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The Algerian Struggle for Democracy

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The Algerian Struggle for Democracy The Algerian Struggle for Democracy Rentierism and Colonial History Darpan Raj Gautam Jakob Mathias Falk Roskilde University Basic Project Three SIB Group 01 Supervisor: Jeannie Morgan 17th of December 2019 Character Count: 101.400 BP3 The Algerian Struggle for Democracy Group 01 Table of Contents 1. Introduction ................................................................................................................................................. 2 2. Historical Overview ..................................................................................................................................... 4 3. Project Design .............................................................................................................................................. 9 4. Methodology ................................................................................................................................................. 9 4.1 Philosophy of Social Science .................................................................................................................. 9 4.2 Research Approach ................................................................................................................................ 10 4.3 Methods ................................................................................................................................................. 11 4.4 Data and Limitations ............................................................................................................................. 13 5. Theoretical Framework ............................................................................................................................ 14 5.1 Modernization Theory ........................................................................................................................... 14 5.2 Rentierism.............................................................................................................................................. 16 5.3 Dependency Theory ............................................................................................................................... 18 5.4 Internal-Colonization ............................................................................................................................. 19 6. Analysis ....................................................................................................................................................... 21 6.1 Modified Rentier Effect ......................................................................................................................... 24 6.2 Modified Repression Effect ................................................................................................................... 25 6.3 Foreign Intervention Effect ................................................................................................................... 25 6.4 Internal Colonization Effect .................................................................................................................. 27 7. Conclusion .................................................................................................................................................. 30 8. Reflection and Discussion ......................................................................................................................... 31 Bibliography ................................................................................................................................................... 33 1 BP3 The Algerian Struggle for Democracy Group 01 1. Introduction This project seeks to explore the persistence of authoritarianism in Algeria, in light of the pro-democracy demonstrations gripping the country since spring of 2019, part of the current wave of Arab protests referred to by some as the second Arab Spring.1 Since independence from French colonial rule in 1962 Algeria has gone through several phases of civil unrest, and attempted democratization in opposition to the FLN regimes authoritarian rule. The FLN party having ruled Algeria since independence, first as an official one-party state, later as a de facto one, committing massive government corruption along the way, and creating a system of hydrocarbon funded clientelism. This has led to the rise of a French speaking elite known as le pouvoir, oligarchs, military officers and politicians of the FLN, ruling Algeria as a new colonial regime.2 The Algerian people rose up against this system several times, most noticeably in 1988, where massive demonstrations by young Algerians, initiated a process of democratization that ultimately failed when the military took control of the country in a coup d’état in 1992 out of fear of Islamist influence in the new democratic Algeria.3 When the civil war, initiated by the coup, came to a gradual end in the late 1990’ies, official one-party rule had come to an end, and Algeria began a new era, described by several scholars as façade electoral authoritarianism.4 When the Arab Spring began in Tunisia in December 2010, and spread across the region, many observers assumed Algeria would be next in line. Many Algerians did rise up against the façade democracy in January and February of 2011, but the regime managed to ride out the storm, only giving symbolic concessions to the protesters.5 The demonstrations of 2019, part of a trend visible across the Middle East is seemingly challenging the regime in a way not seen since 1988 and perhaps never at all. Initially a protest against the ailing President Abdelaziz Bouteflika seeking a fifth term, the current demonstrations has been ongoing since February 2019, in opposition to those of 1988 and 2011, that only gripped the country for a few weeks. These demonstrations have managed to unite several rival groupings in Algeria, Islamists, Socialists, Seculars and Berbers, something the 2011 demonstrations failed to do. Further, the demonstrations are not localized but takes place all over the country, contrasting those of 1988 and 2011. Unlike the riots of 1988 the current demonstrations have remained completely peaceful putting further pressure on the government and gaining 1 Karim Mezran, ”Algerian demonstrations: What they mean for the future of the elite and the country,” Atlantic Council, 25-11-2019. https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/menasource/algerian-demonstrations-what-they-mean-for- the-future-of-the-elite-and-the-country/. 2 J.N.C. Hill, Identity in Algerian Politics the Legacy of Colonial Rule, (London: Lynne Renner Publishers, 2009), 1-4. 3 Ahmed Aghrout and Yahiya Zoubir, “Algeria’s Path to Reform: Authentic Change?” Middle East Policy, 19 no. 2 (2012): 67-70. 4 Ibrahim Elbadawi and Samir Makdisi, eds, Democracy in the Arab World Explaining the deficit, (Ottawa: Routledge, 2011), 1st ed. 96-227. 5 Aghrout and Zoubir, “Algeria’s Path to Reform,” 70-73. 2 BP3 The Algerian Struggle for Democracy Group 01 international sympathy. The demonstrations quickly moved away from isolated anger with Bouteflika, to a demand for the resignation of the government and end to corrupt rule by the pouvoir. By peacefully occupying city centers in all major Algerian cities, the protests have managed to secure real political concessions from the regime, both Bouteflika and his prime minister resigned in April, and a constitutional council has been created with the goal of facilitating the country’s move to democracy.6 There are however causes for concern, the traditionally very powerful army, has been maneuvering back into the political arena,7 and the elections originally scheduled for April 2019, but held on December 12th, 2019 where boycotted by the protesters, as all candidates where members of the regime with close ties to Bouteflika. With the divide between protesters and government being deeper than ever, it will be interesting to see what happens next. This trend of Algeria regime survival in the face of massive protests is quite unique and has been referred to as Algerian exceptionalism.8 While several scholars have sought to explain this exceptionalism, we find the main theory employed by most of them, namely rentierism, to be inherently flawed. Therefor it is interesting to investigate not only the patterns causing the pro-democracy protests in 1988, 2011 and 2019, but also the patterns ensuring regime survival. Especially as it seems like the trend might be at an end, with the current protests, and in the process build a rentierism theory with more explanatory power, to close the research gap. This we will do be employing an unorthodox and interdisciplinary approach, bridging international political economy, comparative politics, political science and international relations. As such we seek to investigate: How does the interplay between inherited colonial power structures and dependency challenge democratization in Algeria? Further we will attempt to explain why the 2019 demonstrations, seems to take a different cause than those of 1988 and 2011. 6 Francisco Serrano,” After 8 Months on the Streets, Protesters in Algeria Aren’t Giving Up,” Foreign Policy, Accessed 26-11-2019. https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/10/03/after-eight-months-on-the-streets-protesters-in-algeria-arent-giving- up/. 7 Ibid. 8 Aghrout and Zoubir, “Algeria’s Path to Reform,” 67-70. 3 BP3 The Algerian Struggle for Democracy Group 01 2. Historical Overview Prior to the French invasion in 1830, Algeria was a loosely organized province of the waning Ottoman Empire, who’s control was more monial
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