZ here bad 'My sick fa ther kiZZed the bad man '.

Besides noun phrases consisting of demonstrative and/or nominal head and/or nominal modifier there is a type consisting of a non-s ingular personal pronoun fo llowed by a nominal further specifying the reference of the pronoun. Thus I)a!i kUl)i, literally 'me:two wife ' means 'my wife and I', kUl) i specifying th e non first-person referent of I)a!i.

I)a!i pini 'you and I' I) a! i j ap i 'the white man and I' I)a! i mua�l)u-wapc ir 'my cousin and I' (mua�l)u 'cou8in ' - wapcir (see §5.2.7.3.) iina julpaj apaia 'they, a fa ther and his 8on8 ' (see §5.2.7.3.)

6.3. VERB PHRASE

The verb phrase consists of a verb or of two (or more?) verbs struc turally in parallel, i.e. sharing the same tense/aspect , vo ice, mood and transit ivity (e.g. -t i, -pcama-) marking. In mo st instances the verbs are semantically equipollent , i.e. there is no head and no modifier.

(6. 13) I)ampu caa I)a-iu at i -ka pipcij i piUip u niji comp ZeteZy here I-erg meat-¢ cut chop 'I chopped up aZZ the meat '.

(6.14) kupal)uru caa I)a-iu �apa nu-pcaani-cin anka-cin oZd man here I- erg saw iie-contin-part aiZ-part 'I saw the oZd man Zying down iZZ'.

(6.15) pi !a-pi!a ma tu-upci-ja-ku I)aniamaj i -na papcaj i-na child mo-hi8-lig-dat look for - past very- past 'The child 8earched hard for his mother '.

It is possible that the parallel verbs represent separate constituents of the sentence or of a predicate phrase rather than of a verb phrase. However, I can find no instance where one of the verbs but not the other is modified by an adverb . llO

6.4. CO-ORDINAT ION OF NOUN PHRASES

Two or more noun phrases may be joined by -jana (and) suffixed to the non-initial phrase or phrases, or to all the phrases.

(6.16) iti-ji marapa i-1u-jana pi !a-pi!a laj i-na man-erg woman-erg-and chiZd hit-past 'The man and the woman hit the chiZd '.

Noun phrases may also be coordinated without any conj unction. Where reference is made to the part of a whole, it is normal to use nominals in apposition for the whole and the part respectively. Previous ly I reported these whole-plus-part sequences (e.g. Qarkun 1a pantu 'waZZaroo foot ' i.e. 'waZZaroo 's foot ') as constituting a noun phrase. However, Tsunoda has point ed out that each nominal probab ly represents a separate phrase and can be modified independently of the other. The appositive nominals are not necessarily juxtaposed, but it is normal in Kalkatungu for constituents of a noun phrase to be separated with the modifier being nominalised. See (6.11).

6.5. COMPLEX SENTENCES

Complex sentences have been described in chapters four and five . Here is a check list of types of subordinate clause :

(a) favourite construction (b) , lest ' construction (c) participial clauses (i) -p in (11) -man1 i (d) temporal/relat ive clauses (e) -pcaaja clauses (f) time clauses in -pin, -pinta

This leaves the fo l lowing construction undescrib ed since there is no morphological peg to hang it on .

6.5.1. INVEPENVENT CLAUS E AS P

The verbs punpaj i ('to ask'), pant iji ('to inform '), pat i ('to order, to inform ') occur with independent clauses functioning as their PATIENT.

(6.17) punpa-ja caa marapa i 1unt i j i pa-j i Qa-c i cutu ask-imp here woman take that-erg me-dat coo Zaman 'Ask that woman if she took my cooZaman '.

(6.18) Qa-1u pini pat i -na Qa-ci matu iQka-mi Qa-cina I- erg you teZZ-past me-dat mo go-fut me-al l 'I toZd you my mother was coming to (see) me '. 111

However, if the P of the governing verb represent s the negative of a command, the negat ive is expressed by kuntu not wa nta.

(6.19) Qa-iu rini pat i-na kuntu Qai -ka �uwa-Qi I-erg you tel l-past not me-¢ 8ee:imp-me 'I to ld you not to look at me '. (but note that 'don 't' is normally expressed by wanta)

A few examples occur in which the verb of the P clause is marked by - r in.

(6.20 ) rin-t i Qa i kuntu pat i -na caa cutu rin-t i mani-rin you - erg me not tell-past here coolaman you-erg take-part 'You didn 't tell me you had taken the coo laman '.

6.5.2. WORV ORVER IN COMPLEX SENTENCES

The favourite construction, the 'lest ' construction and the -rcaaja constructions regularly follow the main clause of the sentences in which they occur . -rin and -manii clauses follow the main clause if they qualify P in the main clause but they may be embedded following the 8 i or A of a main clause; similarly, 'relative ' clauses in QU ...... ii almost always fo llow the main clause. Whereas the word order of independent clauses exhibits a good deal of variation, there tends to be a fairly rigid word order in subordinat e clauses. In the favourite construction, for instance, the word order is:

AGENT complement iser + bound pronouns verb " " " " PATIENT With the 'lest ' construction the verb is almost always sentence final . There are insufficient examples of 'lest ' constructions with P repre sen ted by a noun phrase to make it clear whether P always precedes ana or kuou (see §� .4.) as one would expect by analogy with the favourite construction . A seems to come first in the 'lest ' construction . The verb is always sentence final in QU .....ii constructions, but there are too few examples of noun phrases in this construction to indi cate how fixed their position might be . Where QU or Quoa occur functioning as relative pronouns they seem to occur as the second constituent in the QU clause , the order being NP QU verb :

(6.21) araka paka i rin-t i Qu-na Qaniamaj i-ka utupa where it you-erg rel-acc find-¢ fr og 'Where '8 the frog you found?' 112

The word order within -p in clauses se ems to exhibit some variat ion and since most of the -maQ1 i clauses are intransitive not much can be said about their word order. Two dominant tendencies that can be found in subordinate clauses are :

( a ) the verb is almo st always clause-final whereas in independent clauses the patterns VS i and AVP are not too uncommon. ( b) a grammat ical particle or part icle-pIus-bound pronoun appears regularly as the second constituent of a subordinate clause if there is a non-verb constituent present :

1 2 3 adverb ) a- verb oblique NP ana + bound pronoun A kUQu P uQu I)U

6.6. COMPOUND SENTENCES

Simple sentences may be coordinated simply by using the non-rising non-falling final intonat ion contour (/�/) on the non-init ial sentences of the sequence.

(6.22) pini-ka 1una • I)a-c i ku la-ka ma nu you-� run me-dat fa�¢ stow 'You are faster than my fa ther '.

(6. 23) pini I)a i -I)u pi la-pi]a I)a i kupal)uru you me-loc ahi td I otd man 'I'm otder than you'. (6.24) caa-ka jaun ulujan-ka I)arpal)a ra kataku .lu here-¢ big eagte-¢ other sma n 'The eagte is the biggest bird of att'.

Overt co-ordinators are not common . -j ana ('and ') may be used to co ordinate sentences ( see §5 .7. ), in which case it is suffixed to the first word of the co-ordinated clause . A compound sentence may be formed by omit ting Si or A from the non init ial clause.

(6.25) paa-miakaja il)ka-Qa • laj i-na that - plural go-past hit - 'Those went , hit

In such a construction or indeed in any co-ordinate construction , there does not seem to be any evidence of the ergat ive princ ip le we 113 find operating in subordinate clauses. We do not have a choice between using -j i or omitting it . We cannot co-ordinate on the basis of P being referential with 8 or with A. In (6.25) there is no possibility of i omit ting -j i from laj i to give the meaning 'were hit'. To express 'went and got hit ' one would have to introduce Qa rpa as an indefinite agent .

(6.2 6) paa-miakaja i Qka-ua , Qa rpa-lu laj i -na that-plural go-past inde f-erg hit-past 'They went and someone hit them '.

Co-ordination is most commonly effected by a combinat ion of inton ation and bound pronouns. Essent ially we have independent sentences co-ordinated only inasmuch as the non-final clauses of the sentence are marked by /+/. Where clauses are so coordinated, it is normal to repre sent 8 and A by the 8 /A set of bound pronouns (§3.3. ) in the non i i initial clauses. These bound pronouns may be used in a sentence-initial clause or indeed in any independent clause. P may also be repre sented by a bound pronoun but the series of P pronouns appears to be defective .

The first person and third person singular in 8i or A function is repre sented by zero.

(6. 27) mpaja kuntu Qanlama i-ua Qurkuna it i -na-mpa-uu you:2 not find-past empty-h return-past-perf-you :2 'You two didn 't find any and you came back empty-handed '.

(6.28 ) marapa i -lu �ara that caa , iQka-ua-ju lumparara-a, woman-erg saw that here go-past-they:2 Zizard-dat iti-n tiji- na-j u ,laj i-ju lumparara return-tr-past-they:2 kiZZ-they:2 Zizard 'The women saw that. They went for the Zizard, brought it back and ki ZZed it '.

(6.29) ma rapa i-lu Qa i laj i ka ki-jan-pun iji-Qi woman- erg me hit wound-con-tr-me 'The woman hit me and wounded me '.

The verb of non-init ial clauses de s cribing a sequence of actions may be suffixed by -mpa.

( 6 .30) caa Qa-lu man ij i luar-ka jarari man ij i -mpa laa wakini here I-erg get snake-r6 taiZ get-seq now spin laj i -mant ij i-mpa mu-lu hit-with seq ground-loc 'I get the snake by the taiZ, get it and ki ZZ it by whipping it on the ground '. 114

6.7. THEMAT IC STRUCTURE

The preceding generalisations about word order were made without reference to thematic structure . A consideration of the thematic struc ture brings out two clear princ ip les:

( a ) the topic precedes the comment

( b ) the sentence-initial position is one that can be used for focus. Consider for example sentences such as the following where the specific precedes the generic , the specific obviously representing the topic .

(6.31) pi r ili caa kupal)uru Nyirili here old man 'Nyirili is an old man '.

(6. 32) kunka paa pinpiri tree there coolibah 'That tree is a coolibah '.

All other things being equal, A precedes P. However, most of the well-known topicalisation tendencies override this underlying order. If A is inanimate or indefinite it tends to follow P, particularly if P is human , most especially if it is first person.

(6. 33) I)a i -ka un1aj i kuu-I)ku I-¢ soak rain-erg 'I got caught in the rain '.

(6.34) caa juniu I)a-c i iuku piliipunij i cipa-j i nt i a-ku here arm me-dat dog crush this-erg rock-e rg I)uji-pi n-tu fa ll-past - erg 'The fa l ling rock crushed my dog 's paw'.

(6.35) caa pussycat I)a-ci I)a rpa-iu laj i here cat me-dat someone-erg kill 'Someone killed my cat '. 'My cat got ki lled'.

The use of I)ac i following its head is unusual.

Regarding point ( b ) , that the sentence-init ial position may be used for focus , the fo llowing examples are offered. The focus will often be in its 'normal' posit ion within the comment , but almost as often it is moved to the front of the sentence. In the first example, ipciji is in focus. Note that la -, the verb used in the question , me an s 'hit by contact ' or 'kill ' and it is used where the details of hitting or killing are not known . ipci on the other hand means 'to hit wi th a missile ' or 'to chop ': 115

(6.36) nakaiicajan pin-t i laj i-ka macumpa-ka? how you-erg kit L-¢ kangaroo-¢ 'How did you ki n the kangaroo? i pc i j i naa I)a -iu I)t i a-ku hit here I-erg stone-erg 'I hit him with a stone '.

(6.37) pipan i caa juru clever here man 'He's cLever that bloke '.

(6.38 ) ca-I)kajal)u ma � a I)a i il)ka-na kua-lal)u this-ab1 now I go-past creek-ab1 'This is the creek I came from (this morning) '.

cipa-j i kunka-ku I a i caa iuar, cal)kaaii this-erg stick-erg hit here snake here nu-pcaani-cin anii ija iie-contin-part mouth: 1oc 'This is the stick I used to hit the snake who was lying in the doorway '. ('With this stick I hit ... ')

(6.39) L.M. l)a-1u I)ul urmaj i wa ka r i I- erg catch fish· 'I caught [some ] fish '.

M.M. wa ka r i man i j i I)a-c i -wa-iu marapa i-iu ; malta fish get me-dat- 1ig-erg woman-erg mob wakari man i j i I)a-c i -wa -iu marapa i-iu fish get me-dat -1ig-erg woman-erg 'ffy wife got [ some] fish; my wife got a lot of fis1 (6.40) B.B. nami pi la-pi .la at ij i how many chi ld produce 'How many children does she have?'

M.M. kurpa i cipa-j i at ij i three this-erg produce , She has three '.

(6.41) B.B. 'How would you catch ut il) ar?'

M.M. jalpi-I)ku ,jalpi-I)ku I)a-iu laj i ut il)a r-ka net-erg net-erg I-erg kill emu-¢ 'With a net, I kill emus with a net '. Oaj i is not to be taken literally)

(6.4 2) M.M. nani pi n-t i pat i -na? who you-erg ten -past 'Who did you ten? ' L.M. i k i I)a-iu pat i -na Hickey I-erg teLL- past 'I to ld Hickey ..... , 116

(6.43) B.B. 'Where were you born? '

M.M. jami l i- jami l i-ii I)a i I)a-c i mat u-ju OZd HammerZy�loc me me-dat mo-erg 'At OZd HammerZy my mother had me '.

(6.44) macumpa nakaii pin-t i laji ? kangaroo how you-erg kiZZ 'The kangaroo. How did you kiZZ it? ' jalpi-pia naa I)a-iu laj i net-loc here I-erg kiZZ 'I caught in a net '.

Note in (6.44) that ma cumpa appears outside the sentence as a preposed topic . This familiar device is not unc ommon in Kalkatungu.

6.8. DELETING A AND P

Since third person singular is represented normally by zero, there will be many examp les of independent clauses with no overt A or P even apart from elliptical sentences . However, apart from this , it seems that one can omit an indefinite A. Thus one finds sentences such as,

(6.45) I)a-ci ku la naa kat iji-na I)iii me-dat fa ther here bury-past here 'My fa ther was buried here '.

I)aci ku la (it would be represented in However, in (6.45) is P not Si the accusative if realised as a bound pronoun) . I think we must con sider that there is a third person A present , realised by zero . Apparently this zero third person form can be used for an indefinite A. This choice of an inde finite A and the related fact that I)aci kula in (6.45) is topic give the impression that this is an intransitive pass ive like sentence. However, structurally it is transitive. Any examples of the omi ssion of an indefinite P involve the anti passive, e.g. ma !u ,t,uj i 'mother cooks '. CHAPTER 7

KALKATUNGU IN COMPARATIVE/HISTOR ICAL PERSPECTIVE

7.1. CLA SSIFICATION BY LEXICOSTATISTICS

In 1966 O'Grady , Wurm and Hale published a lexicostatistical classi fication of Australian languages based on the 'percentage of cognate lexical items ' (O'Grady and Klokeid 1968: 298) that languages had in common. The classification appeared in the form of a map (see referen ces), but a list of Australian languages classified as on the map appeared in Anthropo logical Linguistics 8 :2. The methods used to arrive at the classification are described in O'Grady and Klokeid 1968. A revised version of the classification appeared in Wurm 1972. The classification has been strongly criticised by Dixon (1972: 337) on the grounds that it takes too little account of borrowing, but never theless the classification provides a useful orientat ion . O'Grady and co . classify two communalects sharing over 70 per cent of vocabulary in common as dialects of the same language . Communalects sharing between 51 per cent and 70 per cent are classified as languages of the same subgroup; those sharing between 15 per cent and 25 per cent are classified as members of the same family, and those sharing less than 15 per cent are classified as members of separate families . The classification recognises 29 families (27 in Wurm's revision ) with one family , the Pama-Nyungan, covering over two-thirds of the continent and the other 2 8 (26 in Wurm) being concentrated in a contin uous bloc running from Dampier Land in Western Australia to the western coast of the Gulf of Carpentaria in north-west Queensland . As can be observed from the map , the Pama-Nyungan family has an enclave in north east Arnhem Land. Kalkatungu is classified by O'Grady and co . as the sole member of the Kalk atungic Group within the Pama-Nyungan family. Since Kalkatungu is on the norther n periphery of the Pama-Nyungan area and since from casual observation it appears to lack many of the

117 118 well-known widespread Pama-Nyungan words such as tina 'foot ' and ma ra 'hand ',it is intere sting to check to see if Kalkatungu really is Pama Nyungan. The following figures indicate the proportion of words Kalkatungu shares with it s neighbours and near neighbours. The fir st figure in each entry, the vulgar fra ction, indicates the actual number of items that were common to the lists being compared and the actual number of items compared. The second figure expresses this ratio as a percentage. The figures were obtained by comparing as many items as possible from a variety of sources. The entry listed as 'Curr 97' is the vocabulary numbere d 97 in Curr and presented as a vocabulary of 'Mykoolan ' (/mayikulan/) . However, neither the location nor the actual words given tally with what we know from other sources for mayikulan. The location is given as 'between the Gregory and Leichardt [sic] Rivers '. Providing they were well up along these rivers (i.e. well to the south), the speakers of vocabulary 97 would have been neighbours or near neighbours of the Kalkatungu . The language of 97 is clearly of the Mayiyapi type, i.e. related to Mayikutuna , Mayiyapi , Ngawun , Mayikulan, Mayithakurti and Wunamara . It also contains the highest percentage of what are fairly obviously loan words from Kalkatungu of any of the Mayiyapi-type sources. This suggests that the name Mayikulan is incorrect as Mayikulan was certainly not contiguous with Kalkatungu. The locat ion given in Curr suggests that it belongs in the southern part of Mayikutuna territory and indeed it contains a few distinctively Mayikutuna terms such as muta 'bad ', yirman 'man ' and muni 'tongue '. I will leave it as simply Curr 97 but the pattern of shared vocabulary items , not only items shared with Kalkatun gu but also with other Mayiyapi-type communalects, suggests that it is probably 'southern May ikutuna'.

Kalkatungu and Wanyi 5/150 3% " " Mayiyapi 32/200 16% " " 'Curr 97' 24/109 26% " " Mayithakurti 38/150 25% " " Wunamara 22/100 22% " " Guwa 30/200 15% " " Yanda 15/102 15% " " Yalarnnga 71V167 43% " " Warluwara 22/900 2% " " Bularnu 9/200 5% " " Yaruwinga 3/150 2% 119

These are raw figures with no allowance for probable borrowings . Each comparison involves two non-lexical items , namely the roots for 'I' and 'you '. In those cases where these two words could not be found, they were assumed to be cognate with Kalkatungu. The roots, Qa- 'I' and N Yu-NY i 'you ', are found in practically every Pama-Nyungan language and can be found in languages or dialects closely related to those sources in which we find they are not recorded. The following lists give the words that are common to Kalkatungu and each of the neighbouring languages I compared Kalkatungu with. The items marked by a cross (X) to the left of Kalkatungu entry are those which I consider to be loan words as opposed to genuine cognates or old borrowings . There are doubtless phonetic inaccuracies in these lists but this should not affect the figures based on a comparison of these lists.

Wanyi

English Wanyi Kalkatungu I Qaka Qaj I you n I pc I pint I crow waakula X wa ka!a, waaka !a corroboree cUl)pa 1 cUl)pa {'jump '} rock wa l. l.aby Qa! I Qa! I X Qa ! I Qa! I

Mayiyapi

English Mayiyapi Kalkatungu young man japljlri X japarlrl fa ther 's mother pa pi X papl(pl) hair wa rumpu wa rupu eye mill mlHI beard jan pa r j al)par stomach waj lr wa lra {'heart'} Qapura putu {'stomach '} navel. cUQku c I I Qku excrement wan1u, wana unu sores ka k I kak I kangaroo macumpa , kuru X macumpa wal. l.aroo Qarkunu X Qarkun kangaroo rat c I ka 1 X clkal {'bandicoot '} bandicoot plkura, wun l X plkura fZying fox mUQur mup l {'bat '} fish pal pl , wakaj l wak arl 120

eaglehawk kuri1ala X kuri1ala wi1-d turkey parkamu , 1urul)a X parkamu kookaburra/jackass carul) kul X ca rul)kul('jackass '} crow 1ul)upar i, waja wa ka!a, waaka !a black duck karapa , plntura X karapa ('duck ') f1- y m I 11) a, pi mu1 X m I 11)a feather ku11 X ku1 1 sun kukuru, plpcamu ? wanaka, plpcamu thunder janparl , pa r I janplrl('l ightning '} stone m I 1)1I I)t la tree kUl)ka, puku kunka grass ka1 lr/kaclra X ka1ir jalkup boomerang jalkaparl X jalkaparl woomera j I 1 man X j u 1 ma n shield jampuru X jampuru meat ka1i at i big jakun jawun dark wa rai)ka etc . wat al)ka black ma rcln X mac ln, ma rcln sit, stay j I n I I n I

see nama I) a- three kurpara, kurpaj l kurpa l I I) aj I ku I)aI you j unt u pinI, plntl

Curr 97

English Curl' 97 Kalkatungu wa l laroo I)arkun X I)arkun pe 1-ican wa 1 k I r I pa r i X wa 1 k i r i pa r i white cockatoo jawura\�ari X jaui ra crow wukan X ukan ,wakan,waka !a mosquito mlka X mika�a, ml kaa fly m I 11)a X m i 11)a three kurpaJ I kurpai younger sib 1-ings kacakura kacaku!u ('small ') young man uparlpcl X uparlpcl baby pi! ap i ] a X pi!ap I!a head kan1ar kan1a eye mil i ml Hi ear pln a in1a [normal], plna [rare ] hair wa rumpu wa rupu 121

beard janpar grass kaiir x exarement kuna unu reed spear kunkun kunka woomera julman X julman shield miii r 1 miiar tomahawk ma r i X ma ria star cirka X cirka dark waral)ka watal)ka day ni la/nila iAa I I) aj iku I) ai (nominative ) you j uwantu pinti (ergative ) sit j i n i - ini ( ' remain ' )

Mayithakurti

English Mayithakurti Kalkatungu young man japariri X japar iri fa ther 's mother pa pin X pa pi ( p i ) mother-in-law wapuiu X wa puiu hair wa rumpu wa rupu eyebrow miAcirin mi li i ('eyes ') beard janpar jal)par elbow jurumuku jurumuku breasts I) amakura ,iampu I) amana ('chest ') stomaah I) a pu r a put u big toe cana mat u piku('nail') ma !u exarement wunt u wunu kangaroo macumpa X macumpa mal)urul)u wal laroo I) arkun x I) a rkunu kangaroo rat I) a! i I)a! i X I) a! il)a! i ('rock wallaby ') eahidna( 'poraupine ') wac inan X wac inaan, curujan plain goanna mampurupari X mampu ( r u ) pa r i ( 'prentie ') lizard wa l kaatu X wa l kaatu eaglehawk kurilala X kuriiala type of hawk kaca pari X kacapi wild turkey pa rkam X pa rkamu peliaan wa l kiripari X wa lkiripari aorella kulura X ku luta blaak duak ka r a pa X karapa ('duck ') spider kupu X kupu fly mi 11)a X m i 11)a 122

mosquito mi kaja, liwir X mika�a flock pigeon ciruwal i X curuwal i thunder janpari jan piri('lightning '} water japu, kunu kuu grass kal i r X kaiir, etc. boomerang jalkapari X jalkapa�i woomera j u 1 rnan X j u 1 rnan nulla ia limpiri X ia limpiri shield mila X miiar stone knife kal)ka�i, kampu X kanka�i axe rna r i j a X rna ria little kacakuru,etc . kacaku!u sit, stay j ini ini see nal) ( k ) ama ,:! a three kurpa ia kurpai I 7 I)a i you 7 r i n i

Wunamara

English Wunamara Ka1katungu fa ther 's sister kUl)i X kUl)i ('wife ') fa ther 's mother papin X pa pi( pi) head kania kanla hair wa rumpu wa � upu eye mi 1 i mi Hi beard janpar ja,:!par breasts I)amakura I)ama':la ('chest') stomach I)a pura putu vulva j uri 1 a X i r i 1 a excrement wuntu unu wal laroo I)a rkun X I) a rk un bandicoot pikura X pikura plain goanna mampurupari X mampu( ru) par i ('prentie ') Zizard wa l kaatu X wa lkaatu eaglehawk kuriiala X kuri1ala crow warkaran X wa k a!a, wakan galah ki lawuru X ki lawuru fly mi ll)a X mi ll)a mosquito mikaja X mika � a flock pigeon ciruwali X curuwali woomera julman X j ulman 123

nul.l.a ia l impi ri X ia limp iri I I)ai you Jl ini

Guwa

English Guwa Ka1katungu fa ther kupa kupa, kupakupa, kupal)uru ('ol.d man ') head kaia kauia el.bow juricimu jurumuku breast :t,ampu, I)amana I) amana ('chest') stomach ma ( ji) ca , puru put u testes I) utu I) ut u anus mi r I, m iii miiinii fa eces kuna unu body hail' pUJlcu pUJlcu l.ightning rUl)ka rUl)ka('thunder'} thunder wa �t i, janpiri janpiri('l.ightning '} kangaroo macumpa X macumpa mal)kurul)u wa l.l.aroo I)arkuna X I)arkun fish wakan i, pa lpl waka r i sand goanna paripara X paripari( ' carpet snake '} brol.ga kuliuru X kuliuur pe l.1:can wa lkiripar i etc.x wa lkiripari eagl. ehawk kuriiala etc . X kur iiala kite-hawk kaca pa r i X kacap i crow waka�a X waka!a, waaka !a gal.ah ki lawu ru X kilawu ru k i I aJlci wil.d turkey parkamu X parkamu egg kuiu kuiu cool.ibah rnaka r u X makaru gidyea pacara X pacara shiel.d kunpara,jampuru X jampuru stone knife kankari X kankari dil.l.y bag pUl)ku pUl)kuwa ri fishing net mukuwari X mukuwari tomahawk parampara X warampata three kurpara kurpa i go away kanta kaanta see !laka �a- 124

I I) aja I) a i you int u fl ini

Yanda

English Yanda Ka1katungu kangaroo maiumpa X macumpa brotga pura l ka X pu r alku, etc . crow wa ka ! a X waka!a, waaka !a egg kuiu kuiu fish wakar i 7 wa ka r i crayfish iumpan X iumpan eye m i j i I milii hair pUflCU pUfl CU ('body hair ' ) stomach puru putu excrement kuna unu tomahawk wa rampaia wa rampaia I I) aflca I)a i you inpa fl i n i meat kat i at i sit (and 'remain'?) !!.ina in i ( 'remain ' ) eagLehawk ku r it iii X kuriia la

Ya1arnnga

English Ya1arnnga Ka1katungu push al)ka X al)ka this ca la caa naveL c i j i I) ku X c i i I) ku spear c i I ka X c i I ka star cirka , puturul)u XX c i rka , puturul)u nose jici(j ic:i ) i c i flCi now, today j i la Ii it<.a

man j i r i juru - it i berry jalpul)u X jalpul)u big janu jaun yam jal)kata I) kaa far jarka X jarka creek j uka kuwa fLy j umunturu X jumunturu jumunt lri X jumunt iri, miI l) a arm ju!!.iu X ju!!.iu ant juiuiu iii 125

fa ther ka !u kula witchetty grub kapara X kapara wash kari ka r i boy kuj i r i X kuj i r i type of pigeon kul upac i X ku l upac i excrement kuna unu no, not kunt u 7 kunt u water kunu kuu o�d man kupa ( kupa) kupa ( kupa) ,kupal)uru spider kupu X kupu f�ame ku[a 1 i X ku[a! i magpie kuratapu X kuratapu grindstone (�ower) macami la X macami la tired macuri X macuri cooZibah ma ka r u X makaru fo od mao.ia maa unmarried (of men) mao.iawiia X ma �tawiia('sing�e men 's camp ') get ma ni X mani seeds of nut grass mal)aru X mal)a ru mosquito mikara X mikara eye mi Ii miUi b�owfty m i Il)a X m i Il)a breasts mimi mimi camp mutu muu when o.a lal)u o.ial)u who o.anku o.an i sit, remain o.ina in i see ..nani I) a -, �api rock wa L Laby I)a!i I)a ! i X I) a! i I)a!i eat I)ar i a r i wa��aroo I)a rkunu X I)arkun give I)up i ap i etc . wi�d turkey parkamu X parkamu very p

bite !aca ica where to iarimpa la arakani emu feather 1ilij ara x 1 iIi a ra ahop 1il)ka i pc i die wu lal)a u!i fire wacani ucan heart waj ira wa ira that waja paa arow waka !a x waka !a skin, peZt waku X waku hit wa la !a- tomorrow watal)ampa watal)ka {'dark,night '} sing wawi a pi shade wa ! uwa X wa ! uwa tomahawk war ampata X wa rampata meat wa r i at i hail' wa rpun.tu ru wa�upu dark wata ? wata

War1uwara

English War1uwara Ka1katungu oLd man pu!ya uJ kuwuri ('big ') girL wamba ? wampa stone ahiseL kumpal1a ? kumpa1a aooLaman/aorkwood pi 1 i pi! i {aradLe for ' aooking ' pituri in} bag pUl)guwa! i ? pUl)kuwari fishing "line ka tap i watuku forehead mq i ( ka n1a) m i rimi r i armpit kif.ikif.i kif.akif.ama ('tiakl.e ') breast I)ama I)amal)a {'ahest '} vagina 1in1ini ? 1inti exarement kuna unu be sLow mal)uri mal)u wa L l.aroo I)arkul)u X I)a rkun duak cipif.a X kipuf.u/cipuf.u {'duak/ whistLer duak '} duak/wood duak 1lpi!i 7 :I:.i pi f. i arow wa ku!a X waka!a wil.l.y wagtai L cinticinti 7 cintipir snake 1uwana 1uar 127

frog cara lku x ca ra lku tree, stick j uy u juku ('spear ') coo l.ibah ka ! aca x ka ! aca gidyea kijalpari X kialpari ('west,chestnut ' (of horses) )

yeHow ochre pa ru X pa ru shade wa! pac i wa ! uwa sit, stay flina ini where ;t,ara ara when nal)a�9a nianta I I) ana I)a i you j i pa fl ini

Bularnu

English Bularnu 'Kalkatungu snake ;t,uwat i 1 ;t,uar I I) a�a I) ai you jip a fl i n i forehead miti ( kan;t,a) m i rimi r i eyebrow mil iIir i mil;t.i ( ' eyes ') faeces kuna unu crow wakula X waka !a ga'lah k i 1 ak i 1 a X kilauru, k i 1 ak i 1 a wi'ld orange wa !ac i X wa taci sma'l'l ;t,apukutu ;t,a p ikula, kataku!u who I) an i nan i dig pai i wa;t,ukati

Yaruwinga

English Yaruwinga Kalkatungu teeth at iyin;t,a at in;t,a I 7 I) a i you 7 fl ini The following figures indicate the percentages of vocabulary Kalka tungu shares with its neighbours after probable borrowings have been excluded. The preceding lists contain some pairs of similar forms that differ somewhat in meaning betwee� Kalkatungu and the other language involved in the comparison. Th ese Here not counted as plus in arriving at the original figures and hence have not been subtracted if thought to reflect borrowing. Thus kUl)i 'father 's sister ' in Wunamara is probably 128 a borrowing shared with Kalkatungu kUl)i 'wife ', kinship terms conunonly being borrowed. However, the discrepancy in the glosses rules them out as examples of related forms for a common content item. In some cases discrepancies in glosses were dismissed as inaccuracies in the sources.

Kalkatungu and Wanyi 2/150 1% " " Mayiyapi 19/200 10% " " Curr 97 11V109 11% " " Mayithakurti 13V150 9% " " Wunamara 9/100 9% " " Guwa 17V200 9% " " Yanda 8/102 8% " " Yalarnnga 38V167 23% " " Warluwara 15/900 2% " " Bularnu 6/200 3% " " Yaruwinga 3/150 2% Kalkatungu shares a much higher percentage of its vocabulary with Yalarnnga than with any other language . Indeed it is only this figure that enables Kalkatungu to gain membership in the Pama-Nyungan family according to the criteria of O'Grady and co . Remember that two corrumuna lects must share at least 15 per cent of their vocabulary to be members of the same fami ly. Since Kalkatungu shares 23 per cent with Yalarnnga, Kalkatungu and Yalarnnga represent separate groups within the same family and Yalarnnga is Pama-Nyungan having 27 per cent in conunon with Yanda which in turn has 31 per cent in conunon with Guwa and so on. The Pama-Nyungan family is determined by chaining languages together. The vast mass of conununalects covering the southern three-quarters of Australia can be chained together as a fami ly where every member shares at least 15 per cent in conunon with at least one other member. Kalka tungu scrapes into the family by virtue of its relationship with Yalarnnga and Yalarnnga by virtue of its relationship with Yanda. Yanda has a strong lexical relationship with Guwa (37%) and Kunggari (35%) ( Breen 1971: 82) . Guwa and Kunggari have strong lexical links with a number of other languages of the Pama-Maric Group ( Breen 1971) . The relat ionship of Kalkat ungu to other Pama-Nyungan languages can be shown diagranunat ically to be of the following kind : 129

Kalkatungu I 23I Yalarnnga I 27 / Yanda / � 37 35 // � Guwa Kunggari //\ /I�

The O'Grady and co . method depends rather too much on the presence of certain links to establish the clas s ification. As can be seen from this diagram, Yalarnnga , and therefore Kalkatungu, would not have been admitted to the Pama-Nyungan family if we did not have some Yanda material . In fact we have only one source, Curr list No .103. Yet Yalarnnga is a very typical Pama-Nyungan language , having a fair number of lexical roots that are widespread in Australia and particularly common in the Pama-Nyungan area, and more importantly, it has a morpho-syntactic system that is typically Pama-Nyungan both in structure and in the form of some of its function morphemes.

7.2. THE PATTERN OF BORROWINGS

A comparison of the lists given above reveals that Kalkat ungu was involved in borrowing with its northern , eastern and southern neighbours but hardly at all with its western neighbours . It is often possible to pick borrowed items because of their geographical distribution, phono logical identity and their semantic scope . Lexi cal items for fauna, flora, artefacts and kin are commonly found distributed over an area irrespective of the boundaries between sub-groups, groups and families, irrespective of the relative similarity between the languages in the area. Phonologi cal identity, making allowances for some changes that are consequent on the phonemotactic constraints of particular languages, is a likely marker of borrowing . In a favourab le case phonological ident ity is a strong marker of borrowing. Tn the case of Yalarnnga and Kalkatungu, we find that Kalkatungu has undergone a number of phono logical changes not shared by Yalarnnga . This means that words found in Yalarnnga and Kalkatungu that reflect the phonological changes in 130

Kalkatungu can be ascribed to an older period, being part of the common genetic inheritance of the two languages or ancient borrowings . Words that are identical are likely to be more recent borrowings . Some of the putative borrowings marked by a cros s in the tables above are examples of items that are widespread in the area and in these cases it is di fficult to determine the direction of borrowing e.g. parkamu 'wild turkey '. In other cases a word is wide spread in the area and appears to be a borrowing but we find that it is scattered around Australia. Such an item is wakari 'fish '. It is found in Kalkatungu , Mayawarli (related to Pitta-Pitta) , Yanda and Guwa . It is found in Mayikutuna and Mayiyapi as wakay i, presumably with lenition of inter vocalic r, a change at tested elsewhere . It seems as if it may be a borrowing , but when one finds waka ri 'meat ' in Thargari in Western Australia (Klokeid 1969) and scattered here and there over the cont in ent , one realises that we are probab ly dealing with the re flexes of a word that goes back to an ancient proto-language but which appears in similar form because of the phonological similarity of most Australian languages . In the case of putative borrowings between Kalkatungu and communa lects of the Mayiyapic group (see map) , it appears that the main direction of borrowing was from Kalkatungu into the adj acent Mayiyapic communalects. In a number of instances the shared items are found only in those Mayiyapic communalects which bordered on Kalkatungu e.g. oa ! ioa!i 'rook wal laby ' is shared with Mayithakurt i, wa lkiripari 'pelioan ' is shared with Mayithakurti and Curr 97, kupu 'spider ' with Mayithakurti and mi 10a 'fly ' with Mayithakurtu, Wunamara, Curr 97 and Mayiyapi . Mayiyapi was not cont iguous with Kalkatungu and significantly the word pimul is also recorded for 'fly ' in this communalect, a word also recorded in Ngawun , Mayikulan and Mayikutuna . If these are examples of borrowing from Kalkatungu into Mayiyapic the distribution is accounted for. If they are borrowings from Mayiyapic, we would have the difficulty of explaining why the items tend to be found almost exclusively in the communalects cont iguous with Kalkatungu . In the case of items shared by Kalkatungu with Guwa , Yanda and Yalarnnga I am unable to determine the main direction of borrowing with any confidence. In the case of Yaruwinga, Bularnu, Warluwara and Wanyi the only sig nificant feature is the virtual lack of evidence for borrowing. It is not perfectly clear just which languages bordered on Kalkatungu terri tory in the west. The map represent s an amalgam of sources and mainly follows Breen (1971 and p.c.). Breen 's version of the tribal territories differs somewhat from that given in Tindale 1974 . Tindale shows 131

Yaruwinga ( JaroiQa) as having a border with Kalkatungu, but Breen places Bularnu between Yaruwinga and Kalkatungu . Breen's version makes good linguistic sense . It places three obviously related lan guages Wakaya, Bularnu (not shown on Tindale 's map ) and Warluwara in a continuous bloc. Tindale does not show Wanyi (or Waanyi) as having any border with Kalkatungu, but places 'Wa:kabuQa ' between the two. I have no reason to dispute this . I included Wanyi in the lists given above only because the O'Grady and co . map shows Wanyi territory touching Kalkatungu territory at one point . Unfortunately we have no information on Waakabunga . In sum then Kalkatungu exhibits borrowing with the cont iguous comm unalects of the Mayiyapic group,with Guwa (with which it may or may not have had a common border), with Yanda (with which it may or may not have had a common border) and Yalarnnga (with which it certainly had a common border) . Kalkatungu exhibits very little shared vo cabulary with Bularnu and Warluwara. Note in passing that the numb er of Kalkatungu and Warluwara items compared was quite large - 900.

7.3. KA LKATUNGU AND COMMON AUSTRALIAN

Capell (1956, 1962) pointed out that a number of root s are found in every area (but not in every language ) of Australia. He called this common stock 'Common Australian '. Capell (1962:13) produced a map showing the relative concentration of this common stock in various areas . The map demonstrates a number of interesting features such as the fact that the highest concentration of CA vocabulary lies in the desert regions of Western Australia. The distribution of CA and its significance is out side the scope of this study , but since Capell's map does not show particular languages, it is not possible to ascertain the percentage of CA material Capell claims to have found in Kalkatungu , and I there fore include below my estimate. On Capell 's map Kalkatungu lies on an isogloss dividing a less than '40% ' area (to the north and west ) from a '40-49% area (to the south and east) . According to my calculation, Kalkatungu contains 50 per cent of the items on his list .

7.4. SOME PHONOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENTS IN THE HISTORY OF KALKATUNGU

The phonological syst ems of Australian languages can usually be classified as normal or aberrant . The "aberrations" are mostly phono tactic and consist of loss of original initial consonants, which disturbs the normal CVCV shape of roots. Other ab errations include loss of an initial syllable to expose consonant clusters in initial position, and metathe sis of vowels of initial syllables into the second 132 syllable as the corresponding glides, changes which result in some lan guages in some striking initial clusters. For example in Mbara ( southern Cape York , Sutton 1976) , an earlier puri ('fire ') appears as rw i (with loss of the initial consonant and metathesis of u into the second sylla ble where it appears as a glide) . As is well known to Australiani sts, the aberrant languages are con centrated in northern Cape York , southern Cape York ( Sutton ed. 1976 ) and central Australia ( Hale 1962) with a notable pocket in New England ( Crowley 1976). A few languages outside these areas exhibit some aberrations , one of these being Kalkat ungu . Kalkatungu has suffered some loss of initial consonants and some loss of initial syllables, but the changes have not been so radical nor so extensive in the lexicon to have produced the very aberrant effe ct one gets in Arandic or some of the Cape York languages. In general the phonological aberrat ions seem to represent a move to a more marked state and one's first impulse is to look for an historical connection between the various widely separated languages exhibiting what appears to be scant regard for recent theories about phonological universals . However, it seems that these deviations from CVCV-type structures were probably triggered in mo st cases by a shift of stress from the first to the second syllable. Given this stress, the deviations from CVCV are not really so unnatural as can be readily observed in the speech of English speaking children. In any case it quickly becomes obvious that there can be no historical connection between these phono logical development s in different parts of the continent . The distances involved are great ; by and large there are no aberrant languages between these centres of innovation, and more conclus ively, the aberrations can be shown to have taken place in situ since they often affect local ly distribut ed words which show intact reflexes outside the affected area and deviant forms within. Some of these forms could be borrowings from an intact neighbour into an aberrant language with modification to adapt the borrowing to the aberrant phonemotactics but this will not account for all cases. Kalkatungu of course is not too far removed from the Arandic group , but it does share much more vocabulary with the phonologically intact language , Yalarnnga, than with any other language . This suggests that it has been cont iguous with Yalarnnga for some time . It does not dis count the possibility that Kalkatungu was in contact with Arandi c at some past time . The following notes exemplify some of the changes that have taken place in the history of Kalkat ungu . 133

Loss of Initial Consonant

'a fight ' larkun (Mayiyapic Q. ) arkun 'faeces ' kuna (Yalarnnga Q. ,etc.) (w} unu 'meat ' war i (Yalarnnga Q. ) a t i " 'sit ' nin e: ( ) (j) ini " 'eat ' I)ari ( I i) ( ) a r i ( ! i) " 'where ' larV ara , cheek ' I)uku ( Pitj antj atj ara W.A. ) (w} uku " 'big ' pulka ( ) (w) u! k u - uri ( , long ' ) 'ant ' lila (Pitta-Pitta Q. ) (j) i 1 i , louse ' *kulu (proto-Ngayarda W.A.) (w}ulu 'be iH' yal)ka (Yalarnnga Q.) al)ka , enter ' * I)a r a (proto-Paman ,Q.) a ra 'ceremonial knife ' kuji,kujana(Pitta-Pitta Q. ) (w} uj ln 'teeth' yat ila (Mayikulan , Q. ) at i nla (Wunamara, Q. ) The bracketing of initial j and w in the above examples is to draw attention to the fact that the initial dropping is phonological but not entirely phonetic. The phonetic facts are that w is optionally pronoun ced before u at the beginning of words and similarly j before i. Since initial a occurs , I phonemicise words like [unu] or [wunu] and [ini] or [j ini] as lunul and Ii nil respectively and consider that the glide s are derivable from the phonemic fo rm. There is no contrast between forms with the glide and forms without .

Loss of Initial Syllable 'yam ' jal)ka ta (Yalarnnga Q. ) I) kaa (see §3.2.2.) " " " 'hole ' .tal)�u ) ��uu ( ) " 'you two ' numpa I a mpaja , stomach ' I) apu ra (Mayithakurti Q. ) putu , stone ' mi I)�i (Mayiyapi Q. ) I)�ia 'hit, kHl ' wa la- (Yalarnnga Q. ) la -

Assimilation A low vowel in the second syllable has assimilat ed to the high vo wel of the first .

'faeces ' kuna (many other) (w} unu 'sit' NYina (proto C.A.) (j) ini 'big ' pulka ( Pitj antj atj ara W .A.) u!k u-uri ( , Zong , ) 'ant ' l i ia (Pitta-Pitta Q. ) (j) i 1 i 'they two ' pula (Yalarnnga Q.) puj u " 'if' pula ( ) puj u , stomach ' I)apura (Mayithakurti Q. ) put u 134

Loss of Medial Consonants

There are some cases of an intervocalic consonant having been lost between identical vowels.

'water ' kunu (Yalarnnga Q. ) kuu " 'camp ' mutu ) muu " 'food' mania etc. ) maa " 'this ' cala caa " 'yam ' ya1)kata 1)kaa

Independently of this there is a synchronic tendency in Kalkatungu to delete a consonant between like vowels (see §2.13.).

There are some instances of I in the sequence V I a becoming j :

'if' pu la (Yalarnnga) puj u " 'they two ' pula ( ) puj u " 'you two ' nump;J la mpaja " anti-passive - I i -j i ( I before i )

The direction of the change is apparent from the fact that pu la 'two ' or 'they two ' is a widespread form, simi larly forms like numpala with I are common among Pama-Nyungan languages. Moreover Kalkatungu j corresponds to j in a number of other Pama-Nyungan languages . Kalkatungu and Yalarnnga both reflect the common Australian form for 'we two ' as 1) ali rather than 1) al i as expected . The common Aust ralian ergat ive/instrumental allomorph for vowel stems occurs as -!u rather than the expected -Iu, a feature also found in Walbiri ( -!u) , Wagaya ( -! < *!u) and Walmadjari ( -Ju) . See §3.2.2. and §3.2.4. Note also the retention of the liquid in the anti-passive of -Ia class verbs. See §4.1. The following correspondence has also been noted :

VrV <--> Kalkatungu VtV

'meat ' wa r i (Yalarnnga Q. ) ati , stomach ' 1)apura (Mayithakurt i Q. ) put u 'man ' i r i (Yalarnnga Q. ) it i - (ergative stem) juru (nominative)

The numb er of words affected by initial dropping appears to be only a small proportion of the present day vocabulary . In making this 135

assessment I am thinking of the small number of words that can be shown to have lost an initial consonant or syllable, and the sm all number of words that begin with a or with a nasal stop cluster . How ever, if init ial consonant dro pping operated to expose an initial hi gh vowel, its effect would not be not iceable. It is not possible to determine whether initial dropping was con ditioned or whether it operated generally. It may have operated generally, but its effect on the lexicon may have been subsequently obscured by massive borrowing from intact languages. It is possible that it was conditioned and that borrowing from intact languages occurred. It is not possible to set up a series of ordered rules to convert proto-forms into occuring forms , at least not a set of rules that can operate without except ions . Some ordering is clear however . Assimi lation must follow the rule deleting intervocalic consonants between like vowels.

Final dropping

Some years ago ( Blake 1971b ) I suggested that Kalkatungu had lost some final vowels. I made use of this assumption in attempt ing to explain the curious alternations involved in the case of -jan and -1at l ( see §2.10. ). As far as I know Kalkatungu did lose some final vowels and my attempt at explaining the alternation of -jan with -aan and -1at i with -at i is still viable. However, the amount of evidence I have is small. Consider the fol lowing cognates:

'fire ' ucan Yalarnnga wacan i " noun-forming suffix -pcir -pciri " 'wattaroo ' �arkun �arkunu Mayiyapi 10 'brotga ' ku11uur Guwa ku11uru 'snake ' 1uar Warluwara 1uwana Bularnu 1uwat i 'fruit' ( sp. pipip Yalarnnga pipipu unknown ) " participle -pin -pana

-pci ri, �arkunu and kuliuru are not of much help in establishing vowel loss in Kalkatu ngu since they could exemplify an extra vowel that has been added to avoid a word-final consonant . Yalarnnga and Guwa do not allow final consonants, but Mayiyapi does. wacani. 1uwat i and pipipu do provide evidence for vowel loss in Kalkatungu but unfort unately they are the only examples I can find . One feature of Kalka ungu that suggests vowel loss is the fa ct that a small number of words 136

occur with and without a final vowel e.g. pu.t,ur or pu.t,ura 'good ' ( see §2.6.) and a large number of words lose their final vowel in fluent speech e.g. -t i stem verbs ( see §4.1. and §2.13. ). As noted in §2.10. the 'having ' suffix appears as -jan with vowel stems and aan with consonant stems while the intransitiviser appears as -iat i with vowel stems and -at i with consonant stems . If these consonant stems once had an extra a, the alternations could be explained by reference to the rule that deletes consonant s between like vowels :

* arkuna + jan > arkunajan > arkunaan * .t,a ila + .t,at i > .t,a i!a .t,at i > .t,a i laat i

However , we are left with the difficulty of explaining why the vowel a should be involved . a is the most frequent vowel. The pattern could have been established with a stems and extended by analogy . Another difficulty is the fact that the suggested rules yield a variant aat i not at i.

7.5. PRONOUNS

It is possible to make some assumptions about earlier forms of Kalkatungu pronouns from internal reconstruction based on a comparison of the free and bound forms and from comparative reconstruction embracing Yalarnnga and to a lesser extent other Pama-Nyungan languages. First of all let us have a look at the free pronouns in Kalkatungu and Yalarnnga.

K Y Sing. 1 I)a i I)ia 2 J1 i n i [lawa , [lU- 3 ala ! aj a

Dual 1 I)a!i I)ali 2 mpaja [lumpa la 3 puju pula

Plur. 1 I)ata I)awa 2 [lutu [la !a 3 .tina .t,ana

K I)a i and Y I)ia can both be derived from *I)aja. An unstressed sequence -aja easily becomes ia, -aj or ai and there are examples of this in K, Y and other Australian languages. In the second person singular K has J1lni, ergative J1inti and dative J1unku . Y has nominative [lawa and oblique stem [lU-. The second person singular root in Pama-Nyungan is commonly J1in-, I)un, J1in, J1un, [lin or [lun. The second syllable of the second person singular is most often 137 a syllable that appears to have been originally an ergative so that we find nominative forms like runtu. Dixon (1977) argues that most Australian languages at some stage of their deve lopment augmented any monosyllabic roots they had and augmented monosyllabic singular pronouns by adding the ergative or a phonological filler -pa . Yalarnnga seems to reflect -pa in the lenited form -wa . The stern oa , which also appears in the plural, is unusual. In any case the development here is peculiar to Y. K has a more normal second person form, rini. The second syllable appears to have resulted from the addition of -oa or pa with subsequent assimilation ( pin + oa > rina > pini) or simply from the repetition of the stern vowel. The suggestion that -na or -ra may have been added requires some justification. Blake (1979: 347) elaborates .Dixon ' s thesis that monosyllabic pronouns were augmented by claiming that -oa or -pa , the common Australian accusat ive , was also used as an augment . This certainly seems to have been the case in Nyunga (s-w W.A. O'Grady et .al. 1966 :131) and Kunggari (Blackall Q. Breen field notes) where first and second singular pronouns are as follows :

Nyunga fi rst singular second singular I)ara r ini I) acu puntu I) a r a r i n i

Kunggari first singular second singular I)ana ina I)aiu i nt i I)aoa ina

As can be seen by comparing the S lP first and second person forms in i Nyunga, it looks as if rini could arise from *rin + N Ya > *pina > rini (where NYa represents a laminal nasal that is reflected as r or 0 as outlined in Dixon 1970). The K ergative of the second singular is pint i which seems to reflect assimilation from *-tu to -t i as posited for rini. The dative punku obviously contains the common Australian dative marker -ku, so it looks as if we have regressive assimilation in this instance. I am uncertain how the third person singular forms are relat ed. K has ala as an oblique stern with an ergative li i. Y has ! aja. Although these forms look similar they may not be related. K ala must derive from Cala by initial dropping as in Nhanda a Western Australian language which has ala (probably from a demonstrative root *pala) (O'Grady et al. 138

1966 :122)1 . The common Queensland third person singular pronoun roots are NYu (masculine ) and NYan (feminine). The first person dual in Australia is commonly Qal i. K and Y are distinctive in having a dental lateral - Qali . Not e in pass ing that K has an ergative al lomorph - !u presumab ly from *Iu (see Hale 1976) . It is possible that an earlier I split into 1 (before i), I (before a) and ! (before u). The form -!u also occurs in some other Pama-Nyungan languages e.g. Walbiri (N.T. ). The second dual forms probably reflect a proto-K-Y *numpala. Y seems to have retained the protO-form, while K has lost the initial syllable and changed I (before a) into j. Forms similar to numpala are common among the Pama-Nyungan languages. The third dual forms seem to reflect proto-K-Y pu la with Y retaining the proto-form and K reflecting the I to j change and progressive assim ilation. pu la is a common Pama-Nyungan form for 'they two '. In eastern Australia it also occurs as a numeral or number marker for ' two ' . In the first person plural the Y form, Qawa , seems to contain the augment -wa. K has Qata, but since the corresponding bound form is -t i, it makes sense to posit proto-K *Qat i and al low for progressive assimilat ion. Australian languages vary greatly in the way they develop a first person plural from the root Qa -. K and Y exhibit forms that are not found among other languages in the area . In the second plural K nutu is si milar to the likely Pama-Nyungan proto-form *NYura (reflected as nuru, pura, jura etc .) exhibiting independently attested progressive assimilat ion and an unexplained hardening of r to t. The Y form na la is unexpected and is presumably an innovation. In the third plural, Y contains the expected Pama-Nyungan form lana. K 1ina could plausibly be explained as containing a reinterpre tation of unstressed variants of a following a lamino-dental (which produces fronted allophones) .

*1ana ---> *[1ena] *[1ena] ---> 1ina In sum, the following proto-K forms seem likely:

l If the form laa which I have given tentativE!ly as third singular nominative is genuine , it c�uld derive i'rom *laja by the independently attested rule of deleting consonants between like vowel s. 139

Sing. 1 *8aja 2 *p ina 3 (*Ca!a oblique stem)

Dual 1 *8a!i 2 *numpa la 3 *pula

Plural 1 *8at i 2 *nura 3 *iana

7.6. BOUND PRONOUNS

K has bound pronouns while Y has virtually none . Y has only one bound pronoun form viz. -nu used to mark the plural Si or A of impera tives . It presumab ly reflects the proto-Pama-Nyungan form *NYura . It is noteworthy that it is the only example of an accusative system of marking anywhere in the language . Since -nu is the only bound pro noun in Y and since it is transparently derivable from *NYura, we do not have much that looks like vestigial evidence of a once elaborate set of bound pronouns . Rather it seems that -uu is an isolated inno vation and we suggest that K developed bound pronouns while Y did not . If we look at the distribut ion of bound pronouns in Australia (see Blake 1979), we find that Y is on the edge of a swath of languages in which there are no bound pronouns while K is on the edge of a bloc that have bound pronouns. The cont inuous nature of the 'bound ' and 'bound less' areas suggests that the growth or loss of bound pronouns is diffusible. In Blake 19:9, it is suggested that since for the most part the 'boundless' languages lack vestigial evidence of bound pronouns , they never ever had them. It is noteworthy too that the languages in which the bound pronouns are most transparent ly derive s from the free ones tend to be found along the edges of the 'bound ' areas . In general then, we see evidence of a development from (a) language s with no bound pronouns, (b) languages with transparently derived pronouns , (c) languages with bound pronouns that are quite different from the corresponding free ones, to (d) languages with bound pronouns that exhibit fusion with one another and with other particles (typically non-Pama-Nyungan) . It is interesting then to look at the bound pronouns in K against this suggested line of development . K employs the fo llowing bound pronouns in independent indicative and interrogative clauses: 140

/A P S i Sing. 1 -0 2 -n 3 -0 Dual 1 -I -Ia 2 - nu 3 -(mu) ju Plural 1 -t -t a 2 -nut 3 -na With the third dual , -muj u is used in the present tense and -ju elsewhere . -0 in the first and third singular of the Si/A column indi cates the ab sence of an overt form in those paradigms where the use of a bound pronoun is obligatory viz. with -mina (imp erfect) and -mpa 'perfect '. The blanks in the P c: olumn , simply mean that no form has been observed . There are no paradigms where the use of a bound pronoun for P is obligatory in an independent clause.

If we compare the bound Si/A with the free forms , we can see some lines of derivation:

Sing. 1 I) ai 2 J1 ini 3 -0 Dual 1 I) ali 2 mpaja <*numpala 3 puj u <*pula Plural 1 I)ata <*I)at i 2 nutu 3 tina Leaving aside the second dual and plural , the bound forms can be derived from the free by deleting the first syllable (a process else where attested in Australia) and deleting the last vowel if it is -i. The change from 1 to 1 in the first dual is simply a consequence of the phonotactics. K does n0t allow word-final dentals . Why the second person non-singular forms make use of the first syllable of the free form or proto-form is not clear . Let us now look at the Si/A bound pronouns that occur with the complementiser a- : 141

Sing. 1 laa 2 an i 3 a i

Dual 1 ali 2 ao.u 3 ail u

Plural 1 at i 2 a!J,ur 3 aina

laa for the first singular is clearly suppletive . -n i and -li are derived from the corresponding free forms by dropping the first syllable. -ti presumab ly derive s from a prot o-form *Qat i by the same process. As I suggested above , the current free form for first person plural can be derived from *Qat i by an independently attested rule of progressive assimilat ion. In the case of the bound S i/A pronouns use d in independent clauses, we needed to posit a rule to the effect that a final -i was deleted. Such a rule would be inhibited here as a- plus a bound pronoun constitutes a separate phonological word and the minimum number of sylla bles required for a word is two . The forms -lu (third dual) and -na (third plural ), also reflect the second syllable of the source pronouns. Note however that they appear to be suffixed to ai rather than a-, ai being the third singular form. I cannot guess the provenience of the -i. Note that the change 1 > j is not attested in this paradigm. It may have been inhibited by the preceding -i. There are too few examples of the change for the necessary environment to be ascertained. Note that the second dual and plural forms are the same as those found in independent clauses. There are some other S i/A bound pronouns . Let us consider the im peratives:

sing. iQka-ja-n 'go! ' dual iQka-ja-mpi 'You two go! ' plural iQka-ja-tu 'You mob go! '

sing. la-ja-!iS 'KiL'L' , dual la-ja ku-mp i 'You two ki L'L" plural la-ja ku-t u 'You mob kiH! '

We find in this paradigm two interesting features . First of all we find the 'expected forms ' for second dual and plural , -tu representing the second syllab le of !J,utu and -mpi representing the second and third syllables of *o.umpa la ( > !J,umpaja > mpaj a > mp ija > mp i). Secondly we find a mysterious element ku- in the transitive imperatives. Note that 142 singular imperat ives with a non-singular P are as follows:

la-ja ku-ju 'You (sing. ) kill them two! ' la-ja kina 'You (sing. ) kill them! '

It seems that ku is an element connected with transitive clauses and that it at tracts the first pronoun irrespective of whether it is A or P. Let us assume earlier sequences with A preceding P such as :

C 7 .1) *la-ja ku � pula kill-imp you them 'You (sing. ) kill them '.

C 7.2) *la-ja ku Qutu pu la kill-imp you:pl them 'You (plur. ) kill them '.

If ku attracts the first overt pronoun , then we will have *kupula yie lding kula > kulu > kuj u and *kuQu1 u yielding kutu. This accounts for the fact that ku appears with forms representing S i/A and with forms representing P, at least with the imperative paradigm. At this point we could examine the P bound pronouns, since most of them involve ku. Forms used with Forms used with F'orms used the 'lest' independent verbs with a- construction

Sing. 1 al)i kUl)i 2 a kin kukin 3

Dual 1 -1a ak i 1 a kula 2 akumpaja kumpaja 3 ku .. kuj u

Plur. 1 -t a a kit a kuta 2 a kut u kut u 3 a .. kina ku .. kina

Of the forms in the first column , -I)i is explicable as a reduced form of *I)aya and -ta as the second syllable of I)ata. Note that we po sited *I)at i as a proto-form for the first plural to account for -t i in the second column . -ta could conceivably be a later derivative from the free form. -la is a my stery . Some Pama-Nyungan languages in Western Australia have -la as the first plural bound form. It is probably that -la reflects a fr ee form no longer found in Kalkatungu . It may be an old plural , possibly attracted to the dual by the presence of -1 for the S i/A form. It could have then been replaced in the plural by a 'new' form -tao This would explain why we get -ta rather than -t i. However , 143 all this is rather speculative and I would not want to press it too far. The remaining form in this paradigm, kin, is somewhat mysterious . It also appears with the complementiser a- and a glance at this paradigm reveals a possible ku in every form but the first singular . Since akumpaja and akutu seem so clearly to contain ku, it is of some interest to �e e if we can determine whether th e other forms contain ku. If we take the proto-form of the first plural to be I)at i as suggested earlier, we can account for k i rather than ku in the second singular, first dual and first plural along the following lines :

*ku-pini > kuni > kin i > kin *ku-I)ali > kuli > kili > k i 1 *ku-uumpaja > kumpaja > kumpaja > kumpaja *ku-I)at i > kut i > kit i > kit *ku-uutu > kut u > kutu > kut u

The three steps here are : (a) delete first syllable of pronoun, > (b) u > i / C - 0 i. (c) i !IS / #. Steps (a) and (c) are independent ly attested. Step (b) occurs in pin-ku > punku. I am unable to account for the fact that assimilation is sometimes progressive and sometimes regressive , but in general the syllable that was stressed was affected by the assimilation, at least with bo und pronouns . Of course the rules given above do not give the correct forms for first dual and first plural . We need to add the forms used with independent verbs:

ki l-la > kila kit-ta > kita

This may seem rather ad hoc , but we did find some independent reason above for positing -la as a form that had shifted to first dual and -ta as a new form for first plural . The suggested lines of deve l opment work fairly well in ac count ing for ki. The exception is kina. The rules given ab ove will not produce the correct form. A plausib le deriv ation would be ku-1ina > kitina > kina, but there is no obvious reason for the retention of th e first syllable of the pronoun . The forms used for P in the 'lest ' construction are probab ly the same forms as are used with independent verbs but suffixed to ku. This is not perfe ctly clear since we do not have any second dual or plural forms available in the independent verb paradigm. The fact that we have kula and kuta in the first dual and plural rather than ki la and kita certainly suggests a transference of -la and -ta from the independent verb para digm. The 'lest ' construction remains somewhat my sterious . Remember

(§4.4.) that there is a comp lementiser uuu used where S i is first or second person, kUQu where A is first or second person and ana where S i 144 or both A and P are third person . ku�u doubtless represents ku plus unu , but the relationship between unu and ana remains unexplained. Nor is it clear why no complementiser appears when P is first or second person and A third person (see examples in §4.4.). It is also note worthy that two examples of ku may appear in one clause,

rumpi I)ai iuma kunu-n kina fear I break le;t-you them 'I'm afraid you might break them '.

Altogether we have the following schemas :

V unu S (1,2) i i V ku u�u t A(1,2) ku P( 3) V V ana ku S i ' t i/A ( 3) P(3) V ku t P(1,2) V ku > t A(l) P(2) unu Note that appears only where S i is first or second person or where A is first or second and P third . ana appears only where S or both A i and P are third. In other instances no ana or unu or any corresponding element is used. In the imperative we found that ku was used in tran sitive as opposed to intransitive clauses. This is true with the 'lest' kuj u kina construction except that and represent Si in the third person : (7.4 ) rump i ana kuj u I)uji fear lest they:2 fa ZZ 'I 'm afraid they 'll fa ll'.

However, kuju and kina are also exceptional in that they indicat e P in clauses with kunu giving two instances of ku in the one clause :

rump i I)a i laa kunu-n kuju fear I kill le;t-you they:2 'I'm afraid you'll kill them '.

A synchronic analysis would have to recognise the ku of kUDU as a separable element associated with certain transitive clauses. On the other hand , kuju and kina seem to have become unanalysable pronouns functioning as S i/A or P. Diachronically they contain ku and they must have started out as A or P forms or both. The explanat ion for this would be along the same lines indicat es for the imperative (see above) . *lana/l ina and *pula/puj u would have been attracted to ku whenever they were next to it . In a clause with a third Singular A, which would normally be represented by zero , they would come to represent P. In a clause with third singular P, they would come to represent A: 145

A P ku ,s plJjU > kupuju > kuj u ku puju ,s > kupuju > kuj u It seems that kuj u and kina, since they must have represented both A and P at one stage , were then generalised to S in 'ana ' constructions i (and also in -mani i constructions - see §4. 2.5. ). The appearance of kuj u and kina in clauses with kunu (see examp le above ) also suggests they have become simp le pronoun forms rather than combinations of ku and a pronoun.

7.7. THE CASE SYSTEMS

To appreciate some features of the development of the Kalkatungu case system, it is useful to consider the Yalarnnga system at the same time . The case systems of Kalkatungu and Yalarnnga exhibit a number of close similarities. With nouns , each language distinguishes disyllabic terns , longer stems and kinship stems . Kalkatungu, un like Yalarnnga, has word-final consonants and therefore has consonant stems . The following table list s the case forms :

Disyllabic Longer Consonant Stems Vowel Stems Vowel Stems Kin (Kalkatungu only) K Y K Y K Y K Nom. -,s -0 -0 -,s -0 -0 -0 Erg. -I)ku -I)ku -iu - j u - j i -lu -Tu Loc I -pia -I)ka -ii - j a -I)U -I)uta -pia

Dat . -V(ja) -u -V(ja) -u - v (j a) -u -ku Purp . -ta -! a -1 a Loc II -I) i i -I)i 1 a -I) i i -I) i 1 a -I) i i -I) i 1 a -I) i i Caus . ergati ve plus -I)U in both languages Abl . locative I plus -I)U in both languages All I dative plus -na in K, -wampa (disyllabic) , -mpa (longer ) in Y All II locative II plus -na in K, locative II plus -mpa in Y

Nominative

No comment required.

Ergative/instrumental

In both languages a nasal-stop dissimilation rule operates to produce an allomorph -ku for disyllabic vowel stems when a nasal-stop sequence occurs in the stem. Dissimilation rules are fairly uncommon (see Blake , typescript ), but nasal-stop dissimilation rules are found in a number of Pama-Nyungan languages e.g. Dyaru (W.A. Tsunoda , p.c.). I take them to be a feature of a remote proto-language retained through Proto K-Y and 146 into contemporary K and Y. The rule does not occur with every nasal stop sequence, thus -nt i the causat ive in both K and Y never dissimi lates. This morphological conditioning of the dissimilation is further evidence of its relic status . The allomorph -Tu in Ka lkatungu haB sub-allomorphs -tu, -t u and -cu with apico-alveolar, re troflex and palatal stems respectively . The allomorph -ju for long stems in Y may reflect a lenited stop . Pama-Nyungan languages tend to exhibit -Tu with consonant stems , and -lu or -Qku with vowel stems . Where both -lu and -Qku oc cur in a language , they are often distributed according to the long versus sho rt stem principle as here . However , while -lu is the expected allomorph with long vowel stems , -iu or -cu does occur in a number of languages e.g. : Yulbaridja (W.A. O'Grady et al . 1966) , Yuulngu dialects (n.e. Arnhem Land, N.T. - Schebeck 1976). Following Dixon 1970, I take -1u and -cu to reflect a laminal -T Yu, but I have no explanation for -iu instead of -lu in Kalkatungu . As I suggested above , Yalarnnga -ju probably represents a lenited -TYu since intervocalic lenition of -TY to -j- is widely attested. Since K j reflects both *1 and *j , the allomorph -j i in K used with kinship nouns may reflect *-j i or *-1 i. As ca n be seen from the table ab ove , Y has -lu. That -j i is the basic underlying allomorph in K can be seen from a comparison of the ergat ive and dative of kinship nouns (and non-s ingular pronouns ):

i stems a stems u stems 'mother 's brother ' 'father' 'mother ' erg. pupi {j)i ku ja{j) i matuju dat . pupi i ku jaa matuu

The distribut ion of these allomorphs can be accounted for by positing -j i as the basic allomorpp for the ergative and -a as the basic allo morph for the dative . A rule of assimilation with high vowels will then ac c ount for all allomorphs . The noun iuku 'dog ' has an ergative iukuju, malia 'mob ' has maliaj i and jur- 'man ' has iti-ji. This suggests that -j i may once have covered a wider range of stems than is now the case.

Locative

Just as -lu, -Qku and -Tu are common allomorphs of the ergative in Pama-Nyungan, -la, -Qka and -Ta are common allomorphs of the locative . Yalarnnga exhibits -Qka with disyllabic vowel stems while Kalkatungu has -pia. However , Kalkatungu has -Qka with kuu 'water ' (kuuQka ) and with �iuu 'hoZe ' and mpuu 'rotten ' (�tuuka and mpuuka with nasal-stop 147 dissimilation). This is pretty clear evidenc e that proto K-Y had *-Qka and that K has innovated with -pia, retaining -Qka on a few common words . The allomorph -1i for longer vowel stems in K is an innovation . The allomorph that we would expect , given that the ergative for long vowel stems is -1u, is -1a and this does occur with the ligatives -wa and -ja (see §S.8. ). -ta occurs with ucan 'fire ' and the participle -pin, and -ta occurs with ulaa� 'high (of sun) ', giving further ve stigial evidence of an earlier -1a « *ta7) . Y has -ja with long vowel stems , which is expected, given -ju as the ergative . Both K and Y have -QU as the locative for kinship nouns (and with pronouns) but Y has an addit ional element -tao -ta occurs as a marker of the purposive in Y and the two functions may be related. -ta is of course an expected locative allomorph and in some Pama-Nyungan languages forms such as -ta, -la and -Qka frequently have purposive type functions. In K the locative allomorph - QU appears with jur- 'man ' (jur-Qu) and 1uku 'dog ' (1ukuQu) and occas ionally with other animate nouns. The allomorph -la occurs with kua 'creek ' and -lu with muu 'camp ' (presumably the vowel of the suffix has assimilated to the stem vowels) . -la is an expected locat ive allomorph for long vowel stems in Pama Nyungan languages .

Dative

The basic allomorph for vowel stems seems to be -a (see above under ergative). The allomorph with consonant stems 1s -ku, the common Australian dative marker. ku often lenites to -wu following vowel stems and indeed this appears to have happened in Y where the dative is -(w) u. Y also has a benefactive -!a which may derive from a locative form. As noted above K retains -ta as a relic form of the locative . The vowel stem allomorph in K (-a or perhaps -v by internal recon struction) is unexpected. Since -ku appears with consonant stems , we would expect to find -wu or possibly -wu - -w i. In Warramunga (N.T. , Hale 1973) complete vowel harmony (but without lenit ion of the conson ant ) developed to yield -ku - -ka - -ki . This could have happened in K with subsequent loss of K between identical vowels (see §7.4.). Or perhaps we once had forms such as :

'spouse ' *kuQi-ku leniting to kUQiwu 1f 11 'kangaroo ' *macumpa-ku macumpawu 11 11 'spider ' *kupu-ku kupuwu

The w in macumpawu and kupuwu would not have been significant (given the present-day phonemotactic system) and they could have been 148 reinterpreted to macumpau and kUpuu. As a further step we could posit loss of w in kUQiwu by analogy . iwu is a very unusual sequence in K. I'm not certain that I have any examples of it , though I would think it could occur. The only problem with this argument is that we have to posit complete vowel harmony for the dative but not for the '-ji erga tives '.

Note on maa , at i.

maa 'vegetabZe food ' and at i 'meat ' have distinctive paradigms :

maa ati ergative maatu at iniu locative maaia at inia dative maac i at i pc i or maaciwa or at ipciwa maacuwa at i p(;uwa

It is not possible to explain why just these two nouns have related paradigms . Certainly it seems that we have yet another example of common nouns retaining relics of an earlier system . However , we can see why one paradigm has a nasal and the other hasn 't. The Y form for food is mania . Presumably it was also the proto-K form and this caused dis similation of the nasal-stop cluster in the suffix. mania would have become maa by the rule that deletes consonants between like vowels. The locative II in K is -Qi i and in Y, -Qi la. -Qi i is not a common Pama-Nyungan form but was probab ly a feature of proto-K-Y or an early borrowing from one to the other. It is fairly well integrated into the case system of both languages, as it forms the basis for the allative II forms . The element -la in Y may be a reflex of the common Pama Nyungan locative allomorph -lao One of the striking paralle ls between the K and Y case systems is the way the causal, ab lative , and allative II case forms are derived. In both languages the causal and ab lative are derived from the ergative and locati�e respectively by the addition of -QU, and in both the allative II is derived from the locative II by the addition of augments. The -QU that is used to derive the causal and ab lative forms can plaus ibly be related to the relative pronoun QU in K. For example, some thing that is from X can be considered something that was at X. The causal function is often expressed in Pama-Nyungan languages by the instrumental, so it is not surprising to see a causal form derived from an ergative/ instrumental. One would assume that the same -QU is used here in deriving the ablative . The method of deriving the ab lative and causal from the locative and ergative/instrumental respectively, while not 149 being too peculiar in itself, is a feature peculiar to K and Y. It could be a feature of the proto-language , but the exact parallelism looks suspiciously like the result of influence from K to Y or vice versa. It is interesting to note that the allative I in K is formed by the addition of -na to the dative . This -na may be a reflex of the common Australian accusative marker -NYa which shows up in K as -na suffixed to -�u in certain relative clauses (see §5.11.). A few Pama-Nyungan languages form allatives by augmenting the dat ive but I am unab le to generalise about the source of the augment s. The augment used in Y (-rnpa) may be of locative origin ; a few Pama-Nyungan languages have locative allomorphs of this form. The parallelism between the formation of the allative II from the locat ive II is striking and since the formation is peculiar to K and Y and since different augment s are used in each language , it seems that the principle has di ffused from one language to the other.

7.8. OTHER MORPHOLOGY

Except in case marking, K morphology consists largely of idiosyncratic forms and comparison with Y is of limited use . The tenses in Y are -rna present , -rnu past and -rni future . K has -�, -na and rni respectively. -na is attested elsewh ere as a past tense form and -rnu is more likely to be an innovation . The series -rna, -rnu and -rni appears to have been built up in Y with a common element rn. K -rni may be a borrowing from Y. -rna marks the present tense in the Arandic languages (Strehlow 1943:312 , Yallop 1977:49) . K has a number of verb morpheme s containing the sequence pc, a sequence found in parallel functions in Pitjantj atj ara , Walbiri , etc. Some of these are parallelled in Y:

purposive K pcaaja Y pcata continuing pcaani habitual -pca�u pa�u participial -pin -pana noun forming -pci r - pc i r i

Y pcata is built up from -pea plus the purposive -�a. Y appears to have simplified the pc cluster in pca�u, since it exhibits pa�u. In K the nasal-stop dissimilat ion rule operates with the pc series , but in the case of the participle we find -pin as the basic allomorph and -c in with nasal-stop stems . Presumably -pin derives from a form with a homorganic nasal-stop cluster as does the corresponding Y form. The discrepancy in the vowels of -pin and -pana is parallelled by the forms 150 for 'they ': K - iina, Y - iana . The widespread Pama-Nyungan form is iana (or canal. The appearance of -i- in K can be explained as a reinterpretation of the fronted allophone of a (i.e. [e]) we would expect fo l lowing the laminal . Taking this as a model, we can suggest the original vowel of rin: rana was a. If the final vowel was lost in K as suggested in §7.4., then the proto participle was probably *ncana . It is interesting to note that the form -(r)cama- in K, which is used to indicate a dative relationship in the verb , parallels the Y refl exive/reciprocal in form if not in function - rama . TEXTS

'MY WIVES AND CHI LDREN '

MICK MOONLIGHT

I)a i uiant ij i-na ma rapa i-i malia-a, I)a-iu naur man iji makai i- I have-past wo�an-dat mob-dat I-erg kid get hand 'I had a number of women. I got ten chitdren

I)arana makaii-I)a rana . puiur naur I)a-c i, I)a-c i kUl)i puiur. other hand other good kid me-dat me-dat spouse good. '(They 're) good, my kids (and) my wife is good '.

I)ai in i ka lpuru-ii jala�l)a-a-ja -ia mu-lu uli I)a-c i -ka I tive Boutia-loc Yatarnnga-dat-lig- loc country-lac die me-dat-¢ I tive in Boutia in Ya tarnnga country. My first 1 wacali-na-I)u-ka marapa i I)a-c i ul i wacal ina I)u-wa uiant iji-ka first-adv-adj -¢ woman me-dat die first-adv rel-¢ have-¢ woman died. She died, the one I had first. naa I)a-iu ma rapa i uiant iji ii inta-I)u , ii i nta ma rapa i I)a-iu uiantiji. here I-erg woman have middte-adj middte woman I-erg have Then I got a second woman, I got a second woman. kurpa i I)a-iu pijapi]a I)a-c i -wa-iul)u marapa i -iul)u na-ja three I-erg baby me-dat-lig- caus woman-caus this-caus I (had) three chi tdren by this woman of mine. '

[What was she like?] minal)ara arkunaan pa ] kumpiri arkunaan. wha tsit bettigerent somewhat bettigerent 'She was, whatchamacattit, savage, a tittte bit savage.

l Compare this use of I)u and the use of I)u in wacalinal)uka . The former is a free form, the latter bound . Not e the difficulty in distinguishing the relative marker from the 'adj ective-forming ' suffix . As things stand , I am taking the free form to be a relative and the bound form to be 'adj ective-forming '.

151 152

[What did y�u do with her?J �a-lu !uaj i. I-erg reLinquish , I tet her go '.

[Did you have to give her a hiding? J �a-lu !aj i, ma!ia-�ujan �a-iu !aj i I-erg hit many-times I-erg hit 'I hit her. I hit her a tot. i�ka-na , kaanta-na �a-lu !a-rin-ka. �arpa-la ini-ka , go-past teave-past I-erg hit-part-¢' other-loc re main-¢' She went, she teft with me hi tting her'. She 's tiving with

�a rpa-l i ini-ka. �a rpa-lu ulant ij i -ka. other-loc remain-¢ other-erg have-¢' someone etse, with someone etse. Someone etse has got her '.

[You got a third one? J uli�ka-l)u �a-ci ma rapa i �a-lu uli �ka-�u behind-adj me-dat woman I-erg behind-adj 'My tast woman, the tast woman I got, marapa i ulant ij i pulur caa ma rapai-ka , kuntu n1 iji-ca�u �a-ci. Woman have good here woman-¢' not s cotd-habit me-dat she 's a good woman, she doesn 't rouse at me '.

' ' MY RACEHORSES

MICK MOONLIGHT

[Have you ever been to Bedourie? J �a i pa�ili i�ka-na ma ra, I there go-past indeed 'I went there att right. ma!la- 1) ujan �a i i�ka-na pa-una wa nana �a i unpi-cin Jar. amana , 1 many-times I go-past there-all hoI's; I take-part horse I went there tots of times. I used to take a horse [toJ reIs ik:l : t unpi-cin a-i luna. �a-ci jaramana , kunt u racecourse take-part comp-he run me-dat horse not the racecourse to run . My horse, not a jar i-i-ka . �a-ci jaramana ala�ara �a-lu unpi-cin white:man-dat-¢ me-dat horse setf I-erg take-part white man 's. I took my own horse to bidu ri-ina a- i luna. [nani -ka i pal 7J ipal-ka !lani-�u Bedourie=all comp-he run who-¢' name name-¢' who-loc (?) Bedourie to run. What was his name? His name was l Apparently an error . wanana and jaramana should be dative . 153

r�: np�n mioa�ara kuri-kur i r�: np�n-ka . Ranpan whatsit red-red Ranpan-¢ Ranpan (= Frying Pan ?) and he was, whatsit, a chestnut '.

jaramana-�ara �a-iu unpiji �a-ei Auati unpi jaramana horse-other I- erg take me-dat two take horse I took another horse. I took two horses of mine

�a-e i wat ina r�: np�n and nani-�u ipal-ka �arpa�a ra-ka kl ipal�d. me-dat together Ranpan who-loc(?) name-¢ other-¢ Ctipper Lad together, Ranpan and another whose name was Ctipper Lad.

[ i pa 1 puiur] �a-iu at i i i pa 1 aia� ara. unpi j i �a-iu name good I- erg produce name setf take I-erg A good name. I made up the name mysetf· I had

pauna aoiaj i �a-iu kurpa i �a-iu r�: np�n at i i mi 1 e raee-kuna. there win ( verb) I-erg three I- erg Ranpan put mite race-all three wins. I put Ranpan in a mi te race.

kuntu aoia-t i-oa . They bin ntui jarama na �a-ei not win-re-past putt horse me-dat He didn 't win. (The jockey) putted him '.

[The jockey was a japi(= white man)?] , Yeah,

�a-iu �arpa�ara man iji j a pi- k a, 0 ani- � u k 1 i pal �d - k a juu-nt iji. I-erg other get white:man-¢ who-loc (?)Ctipper:Lad-¢ cHmb-tr I got another white fe tta who rode Ctipper Lad.

juu-nt iji �a-ei jaramana klipal�d. d?1)ki-�ara-iu aoia-oa ctimb-tr me-dat horse Ctipper: Lad jockey-other- erg win-past He rode my horse, Ctipper Lad. The other jockey won

Auat i-�ujan. malia I)t ia aoiaj i. [Did you train the horse?] two-times much money win twice. I won a tot of money. 1 �a-iu aia�ara iunt i-ein jaramana. wak ihi-mapei Qa-iu rudu-iunt i-ein, I-erg setf run: tr-part horse turn-tr I- erg ? -run:tr-part I trained the horse mysetf. I used to run him around,

unpi-ein �a-iu �a ioi-�aioi laa eurka-iunt i eurka-iunt i-ein take-part I- erg tate-tate comp : I ? -run: tr ? -run:tr-part I'd take him out of an evening to trot him. I'd trot him,

�a-iu kuntu �a-iu papeai-ein iunt i-ein, �a-iu pa ]ku eurka-iunt i-ein I- erg not I- erg hard-part run: tr-part I- erg tittte ? -run:tr-part I didn 't gattop him hard, I'd just trot him a bit '.

l -mapei seems to be a causative reflexive 'make him turn himse tf ', the -pei being the same as the one noted in note 2, p.154 . 154

[Was Clipper Lad a chestnut?] minal)ara pa l kumpiri bra Un. l) a-1u ma.l1a whatsit LittLe brown I-erg many 'He was. whatsi� bit brown . I had a Lot jaramana I) a-ci -ka u1ant iji malta u 1 i wanaka-1u ka1i r- iti. horse me-dat-� own many die sun- erg grass-priv of horses but they died with the sun and laak of grass ' .

'MAGP IE'

LARVIE MOONLIGHT

This text exists in three ve rsions , one given by Mick Moonlight , the other two by Lardie Moonlight . The version transcribed here is the one given by Lardie Moonlight to Gavan Breen.

naa-ka kuratapu juu-na 1un i -oa ka1unkara-1ul)l.l nt i a-ana a-i the-0 magpie rise-past fly-paat dust-causal hill-all comp-he 'The magpie flew up from/beaause of the dust to a hill to turn

I) ampuwakini. kur icicin ini-na pirina nt ia-pia. mpat i-na turn :around peewee be-past on hi ll-loc aa ll-past his back. The magpie-lark was on the hil z.. He (the magpie) pirioa wa1a ra-nt ij i macumpa kat ii-pin. up come: out-tr 1'00 cover-part aa lled out and made the kangaroo. who was buried, come up ou t (of the dust). kuratapu 1un i -oa nt ia- ana wa1ara-nii-ji- caaja. urumpa-na magpie fly-past hilL- all come:out-tr-a!p-purp loud : aai l-past The magpie flew to the hill to make him come out. He aal led out,

I) ampuwakini-oa (nt ia-kul)u) 1 , nt ia-pia kaiunkara-iul)u. turn:around-past hi i l-caus hi ll-loc dust-caus having turned around on the hill from/because of the dust. waia ra-pc i-j i-tu, pint a-cama-t i-tu malia -oa aome-ou t-? 2-imp-you:pl sppead-tr-re-y ou: pl many-adv Get uP. you mob! Spread out in great numbers.

I I presume nt ia-kul)u is given in error for �t iapia, the causal probably an ticipating the causal ;r ka1unkaraiul)u . 2 The function of -pc i is clear from the passage. It is a reflexive and gives to waiara 'aome out. emerge ' the sense of 'get up '. Thus waia rapc i would be like the Italian verb alzarsi 'to get up ' where -si is reflexive . However , waiara is not transitive like Italian alzare 'to raise ' and in theory requires transitivising with -pcama before it can be made reflexive or reci.procal by -t i . -pc i then is in lieu of the expected -pcama-t i-, which does occur in the next word. 155

wala ra-pci-ji- tu-ka kal ir-ku a-ni ari-l i a-ni pukuai come-ou t-?-imp-you :pl-¢ grass-dat comp-you e a t-alp comp-you craw l Come out and eat the grass, and crawl to various

muu-Qara muu-Qara a-ni iQka pirki-Qara pirki-Qara , camp-one camp-other comp -you go bloodwood-one bloodwood-other places, and go to various trees, and to various rivers,

kua-Qa ra kua-Qara a-n i iQka a-n i unla-j i kalir-ku. river-other river-other comp-you go comp-you graze:on-a/p grass-dat and go and eat (or graze on) the grass.

Qa !iQa ! i, Qarkun-ka , macumpa , ut iQar, ma�ar i, curujan-ka , luar roo: rat wal laroo-¢ kangaroo emu goanna ech idna-¢ snake Kangaroo rat, wa l laroo, kangaroo, emu, goanna, porcupine, snake,

wala ra-j i-tu. come:out-imp-you :pl come out'. ('He made all them animals get up. That 's the world '. )

' HOW I WAS BORN '

LARVIE MOONLI GHT

l Q a-ci matu i t i -na la rki-t arki-l i Qu me-dat mo go-past Tarrki-Tarrki-abl 'My mother went from Tarrki-Tarrki to 2 klonkar i-ina a-i iQka hosp ital-ku!2a . Qa i-jan Cloncurry-all comp-she go hospital-all me-con Cloncurry to go to the hospita l. She had 3 Qa i millilat i-na too quick before he iQka-na me be born-past go-past me; I was born went

longa hosp ital. Qa i millilat ina longa crossing. Then they took her in ambulance.

Qa i-jana un pij i . naa cutu jaun iQka-na Qa-c i me - and take here car big go-past me-dat And they took me too. The big car went and l iti normally means 'return, go back'. 2 The only instance of -jan with a pronoun . 3 lit . 'become eyes '. 156

l matu-u a-i itintiji maf)anaan-I< una un pi j i mother-dat comp- it take doctor-all - take took my mother to the doctor, took her to the maf)al)aan-kuna hospital-k una it int i j i a - i ini doctor-all hospital-all take comp-she stay doctor, took her to the hospital. so she could stay man kana- a-i ia ilat i get settled down , get better. later comp-she firm-become (there) a while til.l. she got strong. '

I PLANT ! NG I

MrCK ANV LARVrE MOONLIGHT

2 LM naa-ka wa,tukatiji f)a-ci -ka tantu-ka here -¢ dig me-dat-¢ ho i�-¢ 'This one here dug a hol.e for me ' .

MM ,l;al)tu fl i n- t i wa,tukatiji7 hole you-erg dig 'Did you dig a ho le?'

LM cipa-a-wa kunka-a-ja-ka this-dat-¢ tree-dat-¢-¢ , For this tree I.

MM kunka-a-ja, a-ni f)kaaj imanti7 tree-dat-¢ comp-you plant 'The tree, are you going to plant it?'

LM f)aa , f)a-,l;u pa ti-na i k i i a- i wa,l;ukati-ji yes I-erg tel l-past Hickey comp-he dig-alp , Yes, I to ld Hickey to dig ' .

MM nan i fl in- t i pati-na7 who you-erg te l.l.-past 'Who did you te ll.?' l itintiji is iti 'return ' + nti- but it means 'bring ' or 'take ' not nec essarily 'bring back '. 2 Since ,l;al)tu is nominative and wa,l;ukatiji is transitive , there must be an A in the clause . I take it that the third person A is represented by zero and that naa is adverbial . However , it is difficult to be certain that naa is not pronominal with neutralisation of the ergative and nominative . 157

LM i k i i I)a-lu pati-na la ntu-u a - i walukatiji Hickey I-erg te H-past ho iE�-dat comp-he dig-alp 'I tord Hickey to dig a hore '.

MM naur7 kid , The kid?'

LM I)a-lu pati -na naur-ka a-i walukati-ji ,t,a ntu-u k L� I-erg teH-past id-¢ comp-he dig-alp ho - dat 'I to rd the kid to dig a ho re '.

MM largu-u a - i waj;ukati-ji ho re-dat comp-he dig-alp 'To dig a ho re ' .

LM He bin walukatiji mi!lal)ara-,t,a dig whatsit - erg 'He dug it wi th that whatsitsname '.

MM pu!uwa ra-,t,u white-erg 'The white one '.

LM Yeah , caa I)a-,t,u kunka-ka ara-nt i, caralmaj i -mpa kU-l)ku-ka here I-erg tree-¢ enter-tr bathe-seq water-erg-¢ 'Yeah, I pranted it and watered it'.

MM caralmaj i7 bathe 'Watered it?'

..1 LM Yeah , walara-J1c ll caa-miakaja ci ipu wa,tara naa then kunka-ka emerge-re this-p1ur shoot emerge here tree-¢ 'Yeah, these shoots come out and then the tree

jaun-aan-ati !laa laa kan,t,a-pi ri!la-,t,ati big- con-int r here then head-up-intr grows and gets tarr'.

lSee note 2, p.154 . 158

' ' COOKING BY TH E CREEK

MICK ANV LARVIE MOONLIGHT

LM Qali pini iQka-na Qkara-a a-li wa,tukatiji. we :2 you go -past yam:dat comp-we :2 dig-alp 'We went to dig yams '.

pin-li laj i macumpa . you- erg kill kangaroo 'You killed kangaroos '.

MM ati Qa-,tu la ji macumpa . meat I-erg kill kangaroo 'I killed kangaroos'.

LM Q ali 1 uj i . we:2 cook 'We cooked'.

MM ,tuj i Qali . cook we :2 , We cooked'.

LM kua-la. creek-loc , By the creek '.

MM kua-la Qali ,tuji. kapani Qali pini kua-la ma r ari-i . creek-loc we :2 cook hunt we :2 you creek-loc goanna-dat 'We cooked by the creek. We hunted for goannas down by the creek '.

ma r ari-i Qali iQka a-li la - j i . goanna-dat we:2 go comp-we:2 kil l-alp 'We went out kil ling goannas '.

LM a jar- n a Q ali - j i 1 a ji m a r a r i . one-adv we:2-erg kill go anna 'We killed a goanna once '.

BB Lardie i Qka-na Qkara-a1 Lardie go -past yam-dat , Lardie went for yams ? '

MM La r die iQka-na Qkara-a . Lardie go-past yam-dat 'Lardie went for yams ' .

BB pini iQka-na macumpa-a-ja1 you go-past kangaroo-dat-¢ 'You went for kangaroos?' 159

MM I)a i i I)ka-na macumpa-a at i -'J1 c i laa la - j i . I go -past kangaroo-dat meat-dat comp:I kiZ l-a/p 'I went to ki ll kangaroos '.

BB lama ra iti-na muru-una . then return-past ca�p-all 'Then (you would) go back to camp '.

MM iti-na I)ali muru-una . re turn-past we:2 camp-all 'We would go back to camp '.

LM iti-nti ati-p ci , luj i kua-la . return-tr meat-dat cook creek-loc 'We would bring the kangaroo back and cook it by the creek '.

MM kua-la ,tuji . ,tuaj i I)a-lu maUa-pun i j i waku creek-loc cook cut I-erg many-tr skin 'We would cook by the creek. I would cut the (kangaroo) up into

i li t i -mpa , ,tuku apa-mpa waku-ka . throw-seq dog gave-seq skin-¢ pieces and throw the skin, give the skin to the dogs '.

' ' THEN AND NOW

MICK MOONLIGHT

1. I)a-ci ma tu-ju I)a i ati j i jami ! i jami ! i -li . me- dat mother-erg me produce Old:Hammerly-loc 'My mo ther had me at Old Hammerly.

!ul)a-pin I)a i mimi-i I)a-c i ma tu-u. I)a-ci ma tu-ju I)a i cry-past I breast-dat me-dat mo ther-dat me-dat mother-erg me I used to cry for my mother 's breast. My mother used to al)i-J1in mimi . j a rka il)ka- cin laa wan i , wa lipiri-i give- past breast fa r go -past comp:I play humpy-dat give me miZk. I used to go out a Zong way to pZay and laa kiakat i-ji. ucan I)a-lu anpa-cin pUAcuru-ka, ati-J1in comp:I make- alp firewood I-erg gather-past pultjuru-¢ make-past buiZd humpi es. I would gather fi rewood, pultjurus, (and) I

I)a-lu I)a-ci -wa-la ucan I)a-lu kiakati-J1in. uca n anpa-cin I -erg me-dat-lig-loc fire I -e'rg make-past fi re gather-past would make a fi re at my (camp) . (I) used to gather at i - J1 in wa l ipiri-li anli i a - i man ii, nuu-J1in ucan-t a make-past humpy-loc mouth :loc comp-it burn iie-past fire-loc fi rewood and make a fire to burn at the entrance of the humpy 160

ilir-pia-ka . co�d-loe-¢ and �ie by the fire in the co�d'.

2. kupal)uru-�ati-pin I)ai • mu-lu I)ai ini laa. o�d:man-intr-past I camp-loe I remain now , I'm an o�d man. I stop at home now. bulja -ana I)a i il)ka-oa . I)a-ci -ka ntia-ka naa bul ja-pia nuu. BouLia-all I go-past me-dat-¢ �oney-¢ here Bou�ia-loe iie I went to Bou�ia. My money is here in Bou�ia. ntia-ana I)a i il)ka-ua kal puru-uoa . I)a-�u I)�ia I)i�i ma Ua �oney-all I go-past Bou�ia-all I-erg money here mob I went to (get my) money, to Bou�ia. I had a �ot of money u1antiji caja-oa-ka. I)a-�u maa-cua mani-nti ntia-ka have o�d-adv-¢ I-erg fo od-dat :¢ get-with �oney-¢ there once . I spent it on fo od (and) used it utimaj i -mpa ' I)a i u!imaj i -ua ntia-a I)a-ci-wa-ku. consurne- perfl I consume-past �oney-dat me-dat-lig-dat aH up . I have spent a�� my money '.

l -mpa could be sequential or perfect. REFERENCES

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GWSSAR Y

KALKATUNGU - ENGLISH

HUMANS

'new born baby ' pi r kipirki{jan) (=bloodwood) .uruma 'baby/y oung ahi ld ' pi ! a pi ! a 'ahi ld ' na ur 'boy ' kaQku. kuj i ri 'girl' wampa . wampaampa la (CC) . pi�a 'hoy nearing puberty ' kuj i r i 'girl nearing puberty ' wampa 'boy after first degree initiation ' japariri , /I /I /I /I seaond uparipci , /I /I third /I /I , kaniapia�u 'young man ' ka lpin. kal Pin�uru 'man ' juru (ergative stem -iti�) 'old man ' kupa . kupakupa . kupa�uru 'girl after first degree initiation 'irac i , /I /I seaond /I /I , wa l uma ra , /I /I /I /I third , muniamunia (see 'old woman ' ) 'woman ' ma rapa i 'old woman ' muniamunia (see ab ove) , mucumucu 'widow ' karajau. miniara 'doator ' ma�aQaan 'man of prowess ' pipan i 'unmarried man ' maQtawiia 'unmarried woman ' juruiti. juriti 'stra nger ' ra�kin. mawa r. maawa r 'friend ' kaac i. iimata 'ghost, white man ' j ap i 'white woman ' miiiii

167 168

'policeman ' kanimaJ iflci r 'dead person ' piflC i 1 'man ' (as ob ject of a woman 's mitamita affection)

KIN (See also §5.2.7. 3.)

'mother ' ma tu 'mo ther ' s father ' cac i ( ci) , fa ther ' kula 'father 's mother ' pap i ( pi) 'older brothel" iapu 'father's fa ther ' f)aca ( ci) 'older sister ' pua 'man 's chi ldren ' kunkuju 'younger sibl ing ' uf)ku]u 'woman 's children ' f) alu 'mo ther ' s sister ' upac i 'husband' j ukuta 'mother 's brothel" pupl 'wife ' kUf)i 'father 's sister ' f)ucir 'spouse ' markutu 'father 's brothel" piiata 'mother-in-law ' wapuiu 'mother 's mother' mucu ( cu) 'cross-cousin ' mua�f)u 'great grandparent 01' grandchild' macara

Rare forms : ma �u ('mother '), f) a�i ('elder brothel" ), Jal aca ('mother 's brothel" ), f)a�ta r ('mother 's sistez" ).

BODY PARTS

'head ' kania , ma pa , hail' ' wa rpauiuru, wa r upu , grey hail" kat u! 'bl'ains ' kuiu 'forehead' muuiu mi rimi ri 'face ' muuiu ( muuiu makar i 'pretty face ') 'temple ' pikaUla , wam i,la 'eye ' mi Hi 'eyelid ' mi lpuflun , eyebrow ' mif) ankari, mi linu , eye lashes ' mif)ankari, mi linu 'nose ' i c i fl C i, f)Ufli r i 'flat nose ' f) u fl iri !a la!ala, iciflci !a la!ala 'mouth ' aula 'lips ' aula pil) kur 'tongue ' rna 1 i 'teeth' a t iula 'cheek ' uku 'jaw ' aulaf)a,l1a , uku 'chin ' a,l inuku, aulaf) a,lla 169

'beard' j"n pa r , ear ' i ':!.ia, cukucuku (animal not human) , 'neck ' pina (rare) ka laa,. ka lar. . a 'neck' (front) iakar pa�!u rpa�!ur 'neck ' (bac:k) I)a mpu kao'lakaO,.ta 'shouZdel" wa rku, I)a p, I)a l) i 'shouZder bZade ' watu 'armpit ' kicipulu 'arm ' j u!!.iu 'upper arm ' kurcal 'eZbow ' ju�umuku , wa ri 'wrist ' muru 'hand ' ma kaii , 'left hand ' ka lurul)u

'hair under arms ' kicipakua 'breast ' m i m i, ka!!.ia I) ama I) ama ( 'nipp Ze '? ) 'chest ' ma!!.iar, wak ita, I) amal)a , I)a ! i r iri, I) at iIi(' breast bone '). iapu! akankan ('breast bone ') 'rib ' ia lpu,pipal i, pipalpipal 'rib bone ' j

'nails ' piku 'bone ' kunka, wa l)ka (see 'shin ') 'blood ' uAc i 'skin ' waku 'fat ' kU!l ia l i 'body hair ' pupcu 'hairy ' pupcul puncul 'muscle ' m i a r 'tendons ' ia rka-ia rka , wa nika 'vein ' pi rman 'heart ' wa ]karil)u, januant i, wa ira , lungs ' mu r i , liver ' utuniu 'kidneys ' mirul)ujan 'bowels/intestines ' unu, uluiapiku!u, unu ricuru

'mi lk ' mimi 'faeces ' unu 'urine ' kurkai

'sweat ' aAci r, aAci r a , sa liva/ph legm ' campa r 'nasal mucus, a cold' l)!Jnkur

'pimple ' I)un i 'lump ' I)amun 'boil' IUl) a 'pox ' kacara 'menstruation ' kururumira , copu lation ' mpuj umpuj u , sore ' kak i , scar ' waparu, ma rili, I)a liri 'wound ' kak i 'pain ' I)ki k i , cramp ' c i iamanman 'corpse ' pinc i I 'ghost ' jan i 'name ' i pa 1

ANIMALS

'meat ' at i 'male ' kulaajal)u 'female ' kinca karau 171

'tai l' kaaniu, jarari 'fur ' pUf1cu 'egg ' kuiu, f1UU 'yolk' japa!a (also gives as 'red oohre ') 'eggshe ll ' r i mp i 1

, kangaroo ' macumpa 'female kangaroo ' pa raf1ca 'kangaroo teeth ' iral)ka l 'kangaroo 's pouoh ' j a ra 'kangaroo rat ' I)a !il)a! i, wac in waia la 'wa l laroo ' I)arkun 'possum ' mirampa , ut uman, iakamunia 'water rat' ki�ti, pikura (see next entry )

'bandiooot ' ka lkatu, pikura ( Roth) , cikal, cikali

'bush rat' ka ! u 'bush mouse ' cirima, pukucur, jatici ,curukul)u

'eohidna ' cUfujan, wa cinaan 'bat ' mUf1u, pipa! i 'flying fox ' mUl)ar 'dog ' iuku (not Engl ish borrowing - it declines irregularly) 'dingo ' munuial)u 'pup ' wa ! amaan 'sheep ' mal)kimal)k i 'horse ' jaraman , jaramana, wanana 'bul look ' pul aka , pul iii , naf1carajan, mu!i 'goat' nanikutu 'oat '

'ohook ' ki�ti watuwatura , cukucuku

RE PTILES , FISH , ETC .

'goanna ' ma r ari , kunakaaca , jurut u, julara, ' (informants unab le ' to distinguish species consistently) 'prentie ' manpu( ru) pa ri , ral)i raan 'Johnson orooodile ' jutujutu 'lizard ' i!ip ari 'bearded dragon ' wa 1 kaat u 'blue tongue ' pal)kara, iumpafa ra 'lizard similar to blue tongue ' mi j ul)a! ana, japul)kul iri , wal)kata 'unidentified types of lizard' milumanu, utata, wal) atu, mi !ati 172

, fri Hed lizard ' wa rata l)ujan 'geako ' paQ!apaQ!a (often given as 'wood adder ' a species of gecko) 'snake ' tar, kuntara , pi r u 'types of snake ' (attempts at ia kujan, mi lkira, japiQ!ici , mal)aQ, identificat ion inconsistent) c ! ka 'death adder ' m ku!u 'aarpet snake ' par i -par i, ania ku!aajal)u 'bZaak-headed python ' mapamacin 'water snake ' I) u lu-I)ulu, jutur (al so given as . 'python ', c f. ' aroaodi Ze ') , arab ' marakatu , kaQ!ar (also given for , saorpion ') 'arayfish ' tumpan , cuipci, mu !u 'musse Z' k curu , rakacu . wanta!. jarkalaan 'sheZl,' cikara, ciki(li)ri, wa n ta! (see preceding entry) 'tadpoZe' un u!ut u 'frog ' pakuku , u!upa ('green tree frog '), ca raa!ku, cawan ('big brown frog '), taral)ana ('ZittZe,green frog '), upun ('big, brown frog ') 'fish' wakari 'fin ' 1 i r i n 'saaZes ' pi r kip irk i (j an) ( ='b Zoodwood ' ) 'yeZZow beZZy ' miaraan 'bZaak bream ' mal)ka !a, ka l kaal)[si c], ka l kal)u 'boney bream ' mi rikan 'type of smaZZ fish' ul u 'perah ' iakuru

BIRDS

'bird ' tllruuQ 'beak' a tlta 'wing ' jllutu , a Zaw ' tapant u, piku 'feather' kllti, pulun , purl)u

'emu ' ut i I) a r , emu feather' ti l i ara 'eag Zehawk' uluj aan , uluj aun 'kitehawk ' picu!u. kacap i 'white haWk ' kllll)upari 'ahiakenhawk ' mllcuQ , eagZe ' kllma lntuicir 173

'crow - black ' wakan, ukan , waka la, waaka !a 'pelican ' wa l kiripa ri, tulkiripari (Roth) 'spoonbill' pila-pila 'diver bird ' fl ill 'jack diver ' ka la-kala 'waxbi l l' pi itu-pi itu , bro 19a ' kulluur , mirikunpafla ,waQkaQulla , puraa�ta , puralku , crane ' lankin 'waterhen ' kicicipapa 'dotterel' pi�til-pi�t il 'kingfisher' ma la�a , caampa 'kookaburra ' markula (Urquhart - O'Reilly) calunkur, caruQkul 'duck ' �anta� i, karapa (unspecified types rather than generic term) 'wood duck ' ma�ami!aaka , kunampa , lurpupari , Qa lawal 'black duck ' maQawir a 'whistler duck' kipUAU, CiP UAU

, owl ' mil1ijaun 'mopoke ' kurkurku , jat ilara, muka�ka 'dove ' uluuku�u 'plumed pigeon ' urimPitu 'night pigeon ' ku luma rl

'flock pigeon ' curual i, kuraku , brown pigeon ' u�iQa, �apac i 'type of pigeon ' kulupaci 'plains turkey ' parka mu , calalu 'corella ' . mu�uma�i, kuluta (Urquhart - O'Reilly) ma �apuQu 'white sulphur-crested cockatoo ' jauira, pirimpa l aan 'ga lah ' kl lauru, ki la-ki la 'peewee ' ku�icicin 'magpie' kurat apu 'budgerigar ' cinparu 'parrot ' mu lpifl ( 'green with beads around neck'), pa l paacu ('green parrot with red wing ' ) , pulunpulun 'wi l He wagtai l' c i nt i p i r 'finch ' ciku�u 'chook ' kinti waluwalura , cukucuku 174

INSECTS , ETC .

'insect-Like creature ' icaj iflcir ('biter'), ulu , spider ' kupu 'redback spider ' mlflci kuriku ri , miiinii kur i kur i, iunpuliu kurikuri 'fLy ' jumun iiri, jumuniuru 'bLowfLy ' milQa, unuQu (also given as 'bee ') 'maggot' ciku-ciku, wa�ka 'bee ' mat u 'beeswax ' umu 'honey ' ikan 'wasp ' wafl imatu 'mosquito ' mikara, mi kaa 'butterfLy ' kuf,atapu 'hairy caterpiLLar ' ciapa ]a , cen tipede ' iitiri , iitii 'ant' iii 'meat ant' iii 'bLack ant' waii 'white ant' ira 'buLL ant ' muo.iun 'antbed ' micampu , swarm ' kit i-kiti , Louse' iuiu 'fLea ' iurunpu 'Locust' iiri-iiri 'witchetty grub ' kapara , kapaa 'unidentified types of grub ' maQkut i, maQkuiat ipula, pu�paiiQu 'worm ' ialu 'beetLe ' iiran , ju�kuQutu , scorpion ' ka�tar (also given as 'crab ') 'grasshopper' pint iciri

FLORA

'tree ' kunka 'root ' turi-turi , stump ' isao.ianmaat u 'Log' iunpun 'bark ' iaka , iaka 1 'Limb ' ma ]aQaf,caQaf,ca 'Leaf ' pu ]io.ii 'tea Leaf' Qulian 175

'stick' kunka 'rotten wood' raput u 'needle bush ' ianpuru, iUQkuru 'firewood ' ucan 'fork ' raflca , palla, jal i (possibly jaji ) 'flower ' wa riflca, piDiikal i, wiriri, ukara , kui i (see 'feather ') 'type of fruit' kal)tu 'wild fig ' wa l iflcaQu 'seed' milii (compare 'eyes ' ) 'nut ' kucanp�ru (unidentified type of edible nut) 'foliage ' kUQala 'new gro wth ' mUDkumuDku, c i i pu 'gidyea tree' pacara,ii 1 imari , gidyea flowers ' muki 'unidentified species of Eucalyptus ' Qant iQu 'coolibah ' piDpiri, ma karu 'bean tree' cikajaan , cuia, wacu , moun tain gum ' pui a -puta 'bloodwood ' pirki-pirki 'supp lejack' alkar 'silverleaf box ' ka rkafli 'mu lga ' urira, miaw al i 'beefwood ' wacara, ma l aiampi, iint ipari 'tea-tree ' (Melaleuca) nuruQu (also tea-tree bark and certain things made from this), miraflci, munalkara 'loose bark of tea-tr ee ' pucunpucun 'corkwood ' cut u 'prune tree ' ciQkaQu 'wild orange ' inpukut u, watac i 'river wattle' ka !aca 'myrtle ' purkulu

, lance wood ' kialpari ( = 'east ', = 'chestnut ' (of horses» 'ironwood ' iota pUl umapul uma (also given as , coo tibah ' ) 'carbeen ' ucaawa , ut i, pikani 'whitewood resin ' kunaflcar 'roly-poly ' Qumpu!u 'prickly bush ' makar , lignum bus h ' ricaawa , tanita 176

'split-eye ' I)u!u 'bush tomato ' mu ! uku 'vegetable food' maa 'yam ' I)kaa 'type of yam ' makura , I)ata 'kind of makura ' 'p lain yam ' kankuJ i 'blackberry ' jalpul)u 'turpentine bush' mal)tuj ul)u 'saltbush ' alampa 'grass ' kaJl i r, ka1ir, cilkurujan, cilka ri , 'mitchell grass ' pita punuru 'grass seeds ' iii r 'spinifex ' wac in (also 'spine, bristle ') , burr ' curu 'reed' cimpa la , paddy me lon ' i!pu, pulur a 'gooseberry ' miJlcaruma , kanguberry , JluanJlu 'pigweed ' 1a !u 'poison ' kal)a , drug ' pa lpir (a substance used to drug fish) 'unidentified types of tree ' ukal)taical)u 'unidentified type of plant' cinpun,pipiJl, pa1ulaJl ci, tatunu, kan1a1aku , il)kaA il)ka jal)u, campuAca , kur icipalka 'unidentified types of bush ' piri-piri, pupuci , pirimpiri

SKY, TIME , WEATHER, WATER, EARTH

, sun ' (also ' day ' ) pipcamu , wanaka 'moon ' (also 'month') 1un1a l 'crescen t moon ' tun1a l putu , star ' cirka, mil1i ('eyes'), pu1urul)u 'Morning Star ' ma raputal)kaa! i 'Southern Cross ' kanamara lakia, ku ! al)ku !aajal)u 'Seven Sisters ' markal)uru 'Mi lky Way ' wa ru-waru 'dark' wat a, watamaka l 'to grow dark ' miwa!u1at i 'sunrise ' mpampa iJlc i piJlcamu 'shade ' wa !ua 'breeze ' ku i al)u 'wind ' unul)kat i 'willy-wil ly/dust storm ' wampat i, ma r kamarka , war ipirian 177

, s torm ' jurapiri 'hai l.stones ' karakucul)u 'thunder ' marapan ka , rUl)ka , rUl)ula

, Ughtning ' ma rapan° ka , janpiri, janpirian , rul)ka 'sky ' mana-mana 'mirage ' juma 'heat haze ' pa':ltu 'cl.oud ' jalpaaca , juruma , curku lu (once only in a song) , pupula 'red cl.oud' I)ururulu (once only in a song) 'storm cl.oud ' iran- i ran 'rain ' kuu, lapi-lap iku!a ('l.ight rain '), pi 1 i ('Ught rain ') miUi ('rain drops ' ) 'hail. ' karakucul)u 'water ' kuu 'dew ' kaca, willa 'mist' liralira 'rainbow ' jaruala 'river, creek' kua , tribu tary , jU!liu 'fl.ood ' luura , swamp ' lanpalanpa 'rippl.es' jamparjampar 'soak ' ipuraan , spring ' ka l aat i 'dirty ' (of water) cU':lta 'upstream ' ma!li iana 'downstream ' picil)ana 'rock l.edge, rgel.a fl.at stone ' lumpu':lI)U 'bank of river' m i pc i, j amp i 'sand (river) ' kua , kikawara 'mud ' pata 'muddy ' patanal)UrU , stone ' ':It ia 'gravel.' ruculu 'hin' ':It ia, warapant ia, jal ira 'antbed ' micampu 'cUff' micalaru 'dust' kalunkara 'ground' muu 'camp ' muu 'cl.aypan ' kukaliri 178

'track ' wa ,= uwa ,=u 'mound ' wal)a 'heap ' mutu 'ridge ' purku 'top of a hi tt 01' big rock ' kao.iamal)tu 'hote ' I)tuu, ial)tuu, !apu!apu 'cave ' o.al)a , kurk ira 'red ochre ' jap a!a, kuri, mila, mlli l 'yet tow ochre ' paru 'kopi ' pl,=akara 'white sheH' elkll Irl, eikara 'paint' kapuru , satt' mlAu 'btack paint' umaaka

CAMP

'camp ' muu 'humpy ' wa I I p I r i 'house ' kunt i 'windbreak' wa !u- w a!u, wa !uwa!ua, ul) ku,=ieu 'singte men 's camp ' mal)tawiia 'singte girt 's camp ' mal)t aka!u, jampara 'bed' iia pi, ealku 'rug, btanket' ku l apuru 'area away from the camp ' wa lul)kar 'right outside ' 'ceremoniat humpy ' jantu lamira-mira 'initiation area ' 8aliuo. u (possibly not a Kalkatungu 'corroboree ground ' ma euru word)

FIRE

, fire ' uean 'firewood ' uean 'sticks for ma king fire ' j al)taea, iurku 'btaze, ftame ' ku ra! I, ao.iao.uI u , smoke ' pu!u, jUl) arka 'coats' kapu , wamu 'ashes ' iurl)un , pumpa 'to burn, cook ' iu- 'hote for cooking in ' wa il 'to burn ' man i i (Vi and Vt ) 179

FOOD

'vegetable fo od ' maa 'meat' at i 'beef' mipa 'wad of ahewing tobaaao or pituri ' kuka

WEAPONS , TOOLS , ETC .

'swag ' waliu rwal:tur 'spear ' juku , cilka , shaft of spear ' niri mu 'head of spear ' iampira 'barb of spear ' ! al i, a!!laumuj an , spear thrower ' julman , wamira, ulmun 'hook on spear thrower ' !al i, karimil) u 'nulla' la1im piri, ucauca (also heard as wicaw ica) 'boomerang ' jalkapa� i 'fluted boomerang ' laruru 'hook boomerang ' cukucuku , i!!iajan , i!!iama� i,cimpa la (stick thick at one end and pointed at the other, thrown as a weapon) 'shield' milar, jampuru 'tomahawk ' wa rampa ta, mar ia, muary l)u 'knife ' kanka� i, pu}.cini , wi rint a,kampUl) u 'aeremonial knife ' uj ln, wi in, pU!!i un 'ahisel' kumpal a , stiak' kunka, i u1ar, wapu ,warawara ,canpara 'yam stiak' ku lal) ara 'pump ' (decoy device for ku! umpu attracting birds) 'emu net ' j a! p i 'noose on stiak' (for catching cin t alura birds) 'posts of emu net ' p uj u 1 u 'net ' mukuari , kant ama� a (also 'hairnet'), ucula , fish trap ' pint apuru 'fish hook' watuku 'rope ' turit uri, wan ika 'knot ' kan i , grinds tone' kui la,pila, iaku , rumpa , macamila {'lower stone ')" 'aoolaman ' cut u 'aoolaman for aarrying baby ' !!al)kur 180

, di z.zy bag ' pUl)kuari, iajata, il)ki il)ki , pa lki (English?), fl i t i 'water bag ' upal)ul)u 'message stick ' jUo'iuat i 'roarer, whirler ' piri-piri 'toy ' wa n int i j i c i r , spin bal l toy ' pucu-pucu 'ball' cutu 'throwing stick toy ' pumpu, pumpuku 'wa lking stick' canpa ra 'hoop ' ku�aku!aa 1 i 'corroboree ' wa rma , kiAa, lamintamira 'song ' warma 'song sung for dead person ' juturu " " to get a woman ' kurimp i 'type of song (to get a woman) ' lamaflari 'blanket' kul apuru 'string for binding hair ' pitapita 'cross stick headcap ' putucur 'netted headcap ' kao'iamara (also given as 'net ' in general) 'headband' miri-m iri, puAurka , karuwal i 'nosepin ' pukurpukur, icil)ata 'necklace ' kUflupa ('grass '), mitamiku ('possum or wallaby fur necklace or arm,let') 'chest ornament' pu 1 i fl i r i 'feather ornament worn on arm ' win'talaAa, uflcaja 'wrist band ' maAiri , pUflcupu 'belt ' jurutu, jUo'luru 'pha l locrypt' pUflc ini ('shell'), jamara , lap- lap ' mun,HU, wat i!u ('possum skin') , ulaka , tunka wiraka ('grass ')

'body pain ting ' maraflca , tuutuu (markings in general) 'cricket pads ' pujumuci

'double broom ' object wanpa 'kangaroo teeth ornament' iral)ka l 'death bone ' kaiipil)a, ciriku 'string on death bone ' ukur (Roth) 'receptacle for blood ' upir 'totem ' tamlJ 'deity ' curl (proper name) , nani ikuju (proper name ) 'bogey man ' muk,lja rl)u 181

EUROPEAN ARTEFACTS , ETC .

'town ' taun 'house ' kunt i 'doorway ' aula 'hotel ' papl ikaatu 'car ' cutu 'money ' Qt ia 'hat ' cika-cika, cirka-cirka 'dress ' kaun 'shirt' cata, cuari , caar 'trousers ' 1araalu , la raali r 'boots ' pant i-p ant i 'saddle ' ila pi , ulant ijicir (also 'chair ') , stirrup ' mi1;an-mitan, juunt ij icir 'billycan ' pi 1 i kan 'axe ' warampaia 'knife ' Qa ipu 'aerop lane ' kacapi 'tobacco ' lumpaki 'rifle ' Qtuumaj ipcir, makini 'tea ' jululu , ii i 'grog ' kal ia 'cake ' k i k i 'blanket ' pul ankat i, pulankiti 'wheel' kuta-kutaa l i 'bread ' maal)u 'pillow ' m aniapa 'fence ' pa� ikiri 'clock. watch' pipcamuuja!)u 'paper ' UUrU!)U , pi ipa 'white man ' japi 'white woman ' milili , wac ikani 'butcher ' at ipci laj ipcir 'policeman ' kan imaj ipcir 'pannikin ' pan ikin 'handkerchief ' al)kica 'glasses (spectacles) ' kilata 'bed' iiap i 'swag ' nu� ul)u (tea-tree bark) 'gun ' pul i-p uli laj imant ijicir 'stew ' putu 182

'road ' r;ut u 'soap ' :t,upu 'writing ' t IJ U-t uu 'pen, penciZ' t IJ U-t uuj al)u , a chair ' u;t,ant ijicir

PLACE NAMES

'Buckingham (8tation) ' wa la!a 'Bu8hy Park' muu unul)ui na-l)uina 'Chat8worth (station) ' cacuri 'CZoncurry River' p;3imara 'Devoncourt' mpu l amar;a 'EuZoZa (8tation) ' jalula 'Fort Wi ZZiam ' iwint i :t,aurala, :t,a urala 'Granada (station) ' u!umpu!u , Hami Zton ' pu!u-pu]u 'Kajabbi' karka laan 'KamiZaroi (8tation) ' J1iranu 'mountain near Dajarra ' urupu 'Leichhardt River ' :t,a r;apa:t,a 'Lorraine (8tation) ' w;3 I)kunar;i 'OZd HammerZy (8tation) ' jami]i-jami]i 'Quamby (8tation) ' urnpu-umpu 'Stanbroke (station) ' pu:t, uru, wa n taa!pi

DESCRIPTIVE

'happy ' unuani (Vi ) 'joviaZ' pi}.can 'cZever' japacara 'mischievous' maka:t, i piJ1cara

'carefu Z' c i aanma (V )( = 'take care of, watch t t out for), cit aanma ti (Vi ' reflex ive) ( = 'be carefuZ') 'in8ane ' 1);3 1) i I) al)i, I) uj ura l) uj ura:t,a t i, mu!!:t,ui t i 'tired, weak' mal) u, macuri 'noi8Y ' ci il)kujan , :t,arkant a 'quiet ' !!ukur, puru, waka!!iri , shy ' wakunl. i, mu tuna 'suZky ' PlJaa� i, I) t uupira , be ZZigeren t' arkunaan 'drunk ' klJujan , mil:t,i wa kini (Vi ) 'greedy ' J1lJujan 183

'untruthful' ma i t i 'naked ' majal 'ready ' laana 'alone, of one 's own accord ' Jal)kana 'bald' ciranciran , kanla ma !apala 'grey-haired ' muupari , katu!aan 'blind ' mucupari 'blind in one eye ' mil1ajar 'deaf' in1akajarat i (V ) i 'ignorant of' I)unkal)u 'satiated' maant i 'dumb ' ma li pil1ilat i 'hungry ' jarika an , jarikajanat i (V )' pa i j i 'thirsty ' mani, puj uja , pl'egnan t ' putujan 'lame ' kUnlUI)U , kan1aaryka , pural)ka

'old' cajal)u ( = 'former ', = 'old' (of persons, animals, obj ects) ) 'middle-aged' 1untukaja 'young ' kacaku!u, kataku!u 'fat' miaraan , kU!l1al ijan , lean, thin ' mani, wi ra�ul) ka li, jalaura ('poor in cond1:tion, sickly ') 'tal l' 1a 1pal)u , short' mu�al)kula 'i l l' jalaura, anka (V ) ' 1a rajan ('iZZ as a resuli of havingi been "sung"') 'weak' manu 'drowsy ' wa�arujan 'strong ' I)awa , I)awajan 'well, lively ' japacara 'alive' i 1i 'dead' ('to die '), ul- i wa ira t i1a t i « wa ira- i t l-1at i) 'itchy ' kiapi·, ciapi 'frightened' il1inaan 'wounded ' kaklan , sore, chafed' pi ripi r i 'good ' pu1ur , correct' unaruur 'bad ' 1ul)umpi ri, 1ikin1ikin 'hot ' p uju r 'cold' ilir, munt umunt u 'big' jaun, ja� mal) u (rare ) 184

'Httle ' kaca, kacaku]u, kataku]u,1api ,1a piku!a 'heavy ' !)awa , !)awajan 'Hght ' ma rumaru 'deep ' 1a�tu 'shallow ' munkun 'long, taZl' ulkuuri 'Bhort' mura!)kula 'wide ' pinta 'narrow ' cum pun , kal i, ca lka, ca lka ni, ca 1 k i] i 'straight ' 1utuku , crooked, winding ' kut ukutu, kut ikut i 'round ' uriciri 'steep ' pantuu, cu ku, micalaru ('steep hill · side ') 'flat ' ta la, 1ura 'Bmooth ' curuur, ma rumaru, ma ruru 'rough ' pirkipirkian 'sharp ' macarka 'blunt' mua�u, muntu, i!)kia 'Boft (to touch) , pi 11 i 'hard (to touch), firm ' 1a il 'wet ' kuujan, 111!)i, 1iflu1at i 'dry ' mujuta 'faBt' puunaan , puunt u, punta, !)uajan ( of current ) 'slow ' raaflcu, rafl CU 'hard ' !)awa , 'lawajan 'Boft ' pi 11i rna ! i 'open ' pi�ta (cf. 'wide ') 'shut' cumpunat i (Vi ) 'tight, stuck ' pu�t i (Vi ) 'cZear, bright ' mpampa iflci 'clear (of water) , pu 1 i l!)u 'dirty ' muujan, patajan , patwoa!)uru 'fuZ-l' !)am icul)par 'empty ' pu] uma 'new ' iAa!)U 'old' caja!)u 'high ' jumujan, mica (of hill) (cf: micalaru 'Bteep ') 'low ' pi i r 'torn, leaking ' k iiian 185

, sour ' kul purujan 'bitter, salty ' kalia 'poisoned' mpuul)ajan , sweet ' I) uurujan, r iiIku 'rotten' mpuu 'to smell' mput i (Vi) 'ripe (of fruit) , mpuul)u 'tough (of meat) , wi raru 'fresh (of food) , i)1all)u 'bare, cleared' ma !apala, manu , scrubby ' curujan 'bushy ' I) u rulu , shiny ' mi)1ca , mi i)1ca 'rotten (of wood) ' tuka rpajan 'right ' unaruur (also 'correct') tutuku , left ' ka!urul)U 'in sma ll pieces ' ta pikula 'bla ck ' macin, marcin, uma)1ca, uma)1cama)1ca , umaaka 'white ' pu!upu!u, pu!uwa ra 'red' kurikuri ( kur i 'red ochre ') , green ' jalapujalapu 'yellow ' pa ruparu ( pa ru 'yel low ochre ') 'chestnut (of horses) , kialpari ('east ') 'piebald' wamat itiraan

VERBS

Position

'remain ' ini 'be present' ini 'be absent ' ut i 'sit ' I) a tatat i , stand ' na. , nananp i, I)al)pil)al)pi (poss I) a n p i � , lie ' I)u 'sleep ' I)u wam ilajan '"lie asleep ' 'stretch oneself' ku la, cUAcant i cama 'curl up, coil up ' tumat i 'bend' ( Vi ) kutukututat i 'sit with legs crossed ' ini niliana 'squat' ini pi)1canap i)1cana 'stoop, crouch, bend over ' uru 186

'hang down ' kapca Ii 'l.ean against' muniapi 'to hide onesel.f' curuiat i, cu!uiat i 'take up a distant position ' jarkaiat i 'wait for ' miliinapi 'l.ie around, be scattered ' rapc i, pitapc i

Motion

'go wa l.k' il)ka 'go away, depart' kaanta, paca ('take l.eave of someone ' (locative ) ) 'come ' muniil)ka , il)ka nauna ('wal.k hither ') 'return ' iti, l)apcumuiiiat i 'hurry ' pakapakama , iu lai ula 'run ' iuna 'fl.y ' iuna 'bl.ow (of wind) , iuna 'fl.ow ' iuna, kaanta 'go up, cl.imb ' juu , juunti (also 'ride a horse ') 'rise (of fl.ood), ani aju 'go down ' pia 'go in' ara (also 'set (of sun) ') 'come out' waiara (also 'rise, get up ') 'emerge from a hol.e ' I)tuucama 'crawl. ' uluru, puka i, pukua i, uru 'swim ' kaania 'dive ' kaniaar i, kaniara 'faH' I)uji 'faH headl.ong ' kania ititi 'disappear ' I)ampuiat i 'creep up to ' pi kar i 'sneak al.ong ' aniauru 'sl.ip ' pa I aiat i, pa I a i 'go across ' wamaiuma , wamal)kaa!i 'turn around' (Vi ) wakini 'jump ' CUI)pa 'hop away ' cUl)pa 'pl.ay ' wani 'pl.ay with' wan inti 'to al.ight ' at i i 'to crowd together ' aniam ut u iat i 'to cl.uster ' I)Ukuiat i 187

Hunting and Gathering

'co��ect, gather ' a�pa , unla (also 'graze ') 'dig ' wa lukat l 'to fo ��ow ' wa nllntl (Vt) , wanl 1 (Vi) 'to sneak a�ong ' wakalanl 'fo n "ow, chase ' I)aI ma , I) a I , creep up on ' rapama 'hunt ' kapan l, Ima 'to take hunting ' kapan lnt l 'f�ush ' ma l , �ook for ' I) kuma , clntl, I)anlama 'find, meet ' I) anlama , catch, grab ' I)u l urma

Induce position

'put down, p�ace ' aa !, at l I, makalat l I 'knock down ' ka!lla Illtl, kanlapun l, nl lnka l 'drop ' I)ujI nt I 'put into, insert' arant I 'take out of' cia, �tul 'hide somet hing ' curupun l, cu!upun i 'to put at a distance ' jarkapun l

Induce motion

'take ' ma n I, l ull t I, muma 'take with one ' unpl

, stea� , !l I la 'send, re�ease, �et go ' I)ka , I)kaI mpak I 'send back ' l) a p cumullpun l 'bring ' I tint I, wa 1 I n t i 'bring back ' I tint I 'get ' man l, munma , muma 'carry on the shou�ders ' I)a ! I ma 'carry on the back ' ka rlnt l 'carry in a coo�aman ' lat lnt l 'push' al)ka mU!liupukaa�t i 'drag ' pukaarJt i 'throw ' liltl, ilki l tl 'ga� �op (a horse) ' iunt l 'trot (a horse) , curkaiunt i 'to shake ' (Vt ) mur lmant l 188

Affect

'make, do ' kiakat i 'fail to do, miss ' I)upcapun i 'build, erect' I)ka 'own, possess ' utan ti 'take care of' citaanma , mat iQap i 'allow ' I)ka 'quieten' aotatuma 'win ' aota 'to leave relinquish ' 1ua 'hit, kiZZ' 1a 'fight ' 1at i 'hit with a missile ' ipci (also 'chop ') 'kick ' 1a 1a p antu!.u 'consume entirely, massacre ' ut I ma 'strangle ' miri wakima 'tread on ' nt ati 'hug ' I)uf,cakama 'throw ' iti t i 'spear, stab ' I)ka , I)kama 'break ' tut i (V ) tuma (V ) i ' t 'chop ' ipci (also 'hit with missile ') 'cut through ' :t,ua 'cut the surface ' p I pc i 'butt ' kanta uru 'grasp ' I)ulur ma 'to paint (oneself) ' ma i, i pc I t i 'crush up, pound, cut up into piHi pun i sma l l pieces ' 'to flatten' :t,a latalapuni 'grind ' rumpa 'clean seeds ' cat ' 'squeeze ' almi 'sharpen' I)ti al i 'rub, clean, wipe, whet ' ka r i, waii 'to stroke (e.g. cat 's fur ), to mar ukari, I)arupun i smooth ' 'to straighten ' cUf, ca 'to stretch ' CUf,ca 'cover' kata , kat i 'bury ' a!2iakat l 'dig up ' ulia 'dig ' watukat i 189

'shut, bLock ' cumpunpuni 'pour ' ao.ial)ka 'fin' ao.iao.a i fl ci 'piLe up, gather up ' I)ukupun i, mut upun i 'shut' ao.ia kama 'to put a hoLe in ' ao.iama , r;ttuuma 'widen ' pir;ttapun i , Ught a fire ' ao.iaiu, jantaiu, ma kaiaat i 'to burn ' man i i (Vi and Vt ) 'put a fire out' wi ima 'to warm ' j umupun i, puj urpun i 'to cooL ' iIirp un i 'to wet (of rain) , to rain (on) ' uo.ia 'to wet ' ciru 'to wash' caralma 'to wash oneseLf' ka r it i 'to shut in ' aniakama 'ward off ' p,anti 'restrain someone ' muo.iuntat i, kami 'to tickLe ' kiAakiAama 'to hurry someone up ' iurkanant i 'to skin ' waku la , pat int i 'to gut' r;ttui , ununtui 'to cook, to burn ' (vt ) iu , pat upun i 'tie ' kan ima 'sew ' I)kaa 'to give ' afl i 'to exchange ' afl iti (also 'to give accidentaLLy ' as in 'x gave y a coLd') 'to pay ' mUflc i 'to pay back ' jurunt i 'to divide up ' maliapuni 'to Lose ' uiijakapi, wa l pala 'to feed up ' putafliti

Conditions and activities of the body

'be in' anka 'feeL' jakapiti (Vi ) 'be ashamed' kulpuruj a n 'to sweat ' aAci\u i flCi 'to be wounded' kakian 'to bLeed' uAcinta 190

'pain ' I)ki k i 'to shiver' ma ! aapcant i 'to have a ao�d ' ma l)uj an . I)unkuraan 'to get a aramp ' citamanmanat i 'to be we ��' japacara 'to aure ' japacarapun i 'to aonva�esae japacaraiat i, mal)anti 'to die ' uli 'to drown ' ka!ara tut i (lit . 'break one 's neak ') 'to be born ' mi Lt i iat i 'to have a baby ' pi!api !a at ii 'to wear ' nani i 'to be intoxiaa ted, faint' milii wakini. miLtawak ini. milii iut i 'have a headaahe ' al)ka kaniaa , kanial)kikl (noun) 'see ' nap i 'wink ' miliimut i , sniff ' pika, pca 'pant ' wa ira cUl)pa 'aough ' I)aka , I)arka, I)aaka 'sneeze ' c i I)kur la , open the mou th ' anianta 'b�ow on ' pupu la 'suak ' pl!im pi, puputi 'bite, ahew ' ica , eat, drink ' ar i 'kiss ' aka (V akat i ) t ), (Vi '�iak one 's �ips ' ma !imput i 'poke out one 's tongue ' ma li munt unpant l 'have the tongue hanging out ma !ikapcal i (of dog) ' 'swa� �ow ' rukupi 'vomit' I)arkuma , ulmu 'spit ' campar l i l t i 'to piak up in the mouth ' a!liampu t i 'to fi �� onese�f with fo od ' putu a p i ti 'to be fu �� of food ' put umaanti 'saratah onese�f' pipc i t I , shake hands ' I)ulurmat I 'urinate ' kurka i I)ka 'defeaate ' kunant a , aopu �ate ' mpu (V ), mput i (V t i ) 191 Vocalising and thought

'language ' jal)aaJu 'tel l' punpa, patl, pant i 'talk, tell, ask' punpa 'aonverse ' punpat i 'saold ' pa!a, nt ii, l)aramai 'reprimand ' nllia l)ka 'argue ' patati 'swear ' macani iuma 'aal lout ' kuni , mpaa , mpaat i 'ary ' !ul)a 'bark (of dog) , �ant i 'growl (of dog) , �tuumpa 'moan ' ku J i , laugh ' icama 'whistle ' up l, upimpa 'sing ' ap i i 'talk about someone ' cinil 'boast' ciniicamat i 'know ' ikan i 'learn ' paririiat i , teaah ' pariripun i , see ' ':lapi 'show ' mlUlp at i 'under'stand ' jakapl 'hear, listen ' jakapl , loia �u 'think about ' inia�uma 'dream of ' at i I wam llail , forget ' IniakaJ arat i, intakajarpuni 'sulk' �tuupira 'tell lies, pretend ' I)urklj;il)uma 'to like ' wa ira �u 'to fear ' rump i 'to frighten ' rump i rna 'to be angry ' kuill waia ra 'take aare of/wi th ' (Vt ) cltaanma , take aare ' ) clta anmatl (Vi

Sounds

'to rustle (of leaves eta. )' uunpa 'to make a noise ' I)awapi J I, wakam paka , wakampawakampa 'to make a fuss ' clcima 192

'to go bang (of thunder, gun) ' luma 'to go crack, to crackZe ' c i 1 a r i n pa

Change of state

'grow warm ' pujuiat i, jumuiat i 'grow cold ' iiiiat i 'grow dry ' muj utaiat i 'grow hard ' ia i 1 at i 'grow up ' jumuiat i, kaniapirinaiat i 'swell' puAcuiat i 'abate (of rain) ' raaflcuiat i 'get lost ' wampa! aiat i 'grow late ' f)a iQiiat i 'grow dark ' miwa!uiat i

QUANTITY

'one ' aj a r 'two ' Auat i , three ' ku rpa i 'four ' Auat iAuat i 'mob ' malta 'few ' mutu ('a group, heap, piZe ') 'many ' u lari ('crowd ' ) , malia 'much, in great numbers/ mal1ana quantity ' 'a littZe ' pa !ku, pa! kumpi ri 'none ' f)UflCa , flUrku

INTERROGATIVES AND INDEF INITES

'where ' arakaii 'where to ' arakani 'where from ' arakaf)u 'which way, some way or other ' k i a 'when ' niaf)u 'what, something ' naka 'why ' nakaj a, nakaj an, nakaa, nakakua , how many, some ' nam if)u 'who, someone ' nanl polar interrogative marker wii 'which ' nakali 193 TIME

'now, today ' If-a 'yesterday ' I)a ini 'the day before yesterday ' I)a inil)ara 'the other day ' pipcamul)ara 'formerly ' caJ ana 'recently ' if-al)una 'long ago ' cajana pu1ur 'las t night ' if-a watal)ka 'in the night ' wa tal) ka 'tomorrow ' wa ! al)ana 'day after tomorrow ' wat al)anal)ara 'early in the morning ' wa ra1ina 'later ' I) a i 0 i I)ain i 'middle of the night ' 1aUul)a ra 'when the sun is high ' ulaa':!ta 'in the daytime ' pipcamu1i 'every day ' pipcamupi pcamul)ara1i 'always ' I)u ! I, pimu , mun1umun i 'again ' ku!uku!u 'still' I)u ! i 'beforehand ' l)ampul)u1una 'later on ' ma�ka!la, ma,:!ii 'first' wac ali ina

POSITION

'upside down ' n i inka I 'close, near ' pikaJ a 'here ' I) I 1 i 'at home ' mul i 'far ' j a rka 'above ' pirina 'below ' pia 'be hind ' u1il)ka 'in front, in first place ' waca!ina, waca!iina 'the other side ' u1arl)a ra , pa�aj a, pa,:!ampaja pa�aan:t.un, pal)i1i')aant un ('opposite ') 'at the side ' lakia (also 'left over, remaining ') 'in the middle ' 1 i i nta 'inside ' ul)kanta, ul)ka n kuna (allat ive form) 'hither ' nauna 'thither ' pauna 'hence ' lUl)u 194

'upstream ' manilana , downstream ' plcil)ana , e Z.sewhere ' muul)a ra ('other camp ') 'out of sight ' I)ampupla 'in the opposite direction ' aai.ial)arail 'north ' i,apul)ku , south ' i,i r iwa, ka rwa!i 'east' kialpari 'west ' rUl)k ari

RESIDUE

'very ' paflca 'accidentaZ.Z.y, care z.essz.y, wampa!aaa inaccurate z.y, 'sti Z.Z., al.ways' I)U! i 'quickZ.y, earz.y ' ma !ampira 'Z.oudZ.y ' uruwa 'ready ' pa!ana 'yes ' I)aa 'not ' kuntu 'no ' kuna, kunaj an , kunaan 'don 't' wa nt a 'if' puj u 'wez.z., now ' laa, lamara, mara 'a sZ.ice ' wa lkar , secret ' ul)ana 'in return '(as in 'pay back ') pa I k i r 'on one 's own ' jaal)kana APPENDIX TO GLOSSARY

KALKATUNGU VOCABULARY AND EUROPEAN CONTENT

To express new referents introduced by Europeans the Kalkatungu used the three standard means of extending the expression system . They extended the me aning of existing words ; they used their morpho-syntactic resources to form new words and expressions, and they assimilated words from English or Pidgin English.

Examples

Ex tension of Meaning

Kalkatungu Earlier Meaning Additional Meaning

jari 'ghost ' 'white man ' ikan 'wild honey, "sugar-bag " 'sugar ' kacapi 'kite hawk ' 'aeroplane ' I)t ia 'stone, pebble ' 'money ' tuu-tuu 'pattern, markings ' 'writing ' kint i 'water rat ' 'chook ' cutu 'coolaman ' 'car '

Examples of words assimilated from English

Kalkatungu Original Meaning

cuku-cuku 'chook ' 'domestic fowl, chook ' Jalapala 'yella fe lla ' 'part Aboriginal person ' miiiii 'missus ' 'white woman ' puiikar 'pussy cat ' 'domestic cat ' putu 'pot ' 'stew ' rutu 'road ' 'road ' iupu 'soap ' 'soap ' tin a 'dinner' 'meal (other than break fast) ,

195 196

pi I i kan 'bitZy aan ' 'bi ZZy ' taun 'town ' 'town ' rupu 'rope ' 'rope ' k i k i 'aake ' 'aake ' kaun 'gown ' 'dress, fl' oak, gown ' pulal) kiti 'nZanket' 'bZanket ' pu l aka 'buZZoak' 'buZ Zoak ' pu I i.t.i 'buZZoak ' 'buZ Zoak '

New formations

at ircl laj ipcir ('kiZZel' of meat ') 'butahel" kuuja pujur punlntijicir ('heater for water ') 'aoppel" ('boiZel" ) ka n i maj i pc i r ('who ties one up ') 'po Ziaeman ' kan imant ijicir ('with whiah one ties up ') 'Zeash '

Before European contact the Kalkatungu numeral system extended only to three or perhaps four . It has been extended by the common method of using 'hand ' as a base of five .

1 aj ar 2 Auat I 3 kurpa i 4 Auat i-Auat i

5 maka:t. l - aja rna ( maka:t. 1 = 'hand ') " 6 I)aralla aj arlla ( I)a ra = , other ' , -na adverb forming ) 7 " " Auat i 8 " " kurpa l 9 " " Auat i Auat i 10 " " maka:t.i I)a ran a SUBJECT INVEX

Ablative 47 Focus 114 Absolutive 7 Future tense 54 Adj ective 30 ,78,79 Habitual aspect 56 Advancements 6 Hypothetical clause 100 Adverb s 92-94 8 A11ative 47-4 Imperative 21,37,57-58 ,92 7,27-28 ,41,44,53, Anti-passive Imperfect aspect 28 ,55,97 55-57 ,59-60, 62-75 Indefinite 105 Auxiliary verb 96-97 Indefinite agent 113, 116 Borrowing 129-131,191 Indefinite ob ject 7,28 ,116 Bound pronouns 6,27,35-41,62-75, Indire ct command 62-68 113, 139-145 Instrumental 42,88 Intensive 96-97,99 Case forms 29-35 Interrogatives 35 , 103-105 Case relations 5 Intransitiviser 19 , 8 5-86 Causal 6,43,47,89 Irrealis 61 Clitic pronouns , see bound pronouns Kinship terms 18 , 80-84 Clitics 20, 95-96 Comment 114 Language relationships 3,117-150 Common Australian 131 'Lest ' construction 39-41 Compounding 94 Lexicostatistics 117-129 8 Concomitant 19 , 77-7 Ligative 49 ,78 ,95 Continuing aspect 92 Locative 42-44,46,60,88 Co-ordination 95,110 ,112 Modal-type qualification 97-9 8 Dative 44-46, 89-91 Morphophonemics 17-25 Definite marker 96 Deixis 34-35 ,92,107 Negative 9 8-99 New formations 192 Ergative 27,42 Nominalisation 7 8-79 Extension of meaning 191

197 198

Nominative 41 Re duplication 94 Nouns Re flexive-reciprocal 41,52,86-8 7 - consonant stems 17,29 Relative clause 100-103 - vowel stems 17-1 8 ,29 Result clause 62-68 Numerals 79 8 Number marking 80,92,100 Sequential 5 Subject 7 Participle 28 ,59-60 Subordination 28 Past tense 54 Suprasegmentals 25-26 Perfect aspect 5 8 ,97 Phonemes 9,13-15 ,16,22-25 Theoretical framework 5-8 Phonemotactics 9-13 Third person pronouns 32-35 Phonological change 131-143 Time clause 55, 59-60 ,102-103 Phonotactics , see phonemotactics Topic 107,114 Possibility 60-61 Transitiviser 84-85,87-91 Present tense 54 Verb classes 51 Prolocative 48 Verbaliser 85 Pronoun hierarchy 6,62-75 Pronunciation 15 Word order 107 Privative 78 Purpose clause 56,62-68