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Rumanian Slavia As the Frontier of Orthodoxy the Case of the Slavo-Rumanian Tetraevangelion of Sibiu

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Rumanian Slavia As the Frontier of Orthodoxy the Case of the Slavo-Rumanian Tetraevangelion of Sibiu Studia Ceranea 9, 2019, p. 59–87 ISSN: 2084-140X DOI: 10.18778/2084-140X.09.04 e-ISSN: 2449-8378 Giuseppe Stabile (Napoli) https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1427-9466 Rumanian Slavia as the Frontier of Orthodoxy The Case of the Slavo-Rumanian Tetraevangelion of Sibiu the Tetraevangelion also known as the Slavo-Rumanian Evangeliarion of In Sibiu1, the slow sunset of the Slavonism seems to face the dawn of the Rumanian literary tradition. Not only is it the earliest extant text in Slavonic and Rumanian languages, but it is also the earliest provided with parallel bilingual transcription, and the only version of the Gospels printed in such a form, at least in the 16th century2. Regardless whether it originally contained all four – or just three – Synoptic Gospels, only two fragments of the SRT are preserved today, both from the Gospel of Matthew: 1. the more extensive one (ff. 1r–117v, Mt 3, 17 – 27, 55), in the Saltykov-Ščedrin Library in Saint Petersburg3; 2. the shorter one (ff. 36v–37r, Mt 12, 12–28), in the Orthodox Church of Oiejdea (Alba Iulia), where it was discovered in the 1970s4. 1 Evangheliarul slavo-român de la Sibiu (1551–1553), ed. E. Petrovici, L. Demény, Bucureşti 1971 (cetera: SRT). 2 Cf. G. Mihăilă, Textele bilingve slavo-române şi unele aspecte ale studiului calcului lingvistic, [in:] Contribuţii la istoria culturii şi literaturii române vechi, Bucureşti 1972, p. 236–244, esp. 241. For a critical up-to-date overview on the SRT, cf. I. Gheţie, A. Mareş, Originile scrisului In limba română, Bucureşti 1985, p. 337–342; E. Pavel, Textul evanghelic în cultura românească, LR 66, 1, 2012, p. 30–31. 3 Cf. L. Demény, Evangheliarul slavo-român de la Sibiu – Prima tipăritură în limba română cunoscu- tă pînă azi, [in:] SRT, p. 22–98. 4 Cf. E. Mârza, Un fragment din Evangheliarul slavo-român de la Sibiu (1551–1553), LR 27, 2, 1978, p. 173–175 (= Explorări bibliografice, Sibiu 2008, p. 14–16). Retrieved from https://czasopisma.uni.lodz.pl/sceranea [25.09.2021] 60 Giuseppe Stabile Only a handful of fragments of the indirect tradition of the SRT were identi- fied inCodicele Bratul5, a Slavo-Rumanian intercalated miscellaneous text, which contains – among other texts – parts of the Acts of the Apostles and the Gospels, copied perhaps in Southern Transylvania and dated 1559–1560 by Pop Bratul, the copyist himself6. While the Slavonic text – late and “peripheral” – has been almost entirely over- looked by Slavists, the parallel Rumanian one used to arouse a certain interest among Rumanists, especially after it was discovered, about half a century ago, that it was the earliest preserved printed text (the Catehism luteran de la Sibiu, printed in 1544 and considered to be the earliest, has not survived)7. Actually, the SRT has to be considered as a bilingual text, an icastic metaphor for a multiple frontier – linguistic, but also chronological, geographic and cultural – by which our text is crossed and obviously defined. Since it came out of the printing press in Sibiu between 1551 and 1552–1553, the SRT contains the earliest preserved Rumanian translation of the Gospels, made probably after 1526 (assuming the translation, as well as the printing of the SRT, was of Lutheran origin indeed). The SRT print followed shortly the appearance of the first writings in Rumanian vernacular and signed the beginning of the slow decline of Slavonism, a process which had to span more than one century. In fact, it was not before the 18th century that Rumanian became the official language of the Church, State, and written culture, replacing Church and chancery Slavonic. The translation and the final edition of the Rumanian text took place, respec- tively, in Banat or Moldavia and Transylvania, that is on the frontier between the Orthodox East with its Byzantine-Slavic tradition, and the Catholic or Reformed Latin West. In the mid-16th century, the majority of Rumanians formed still part of the so called Slavia Orthodoxa: Rumanian Orthodoxy was firmly based on the prima- cy of the Church Slavonic, which, while not implying any official ban on using vernacular as the language of worship or in the Scripture, did not encourage it 5 Cf. Codicele Bratul, ed. A. Gafton, Iaşi 2003 (cetera: CB) (= http://media.lit.uaic.ro/gafton/txt/text [26 IX 2016]). 6 Gheţie and Mareş observed the following correspondences in the fragments of Mt 26, between r v r v CB and SRT: vv. 7, 14–8, 20 and 24 – SRT ff. 105 11–13, 105 16–106 5, 10–14, 106 1–2; CB ff. 44016–19, 4411–20. Cf. I. Gheţie, Al. Mareş, Originile scrisului…, p. 336–357 and G. Mihăilă, Primul manuscris românesc pre-coresian datat: Codicele Popii Bratul din Braşov (1559–1560) şi sursele sale, [in:] Studii de lingvistică şi filologie, Timişoara 1981, p. 64–71. 7 In 1965, access to the microfilm with the entire text and unprecedented flowering of paleographic and philological studies revolutionized the knowledge of the SRT, that had achieved little progress since 1891 (the printing had been dated back to 1580, assuming the 1579 Slavonic Tetraevangelion of Coresi as a terminus a quo). About the progress occurred in dating the SRT since the middle of the 1960s, cf. I. Gheţie, [rec.:] Evangheliarul slavo-român de la Sibiu 1551–1553… – SCL 23, 6, 1972, p. 664–670 (esp. p. 666–667). Retrieved from https://czasopisma.uni.lodz.pl/sceranea [25.09.2021] Rumanian Slavia as the Frontier of Orthodoxy… 61 either, rightly claiming that it contributed to the spread of heresies8. In this regard, the printing of the Slavo-Rumanian Tetraevangelion represented a formal com- promise between the Lutheran proselytism, which almost certainly inspired the Rumanian translation, and the Slavonic tradition. However, the same necessity for such a compromise indicates that a cultural boundary continued to exist between the two parallel texts of the SRT, and that the Rumanian text (or rather the biblical use of Rumanian vernacular) was still beyond it. Bearing in mind that the contrast between the Latinity of language and the Slavicity of rite was just starting to emerge, the fact that, in the 16th century, a num- ber of texts appeared featuring parallel or alternated Rumanian and Slavonic, may be explained in two ways: 1. Slavonic was less and less known and had to be translated not so much for the faithful, as for the uneducated Orthodox clergy (especially in Transylva- nia, where Orthodoxy was discriminated and consequently no stable Orthodox hierarchy existed at that time)9; 2. at most, the Rumanian text could integrate the canonical one in Slavonic, although its use was not allowed in the liturgy10. As a consequence, the Church Slavonic was itself beyond a linguistic boundary, though it had, apart from its liturgical, sacral value, a kind of identitarian value: throughout the Middle Ages and later, the spiritual and linguistic communion (Slavonism) with the Orthodox Slavs were the principal, if not the unique main- stay of the Rumanian identity, especially in those frontier areas where Rumanian Orthodoxy was exposed to Catholic or Protestant proselytism11. Only thanks to the Union with Rome accepted by the majority of the Orthodox Church of Tran- sylvania (1698–1700) and the consequent emergence of the “Latinist School”, the Romanity by descent and the Latinity by language would play such a role12. 8 Significantly, still in 1698, the instructions of Dositheos, Patriarch of Jerusalem, to the Neo-Met- ropolitan of Transylvania, Athanasiu, indicated church Slavonic and Greek as the sacred languages to be used in the Orhtodox liturgy and in the comments on the Scripture, restricting the use of Ru- manian to sermons – if addressed to Rumanians, and reading of the Gospels, but the latter only in the first 1688 official translation (the so called Bible of Bucharest). Cf. Acte si fragmente latine romanesci pentru istori’a Beserecei romane mai alesu unite, edite si adnotate, ed. T. Cipariu, Blasiu 1855, p. 243–244. 9 Cf. C. Alzati, Terra romena tra Oriente e Occidente. Chiese ed etnie nel tardo ’500, Milano 1981, p. 89–98, 99–105. 10 Cf. G. Mihăilă, Textele bilingve…, p. 233–245, esp. 244. 11 Cf. C. Alzati, Terra romena…, p. 89–90. 12 Cf. L. Valmarin, La latinità dei rumeni come arma politica dalla Scuola transilvana a oggi, [in:] La latinité hier, aujourd’hui, demain, Actes du Congrčs international procurés par Georges et Ilinca Retrieved from https://czasopisma.uni.lodz.pl/sceranea [25.09.2021] 62 Giuseppe Stabile The printing of the Tetraevangelion in Rumanian a few years after the Cat- echism, was an unprecedented event, and yet the appearance of these two Church books in vernacular was quite typical for the Lutheran proselytism. There are no more than two translations inspired by Protestantism in the Rumanian text of the SRT, concealing a radical condemnation of the Orthodox ecclesiastical hierarchies, one of “Pharisee” with duhovnic ‘confessor, spiritual (priest)’, the other of “high priest” with mitropolit ‘metropolitan’, vlădică and pis- cup ‘bishop’13. Needless to say, the SRT, already as a product of the Lutheran proselytism for Rumanian of Orthodox faith, would cross a linguistical and cultural frontier with the West of the Reformation and its local representatives, the Saxons, Hungarians, but also reformed Slavs, of both Latin and Orthodox origins14. The latter, like the Rumanians, are better known for their loyalty to Orthodoxy, loyalty which has not prevented them from contributing to the activity of the Transylvanian Cyrillic presses established by “Latins” (reformed Saxons or Hungarians)15. Filip Maler “the Moldavian”, the printer and probably the editor of the SRT, can also be seen as a “frontier-figure”.
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