8. Conclusions

8.1 Introduction

This chapter outlines the conclusions developed from the research results, discusses the implication of the findings and places them in the current framework of Australian rock art studies. The significance of this research to archaeological theory and to the practice of rock art studies is discussed. Issues that remain unresolved are identified and directions for future research are suggested. The results of the broader Change and Continuity research project are used to support an inclusive gendering analysis of the northwest Kimberley rock art.

I have established that there are valid iconographic keys for gendering a portion of the anthropomorphic rock art figures devoid of sexual characteristics. The three periods, IIAP, Gwion and Wanjina all differ in this regard and will be discussed separately. Features identified as relevant are examined and those that have proved to be unreliable for sexing purposes are briefly discussed and discarded.

A changing emphasis on anthropomorphic motifs in the rock art assemblage supports cultural change evident in the archaeological record. The successive art periods and the sexual focus related to human figures shows that the culture in the northwest Kimberley was not static through time. Rock art depictions of animal motifs and artefact representation offer a data set from which to develop a broader understanding of the demographic, economic and social structures. The relative stylistic sequence provides a comparative framework to identify trends associated with gendered roles in the culture through time. This has been achieved through analysis of the few sexed figures available in the data set complemented by a comparison with the unsexed figures with gendering features identified as accurate iconographic keys. The association with headdress, particular types of adornment and/or weapons and patterns of activity reveals social diversity and shifting social status for the sexes.

8.2 Multi-disciplinary Results

A quest of this type needs to be focused on the major thesis question, which is to identify the biological reality (sexual) and the social (gendered) construction of the

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Conclusions Chapter Eight anthropomorphic figures depicted in the assemblages in the northwest Kimberley. This is best achieved through a multidisciplinary approach encompassing the known ages of the art, results of excavations, ethnology, geology and history to establish the social and environmental contexts of the production of each stylistic period.

The Change and Continuity team included researches from a variety of disciplines. The results reported by other team members augment my study and are outlined in summary below. Firstly, the results of the dating of the art were explored using radio carbon (14C), optical stimulated luminescence (OSL) and Uranium-Thorium dating (U-Th). The relationship between excavated ochre and rock art production was considered and the gender implications of flora and faunal remains present in the stratum were assessed. Secondly, the information gained from these excavated material remains was combined with the results of the rock art analysis in a quest to confirm its reputed great age, the environmental conditions through the time of occupation and how this impacted on gender roles over time. In addition, the knowledge gleaned from ethno-historical and ethnographical studies was incorporated in the later Wanjina period analysis.

The collating of these results is essential to provide a context in which the rock art was produced and to explain the focus of the art. The differing sexual details selected for inclusion in anthromorphic figures in each stylistic period reflect the changes in the gendered cultural practices and roles over time. The results of the quantitative and qualitative analysis of the rock art are discussed for the three main stylistic periods of IIAP, Gwion and Wanjina figures in the light of the contextual data.

8.3 Chronology

As the production of rock art appears to have spanned a considerable time, it is predicted that the culture that produced it adopted different strategies in their gendered roles to accommodate environmental and societal concerns within the secular and sacred spheres. It is anticipated therefore, that the culture was shifting and that these shifts are evident in the art - in its focus and in its placement in the landscape. It is fortunate indeed that we have ethnographical and ethnohistorical information for the recent Wanjina period of art. Still, this direct evidence is tenuous and incomplete and cannot be seen as relevant to all Wanjina motifs recorded in this research. Some myths are well documented and have been described directly by Traditional Owners or in ethnographic accounts, but the meanings of the art in many of the galleries are now a mystery to all concerned. The 166

Conclusions Chapter Eight development of a chronology through direct and indirect means to assist in understanding the changes in gendered roles and societal focus in the prehistory of the northwest Kimberley will provide the means to relate each stylistic period to the relevant social and environmental contextual evidence available.

8.3.1 Rock Art Dating

No dates have yet been recorded for IIAP anthropomorphic or animal depictions. However, these motifs are consistently superimposed by Gwion figures and I therefore place their production before the Gwion period motifs. A minimum OSL date of circa17,500±1,800 years was obtained by Roberts et al (1997, see also Roberts 1997: 873) for a Gwion figure by analysing an overlying mud-dauber wasp nest, but the method of obtaining the sample and the association between motif and nest has since been questioned by Aubert (2012:575-6) and Bednarik (2014:225). A more recent review by David et al (2013:4-5) suggests that this date is reliable. Overlying mud-dauber wasp nests only provide a minimum age as they might have been built much more recently than the motif that they overlie was created. Additionally, mud-dauber wasps frequently appropriate old nest stubs as a basis for new nests (Matthews & Naumann 1988:596), further complicating analysis. Initial Carbon-14 (14C) dating of surface crusts, charcoal and beeswax resins associated with Kimberley rock art images resulted in minimum dates for Gwion figures of at least 3,880±110 years (Watchman et al 1997).

This early work stimulated a great deal of interest, yet IIAP and Gwion motifs challenge geochronologists because of the lack of organic matter evident in the pigment that would allow empirical dating to be undertaken (Aubert 2014, Pike et al 2005, Chippindale & Taçon 1998:90-108). Human capacity to produce art during the late Pleistocene is accepted, but the prospects for its survival over time have been questioned by some (e.g. Bednarik 2014:51-4). The preservation of earlier periods of art in northwest Kimberley is remarkably enduring compared to the more recent Wanjina depictions.

More recently Morwood, Walsh and Watchman (2010) published radiocarbon dates for 26 motifs moulded in beeswax and six that comprised charcoal (Table 8.1). All of the moulded wax and painted depictions for their analysis were from the Wanjina period. On the basis of associations and superimpositions, the three Wanjina period styles (PHP, Wanjina and Argula & Jillinya) were considered to be contemporaneous and this has been confirmed by radiocarbon dating (Morwood et al 2010).

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Table 8-1 Compiled from 14C dating of Kimberley rock art motifs (Morwood, Walsh, Watchman 2010:5) No of Motifs Oldest Youngest Range Method Media 26 3780±60 550±100 3130±40 14C Beeswax 6 1210±140 300±85 910±105 14C Charcoal

Results have also become available from the Change and Continuity research including radiocarbon analysis of beeswax resin and OSL dating of grains of sand (quartz/feldspar) locked away from light in mud-wasp nests samples (Table 8.2). Samples were collected from nests, crusts or resin overlying motifs and therefore are a minimum age for the art beneath (in prep June Ross, Kira Westaway, Maxime Aubert, Mike Morwood, Meg Travis 2014). The Argula date is surprisingly long-standing and indicates that these malevolent spirits were a vital part of the belief system for an extended time. Similarly the macropod age of 5800±300 extends the Wanjina tradition back beyond the previously hypothesised timing of approximately 500 years ago (Walsh 2000:41) and the more recent date of 3780±60 for a simple Wanjina head (Morwood, Walsh & Watchman 2010:4-5).

Table 8-2 Change & Continuity dating results Site Age Method Motif Overlying Media LMR03c 5800±300 OSL Wanjina macropod Mud-dauber wasp nest LR03c 1285±30 14C PHP anthropomorph Beeswax LRO3c 1290±30 14C PHP anthropomorph (same as above) Beeswax LRO3d 2600±200 OSL Argula anthropomorph Mud-dauber wasp nest LR03d 1230±35 14C Argula anthropomorph (same as above) Beeswax LR03d 4600±300 OSL Wararrajai anthropomorph Mud-dauber wasp nest More generally, the distribution of radiocarbon ages for Kimberley wax motifs is similar to that documented for the Northern Territory except for one Northern Territory example, of 4000 years (Nelson et al 1995, Watchman & Jones 2002). This confirms that the tradition of beeswax art was both widespread and enduring. Similarly, Wanjina paintings were produced over a long period of time. Both traditions offer evidence of changing gender roles over time.

8.3.2 Excavated Evidence

The age of the rock art can be supported by dating material remains in the stratigraphy of excavations. Several pieces of striated ochre have been recovered from strata during the eight excavations. Brremangurey shelter (OTB01) is situated on the far northwest Kimberley coast. It is an extensive open-ended shelter. Immediately south of this shelter,

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Conclusions Chapter Eight an excavation in the sand sheet reached bedrock at 1.44 metres with a basal date of 36,000±1,000BP, at this depth. A white ochre crayon was recovered from a strata dated to 24,000±1,000BP from this sand sheet. Striated ochre crayons dating from 12,303±44BP to 5,000±1,000BP were also found in other rock shelter excavations throughout the study area. Although ochre was used in other pursuits, it is likely that one of its uses was to produce pigment for painting – a compelling reason to conclude art production was long-standing.

Excavated deposits within the Brremangurey shelter consisted of an upper shell midden over an underlying sand deposit. The extensive shell midden (maximum basal date 2444±34BP) contained deposits of fish, shell and crab species with few stone artefacts. The underlying sand deposit was generally devoid of shell and was rich in terrestrial faunal species in the lower reaches. It culminated at bedrock on which a partially- articulated macropod skeleton was excavated. The radiocarbon date of 12,303±1,000BP was supported by an OSL date of 13,000±1000BP for the Brremangurey shelter at bedrock. Additionally, a large number of ochre pieces, stone tools and fish otoliths (fresh water fork tailed catfish) were found in the lower sand deposit (see Ross, Morwood & Moore, 2013 for a full report). These data suggest that environmental changes occurred in accordance with sea level fluctuations but not necessarily with intensity of human occupation and/or shelter use.

Shell fish gathering is reported to be the occupation of women (Meehan 1982) and the extent of the Brremangurey midden is evidence that shellfish provided a substantial proportion of the food requirements. There was potential for population packing as sea levels rose until stabilising at around 6000BP with increased utilisation of marine resources, although shell midden establishment began much later (2444±34BP). However, no shellfish are depicted in the shelter’s rock art assemblage, indicating that the artists did not consider this female gendered occupation important. Images of opossum, lizards, crocodile, echidna, macropod, fish and turtle/tortoise abound (Fig 8.1). Although the smaller game (echidna, lizard) was probably procured by both men and women, it is likely that the majority of the larger game (crocodile, macropod) and fish were captured by the men (Durack 1969, Elkin 1938, Love 1936, Kaberry 1939). The difference between data from the excavated deposit and the choice of subject in the art assemblage in this particular shelter shows a gendered bias that is confirmed by ethnographical and historical data. This bias chronicles the desire for and importance of meat generally

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Conclusions Chapter Eight reported to be acquired by men (Elkin 1938, Love 1936); the procurement of meat gave the men greater economic and social status and this is acknowledged and celebrated in the art.

Figure 8.1 Clockwise from top left - macropod, echidna, brushtail possum and ringtail possum at OTB1

Sea levels were estimated to have been 100 metres below present levels 15,000 years ago before rising rapidly until 8,000 years ago and then continuing to rise more slowly until stabilising at 6000BP. During the time when both the fish (fresh water variety) otoliths and the macropod were deposited in the sand deposit of the lower Brremangurey shelter stratigraphy the shore line was situated up to approximately 100 kilometres away (Collier 2007). It was not until much later at circa 2,500BP that intense use of marine resources began. These data indicates that marine and terrestrial/estuarine resources were utilised depending not only on proximal availability but also on population density and/or societal mores. The choice of motif depicted in the art is equally influenced by the artist’s preference and is predisposed to communal values (Vinnicombe 1976:277, Walsh 2000:229).

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Twine made from vegetable matter in the top layers of the excavation at Brremangurey is also evidence of women’s industry. Both hair and vegetable twine were utilised for men and women’s belts, and woven goods are depicted in the art of the Gwion and in historical photography (Elkin 1938, Love 1936), but women were nearly exclusively the producers of it (Kaberry 1939:162-3). The bone points recorded at the Brremangurey excavation dated to 3394±25BP may have been utilised by women as awls or by men as spear points (O’Connor 1999:78-9). Edge- ground axes recovered from the surface along with modified baler shells, grinding stones, Kimberley points, bamboo spear shafts, spinifex resin and stone cores and flakes within and around shelters throughout the study area indicate that there was no gendered division in access to these places in recent times. In turn, this may indicate that the art within these shelters was not exclusively created and maintained by men (McDonald 1998, Smith 1998 but see Crawford 1968:31-2).

The production and use of edge-ground axes was shared between the sexes, but the highly developed Kimberley points produced by initiated men are thought to have been related to the socio-political and/or ritual domain during the latter part of the Wanjina period (Kaberry 1939, Moore 2014). Just as the Wanjina beliefs are expressed in the art by depictions of a founding ancestor’s ‘shadow’ in each clan estate, these beliefs are also expressed in the complex exchange network of the wunan (law). Kimberley points and other trade goods are associated with this network of socio-political activity based on dambun (family estate) identity (bounding) and exogamous marriage (bonding) (Akerman 1994, Crawford 1968, Kaberry 1939, Love 1936, Moore 2014).

8.3.3 Extinct Animal Depiction as a Chronological Marker

Depictions of extinct animals within the art assemblage indicate that megafauna lived longer than expected or that the art is very old. Descriptions of extinct animal motifs (Fig 8.2-3) are reported and used as dating evidence Australia wide (Akerman 2009, Stubb 1978 and Webb 2013). However, the true identity of the animals is often disputed (Bednarik 2014, Gillespie 2004, Roberts et al 2001) and controversy about their time of extinction persists (see alsoWells 1985:227, Wroe et al 2002:60:1 & Price et al 2011:899- 914). Bednarik (2014:197-215) in particular argues these claims of megafauna are unsupported by scientific analysis or direct dating and he questions the durability of art produced in the Pleistocene. However, the rare occurrence of these depictions and their association with human figures begs further analysis. The depiction of an IIAP female

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Conclusions Chapter Eight figure with several animal motifs including what may be an extinct ‘Thylacoleo’ (Fig 8.2) and a male IIAP figure with an eagle may have gender implications; indeed the sex of the anthropomorph and the sex and/or species of animal depicted with it may prove to be significant throughout all art periods when a larger data set becomes available.

Figure 8.2 Extinct ‘Thylacoleo’ (?) in IIAP style at LR02

Figure 8.3 Two IIAP ‘Thylacine’ (?) motifs face right at UL29

8.3.4 Implications

Implications from these data are that the Pleistocene origin (Roberts et al 1997, Walsh 2000) of the art requires further testing and that dates from national and international analysis be considered. How far back in time the production of Kimberley rock art goes has not been established, although I anticipate that it will extend back into the late Pleistocene. To support this assumption it is noted that a ‘painted’ limestone slab (though without a visible motif), bracketed by radiocarbon determinations of 33,600±500BP and 42,800±1850BP was excavated at Carpenter’s Gap in the Kimberley (O’Connor and

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Fankhauser, 2001) and a ‘charcoal drawn line’ on a rock dated to 26,913-28,348 cal. BP was excavated at Nawarla Gabarnmang in the Northern Territory (David, Barker et al 2013). Additionally, several European dates including and between 48,000 years from El Castillo in Spain and 27,870±250 at Colaboia cave in Romania are documented (see David, Geneste et al 2013). It is not the ability of people to produce art at that time that is in question; rather it is its preservation and the method of acquiring empirical dates for the art that is challenging. Excavations recorded 36,000 years and 28,000 years of occupation in two of the sites in the study area, with artefact distribution continuous throughout (Ross, Morwood & Westaway 2012). While the presence of humans was constant and evidenced by artefacts including striated crayons suggesting painting traditions (body, artefact or rock art) of long duration, the style and focus of the surviving rock art changed indicating societal flexibility inclusive of gender role negotiation.

Surface artefacts indicate that the shelters were not gendered as exclusively men’s or women’s places at the time of Wanjina period art. The stratigraphy of occupation shelters recorded hearth sites, tools and food remains commensurate with family group occupation. A greater number of figures were sexed female (15) than male (6) in the art assemblage at Brremangurey. However, the choice of animals depicted was biased towards meat animals over shellfish. This is contrary to the excavation data that recorded extensive shell midden building over the last 2440 years. This could simply indicate a food preference or availability, but I suggest that the elevated status of meat and of those who procured it exerted societal inequity and subsequent gendered bias.

In summary, it is clear that an integrated multidisciplinary approach achieves greater clarity of sex and gender associations and subsequent cultural patterning through time. Table 8.3 lists some of the dates recorded from the Change and Continuity analysis with previous dates from Roberts et al (1997), Morwood et al (2010), O’Connor and Fankhauser (2001) in the Kimberley and David and Barker et al (2013) in the Northern Territory. The 5800±300BP date for a Wanjina macropod extends the Wanjina tradition well beyond earlier expectations.

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Table 8-3 Some recorded rock art and excavation dates for the northwest Kimberley in a relative sequence correlated with physical conditions. Change and Continuity dates are backgrounded green. Information on sea level (Collier 2007, Lambeck & Chappell 2001) and climatic changes (Denniston et al 2013 (b & c), Yokoyama et al 2000) are guides only.

Recorded ‘marked’ rock and Recorded dates Time Conditions Sea Level rock art dates for excavation of (ka) metres

Ages Period Brremangurey Excavated painted limestone Sand sheet basal 36 -80 slab bracketed by 33,600+/- date

500BP and 42,800+/-1850BP 36,000±1,000BP (O’Connor and Fankhauser, 2001). Southern Kimberley Excavated ‘charcoal drawn 30

Interglacial

IIAP line’ rock dated to 26,913-

28,348 cal. BP (David, Barker et al 2013). Northern Territory 25 -135

Variable summer 24 monsoon

LGM 20 Becoming drier -130 Gwion figure OSL ‘challenged’ 17 date - 17,500±1,800 (Roberts -115 1997) 15 -100 Arid 14 -70 Macropod skeleton 13 -60

in stratum 13000±1000BP

Gwion Ochre crayons in 12 Onset of Indo- shelter stratum Australian summer 12,303±44BP monsoon (IASM) Rapid sea influence level rise

10 Tropical humid climate 7 with intense summer monsoon Wanjina macropod - OSL 5.5 Onset of drier phase minimum date - 5800±300BP and increased aridity

5 Present interglacial Gwion motif – OSL - minimum 4.5 Drier climate with great -30 date - 4600±300BP aridity Slowly 4 rising and stabilising 14 Wanjina head - C minimum Bone points in 3 at around

date 3780±60BP (Morwood et strata at 6,000 al 2010) 3394±25BP

Wanjina Argula figure - OSL minimum Shell midden to 2 Gradual increase in date - 2600±200BP 2444±34BP summer monsoon 1 0 - 1 Similar to today At today’s height

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8.4 Discussion

Having established that rock art is likely to have been practised for millennia and that there have been changes in art style through time, the integrating function of the art in Aboriginal society needs to be addressed. Art and its distribution encode a range of social and economic information and also reflect fundamental changes in gendered societal organisation, group interaction and land use. An example of this encoding process is illustrated by McDonald’s (1992) study of ‘The Great Mackerel’ rock shelter in Ku-ring- gai Chase National Park (Sydney Basin) where she identified two phases of occupation, post-dating the last sea level rise (circa 6,000YA). Excavation recorded stone tools that were possibly contemporaneous with large red hand stencils in the first phase of occupation. This suggested to her that the site functioned as an occasional shelter for hunters at that time. The second phase of art included stencils of digging sticks and hands of varied size in white pigment. Excavation material contained shellfish, shell fish-hooks, fish and small animal remains indicating the site functioned either as a day shelter for gatherers and/or as a family base camp. McDonald used gender analysis to demonstrate that site function changed over time at this particular site.

This change of function is mirrored in Brremangurey shelter discussed above, where marine and terrestrial/estuarine resources were utilised in the earlier phase and intense midden building took place in the second. Because the first phase began at 12,303±1,000BP before sea levels stabilised and midden building began at 2444±34BP the function of the shelter was not influenced solely by environmental changes but was probably partly directed by societal choices and traditions. The first phase was made up of a thick sand layer containing ashy lens, abundant terrestrial fauna, low amounts of fish bone, with some bone and abundant stone tools. Ochre was unusually abundant in the sand layer and included 47 ochre crayons and four ochre-smeared stone artefacts including a core. These data indicate that Brremangurey may have functioned as a shelter for hunters and tool makers at this time. In the second phase abundant hearths, low stone artefact and terrestrial fauna counts along with abundant fish bone, dugong, sea turtle, and diverse shellfish remains indicate regular use as a shelter by gathering parties and/or camping of family groups. Superimposition of the art placed terrestrial animals beneath marine in two instances, but the age of the depictions is not confirmed. This example demonstrates how gender analysis in combination with excavated materials,

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Conclusions Chapter Eight environmental knowledge and rock art data can enhance our understanding of ‘social organisation, group interaction and land use’ (Morwood 2002:74).

Viewing rock art as a means of communicating information has been the basis of this thesis and recognition of iconographic keys that specify gender identification of anthropomorphic motifs in northwest Kimberley rock art is accepted. Exploring the extent of the use of such iconographic keys and the style of art associated with them takes us into the realms of information exchange theory. Martin Wobst (1974, see also Clive Gamble 1980) suggests that the main functions of style are related to cultural processes such as group integration and differentiation and boundary maintenance: low population densities and open social networks, will be more homogeneous than the art of groups of people living in relatively high population densities and closed social networks (Smith 1992). Varying degrees of regional homogeneity in northern Australia rock art through time have been related to changes in environment, population densities and alliance networks by some researchers (Walsh 2000, Walsh & Morwood 1999, Lewis 1997, Chaloupka 1993). Lewis argued that stylistic similarities in the early rock art of the Kimberley and Arnhem Land point to a relatively open social network in the Pleistocene, and he contrasted this with the greater stylistic heterogeneity of more recent rock art, which he linked to an increase in territorial bounding through time.

For example, in northwest Kimberley rock art assemblages IIAP male motifs are often in ‘plan’ view and females in ‘profile’; however, this differs from Chaloupka’s (1993:102) reporting of large naturalistic figures in Arnhem Land where both females and the more common males are depicted in frontal plan view in the upper body region but with the lower body slightly twisted to show the buttocks and penis (male) or pubic hair (female). In Arnhem Land the upper body of females is only depicted in profile if breasts are included in addition to pubic hair. Nevertheless, the large naturalistic figures of Arnhem Land share the same concept and conventions as the Kimberley’s IIAP anthropomorphic motifs in their size, digit detail, medium, infill and association with animals. Both regions show a high ratio of sexed figures for this period and therefore, there was probably no great need to rely on iconographic keys to distinguish gender.

A similarity of composition and technique has also been proposed for the Dynamic Gwion and Arnhem Land Dynamic styles of rock art (Walsh 2000, Lewis 1988). Lewis (1997) argues that the similarity in styles can be attributed to contact between the populations of the two regions made possible when sea levels were lower and the 176

Conclusions Chapter Eight intervening land mass now covered by the sea was exposed. As a bonding agent, artistic tradition is characterised by a particular iconography: an ordered set of connections between particular forms and their meanings. The figure style and weaponry depicted in the Dynamic Gwion and Arnhem Land Dynamic traditions are very similar (Walsh & Morwood 1999:45-57). However, while many of these anthromorphic figures from both regions are iconographically similar, the inclusion of gender features differs greatly between the two areas. The Gwion figures rarely include sexual definition, but those that do most frequently depict female figures with mammae but without genitalia or headdresses. The figures assigned male rarely have genitalia but are generally associated with headdress and weaponry.

Figure 8.4 Three male and three breasted female Dynamic Arnhem Figure 8.5 Five male, two female and land figures (Lewis 1988:186) weapons or tools (Lewis 1988:343)

In contrast, Arnhem Land Dynamic figures depict females with mammae and males are regularly depicted with genitalia (marked with red arrows in Figs 8.4-5). Significantly, females are not depicted with headdresses but males are. The traditions and themes appear similar between these two areas, and analogy in this case supports the proposal that headdress and weapons are the preserve of males. It also supports the notion that

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Conclusions Chapter Eight iconographic keys (symbols conventionally formulated in style) were considered by the Aboriginal people of the northwest Kimberley to be adequate to identify sex/gender in anthropomorphic motifs in the absence of genitalia or mammae. Research by Welch (2005:81-100) shows that many headdresses depicted in this art period (he calls it ancient art) occur in early photography taken throughout northern Australia. This pattern suggests that the tradition of elaborate headdresses either persisted for millennia, the rock art images are younger than predicted, or production of the ‘ancient art’ style persisted into and was contemporaneous with the later periods of art e.g. Wanjina and X-ray art.

While headdresses, weapons and particular pieces of apparel show strong iconographic tendencies as sexing keys for the Gwion period anthropomorphic motifs, there are limits to the inferences that can be drawn from many of the features tested. For example, unless the figures are paired or grouped and at least one is sexed, dimorphism between the sexes is not resolved. In addition, there are instances where the female is the dominant figure. Chaloupka (1993:220) states that artists in Arnhem Land portrayed ‘powerful women’ in their paintings; women who held a key role in their group were respected and admired. Depictions of females larger than associated male figures and those in defiant stance occurred during the Dynamic Period in Arnhem Land (Fig 8.7).

Figure 8.7 Female in powerful stance (Chaloupka, 1993:221, Figure 8.6 Irregular dimorphism at MP03 courtesy of Museum and Art Gallery, Northern Territory)

Similarly, rare Gwion paintings of the northwest Kimberley mirror this social trend tempering the preconceived notion that through time women did not enjoy an important place in their culture. One large and one small ‘assigned’ male are depicted with two females in one group scene (Fig 8.6). Dimorphism may well be an iconographic key of social and/or economic status in these cases. 178

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Figure 8.8 Arnhem Land decorated hand. Walsh 1994. Figure 8.9 Kimberley painted hand.

Figure 8.10 Lightning Brothers, NT (Walsh 1988:236) Figure 8.11 Wanjina Figure at KERC01

Figure 8.12 Cape York, Anurra or Imjim (Walsh 1988:254) Figure 8.13 Kurangara figures, Pilbara

Diversion of Kimberley and Arnhem Land art assemblage styles appears to have begun sometime around the beginning of the Wanjina period in the Kimberley and the X-ray

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Conclusions Chapter Eight tradition in Arnhem Land. However, there are rare depictions of X-ray art in the Kimberley and one female was recorded with ‘breast cross straps’ a common chest decoration on females in Arnhem Land (Chaloupka 1993) and Cape York (Cole 1998). In Cape York the ‘crossed chest marks’ are said to mean ‘release from widowhood’ (Drew 1995:111). Other Wanjina period figures can also be compared to Arnhem Land and other areas of Australia. The ‘painted hand’ (Fig 8.9) of the Kimberley resemble the ‘decorated hand’ (Fig 8.8) of Arnhem Land and the ‘lightning brothers’ (Fig 8.10) of the Victoria River area of the Northern Territory are similar to some Wanjina figures (Fig 8.11). Anurra or Imjim figures of Cape York (Fig 8.12) and Kurangara figures (8.13) in the Pilbara are similar in style to the Argula and Jillinya of the Kimberley (Crawford 1968).

Unfortunately, these comparisons do not enhance our knowledge of the sex of Wanjina period motifs, nor have any statistical data been collected Australia wide for a comprehensive comparison of iconographic keys that might express the sex/gender of a motif. However, they do inform us that while elements of changing styles are widely repeated, many more features are selected for inclusion with different frequency; for example, the regular inclusion of male genitalia in Arnhem Land Dynamic figures is a persistent feature of this region’s anthropomorphic figures but not of Gwion in the northwest Kimberley.

It can be inferred that over time, open social networks became less open and that the groups identified their difference with the aid of art styles specific to their region or group. Similarly, the iconography used and the level of its use to indicate the sex/gender of anthropomorphic figures varied across different regions, though it does not indicate that increasingly bounded social networks became entirely closed. Indeed, there is evidence for substantial trade networks for technology and other trade items as well as social contact and exchange of cultural practices with surrounding areas that was not restricted to men alone (Kaberry 1939, Elkin 1938, Love 1936).

While the comparisons above add to our understanding of iconology, not all analogy is helpful to gender analysis. Wilson’s (2006) suggestion that some Gwion depictions represent the mystical ‘Great Earth Mother’ and others ‘dancers venerating the Goddess of the South Seas’ (but see Welch 2005:96) is not supported by a structured analysis (see Section 5.1.3). Such a hypothesis needs repeated testing of motif and motif groupings and so far this has not been undertaken. The Mother Goddess worship and fertility ideology 180

Conclusions Chapter Eight began in the late 19th century and focused on Palaeolithic, Neolithic and Bronze Age figurines of Europe (Hodder 1982). The concept of some kind of ritual or cult being associated with these figurines was generally accepted, with men promoting the idea that they represented women as a ‘machine’ for giving birth and feeding offspring efficiently and that patriarchy was the desired human state. Conversely, women promoted the idea that the figurines illustrated the high status of women and their ability to be able to control the continuation of the human race (Russel 1993:93-7). More recent analysis has indicated that early researchers were selective in their choice and reporting of figurines. Indeed only a portion is female. The largest proportion are of indeterminate or no sex, some are unequivocally male and some possibly male (Russel 1993:95-6, Ucko 1968).

However, other ritual depictions are evident in the rock art panels of the Wanjina period and ethnographic and historical data informs analysis of them. Practices of circumcision, subincision, bloodletting and collecting, semen collection, ritualised homosexuality, introcision, mensuration and so forth are well documented (Bell 1998, Elkin, 1938, 1977, Kaberry, 1939) and are at times depicted in the art (Figs 7.57 & 7.60). The wide spread practice of ritual homosexuality, for instance, occurs ‘in relation to phallic cults and fertility symbolism, mythology, and ideas about spirit, seed, and soul, particularly as they concern the creation of the cosmos and maleness in humankind’ (Jones 2005:4112). Although ritual homosexuality is not and was not a universal practice, it is documented for the Kimberley (Kaberry 1939:257) as a part of the gendered roles of that society. Therefore, it, along with other practices is included in gender analysis (see Section 5.2.3).

Similarly, special Gi (totem) symbols, which are learned and painted on the body include those painted in white on initiates and those painted in red (considered the blood of the kangaroo) that are reserved for older men (Bell 1998:69, see also Figs 7.83 & 7.85). These special designs may reflect the patterns seen in the body designs or ‘infill’ of Wanjina motifs and further analysis of them, combined with ethnographic data may indicate if the intent of the artist was to record gendered body decorating designs in the rock art. Similarly, Crawford (private letter 11th Oct 2012) was informed by Albert Barunga that yellow was used by women and to represent women in art. He identified the sex of Wandjina images on the basis of colour. However, I did not recognise this pattern in the art throughout the study area (see Section 7.4, pp. 147).

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8.5 Conclusion

Although this thesis has focused analysis on discovering the sex of anthropomorphic motifs and determining the gendered roles performed by the ‘actors’ depicted in the rock art assemblage of the northwest Kimberley, much has been learnt through the process of combining rock art analysis with ethnographic and historic data, excavation and surface artefact scatter documentation and by reviewing papers on gender by other researchers. Features that identify the sex of a motif and at times the gender roles of the figures are varied between the periods. I do not consider that the majority of figures are intended to be neutral as Lenssen-Erz (1998, 2008) proposes for the anthropomorphic motifs of the Brandberg in Namibia. Analysis indicates that the practice of using particular features as keys to indicate sex and gender and for purposes such as representing status, age, domination and so forth is highly developed in each period of art in the study area.

During the IIAP artists chose to depict most of the figures with the addition of primary sexual features negating the need for rigid compliance to iconographic sexing keys. However, males were generally in ‘plan’ view and were depicted with ‘shocked’ hair and females were in ‘profile’ with ‘capped’ hair indicating that these repeated secondary features could indicate the sex of a neutral figure. No male/female interaction was recorded, so gendered roles were not detectable. Neither comparison with Arnhem Land ‘large naturalistic figures’ nor the small data on the anthropomorphic motifs from both regions aids in identification of sexing features at this time.

The IIAP motifs are not exclusively located in shelters suitable for occupation in the study area (contra Walsh 2000:135). Only the IIAP female motif recorded during this study was depicted in a deep cave suitable as a living area. Nor was motif placement always selected for maximum visual impact. In most cases they were on high ceilings or vertical panels, but others were depicted on low ceilings where one must bend down and look up to observe.

The art assemblage suggests a democratic society where human figures are illustrated in natural proportions without weapons or in conflict with each other. The scattered and rare occurrence of human figures indicates that they were not the core focus of the art. While no depictions of large numbers of interacting people were documented, larger numbers of animal and plant motifs occurred. However, no dates have been recorded for this period

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Conclusions Chapter Eight of art and until they are there is no way of knowing under what conditions people lived, how long ago it was or how the assemblage was influenced by the artist’s choice.

Gwion period figures were often depicted in locations selected to create maximum visual impact for public viewing. Significant style change occurred between the IIAP and Gwion assemblages with an increase in number of and focus on anthropomorphic figures in the later style. The inclusion or exclusion of particular types of apparel and weaponry provide clear iconographic features that facilitate identification of the sex of individual figures without the inclusion of genitalia or mammae. Disproportionate male representation – a pattern flagged by Walsh (2000) for Gwion art and Vinnicombe (1976) for Drakensberg art – suggests an imbalance in access to economic, political and social advantage for the sexes of the culture at that time.

Ceremonial, conflict and hunting scenes make up a large component of the assemblage and these events generally hold more interest than the women’s everyday gathering toil. Similarly, whilst I was living in the area, visitors to our cattle station would invariably photograph social gatherings, helicopter mustering and bull catching rather than my vegetable garden or me in the act of cooking.

Figure 8.14 Transporting spear Figure 8.15 Body pieced by Figure 8.16 Spears placed near to a shafts at OTB02 spears at MP03 female figure at BSC05

Conversely, the data include a small number of figures marked as female in some of the ceremonial and hunting scenes, suggesting that women were considered valued members of an inclusive society. However, conflict scenes describe a different story. It is the female motifs that give us a clue as to how gender roles differed in these scenes as the

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Conclusions Chapter Eight relationship with weapons is marked between the sexes. Six of the forty females are associated with weapons; however, the female motifs are not depicted using weapons in defence or hunting situations. Nevertheless, they are associated with weapons; in transporting them (Fig 8.14), being speared by them (Fig 8.15) and in passive mode within camp scenes (Fig 8.16).

Figure 8.17 Aggression at BSC1 Figure 8.18 Ceremonial at MM19 Figure 8.19 Hunting at OTB2

In the three cases where male figures are sexed, they are holding weapons. Sexed males and ambiguous figures argued to be male because of elaborate headdress association are depicted holding weapons in aggression, ceremony and hunting mode (Figs 8.17-19).

Accepting that elaborate headdress and weapons carried in ‘male mode’ mark unsexed figures as male, then male figures make up 84% of the Gwion assemblage. Social standing and economic power would appear to have been firmly held in the male domain at this time, while females in the above scenes indicate they played an acknowledged role as part of the fabric of society.

Figure grouping comparisons of the Gwion also suggest that body shape, colour and accoutrement are all influenced by the particular style rather than the sex of a figure. Although subtle differences are noticeable between the sexes in discrete scenes, these differences cannot be reassigned to unrelated unsexed figures in single, paired or grouped configuration with any confidence. This is also the case for body action and limb detail. Clearly, there are situations where upraised arms appear to be indicating reverence to the figure they are raised towards, but unless the figure has other iconographic keys such as lack of headdress, dimorphic smallness and is associated with another sexed figure of the

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Conclusions Chapter Eight same style, sexing cannot be definitive. Nevertheless, there are some features that could be explored in the future when more data become available.

Figure 8.20 Part of an extensive panel of Gwion figures

Figure 8.21 Enlarged insert of sitting figures

One such feature is the arrangement of the legs when figures are in sitting pose. Clearly if ‘sitting position’ can be considered a potential feature for sexing anthropomorphic figures, another step is made in the search for sex/gender within the culture of past peoples of the northwest Kimberley. The group scene (Fig 8.20) made up of a great many figures (mainly unsexed) has been scrutinised for gendered roles. The enlarged insert (Fig 8.21) shows a figure with elaborate headdress and arms resting on the knees of legs in ‘open arrangement’. Three figures towards the front of the frame without headdresses sit with legs tucked beneath them in ‘closed arrangement’. The central front figure is depicted with breasts and the figure at the right of her has a slight bulge beneath the left armpit. The left hand front figure is too weathered to be able to discern any remnant of breasts though ‘she’ wears a short apron common to figures marked as female 185

Conclusions Chapter Eight as they include mammae. It is tempting to suggest that this is a ceremonial scene of some sort and that the women were involved, at least in a supportive way.

Ritual no doubt played a significant part in much of the art’s creation (Figs 6.7, 7.17, 7.34, 7.50, and 8.20), but what information the artist was conveying cannot be known at this juncture. The posture of the figures, the unidentified objects they hold and the relational significance of motif placement are lost in time (but see Hays-Gilpin 2008:247- 258 & Whitley 2008:85-104).

Most cultures etch gender on sexual difference with visual cues, such as clothing and hair styles, characteristic postures and gestures. My research indicates that the Gwion period anthropomorphic figures are rich in iconographic keys for sexing and that these keys were clearly understood by the participants of the culture at that time. In addition, the discrete scenes hint at gendered roles and of the types of gendered interaction of the individuals in their day to day life. For example, a scene is suggestive of a polygamy representation when it depicts two or three female figures beneath the outstretched arms of a larger figure categorised as male by way of sexing ‘keys’. Polygamy was a practice at contact times and it is not unreasonable to apply ‘ethnographic analogy’ to suggest that it was a practice in prehistoric times. There are many such configurations, some with one or more sexed figures and some without. It is the repetitive nature of these configurations (not yet in convincing numbers), that will give validation to analytical hypotheses of, for example, the longevity of polygamy. Though, even if we sexed the majority of figures of the Gwion rock art assemblage in this way, the ratio of females to males remains in the minority. The disproportionate numbers in the depiction of sexes and the nearly complete absence of children and animals indicate that not every sphere of everyday life was considered noteworthy to the Gwion artists. Considering that juveniles might make up at least half of the individuals in a prehistoric population, their absence indicates that they are considered outside of gender until gendered by society through initiation and age grades.

While it is relatively easy to assign sex through iconographic keys that are known, it is impossible to state categorically what the gendered role of the figure is or indeed what the scene is about until more data become available for analysis. Perhaps then there will be understanding of the complexity of the imagery and of its messages and of the belief systems and cultural practices that generate both image-making and using.

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Some of the iconographic keys, figure interrelationships and scenes continue into the transitional PHP styled figures of the Wanjina period, but the large groupings and actioned figures common to the Gwion period were replaced by single motifs, pairs and smaller groups of static figures and a greater focus on animals. The paint application technique produced thicker lines and there was minimal attention to the rigid convention of form that was adhered to in the previous period. A strange mix of artistic conventions appears in most of the PHP figures. For example, the arms and the sectioned infilled area of the larger figure’s (Fig 8.22) body area are reminiscent of Wararrajai figures, yet the legs are well formed and similar to those of figures in the earlier Gwion style. Side aprons on the female are also similar to Gwion apparel but the spiked hair is comparable to that of IIAP figures and stylised ‘breast to either side’ are a much later convention. The larger figure has a beard and elaborate headdress. One would assume that this is a paired male and female. However, these features are not consistent or frequent and motifs are highly varied throughout the PHP assemblage. Although inconsistency in features is prevalent, the anthropomorphic figures are probably gendered. It is just that the keys are not constant enough to form an opinion on sex or gender one way or the other for most of the figures. Further study of colour, infill patterns and form, combined with ethnographic information describing motifs might aid in identifying sexing keys in the future when a larger data base becomes available.

Figure 8.22 Image J enhanced PHP pair at LR03c 187

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It has been established that the PHP figures were transitional between the Gwion and the Wanjina periods and were contemporaneous with both the Wanjina and the Argula & Jillinya styles for some time. The Wanjina style of founding ancestor motif employed strict adherence to stylistic conventions that is contrary to PHP imagery. The absence of a mouth and the symbolic significance of each headdress ‘ring’ are such conventions. It was anticipated that individual features such as the oval shape depicted in the chest area of many of the Wanjina figures may have been associated with a particular sex but this proved not to be the case. Indeed, this oval is most probably a pearl shell decoration that variously represented water, lightning/good health, shimmering brightness and great power. It was used by males, females and children of all ages in both secular and sacred practice and therefore was not a gendered item in the greater number of cases (see Akerman 1994).

Very few of the Wanjina anthropomorphic figures are sexed as many are represented by a head or head and shoulders only. The clusters of individual heads are said to represent the ‘followers’ of a particular founding ancestor, who is frequently depicted with a larger head or a full-bodied figure. As no distinguishing features were found to categorise figures into sexes, perhaps they represent ‘adult’ humans as proposed by Tilman Lenssen-Erz (1998). Lenssen-Erz equates ‘adult’ figures with the ‘strong generation’, similar to the congregation of a Church, that set standards for the community (see Section 2.4). The ‘followers’ emulate ‘parishioners’ and might be of mixed sex. The mythology that describes the ancestral story relating to these assemblages generally names the central prominent Wanjina and divulges the sex of that individual. If there is no prominent figure within a scene, the mythology will generally deliver the sex of all of the figures, for example, Nganowat, boss mother of kangaroos (Mowlaljarlai 1993:31) or Neggamorro and his sons (Paddy Neowarra 1993, pers. comm.).

It follows that ethnographic data concerning the mythology attached to art panels of the Wanjina becomes crucial to their sexing; remember though that some Wanjina are able to change their sex and form (see Chapter 5, Elkin 1930, Lommel 1952). The actors in these stories often have good and evil aspects, habitually behaving in a human fashion with human frailties with good not always defeating evil (Love 1936, Petri 1957, Crawford 1968, Morwood 1988, Mowaljarlai 1993). Various discrete rock art assemblages of the Wanjina period have been explained by Traditional Owners but an overall,

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Conclusions Chapter Eight comprehensive view of the mythology and the gendered roles of its actors have not yet been documented.

The Aboriginal elders attained full knowledge of their religion – Dreaming – over a lifetime, and rock art and the mythology that affirms it was only a part of the process. Knowledge was also achieved through body painting conventions for all kinds of ceremonies, from secret to full community occasions, and by the ornamentation of material culture representing aspects of the beings whose works, travels and teachings are being celebrated. Animate and inanimate objects receive equal representable importance giving meaning to items we Westerners are unaware of unless directed by Traditional Owners (Paddy Neowarra 1993, pers. comm.). For example, Neowarra briefly described the meaning of the patriarch Ngegamorro Wanjina (turtle/cloud dreaming) site to me; the sink-hole functioned as a portal for travel, two stones represent the turtles and a constructed pathway led from portal to the ‘cloud dreaming’ shelter. He stated that he was not the custodian and that there were only two females who had custodianship of the site and were able to speak formally about it (see also Mowaljarlai 1993:62-6). Ngarinyin maintain family descent from local Wanjina that leave their Wungud (life essence) everywhere and form their images (shadows) in rock shelters near permanent waterholes (where spirit children wait) within the dambun (family estate). It is significant that Neowarra stated that two women were the custodians of this large gallery of shelters set in an extensive amphitheatre. Indeed the surface archaeology included crystal quarts chips (used in rain making ceremony), stone spear points and a double ring stone arrangement said to be an initiation place of men (Paddy Neowarra 1992, pers. comm.). Surface scatter at this extensive site indicates that it was not an exclusively male domain.

Mythology regarding the Wanjina depicted in the rock art assemblage within the study area could not be discovered. The few sexed figures of the Wanjina style are therefore not helpful in revealing features that enable us to sex a particular head motif, head and shoulders motif or ambiguous full bodied anthropomorphic figure.

Contrary to the results of the analysis of Wanjina figures, Argula & Jillinya figures are generally endowed with explicitly enhanced genitalia. The Jillinya figures receive special attention in the genital area with legs often drawn up in a bent knee configuration prompting Walsh to brand them as ‘promiscuous’ renditions of subjugated and mistreated females (Walsh 2000:231). However, others have argued that Jillinya represent ‘spirit beings’ that embody warnings for children and youth. Argula symbolise ‘ghosts’ of the 189

Conclusions Chapter Eight dead that must be avoided, ‘good spirits’ such as Warulu who defecate to make yams and Kjandad who can detect murderers (Crawford 1968:91-70, see also Love 1936:59-6 who describes a Jillinya mythology and Mowaljarlai 1993:160-1 for a description of Argula).

Figure 8.23 Male with side penis, testicles Figure 8.24 Male figure with highlighted anus and 'blotch of and protrusion from the anus at MB05 power' or red patch to the rear at LR03d

Depictions of male figures with unusual attention paid to the anus are not frequent and their significance was not determined. The profile figure (Fig 8.23) shows clear genitalia, beard and elaborate headdress that indicate a male, while the curious anal protrusion and reverse bending of the arms suggest a malevolent figure. Malevolent figures are human- like but are often depicted with unnaturally bent limbs (Layton 1992:70-88). The bent over figure (Fig 8.24) has the classic features typical of the Argula including ears and knobbed elbow but also includes a decorated anus. No explanation was given by the Traditional Owners for either of these figures.

Perhaps the most curious aspect of the Wanjina period rock art is the introduction of figures depicting sexes/genders other than male and female. The results of my analysis have shown that in addition to figures identified as male and female, bisexual and homosexual gendered humans are evident. Historical records, ethnography and rock art motifs all combine to confirm that sex and gender are not the straightforward, binary classifications our Eurocentric perspective leads us to expect. While homosexual figures constitute only 4% of PHP figures, bisexual figures make up 10% of the Argula & Jillinya group. Homosexuality in ritual and as an accepted cultural practice is recounted in the northwest Kimberley ethnography (Kaberry 1939, see also Neil 2009) but the

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Conclusions Chapter Eight purpose of depicting bisexuality is harder to define. Rather than recording an aberration of nature (although this cannot be ruled out) it appears that the artist has produced a semblance of a mythological being. For example, in some cases Wanjina are able to choose to be either male or female; while the Rainbow Serpent (Ungud) is said to be hermaphroditic or bisexual (Elkin 1930:279, Lommel 1952:16).

Figure 8.25 'Increase circles' of white prepared ground at KCC01B. Figure 8.26 Bisexual figure at KCC01B.

Moreover, the Ngarinyin people to the east believe that the primary unit of life and existence is ‘relationship’; the combining of two entities (male and female) that have different functions and strengths; working separately but together as one entity (Mowaljarlai 1995 pers. comm.). One of the three recorded bisexual figures is in a large protected shelter with extensive areas of red outlined and spotted rounded motifs (Fig 8.25). Much of the area has been retouched and superimposition makes the bisexual figure (Fig 8.26) difficult to photograph. It is tempting to speculate that this is an increase site and that the unity of male and female genitalia within a single entity symbolises procreation, fertility and/or perhaps an increase in abundance of ‘yams’, for example.

This study is strengthened by applying informed analysis where possible and formal analysis (Tacon & Chippindale 1998:6-8) by way of qualitative and quantitative methods. It has shown that even where there is informed knowledge, the formal methods are essential to tease out the significance of a feature. The spatial/temporal variation in task differentiation depicted in the rock art images of male/female roles is not extensively explored because of time and size of assemblage constraints, although some progress has been made in this area.

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8.5.1 Summary of Conclusions

There has been a need to degender the anthropomorphic motifs depicted in the rock art of the northwest Kimberley before engendering them (Conkey & Spector 1998). By disavowing previous assumptions that all of the unsexed figures are male or female, that there was a Great Earth Mother focus, erotic motivation, shamanism or inherent totemism, the way is cleared of androcentric, Eurocentric, feminist or lunatic fringe preconceptions. My approach promotes a more humanistic, comprehensive and sensitive study of the lives of men and women in the past and especially the cultural conditioning that shaped the lives of both the sexes.

While weapons such as spears and boomerangs are extensively portrayed with males, the rock art does not always reflect the evidence recovered from excavations (Walsh & Morwood 1999). For example, imagery of everyday tools such as digging sticks and stone axes and their use is rarely depicted in the rock art. Additionally, the absence of children in the assemblages is marked and the disproportionate number of male/assigned male to female figures is clear. While iconography portrayed in the depictions of the Gwion period anthropomorphic figures included keys that defined sex and/or gender, much remains ambiguous. I observe, however, a masculine presumption of power such as domination, protection and sheer presence: a dominant masculine gendered role play inferred in particular cultural contexts such as ceremony, hunting and conflict. From the overwhelming presence in these scenes of male figures one would assume that women had more limited access to social, political, and economic processes. Is this really the case?

It may be that cultural ideology is acting as an inhibitor to obscure, hide or contradict what is actually happening in the social, political and economic spheres (Leroi-Gourhan 1967, 1989). Ideology habitually presents an idealised representation of the world that attempts to describe the way things are or the way they should be (Vinnicombe 1976, Lewis-Williams 1989, Walsh 2000). While acknowledging that this is probable, there is a motivation to explore the philosophical reasons for it. IIAP and Gwion data included features (signs and symbols) worthy of semiotic (meaning-making) analysis. For example, interaction between the sexes is evident, vignettes of their gendered roles are depicted and repetitive motifs confirm that their purpose was intended. While the specifics of the prehistoric ideology of IIAP and Gwion rock art, its conflicts and tensions

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Conclusions Chapter Eight are by nature unattainable because of inaccessibility to emic participation (MacIntosh 1977, Bednarik 2011), the search for iconographic keys that may inform us of its purpose should continue (Conkey 2000, Lewis-Williams 1989).

A disconnect between image and meaning becomes very evident with the Wanjina period depictions foiling every attempt to be sexed or to reveal their gendered state through the imagery itself. Although iconography is heavily embedded in, for example, the differing significance of each ring of a halo headdress (Mowaljarlai & Malnic 1993:200-1), it is just not sex/gender specific. The artists of these images are said to be the Wanjina themselves – the Creator Beings and not humans. Being non-human meant that they could take a different form (turtle, part snake) or sex and gender was mostly immaterial. Aboriginal people claim only to repaint or brighten up the images left by the Wanjina spirits and this ritual practice is said to ‘make the ancestors happy’; to invigorate them to perpetuate rain, promote growth and to renew resources. The mythology associated with these images is essential to, not only rebirth, but also it imparts notions of the ‘right way’ to conduct oneself and for society to behave. The Wanjina are said to have no mouth because the people did not listen to the law proclaimed by them and they now refuse to speak. Their images are there to remind people of this (see Lewis & Rose 1995:46-7).

Alongside Wanjina are the Argula & Jillinya (spirit beings) that convey warnings about relationships and dangers of breaking the law (Vinnicombe 1976:245-60). Although many Argula look similar, the significance of their subtle differences is not easily recognised until ethnographical and historical data are considered (Crawford 1968:91, Walsh: Appendix 3). The word Jillinya appears to have become a broad term that encompasses female figures of ‘promiscuous’ configuration, normal form and ‘earth mother’ lore. However, early mythology refers to a Jillinya (Tjilinja, Djilinga) figure as a woman who was fond of eating men but, because of circumstances, became the praying mantis (see Love 2009:159, Section 5.2.3).

The collective Wanjina period ethnographic and historical data document a multifaceted gender circumstance: gender was not confined to just masculine and feminine it also depended on sex, age grades, ritual obligations, mystic beliefs and so forth (but see Bell 1998). Women held an important place in society and were autonomous to an extent (Kaberry 1939). Cultural practice was bound within each ‘clan estate’ yet widely dispersed throughout these estates and regions. This is reflected in the rock art assemblage. 193

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8.6 Where to from Here

From this basis of quantitative, qualitative and structurally inspired early work I have added the gender related scholarship of many, and especially that of Hays-Gilpin 2004, 2008, 2009, Gero & Conkey 1991, Conkey & Spector 1998, Joyce 1996. Re-examination of historical and archaeological data in different parts of the world has become a large part of gender investigation and has altered views on gendered roles in many cases with the roles of women becoming visible in the records (Sassaman 1998, Brandt 1996, Brumfield 1991, Estioko-Griffin 1981). These studies indicate that little attention was paid to the gendered roles of people in history and even less to those in prehistory.

The predominance of ungendered and ambiguous figures does not suggest to me that the majority of these depictions were meant to be unsexed humans, at least not in my study area. I believe that there are clear gender inferences directed by iconographic elements included in the compositions and that these elements were clearly apparent to viewers who were contemporaries of the artist/s.

Recognising that ‘everyone is gendered for someone’ in the patterns of association of motifs, in the paired and grouped art scenes reveals the sex of the motif in many cases (Hays-Gilpin 2009). Similarities and dissimilarities of figures with sexual markers and those without in such relational context provide the keys that can be transferred to other scenes where no sexual markers are present. Ongoing data collection should unceasingly incorporate an awareness of the sex/gender iconography embedded in the motifs that could provide a means to uncover a more nuanced understanding of the ideology and cultural specifies relating to the roles of men and women in each stylistic period. This analysis should be combined with the evidence from excavated material, surface scatter, dating results and climate change information that has not yet become available from the Change and Continuity project and from future regional studies.

Additionally, consideration must be given to the diversity of Aboriginal thought and experience:

 Was gender dualistic; was it hierarchical?  Were the depictions of squatting female and male figures with exaggerated genitalia meant to convey promiscuity or ritualised performances or practices enacted in compliance with religious requirements?  Did each depiction encode different levels of meaning for each age group and were some motifs merely ‘just pictures’? 194

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 How persistently did patterns occur throughout each period and did they persist through other periods?  Who made the art? An answer to this question is made difficult when ethnography informs us that the Gwion depictions were created by ‘a bird’s bleeding beak or wing’ and that the Wanjina left their image or shadow on the rock as they disappeared into it. However, Kaberry (1936:398) was informed by an old woman that ‘with the corroboration of the head man and another old man… she touched up the painting of the rainbow serpent in a cave on the Djuri River’ (central Kimberley). In addition, historical photography documents both men and women with painted designs on their bodies (Figs 4.17 & 4.20). Although I consider a start has been made to address some of these questions, much remains unresolved. The extent of the northwest Kimberley rock art assemblage is vast and although much of it has now been seen and recorded (but not in a systematic and constant way) by various groups of amateur enthusiast, archaeologists, anthropologists and historians, the details have not been collated into a uniform dataset. This will be a huge but necessary undertaking. Analysis of this dataset may indicate the pattern of the cultural norms, their spatial extent and impetus through time.

Some question the use of ethnographic analogy, the search for meanings of motifs and indeed the search for gender in rock art assemblages (Bednarik 2011:223-234, MacIntosh 1997, Lenssen-Erz 1998) in the belief that there is a propensity by humans for egocentrism, ethnocentrism, and anthropocentrism that mar empirical scientific conclusions. Others have proceeded regardless and although fault has been found, much has been gained (for example McDonald & Veth 2012, Drew 2006, Conkey 2000, Sassaman 1998, Brandt 1996, Brumfield 1991, Jones & Johnston 1985, Mulvaney 1969). Comparing different regions of art within Australia in the search for patterns of sexing keys and gender roles has been productive (Crawford 1968, Lewis 1988, McDonald 1998, Smith 1998).

However, there is still a great deal to be achieved in this area as little quantitative research has been undertaken on sexing keys for assemblages nationwide. Simply looking for mammae and genitalia is not sufficient. Rather it should be acknowledged that sexing keys not only include penises, testicles, breasts and vaginas but also incorporate anus, uteruses, lactation, semen, menstruation, pregnancy, upper body strength, body shape, distribution of hair and the ability to sexually penetrate or be penetrated and so forth (Hays-Gilpin 2009). Much of the recent work has concentrated on finding ‘women’ in the

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Conclusions Chapter Eight rock art assemblages to redress their neglect in past research. It is now time to look for the men, children and ‘other’ also.

Similarly, gender patterns require lateral thinking to incorporate evidence of constructed roles and relationships that may have been ascribed to males and females associated with a very different culture to our own. A search must take into account ethnographical and historical accounts of the attitudes, behaviours, values, relative power and influence that society ascribes to each sex to find patterns for gendered roles in rock art scenes. Many practices do not align with our Western cultural view of propriety and have been ignored or left out of recent analysis. The Aboriginal traditions of, for example, ‘wife lending’ and ‘ritual homosexuality’ have become a more acceptable subject now than they were in the Victorian Era and in the prudish 1950s (Elkin 1938, Kaberry 1939). Future research may show that all aspects of the Aboriginal world were not idyllic. But to ignore some of the facts, even though they may be unpleasant, would be to ignore the whole picture and to deny scientific interpretation. The approach taken to these data must be of a scientific bent and not the emotive or speculative one.

While searching for patterns in apparel, tool, and weapon use and so forth may indicate gendered roles and status within a society, it must be remembered that gender is fluid and may ‘look different’ throughout the stages of an individual’s life and through changing values within the society. The rock art data indicate that females provided a supportive role to males in the art assemblage of the study area. This does not mean that females were the stereotypical passive, uncreative and subordinate creatures of feminist critics. It may be because the artists are depicting an idealised version of how the society worked, or it may be that men and women were autonomous within certain domains and supportive of each other in others. That is why it is so important to be aware of the ethnohistorical data and the excavated evidence. There is no doubt in my mind that in any society women navigate their own destiny as much as they are able, even when men are perceived to hold a more powerful role in society (see Kaberry 1939).

The ratio of the human to animal figures and the relationship between these two genera has not been fully analysed. As there are significant differences between the two for each period further research is desirable. Questions of totemism, ritual, fertility and sympathetic magic influence could be explored along with sex and gender relationship. A great many of the animal motifs are sexed directly by genitalia or mammae or indirectly by suckling, pouches, eggs and so forth. 196

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In addition, the significance of abraded cupules and grooves, string prints and stone arrangements to gender have not been discussed here. There are extensive surfaces of cupules in some of the shelters that appear to be of great age, while more recent groups of paired cupules were found on the vertical face of a large boulder and on an extensive expanse of flat water-worn rock during the Change and Continuity research. The significance of the tremendous toil that went into these abrasions has not been explained. All that we can be assured of is that they did not have a utilitarian function. While the seed heads of grasses may be related to image making of a preferred food source the reason for throwing string soaked in ochre paste to imprint a ceiling well out of reach is intriguing – perhaps it was simply a game to see who’s string was first to reach that height, or to remain attached to the ceiling for the longest time, or it may have been the pattern it left on the ceiling that was important in some foretelling sense. Small and extensive stone arrangements are found within shelters, on prominent outcrops and on large flats. How long ago they were utilised is not known and cattle, water erosion and fire are all contributing to their disturbance.

‘Hard’ evidence through archaeological excavation, climate and sea level fluctuation data, dating of the art and so forth will become more readily available to future researchers. Human ability to use signs and symbols requires them to distinguish between the represented object (the physical being), the representation of the object (drawing, painting, engraving, modified object) and the reaction of the observer who acknowledges the representation as standing for the object. This ability extends well into the Pleistocene (Aubert 2014, Bednarik 2014:57, Conkey 2000, Leroi-Gourhan 1967, 1989). The artists did not live in a vacuum; they were a part of the fabric of their clan, their environment and their culture. They reflect the society, how it was conducted and what was expected of it. This must give the curious impetus to carry on the research.

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Appendix

9. Appendix 1

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10. Appendix 2

Comparison of features key to sex appropriation between sexed and unsexed figures contained in paired & grouped Gwion scenes. U = unsexed, F=female, M =male.

Site & Style Motif S Sex Association Height in Headdress Weapon or Colour Body Apparel e key Attitude mm tool Shape x 69 U None Female in same Large:460 Elaborate Hooked stick Yellow Barrel Nil style/Reverent & Spear & Red MM21 1 70 F Breast Human in same Small:350 None None Yellow Gynoid Nil Wararrajai s style & Red Protecting/domi nant 108 F Breast Female & Small:138 Small None Dark Gynoid Nil s human in same Red style/Supportive

LMR02 109 F Breast Female & Small:104 Small None Dark Gynoid Nil 2 s human in same Red Yowna style/Supportive 110 U None Two females in Large:276 Elaborate Boomerang Dark Narrow Elaborate same Red chest & style/Dominant Paunch 141 U None Female in same Large: 360 Elaborate Boomerang Dark Narrow Elaborate style/Supportive Red chest & LMR02 Paunch 3 Yowna 142 F Breast Human in same Small: 220 Small with None Dark Gynoid Bag on s style/Protective decoration Red back

345 F Breast Female & Small:169 Small None Dark Barrel Waist s human in same Acorn red tussocks style/Reverent

LR03C 346 U None Females in Large:530 Elaborate None Dark Barrel Elaborate 4 same red Wararrajai style/Dominant 347 F Breast Female & Small:195 Small None Dark Barrel Bag from s human in same Acorn red waist style/Reverent 441 U None Female in same Large:360 Elaborate Missing parts Dark Narrow Elaborate style/Dominant Red chest & LRW01 5 Paunch Wararrajai 442 F Breast Human is same Small:300 None Digging stick Dark Gynoid Bag on s style/Supportive Red back 550 F Breast Female & Small:250 None None Dark Narrow Nil s human in same Red chest & style/Egalitarian Paunch

BSC05 551 U None Females in Large:320 Elaborate None Dark Narrow Nil 6 same Red chest & Dynamic style/Egalitarian Paunch 552 F Breast Female & Small:270 None Boomerang, Dark Gynoid Nil s human in some digging stick Red style/Egalitarian 826 F Breast Human in same Small:320 None Digging stick Red Gynoid Bag from OTB02 s style/Egalitarian head 7 Dynamic 827 U None Female in same Large:440 Elaborate Boomerang, Red Barrel Nil style/Egalitarian Spear Site & Style Motif S Sexual Association/Attit Height in Headdress Weapon or Colour Body Apparel e key ude mm tool Shape x

210

Appendix

1004 U None Female & Large:180 Elaborate Spear Orange Barrel Nil human in same style/Dominant 1005 U None Female & Large:190 Elaborate Spear Orange Barrel Nil human in same MP01 style/Dominant 8 Mambi 1006 F Breast Female & Small:145 Hairlike None Orange Barrel Waist s human in same Mop tussocks style/Reverent 1007 F Breast Female & Small:115 Hairlike None Orange Barrel Waist s human in same Mop tussocks style/Reverent 1146 F Breast Human in same Small:90 None None Red Elliptical Nil style/Reverent MP03 9 1147 U None Female in same Large:150 Elaborate None Red Barrel Nil Mambi style/Dominant body & Paunch 1222 U None Female & Large:270 Elaborate None Red Barrel Nil human in same Mop style/Dominant 1223 F Breast Female & Small: 180 None None Red Barrel Waist human in same tussocks 1 MP03 style/Reverent 0 Mambi 1224 U None Female & Small:145 Elaborate None Red Bottle Nil human in same Mop Tree style/Reverent 1225 F Breast Female & Large:190 None None Red Barrel Waist human in same tussocks style/Reverent

211

Appendix

11. Appendix 3

Description of Spirit Figures – Grahame Walsh 1994

212

Appendix

12. Appendix 4

Superimposition

Superimposition provides a certain amount of clarity when determining stylistic sequence for the periods. The IIAP and Gwion periods indicate clear sequences of style while the Wanjina period is less distinct. In this period the different styles are well defined but their sequence is not; differing threads of traditions may proceed in tandem, while others may be discontinued, or another is instituted for a time. It is therefore difficult to determine if gendered role changes that may have occurred throughout the Wanjina period.

Figure 1 Superimposed PHP images over Gwion figures at LMR02K

Figure 2 Data recording page demonstrating the process on superimposed image analyses at LMR02K

213

Appendix

It is clear that the PHP motifs are superimposed over the Gwion figures (Figs 1 & 2). The superimposed Gwion are depicted with ‘hair’ in the style called feminine by Wilson 2006 and declared masculine ‘headdresses’ by Walsh (2000). The PHP motifs include female figures and spirit figures and the site was named a female site by Traditional Owners (pers. comm. John Goonack 2011).

Superimposition of Wanjina period figures suggests that the styles, PHP, Wanjina and Argula & Jillinya coexisted for a time at least. All three styles, are represented in some of the panels and although the superimposition is clear in Fig 3 the accepted sequence is reversed in Fig 4. The data indicates that the PHP, Wanjina and Argula & Jillinya styled motifs are contemporaneous with each other and it is my opinion that each of these styles served a different purpose during a comparative time. Analysis to discover the roles of men and women during this period is therefore difficult. It is likely that both the secular and sacred spheres are being illustrated in these highly superimposed panels.

3

A&J

2

PHP 1 WAN

Figure 3 Superimposition of Wanjina period figures. Figure 4 Superimposition; Argula/Jillinya (orange Wanjina [1] superimposes the PHP [2] on left and is outline) is under the dark red PHP and both are superimposed by PHP [3] at LR03c superimposed by a white Wanjina figure at BSC18

214

Appendix

13. Appendix 5

Body Position IIAP CGP DGP WGP PHP WANP A&J Feature Total n % n % n % n % n % n % n % ‘E’ Angled Arms ‘M’ Angled Arms 4 3 75 1 25 ‘W’ Angled Arms 92 26 28.26 2 2.17 57 61.96 4 4.35 3 3.26 Arms Bent Down From Elbows 12 5 41.67 1 8.33 6 50 Arms Bent Up From Elbows 29 1 3.45 15 51.72 2 6.9 6 20.69 4 13.79 1 3.45 Asymmetric Limb Arrangement 188 138 73.4 14 7.45 9 4.79 21 11.17 6 3.19 Bending Forward 2 100.00 Closed Leg Plan 117 40 34.19 70 59.83 6 5.13 1 0.85 Consistent Width Leg Spacing 42 17 40.48 20 47.62 4 9.52 1 2.38 Crossed Arms Crossed Legs 9 2 22.22 1 11.11 6 66.67 Crouching 4 100 Drooped Hanging Arms 13 2 15.38 11 84.62 Female Sloping Arms 5 2 40.00 1 20.00 2 40.00 Hands-In-Pockets Stance Hanging Arms 271 151 55.72 1 0.37 9 3.32 71 26.2 39 14.39 Horizontal 52 2 3.85 36 69.23 2 3.85 8 15.38 4 7.69 Horizontal Arms 93 1 1.08 30 32.26 3 3.23 11 11.83 40 43 6 6.45 2 2.15 Horizontal Legs 5 5 100.00 Kneeling Profile 3 3 100.00 Profile Bending 14 9 64.29 2 14.29 1 7.14 1 7.14 1 7.14 Profile Bent-Knee 37 34 91.89 2 5.41 1 2.7 Promiscuous 5 2 40.00 3 60.00 Protected/Dominated 11 6 54.55 5 45.45 Protective/Dominant 7 4 57.14 3 42.86 Reverse Upswept Legs 13 1 7.69 9 69.24 1 7.69 2 15.38 Running Profile 26 3 11.54 22 84.62 1 3.84 Semi-Squatting 23 14 60.87 1 4.35 5 21.73 2 8.70 1 4.35 Sitting Plan 19 2 10.53 12 63.16 3 15.79 1 5.26 1 5.26 Sitting Profile 18 4 22.22 8 44.44 4 22.22 2 11.12 Sloping Arms 472 172 36.44 27 5.72 152 32.20 109 23.10 10 2.12 2 0.42 Square Crutch 4 3 75.00 1 25.00 Squatting Angled Legs 22 5 22.73 9 40.91 2 9.09 6 27.27 Squatting Curved Legs 28 3 10.71 18 64.29 2 7.14 5 17.86 Squatting Profile 8 4 50.00 1 12.5 3 37.50 Standing Plan 970 2 0.22 372 38.35 8 0.82 172 17.73 300 30.93 108 11.13 8 0.82

215

Appendix

Body Position cont. IIAP CGP DGP WGP PHP WANP A&J Standing Profile 255 2 0.78 198 77.65 2 0.78 10 3.92 40 15.69 3 1.18 Standing Spread- Legged 99 1 1.01 10 10.10 2 2.02 24 24.24 52 52.53 3 3.03 7 7.07 Supplication 9 9 100.00 Upraised Arms 224 77 34.38 2 0.89 10 4.46 90 40.18 29 12.95 16 7.14 Upswept Legs 12 11 91.67 1 8.33 Waving Arm 3217 9 1395 112 510 892 238 61

Body Detail IIAP CGP DGP WGP PHP WANP A&J Feature Total n % n % n % n % n % n % n % Blanks Assoc with Animal 9 1 11.1 5 55.56 1 11.11 2 22.22 Assoc with Bag on Back 74 69 93.25 1 1.35 3 4.05 1 1.35 Assoc with Bird 5 1 20.00 4 80.00 Assoc with Boomerang 294 255 86.74 19 6.46 11 3.74 7 2.38 1 0.34 1 0.34 Assoc with Digging Stick 12 4 33.33 8 66.67 Assoc with Dilly Bag 103 97 94.18 1 0.97 4 3.88 1 0.97 Assoc with Firewood 2 1 50.00 1 50.00 Assoc with Flying Fox 2 2 100.00 Assoc with Hooked Stick 56 11 19.64 5 8.93 28 50.00 12 21.42 Assoc with Macropod 29 3 10.34 5 17.24 2 6.9 7 24.14 10 34.48 2 6.9 Assoc with Object in Hand 107 80 74.77 7 6.54 13 12.15 5 4.67 2 1.87 Assoc with Shield 1 1 100.00 Assoc with Spear 143 43 30.07 12 8.39 81 56.64 7 4.90 Barbed Torso 7 1 14.29 1 14.29 5 71.42 Barrel Body 492 117 23.78 17 3.46 59 11.99 210 42.68 77 15.65 12 2.44 Block Shoulder-blades Bottle Tree Body 55 1 1.82 4 7.27 25 45.45 20 36.36 5 9.09 Broad Shoulders 17 12 70.59 1 5.88 4 23.53 Bump Shoulder- blades Buns Buttocks Dimorphic Largeness 19 14 73.68 1 5.26 4 21.05 Dimorphic Smallness 35 17 48.57 6 17.14 1 2.86 11 31.43 Ellipse/Centreline Body 7 1 14.29 6 85.71 Elongated Body 35 9 25.71 1 2.86 21 60 4 11.43 Fat Body 120 4 3.33 11 9.17 4 3.33 5 4.17 69 57.5 17 14.17 10 8.33 Funnel Neck

216

Appendix

Body Detail cont. IIAP CGP DGP WGP PHP WANP A&J Gynoid Body Shape 130 106 88.33 8 6.67 7 5.83 8 6.67 1 0.83 Head and Shoulders Only 6 6 100.00 Head Only 14 14 100.00 Knobs on Knees or Elbows 1 1 100.00 Lattice Body 1 1 100.00 Long Neck 3 1 33.33 2 66.66 Narrow Chest 476 371 77.94 33 6.93 59 12.39 13 2.73 Obese Body 10 4 40.00 3 30.00 3 30.00 Paunch Detail 373 317 84.99 21 5.63 34 9.12 1 0.27 Pearshape Body 36 15 41.67 2 5.56 10 27.78 8 22.22 1 2.78 Plan Buttocks Detail Shoulder Spikes Sinuous Body Skeleton Body Skeleton Spine Stick Figure 65 14 21.54 7 10.77 2 3.08 42 64.62 Tapering Elliptical Body 21 21 100.00 Three Line Body 9 9 100.00 Two Line Body 10 10 100.00 X-ray Spine 2779 6 1580 158 328 515 158 34

Limb Detail IIAP CGP DGP WGP PHP WANP A&J Feature Total n % n % n % n % n % n % n % Angled Slipper Feet 350 310 88.57 17 4.86 12 3.43 11 3.14 Angled Tick Feet 42 17 40.48 2 4.76 3 7.14 20 47.62 Ankle Wings 9 7 77.78 1 11.11 1 11.11 Bag Elbows 2 2 100.00 Ball Joints 1 1 100.00 Bar Fingers 255 2 0.78 22 8.63 5 1.96 164 64.31 49 19.22 13 5.10 Bear Paw 4 2 50.00 2 50.00 Bear Paw with Digits 2 1 50.00 1 50.00 Bird Feet 1 1 100.00 Boot Feet Bumpy Joint Claw Hand Conventional Hands 44 4 9.09 5 11.36 16 36.36 18 40.91 1 2.27 Crab Claw Hands 3 3 100.00 Cross Hands Curved Feet 9 8 88.89 1 11.11

217

Appendix

Limb Detail cont. IIAP CGP DGP WGP PHP WANP A&J Dwarf Feet Dwarf Finger Gauntlet Arms Dwarf Fingers 1 1 100.00 Dwarf Petal Fingers 1 1 100.00 Elbow Spikes 1 1 100.00 Elegant Fluid Limbs 398 361 90.70 33 8.29 4 1.01 European Boot Feet 1 1 100.00 Extended Fingers 14 2 14.29 1 7.14 9 64.29 1 7.14 1 7.41 Extended Toe 8 7 87.50 1 12.50 Feet in Either Direction 379 1 0.26 46 12.14 13 3.17 12 3.17 234 61.74 74 19.53 17 4.49 Feet in Same Direction 396 297 75.00 31 7.83 11 2.78 50 12.63 2 0.51 5 1.26 Fine Fingered Hands 77 56 72.73 4 5.19 13 16.88 3 3.90 1 1.3 Fluid Limbs 9 6 66.67 1 11.11 2 22.22 Forward Curving Legs 1 1 100.00 Frill Elbows Frill Toes 6 1 16.67 3 50.00 2 33.33 Gauntlet Arms 49 49 100.00 Hand Type Feet Heeled Feet 264 3 1.14 10 3.79 21 7.95 4 1.52 150 56.82 59 22.35 17 6.44 Hooked Fingers Jacanda Feet Jodhpur Legs Knobbed Elbows 8 1 12.5 7 87.50 Knobbed Knee 7 6 85.71 1 14.29 Knock Kneed Limbs Large Hands 7 1 14.29 3 42.86 2 28.57 1 14.29 Oval Hands 22 17 77.27 5 22.73 Paw Hands 2 1 50.00 1 50.00 Petal Fingers 20 14 70.00 5 25.00 1 5.00 Petal Toes 3 2 66.67 1 33.33 Pigeon Toed Limbs 1 1 100.00 Profile Fluid Limbs Propeller Feet Round Hands 1 1 100.00 Round Tip Limbs 15 4 26.67 2 13.33 2 13.33 4 26.67 1 6.67 2 13.33 Sausage Upper Arms 3 1 33.33 1 33.33 1 33.33 Slim Arms 261 1 0.38 160 61.30 19 7.28 26 9.96 45 17.24 6 2.30 4 1.53 Slipper Feet 34 7 20.59 1 2.94 26 76.47 Spoon Fingers Square-Tip Legs 7 1 14.29 5 71.43 1 14.29

218

Appendix

Limb Detail cont. IIAP CGP DGP WGP PHP WANP A&J Stamen Fingers Stick Arms 241 100 41.19 4 1.66 63 26.14 68 28.22 2 0.83 4 1.66 Stone Axe Elbows Stone Axe Knee Teardrop Limbs Three Finger Hands 129 22 17.05 4 3.1 6 4.65 89 68.99 2 1.55 6 4.65 Tick Feet 41 2 4.88 5 12.2 34 82.93 Toe Spikes Toed Feet 289 3 21 1.73 20 7.27 3 1.04 168 58.13 56 19.38 18 6.23 Toffee Apple Hands Top-boot Feet Triangle Hands 12 12 100.00 Triangle Legs 6 6 100.00 Widespread Toes Wrist Barbs 3436 10 1543 182 162 1171 289 97

Dress Decoration IIAP CGP DGP WGP PHP WANP A&J Feature Total n % n % n % n % n % n % n % Arm Decoration Hanging Sash 10 5 50.00 3 30.00 2 20.00 Armpit Balls Armpit Cords 40 31 77.50 6 15.00 2 5.00 1 2.50 Armpit Decoration 68 52 76.47 1 1.47 11 16.18 2 2.94 2 2.94 Baggy Pubic Apron 9 6 66.67 3 33.33 Ball Hip Decorations 6 2 33.33 4 66.67 Bolo Elbow Band Broad Fluffy Elbow Band 6 5 83.33 1 16.67 Cape 1 1 100.00 Cherry Elbow Band Chest Decoration 20 3 15.00 16 80.00 1 5.00 Corded Tussock 1 1 100.00 Dancing Balloon 28 28 100.00 Double Ribbon Elbow 7 3 42.86 3 42.86 1 14.29 Double Sloping Bar Hip Decoration 6 3 50.00 3 50.00 Dumbbell Elbow Band Fluffy Bands 2 1 50.00 1 50.00 Flyswat Neck Decoration 9 7 77.78 2 22.22 Four Chilli Armpit 28 28 100.00 Hair Cords 17 17 100.00 Knobbed Three Point Sash Long Pubic Apron 70 68 97.14 1 1.43 1 1.43

219

Appendix

Dress Decoration cont. IIAP CGP DGP WGP PHP WANP A&J Multiple Broad Bangles Multiple Thin Armbands Multiple Thin Bangles Namargon Lightning Arch Neck Tussocks Plume Arm Band 90 85 94.44 1 1.11 1 1.11 1 1.11 2 2.22 Plume Sash 11 9 81.82 2 18.18 Pubic Tassel 8 4 50.00 2 25.00 2 25.00 Round Cummerbund 34 29 85.29 1 2.94 4 11.76 Short Pubic Apron 76 59 77.63 1 1.32 11 14.47 5 6.58 Shoulder Decoration 7 7 100.00 Single Broad Tassel 3 2 66.67 1 33.33 Single Sloping Bar Hip Decoration 5 5 100.00 Single Tram Track Spray of Cords 12 12 100.00 Stacked Waistband 1 1 100.00 Star Sash 1 1 100.00 Stone Axe Waistband Tassel Chest Band 2 2 100.00 Three Point Sash 108 96 88.89 1 0.93 9 8.33 2 1.85 Toffee Apple Elbow Band 2 2 100.00 Toffee Apple Hip Decoration 5 5 100.00 Trident Tassel 16 16 100.00 Trimmed Sash 6 5 83.33 1 16.67 Triple Tassel 88 86 97.73 2 2.27 Waist Bag 9 5 55.56 4 44.44 Waist Sparse Tassels 44 37 84.09 1 2.27 4 9.09 2 4.55 Waist Tussocks 46 32 69.57 10 21.74 4 8.7 Wandjina Lightning Wisk 78 74 94.87 1 1.28 1 1.28 2 2.56 980 820 6 90 41 1

Body Decoration IIAP CGP DGP WGP PHP WANP A&J Feature Total n % n % n % n % n % n % n % Ankle Bands 18 8 44.44 1 5.56 4 22.22 5.6 4 22.22 Arm Bands 69 62 89.86 2 2.9 5 7.25 Bangles 20 20 100.00 Breast Cross Straps 2 1 50.00 1 50.00 Calf Bands 2 2 100.00 Cartridge Belt Waistband 3 1 33.33 1 33.33 1 33 Centre Body Bar 3 1 33.33 1 33.33 1 33.33

220

Appendix

Body Decoration cont. IIAP CGP DGP WGP PHP WANP A&J Centre Body Line 11 2 18.18 9 81.82 Chest Band 42 5 11.9 15 35.71 15 35.71 17 Crutch Band 79 8 10.13 1 1.27 11 13.92 25 31.65 22 27.85 12 15.19 Elbow Bands 138 129 93.48 2 1.45 1 0.72 5 3.62 1 0.75 Foot Bands 8 2 25.00 4 50.00 2 25.00 Fore And Aft Bands 1 1 100.00 Multiple Bar Waistband 1 1 100.00 Multiple Neck Bands 20 1 5.00 13 65.00 5 25.00 1 5.00 Neck Band Neck Bar 7 1 14.29 5 71.43 1 14.29 Oval Chest Decoration 10 2 20.00 8 80.00 Penis Bands Thigh Bands 1 1 100.00 Waistband 153 111 72.55 12 7.84 14 9.15 15 9.8 1 0.65 Wrist Bands 45 31 68.89 1 2.22 6 13.33 7 15.56 Yoke Addition 22 2 9.09 3 13.64 17 77.27 655 377 3 38 103 105 29

Sexual Detail IIAP CGP DGP WGP PHP WANP A&J Feature Total n % n % n % n % n % n % n % Ambiguous 4 4 100 Armcurve Breasts 53 3 5.66 5 9.43 29 54.72 4 7.55 12 22.64 Barred Oval Vulva Bent Side Penis Bi sexual 3 3 100.00 Bifurcated Penis Blotch of ‘power’ 1 1 100 Breast Milk Breasts 96 1 1.04 25 26.04 3 3.13 8 8.83 37 38.54 7 7.29 15 15.63 Caranarvon Vulva 1 1 100 Caranarvon Vulva with Anus Circumcised Penis 1 1 100.00 Curved Paddle Penis 1 1 100.00 Decorated Anus 1 1 100.00 Erect Barbed Penis 1 1 100 Erect Bulbous Tip Side Penis Erect Side Penis 20 20 100 Female 119 1 0.84 29 24.37 3 2.52 8 6.72 52 43.7 11 9.24 15 12.61 Homosexual 10 10 100.00 Inverted ‘U’ Vulva 1 1 100.00

221

Appendix

Sexual Detail cont. IIAP CGP DGP WGP PHP WANP A&J Knobbed Penis Lizard Tail or Long Penis 7 7 100 Low Silhouette Testicles Male 85 2 2.35 6 7.06 60 70.59 7 8.24 10 11.76 Meandering Penis 2 1 50.00 1 50.00 Nipple Bars On-Body Breasts On-Body Pendulous Breasts On-Body Spindle Vulva On-Body Vulva 6 4 66.67 1 16.67 1 16.67 Oval Side Penis Paddle Penis 1 1 100.00 Penis 89 2 2.25 6 6.74 61 68.54 7 7.87 13 14.61 Penis Line 1 1 100.00 Profile Armline Breasts 11 6 54.55 3 27.27 1 9.09 1 9.09 Profile Uncircumcised Penis

Prominent Nipple Breasts 4 2 50.00 1 25.00 1 25.00 Pubic Hair 8 4 50.00 2 25.00 2 25.00 Reverse Curved Penis 1 1 100.00 Short Rounded Penis Side Profile Suspended Vulva Side Vulva Split Head Penis Spoon Penis 2 2 100 Stacked Breasts 29 1 3.45 18 62.07 3 10.34 3 10.34 4 13.79 Stamen Testicles 1 1 100 Stone Axe Penis Subinscised Penis 6 6 100 Suspended ‘U’ Vulva 15 10 66.67 1 6.67 4 26.67 Suspended Barred ‘U’ Vulva Suspended Divided Vulva 1 1 100.00 Suspended Split Vulva 1 1 100.00 Suspended Triangular Vulva 1 1 100.00

Suspended Triangular Vulva with Pubic Hair 1 1 100.00 Suspended Vulva 7 2 28.57 4 57.14 1 14.29 Tassel Side Penis 2 2 100.00 Testicles 28 3 10.71 18 64.29 1 3.57 6 21.43 Trident Penis

222

Appendix

Sexual Detail cont. IIAP CGP DGP WGP PHP WANP A&J Uncircumcised Penis Ungendered 1346 2 0.15 643 47.77 56 4.16 218 16.2 312 23.18 114 8.47 2 0.15 Upswept Breasts 1 1 100.00 Vertical Bar Penis Vulva 27 14 51.85 5 18.52 8 29.63 Vulva with Anus X-Ray II Vulva 1996 9 741 65 246 659 165 111

Headdress IIAP CGP DGP WGP PHP WANP A&J Feature Total n % n % n % n % n % n % n % ‘W’ Side Bar Additions Acorn 19 7 36.84 8 42.11 4 21.05 Balloon Tip 1 1 100.00 Bar Ray Additions 1 1 100.00 Barred Antennae Blunt Bullet Blunt Cone Blunt Stovepipe Bob Tail Broad Fan Broad Fernleaf Broad Plume 1 1 100.00 Broad Plume Fan 2 1 50.00 1 50.00 Broad Plume Fan with Perimeter 1 1 100.00 Broad Sweptback 21 4 19.05 3 14.29 14 66.67 Broad Teardrop Broom Busby 26 25 96.15 1 3.85 Busby and Tussock 7 7 100.00 Cobweb Wandjina Concentric Arc 1 1 100.00 Cone 5 5 100.00 Corrugated Wandjina Crab Eye Pom Pom Drooping 2 2 100.00 Crab Eye Pom Pom Erect Crew Cut Crewcut Fan 1 1 100.00 Cross Hatched Melon 7 7 100.00 Disk 223

Appendix

Headdress cont. IIAP CGP DGP WGP PHP WANP A&J Divided Mop 16 4 25.00 8 50.00 4 25.00 Double Drooped Bar Double Prong Antennae Drooped Bar Drooped Barbed Bar Dumbbell 1 1 100.00 Dunce Cap 26 10 38.46 7 26.92 3 11.54 6 23.08 Egret Elaborate 89 5 5.62 17 19.10 40 44.94 27 30.34 Elaborate Above 90 Degrees 338 335 99.11 1 0.30 2 0.59 Elaborate Below 90 Degrees 99 97 97.98 2 2.02 Elaborate Hanging Along Back 15 15 100.00 Elephant Elongated Teardrop Erect Barred Exclamation Mark Extended Acorn Headdress 32 30 93.75 1 3.13 1 3.13 Fernleaf 3 3 100.00 Five Finger 1 1 100.00 Four Finger 4 4 100.00 Half Halos 1 1 100.00 Halo 71 28 39.44 43 60.56 Hand 6 6 100.00 Hanging Mango Hollow Acorn Horizontal Barrel Horizontal Pigtail Horizontal Side Bar Kidney Mantis 2 2 100.00 Melon 1 1 100.00 Missing 75 26 34.67 3 4 37 49.33 9 12 Mitre Mop 9 9 100.00 Multiple Drooped Arc 2 2 100.00 Multiple Drooped Bar 2 2 100.00 None 474 4 0.84 106 22.36 29 6.12 29 6.12 257 54.22 23 4.85 26 5.49 Pin Ray Additions 2 1 50.00 1 50.00 Pole 5 5 100.00 Pole Addition 1 1 100.00

224

Appendix

Headdress cont. IIAP CGP DGP WGP PHP WANP A&J Prong Antennae 19 1 5.26 18 94.74 Propeller Pumpkin 1 1 100.00 Rabbit Ear Rayed 52 1 1.92 2 3.85 8 15.38 40 76.92 1 1.92 Rayed Barrel 5 2 40.00 2 40.00 1 20.00 Rayed Oval 7 1 14.29 6 85.71 Shocked 34 2 5.88 1 2.94 22 64.71 8 23.53 1 2.94 Side and Vertical Bars 2 2 100.00 Skull Cap 44 44 100.00 Solid Broom Solid Disk 1 1 100.00 Solid Fan Sparse Tassel Addition Spiked Acorn 13 13 100.00 Stirrup 1 1 100.00 Stone Axe Stovepipe Tap Handle Tapered Busby Tasselled Cape Three Finger 1 1 100.00 Trimmed Busby Triple Broad Fernleaf 2 2 100.00 Triple Drooped Bar Tulip Ray Additions 12 7 58.33 5 41.67 Two Finger 2 2 100.00 Umbrella 1 1 100.00 Wandjina Wheat Ear Zig Zag Line 1567 4 678 62 213 437 143 30

Head Detail IIAP CGP DGP WGP PHP WANP A&J Feature Total n % n % n % n % n % n % n % Arrow Head 3 1 33.33 1 33.33 1 33.33 Barred Circle Head 1 1 100.00 Barred Oval Head 4 3 75 1 25 Barred Yam Head with Feathers 5 2 40 3 60 Bean Head Bikewheel Head

225

Appendix

Head Detail cont. IIAP CGP DGP WGP PHP WANP A&J Concentric Oval Head 3 2 66.66 1 33.33 CP Head 135 133 98.52 2 1.48 Cross Circle Head 3 3 100 Dome Head 23 2 8.70 17 73.91 4 17.39 Donut Head 9 1 11.11 6 66.67 1 11.11 1 11.11 Double Concentric Circle Head 2 1 50 1 50 Drooped ‘T’ Head Extended Lips Head Hair like 135 121 89.63 5 3.7 1 0.74 4 2.96 3 2.22 1 0.74 Hawk Head Heart Head Inverted Teardrop Head Line Infill Yam Head 7 7 100.00 Melon Head 14 1 7.14 13 92.86 Missing 2 2 100 Multi barred Oval Head 1 1 100.00 Mushroom Head 12 12 100.00 Oval Bikewheel Head Oval Head 84 23 27.38 8 9.52 50 59.52 3 3.57 Pin Head 5 4 80.00 1 20.00 Profile 10 2 20.00 5 50.00 3 30.00 Profile Bikewheel Head Profile Cross Circle Head Profile Spanner Head Profile Spanner Head with Beard Quinkan Head 2 1 50 1 50 Round Head 502 214 42.63 35 6.97 24 4.78 164 32.67 58 11.55 7 1.39 Rounded Head 356 205 57.58 8 2.25 10 2.81 65 18.26 53 14.89 15 4.21 Rounded Triangle Head 3 1 33.33 2 66.67 Rounded Triangle with Shocked Hair Head 1 1 100 Serrated Oval Yam Head Shocked 12 2 16.7 1 8.33 8 66.67 1 8.33 Side Bun Feature 16 16 100 Small Head 5 3 60 2 40 Small Round Head 3 1 33.33 2 66.67 Solid Round Head 3 1 33.33 1 33.33 1 33.33 Vertical Oval Head 13 11 84.62 2 15.38 Wheel Head 2 2 1376 4 583 53 193 388 126 29

226

Appendix

Face Detail IIAP CGP DGP WGP PHP WANP A&J Feature Total n % n % n % n % n % n % n % ‘Y’ Centrebar Eyes ‘Y’ Dot Horizontal Eyes ‘Y’ Dot Multiline Eyes ‘Y’ Dot Vertical Eyes Almond Eyes 7 2 28.57 5 71.43 Bar Eyelashes 17 16 1 Bar Forehead Nose 21 16 94.12 4 23.53 1 5.88 Bar Mouth Bar Nose 40 10 25 24 60 6 15 Beard 2 2 100 Broad Beak Mouth 1 1 100 Coconut Face Dot Eyes 46 1 2.17 28 60.87 11 23.91 6 13.04 Double Bracket Eyes Dumbbell Eyes Fish Mouth 4 2 50 1 25 1 25 Full Mask Face 2 2 Goggle Dot Eyes 2 1 50 1 50 Goggle Eyes 91 44 48.35 41 45.05 6 6.59 Inverted Keyhole Nose Jug Ears 24 8 33.33 1 4.17 15 62.5 Leaf Ears 4 3 75 1 25 Mask Face Mask Variation Face Nose 23 1 4.35 3 13.04 19 82.61 Outlined Solid Eyes 8 8 100 Oval Eyes 18 1 5.56 15 83.33 2 11.11 Pin Eyelashes 9 9 100 Pointed Ears 2 1 50 1 50 Profile 12 2 16.7 7 58.33 1 8.33 2 16.67 Rabbit Ears 1 1 100 Radiating Line Eyes Round Solid Eyes 41 1 2.44 23 56.1 11 26.83 6 14.63 Side Eyelashes Spectacle Eyes Vertical Oval Eyes 1 1 100 Wheel Eyes 376 2 1 7 3 149 167 47

227

Appendix

14. References

Akerman, K. 1994, Riji and Jakuli: Kimberley pearl shell in Aboriginal Australia, Northern Territory Museum of Arts and Sciences Monograph Series No 4, Darwin.

Akerman, K. 2009, ‘Interaction between humans and megafauna depicted in Australian rock art?’ in Antiquity, vol. 83, issue 322, Dec 2009

http://www.antiquity.ac.uk/projgall/akerman322

Aubert, M. 2012, ‘A review of rock art dating in the Kimberley, Western Australia’, Journal of Archaeological Science, vol. 39, pp. 573-7.

Bahn, P. & Rosendfeld, A (eds.) 1988, Rock Art & Prehistory. Papers presented to symposium of the AURA Congress, Darwin, Oxbow books, Oxford

Balme, J. 2000, ‘Excavations revealing 40,000 years of occupation at Mimbi Caves, south central Kimberley, Western Australia’, in Australian Archaeology, no.51, pp. 1-5 Availability ISSN: 0312-2417. [cited 04 Sep 12].

Balme, J. and Beck, W. (eds.) 1995, Gendered Archaeology, the second Australian Women in Archaeology Conference, ANH Publications, ANU, Canberra.

Bates, D. 1940, The Passing of the Aborigines, Murray, London.

Bednarik, R.G. 2011, ‘Ethnographic analogy in rock art interpretation’, in Man in India, vol. 91, issue 2, pp.223-234

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