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Established as Outsiders? Figurational ‘Binds’ and ‘Bonds’ in a Welsh Working -Class Community . Steve n M. Meredith Submitted for the degree of PhD , 2017 . DECLARATION This work has not been submitted in substance for any other degree or award at this or any other university or place of learning, nor is being submitted concurrently in candidature for any degree or other award. Signed ……………………………………….………. ……(candidate) Date. ……………… STATEMENT 1 This thesis is being submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of ……… (insert MCh, MD, MPhil, PhD etc, as appropriate) Signed ………………………………………….……… …… (candidate) Date .…………… STATEMENT 2 This thesis is the result of my own independent work/investigation, except where otherwise stated, and the thesis has not been edited by a third party beyond what is permitted by Cardiff University’s Policy on the Use of Third Party Editors by Research Degree Students. Other sources are acknowledged by explicit references. The views expressed are my ow n. Signed ……………………………………….………. ……(candidate) Date. ……………… STATEMENT 3 I hereby give consent for my thesis, if accepted, to be available online in the University’s Open Access repository and for inter -library loan, and for the title and summary to be made available to outside organisations. Signed ……………………………………….………. ……(candidate) Date. ……………… STATEMENT 4: PREVIOUSLY APPROVED BAR ON ACCESS I hereby give consent for my thesis, if accepted, to be available online in the University’s Open Access repository and for inter -library loans after expiry of a bar on access previously approved by the Academic Standards & Quality Committee. Signed …………… ………………………….………. ……(candidate) Date. ……………… Dedication Dedicated t o the memory of my parents; Joan Iris Meredith (1936 -2013) , and Victor Meredith (1938 -2015) . i Acknowledgements The past few years have been some of the toughest of my life. They’ve been, on one hand the most emotionally taxing , and on the other hand the most intellectually stimulating and rewarding . This thesis would have been impossible to complete without the tremen dous support and advice of many people I have had the good fortune know . I owe an enormous debt of gratitude to Professor Gordon Hughes and Dr Rachel Swann for giving me a chance, for supporting me, for their guidance and advice, and for introducing me to the work of Norbert Elias. Cardiff School of Social Sciences has been a fantastic intellectual environment in which to become involved . In particular, I would like to thank the Cardiff Centre f or Crime, Law and Justice , and the s tudy group for Ethnography, Culture and Interpretive Analysis for the privilege of membership and participation in the most fascinating discussions. I have been fortunate in having regular contact with my progress reviewer, Dr Rob in Smith, whose constructi ve criticism and support, and contributions in the ethnography group, have been invaluable. Thanks also goes to the ESRC for providing the funding to complete this research. My family and friends have put up with me admirably during our journey . My wife, G erry, has been my rock as she has for the nearly thirty years we’ve been a team. I owe her more than I can possibly repay . Thanks to Ben and Robyn for their help in taking the load when I needed them to, for making copious quantities of tea, and for tellin g me when I was getting boring! I’m proud of you. Thanks for their inestimable help to my sister , Hayley , and my brother -in -law, Tony. Thanks to Wac ker, for reminding me that a five - hundred -pound squat would keep my feet firmly nailed to the ground ! Finall y, and crucially, t hanks to the folks of ‘Ashmill ’ for letting me in, for trusting me, and for making me feel welcome. I hope I haven’t let you down. ii Abstract This thesis is about how people living in a typical urban working -class community located in So uth Wales get on with each other. Reflecting upon the empirical data collected over three years of ethnographic fieldwork, it tells the story of ‘Ashmill’ and the relationships which have developed among generations of residents. The focus is on ‘Blackacre ’, a council estate geographically situated at the heart of Ashmill, its residents tending to be regarded as ‘rough’ and ‘antisocial’ by residents of the surrounding neighbourhood. The thesis presents an intensive case study of the community figuration of Ashmill, and makes theoretical -empirical contributions which may have resonance with similar communities. Council estates, as a result of deliberate policies and their unplanned consequences, have come to be seen as ‘residualised’ places for ‘problem’ peop le, who are frequently stigmatised as ‘chavs’: [ C]ouncil [ H]oused [A] nd [V]iolent. This thesis considers how this came to be, indicating the long -term, processual, relational, and transformational character of the problem which is investig ated in this thesis using a figurational - sociological framing, specifically through the analytical lens of Elias and Scotson’s (1994) established -outsider model. Analysed figurationally, the stigmatisation of Blackacre and its residents as ‘rough’ and ‘antisocial’ can be understood as the outcome of long -term processes in which interdependent residential groups have become trapped in a power dynamic. A double -bind situation develops , involving feelings mutual fear and resentment between some residential groups, whilst a lso creating affective bonding among others. The established -outsider model is elaborated and adapted using ‘relative deprivation theory’ as developed by Lea and Young (1984). This more directly connects relational phenomena producing feelings of resentmen t between working -class residents with the generation of crime and violence. This thesis, therefore, presents an example of ‘sociological criminology’, synthesising figurational sociology and left realist criminology with the aim of adding to the corpus of reality congruent social scientific knowledge on collective processes of status honour and stigma. iii Table of Contents Dedication ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. i Acknowledgements ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................. ii Abstract ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... iii Table of Contents ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .iv List of Fi gures and Tables ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. viii Figures ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. viii Tables ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ viii Chapter 1: Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 1 How Did This Come to Be? ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 1 An Outline of Established -Outsider Theory ................................ ................................ ........ 3 The Contemporary Reputation of Estates ................................ ................................ ......... 11 The Residualisation of Estates ................................ ................................ ........................... 14 ‘Chavs’: The Stigmatisation of Estate Residents ................................ ........................ 16 ‘Estatism’ ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 17 ‘Troubled Families’ ................................ ................................ ................................ ....................... 19 Structure of the Thesis ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 23 Chapter 2: Developing and Adapting t he Theoretical Framework Beyond Established -Outsider Theory ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 27 The Civilising Process ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 28 Relative Deprivation Theory ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 33 Sociological Criminology: Connecting Figurational Sociology to Realist Criminology ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 37 Community ‘Binds’ and ‘Bonds’ ................................ ................................ ......................... 38 Fear and Safety ................................ ................................ ................................ .......................... 42 ‘Antisocial Behaviour’ and ‘Civilising Offensives’ ................................ ..................... 49 From ‘Respectable’ Gossip to Grassing and the ‘Code of Honour’ .................... 53 Vicious Circles: The Sociologica l
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