Algeria's Turbulent Path to Democracy
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Crisis in Libya
APRIL 2011 ISSUE BRIEF # 28 THE CRISIS IN LIBYA Ajish P Joy Introduction Libya, in the throes of a civil war, now represents the ugly facet of the much-hyped Arab Spring. The country, located in North Africa, shares its borders with the two leading Arab-Spring states, Egypt and Tunisia, along with Sudan, Tunisia, Chad, Niger and Algeria. It is also not too far from Europe. Italy lies to its north just across the Mediterranean. With an area of 1.8 million sq km, Libya is the fourth largest country in Africa, yet its population is only about 6.4 million, one of the lowest in the continent. Libya has nearly 42 billion barrels of oil in proven reserves, the ninth largest in the world. With a reasonably good per capita income of $14000, Libya also has the highest HDI (Human Development Index) in the African continent. However, Libya’s unemployment rate is high at 30 percent, taking some sheen off its economic credentials. Libya, a Roman colony for several centuries, was conquered by the Arab forces in AD 647 during the Caliphate of Utman bin Affan. Following this, Libya was ruled by the Abbasids and the Shite Fatimids till the Ottoman Empire asserted its control in 1551. Ottoman rule lasted for nearly four centuries ending with the Ottoman defeat in the Italian-Ottoman war. Consequently, Italy assumed control of Libya under the Treaty of 1 Lausanne (1912). The Italians ruled till their defeat in the Second World War. The Libyan constitution was enacted in 1949 and two years later under Mohammed Idris (who declared himself as Libya’s first King), Libya became an independent state. -
Revolutions in the Arab World Political, Social and Humanitarian Aspects
REPORT PREPARED WITHIN FRAMEWORK OF THE PROJECT EXPANSION OF THE LIBRARY OF COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION UNIT, CO-FUNDED BY EUROPEAN REFUGEE FUND REVOLUTIONS IN THE ARAB WORLD POLITICAL, SOCIAL AND HUMANITARIAN ASPECTS RADOSŁAW BANIA, MARTA WOŹNIAK, KRZYSZTOF ZDULSKI OCTOBER 2011 COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION UNIT OFFICE FOR FOREIGNERS, POLAND DECEMBER 2011 EUROPEJSKI FUNDUSZ NA RZECZ UCHODŹCÓW REPORT PREPARED WITHIN FRAMEWORK OF THE PROJECT EXPANSION OF THE LIBRARY OF COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION UNIT, CO-FUNDED BY EUROPEAN REFUGEE FUND REVOLUTIONS IN THE ARAB WORLD POLITICAL, SOCIAL AND HUMANITARIAN ASPECTS RADOSŁAW BANIA, MARTA WOŹNIAK, KRZYSZTOF ZDULSKI COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION UNIT OFFICE FOR FOREIGNERS, POLAND OCTOBER 2011 EUROPEAN REFUGEE FUND Revolutions in the Arab World – Political, Social and Humanitarian Aspects Country of Origin Information Unit, Office for Foreigners, 2011 Disclaimer The report at hand is a public document. It has been prepared within the framework of the project “Expansion of the library of Country of Origin Information Unit” no 1/7/2009/EFU, co- funded by the European Refugee Fund. Within the framework of the above mentioned project, COI Unit of the Office for Foreigners commissions reports made by external experts, which present detailed analysis of problems/subjects encountered during refugee/asylum procedures. Information included in these reports originates mainly from publicly available sources, such as monographs published by international, national or non-governmental organizations, press articles and/or different types of Internet materials. In some cases information is based also on experts’ research fieldworks. All the information provided in the report has been researched and evaluated with utmost care. -
Les Dix Personnalités Politiques Qui Ont Marqué L'année 2018
DIA http://dia-algerie.com Les dix personnalités politiques qui ont marqué l'année 2018 DIA-19 Décembre 2018: Dans le cadre de nos classements des personnalités algériennes, voici les 10 personnalités politiques qui ont marqué l'année 2018, avec l'entrée sur la scène de Mouad Bouchareb, le nouveau patron du FLN. 1- Ahmed Ouyahia, l’homme du président Alors que certains le donnaient comme mort politiquement et d’autres, démissionnaire, le Premier Ministre Ahmed Ouyahia est toujours resté l’homme du président de la République, Abdelaziz Bouteflika. Depuis sa nomination au poste de premier ministre, Ahmed Ouyahia a obtenu les pleins pouvoirs pour gérer le pays. Tout passe par lui pour une validation : de la politique économique du pays, à la Communication en passant par les dossiers stratégiques de l’industrie et de la politique sociale et internationale. Du temps où il occupait le poste de chef du Gouvernement durant l’ère de Bouteflika en 2003, Ouyahia n’avait pas autant de cartes blanches pour gérer le pays. Il n’avait que le volet économique et le suivi des dossiers du programme du président. Présenté comme l’homme « des missions délicates » Ouyahia assume bien son job et a récupéré du président Bouteflika tous les pouvoirs afin de tenter de redresser le pays. Vraisemblablement le Premier Ministre s’est doté du pouvoir de président pour assurer sa mission. Depuis son retour aux affaires politiques du pays, Ouyahia est plongé dans les dossiers urgents. Il n’est pas un quart de Premier Ministre mais un chef de l’Exécutif complet qui a pour mission de mener le pays sur la bonne route et l’éloigner le plus possible de la crise qui le menace. -
General License No. 8A
DEPARTMENT OF THE TREASURY WASHINGTON, D.C. 20220 Office of Foreign Assets Control Libyan Sanctions Regulations 31 C.F.R. Part 570 Executive Order 13566 of February 25, 2011 Blocking Property and Prohibiting Certain Transactions Related to Libya GENERAL LICENSE NO. SA General License with Respect to the Government of Libya, its Agencies, Instrumentalities, and Controlled Entities, and the Central Bank of Libya (a) General License No.8, dated Septernber 19,2011, is replaced and superseded in its entirety by this General License No. 8A. (b) Effective September 19,2011, all transactions involving the Government ofLibya, its agencies, instrumentalities, and controlled entities, and the Central Bank of Libya are authorized, subject to the following limitations: (1) All funds, including cash, securities, bank accounts, and investment accounts, and precious metals blocked pursuant to Executive Order 13566 of February 25, 2011, or the Libyan Sanctions Regulations, 31 C.F .R. part 570, as of September 19, 2011, remain blocked, except as provided in General License No.7A; and (2) The transactions do not involve any persons listed on the Annex to this general license. (c) Effective September 19,2011, the authorization in paragraph (b) ofthis general license supersedes General License No. 1B. Note to General License No. SA: Subject to the limitations set forth in subparagraphs (1) and (2), paragraph (b) ofthis general license authorizes any transaction involving contracts that have been blocked pursuant to Executive Order 13566 because ofan interest by the Government of Libya. Director Office of Foreign Assets Control Annex to General License No. 8A 1. AL BAGHDADI, Ali AI-Mahmoudi (a.k.a. -
Protest and State–Society Relations in the Middle East and North Africa
SIPRI Policy Paper PROTEST AND STATE– 56 SOCIETY RELATIONS IN October 2020 THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA dylan o’driscoll, amal bourhrous, meray maddah and shivan fazil STOCKHOLM INTERNATIONAL PEACE RESEARCH INSTITUTE SIPRI is an independent international institute dedicated to research into conflict, armaments, arms control and disarmament. Established in 1966, SIPRI provides data, analysis and recommendations, based on open sources, to policymakers, researchers, media and the interested public. The Governing Board is not responsible for the views expressed in the publications of the Institute. GOVERNING BOARD Ambassador Jan Eliasson, Chair (Sweden) Dr Vladimir Baranovsky (Russia) Espen Barth Eide (Norway) Jean-Marie Guéhenno (France) Dr Radha Kumar (India) Ambassador Ramtane Lamamra (Algeria) Dr Patricia Lewis (Ireland/United Kingdom) Dr Jessica Tuchman Mathews (United States) DIRECTOR Dan Smith (United Kingdom) Signalistgatan 9 SE-169 72 Solna, Sweden Telephone: + 46 8 655 9700 Email: [email protected] Internet: www.sipri.org Protest and State– Society Relations in the Middle East and North Africa SIPRI Policy Paper No. 56 dylan o’driscoll, amal bourhrous, meray maddah and shivan fazil October 2020 © SIPRI 2020 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of SIPRI or as expressly permitted by law. Contents Preface v Acknowledgements vi Summary vii Abbreviations ix 1. Introduction 1 Figure 1.1. Classification of countries in the Middle East and North Africa by 2 protest intensity 2. State–society relations in the Middle East and North Africa 5 Mass protests 5 Sporadic protests 16 Scarce protests 31 Highly suppressed protests 37 Figure 2.1. -
Algerian Power Structures and Their Resilience to Change
WHO IS IN CHARGE? ALGERIAN POWER STRUCTURES AND THEIR RESILIENCE TO CHANGE Isabelle Werenfels* Since the ascendance of Abdelaziz Bouteflika to the presidency in 1999, there has been a debate – both in Algeria and among scholars observing the country – to which degree Bouteflika, a civilian, has managed to emancipate himself from the generals that brought him into power, and to what extent Algeria’s power structures have actually changed in the past decade.1 Bouteflika’s first term (1999 to 2004) was dominated by highly visible power struggles between the president and a number of influential generals, including the head of intelligence, Mediène, and the head of the general command, Lamari. These struggles abated after the president’s re-election in 2004. Since then, there has been a number of indications that Bouteflika succeeded in expanding his range of manoeuvre and thus his power by building his own networks of patronage in politics, the civil administration and the economy – most of which are based on regional affiliations (the west of the country where the president’s family stems from) and on loyalties dating back to the revolution. He placed key allies in important positions in the ministry of defence and the general command. He rid himself of influential generals at the présidence, and brought in one of his brothers, Said, as an advisor, who has now become a powerful player behind the scenes. In 2005, he apparently concluded a deal with his opponents in the military: the president granted them impunity from persecution for crimes committed during the civil war (1992-1999) in the Charte pour la paix et la réconciliation nationale. -
Libya: the ICC and Saif Al-Islam Gaddafi Questions and Answers
Libya: The ICC and Saif al-Islam Gaddafi Questions and Answers January 2012 The International Criminal Court (ICC) judges granted arrest warrants on June 27, 2011, for Muammar Gaddafi, his son Saif al-Islam, and former intelligence chief Abdullah Sanussi in an investigation authorized by United Nations Security Council Resolution 1970. The three were wanted on charges of crimes against humanity for their roles in attacks on civilians, including peaceful demonstrators, in Tripoli, Benghazi, Misrata, and other locations in Libya. Consistent with Resolution 1970, the ICC warrants apply only to events in Libya beginning on February 15, 2011. While the ICC's proceeding against Muammar Gaddafi was terminated following his death on October 20, anti-Gaddafi forces apprehended Saif al-Islam Gaddafi on November 19 in southern Libya and are holding him in the town of Zintan. While initial reports suggested that a militia also had captured Sanussi, his whereabouts remain unknown. Libya’s general prosecutor told Human Rights Watch on December 10: “Officially we don’t have him.” Following Saif al-Islam Gaddafi's apprehension in November, some representatives of Libya's transitional government and National Transitional Council (NTC) declared that he would be tried in Libya. The chairman of the NTC, the justice minister, and the general prosecutor subsequently reiterated this stance to Human Rights Watch. In December the ICC judges requested further information from the Libyan authorities regarding Saif al-Islam Gaddafi’s status, including whether and when Libya intends to surrender him to the court. Libya was supposed to provide that information by January 10, 2012, but it requested a three-week extension due to the security situation in Libya. -
Libya Conflict Insight | Feb 2018 | Vol
ABOUT THE REPORT The purpose of this report is to provide analysis and Libya Conflict recommendations to assist the African Union (AU), Regional Economic Communities (RECs), Member States and Development Partners in decision making and in the implementation of peace and security- related instruments. Insight CONTRIBUTORS Dr. Mesfin Gebremichael (Editor in Chief) Mr. Alagaw Ababu Kifle Ms. Alem Kidane Mr. Hervé Wendyam Ms. Mahlet Fitiwi Ms. Zaharau S. Shariff Situation analysis EDITING, DESIGN & LAYOUT Libya achieved independence from United Nations (UN) trusteeship in 1951 Michelle Mendi Muita (Editor) as an amalgamation of three former Ottoman provinces, Tripolitania, Mikias Yitbarek (Design & Layout) Cyrenaica and Fezzan under the rule of King Mohammed Idris. In 1969, King Idris was deposed in a coup staged by Colonel Muammar Gaddafi. He promptly abolished the monarchy, revoked the constitution, and © 2018 Institute for Peace and Security Studies, established the Libya Arab Republic. By 1977, the Republic was transformed Addis Ababa University. All rights reserved. into the leftist-leaning Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. In the 1970s and 1980s, Libya pursued a “deviant foreign policy”, epitomized February 2018 | Vol. 1 by its radical belligerence towards the West and its endorsement of anti- imperialism. In the late 1990s, Libya began to re-normalize its relations with the West, a development that gradually led to its rehabilitation from the CONTENTS status of a pariah, or a “rogue state.” As part of its rapprochement with the Situation analysis 1 West, Libya abandoned its nuclear weapons programme in 2003, resulting Causes of the conflict 2 in the lifting of UN sanctions. -
Thesis Final Version.Docx
Khalil 1 A TOUGH TRANSITION: THE POST-COUP ELECTION AND ITS PROSPECTS FOR DEMOCRACY PROGRAM IN INTERNATIONAL & COMPARATIVE STUDIES AT THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN-ANN ARBOR ZEINAB KHALIL 25 APRIL 2014 PRINCIPAL THESIS ADVISOR: PROFESSOR PAULINE JONES LUONG PICS COHORT ADVISOR: PROFESSOR KEN KOLLMAN Khalil 2 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I extend my deepest gratitude to all those who helped and supported me with the process of completing this thesis. Thank you to my brilliant and motivating advisor, Professor Pauline Jones Luong, for being so generous with her time and knowledge. Thank you to Professor Ken Kollman for helping me stay on track and sharing valuable advice, strategies and insights throughout this entire academic year. Thank you to my compassionate parents who were patient and exceptionally supportive along the way, cooking me warm meals and paying me visits when I could not visit home for a long time. And of course, I am so grateful to my family on campus who kept me going through endless all-nighters, nourishing study breaks, good study music, and messages of love and encouragement--Rolly, Ozi, Annie, Aisha, Lily, Nour, Linsa, Zaineb, Bayane, Angela, Banen, Suha, Nilofar: thank you. Khalil 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. Abstract………………………………………………………………………………………….5 II. Introduction………………………………………………………...……………………..……6 III. Theory and Methods………………………………………………………...……………….14 IV. Case Study 1: Turkey………………………………………………………………..…….…27 V. Case Study 2: Pakistan……………………………………………………………………..…44 VI. Case Study 3: Algeria…………………………………………………...……...……………59 -
Arab Dispatch - a Project by the NATO Defense College Foundation
Arab Dispatch - a project by the NATO Defense College Foundation Issue n. 30 6th– 13th November North Africa #Libya – Erdogan declares that Turkey could send troops in support of Tripoli’s government On Tuesday the 10th of December, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan said that, if asked, Turkey could deploy troops in Libya, siding with the UN-supported government in Tripoli. Erdogan, in the last months, has become the main sponsor of Fayez al-Sarraj’s government supporting it against Khalifa Haftar’s forces. Erdogan’s comments came after Russian support enabled Haftar’s army to renew its advance on Tripoli after it was stalled at the outskirts of the city in mid-April. The presence of Russian contractors in the country and their use of advanced air power and guided artillery, as well as trained snipers, is tipping the balance of war in favour of the Libyan National Army (LNA). This announcement also came weeks after a series of security and military cooperation agreements were reached between Turkey and the Tripoli-based government. Among them paramount has been a maritime border agreement that was signed last week and that outraged Greece, Egypt and Cyprus while giving Turkey a new economic stake in the country. Find out more about the presence of Russian contractors in Libya in our Arab Dispatch n°23 and n°27. To know more about this topic: New York Times, As Rivals Fight for Control of Libya, Erdogan Says Turkey May Jump In. 10/12/19: https://nyti.ms/35fZHr7 The Guardian, Libya arms embargo being systematically violated by UN states. -
The Prospects of Political Islam in a Troubled Region Islamists and Post-Arab Spring Challenges
The Prospects of Political Islam in a Troubled Region Islamists and Post-Arab Spring Challenges Editor Dr. Mohammed Abu Rumman The Prospects of Political Islam in a Troubled Region Islamists and Post-Arab Spring Challenges Editor Dr. Mohammed Abu Rumman 1 The Hashemite Kingdom Of Jordan The Deposit Number at The National Library (2018/2/529) 277 AbuRumman, Mohammad Suliman The Prospects Of Political Islam In A Troubled Region / Moham- mad Suliman Abu Rumman; Translated by William Joseph Ward. – Am- man: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2018 (178) p. Deposit No.: 2018/2/529 Descriptors: /Politics//Islam/ يتحمل المؤلف كامل المسؤولية القانونية عن محتوى مصنفه وﻻ ّيعبر هذا المصنف عن رأي دائرة المكتبة الوطنية أو أي جهة حكومية أخرى. Published in 2018 by Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Jordan & Iraq FES Jordan & Iraq P.O. Box 941876 Amman 11194 Jordan Email: [email protected] Website:www.fes-jordan.org Not for sale © FES Jordan & Iraq All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reprinted, reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means without prior written permission from the publishers. The views and opinions expressed in this publication are solely those of the original author. They do not necessarily represent those of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung or the editor. Translation: William Joseph Ward Cover and Lay-out: Mua’th Al Saied Printing: Economic Press ISBN: 978-9957-484-80-4 2 The Prospects of Political Islam in a Troubled Region Islamists and Post-Arab Spring Challenges Contributed Authors Dr. Mohammed Abu Rumman Dr. Khalil Anani Dr. Neven Bondokji Hassan Abu Hanieh Dr. -
US Democracy Promotion in the Middle East
The London School of Economics and Political Science US Democracy Promotion in the Middle East The Pursuit of Hegemony? Dionysius Markakis A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, October 2012 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 86.627 words. 1 Abstract The promotion of ‘democracy’ abroad has been a feature of US foreign policy since the earlier part of the twentieth century, accompanying its rise as an international actor. It provided the ideological basis for its opposition to rivals in the form of imperialism, fascism and then communism. The end of the Cold War, which signalled the emergence of the US as the sole superpower, accelerated this process. With the ideological fusion of democracy and capitalism credited in large measure for the defeat of communism and the state-planned economy, the promotion of democracy alongside capitalism as the only viable, legitimate mode of governance emerged as an increasingly important component of US foreign policy.