The Dutch Werra Ware Problem Distinguishing German Werra Ware from copies produced in Enkhuizen

A.S. de Groot

Master’s Thesis

Archaeology of North-Western Europe Supervisor: dhr. prof. dr. J. Symonds 20-6-2018

Image title page: Fragment of a Werra Ware plate from Enkhuizen. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Abstract

Werra Ware was a popular product in the late-16th and early-17th century and is found in many parts of northern Europe, as well as countries surrounding the North Atlantic, and North America. The vessels mainly consist of plates and bowls and were elaborately decorated. Werra Ware was produced in the Werra region in Germany, but from 1602 to 1613 the ceramics were also copied in a workshop owned by the Dutch merchant Dierck Claesz Spiegel in Enkhuizen. The Enkhuizer potters were very good at imitating the German wares. Unfortunately, this means that it is difficult to distinguish between German and Enkhuizer Werra Ware. This study examines the possible ways to solve the so-called ‘Dutch Werra Ware Problem’ through visual inspection and physical analysis. The study concludes that it is possible to distinguish between Werra Ware from Enkhuizen and Germany by observing distinctive vessel shapes, decoration styles and figurative scenes. A review of previously published studies examining chemical and petrographic analyses, has shown that these methods also show real potential for distinguishing between German manufactured wares and Dutch copies. My conclusions include a step-by-step method that can be used by archaeologists when characterizing and sorting ceramics to better determine the production place of Werra Ware style finds. It is hoped that an improved ability to provenance Werra Wares may improve insights into trade and exchange and the circulation of ceramic products in late-16th and early-17th century Europe.

Table of Contents

Introduction ...... 1 1. Theoretical Framework ...... 3

1.1. Werra Ware ...... 3

1.2. The ‘Dutch Werra Ware Problem’ ...... 9

1.3. Trade and exchange ...... 15

2. Methodology ...... 21

3. Visual Inspection ...... 23

3.1. Distinguishing potters ...... 23

3.2. Vessel shape ...... 28

3.3. Decoration styles ...... 32

3.4. Figurative scenes ...... 37

4. Physical Analysis...... 43

4.1. Combined approaches ...... 43

4.2. Petrography ...... 45

5. Discussion ...... 52

Conclusion ...... 58

List of figures ...... 59

Bibliography ...... 63

Appendix I: Werra Ware findspots in the Netherlands

Appendix II: Diagram – Step-by-step discrimination method

Introduction

This Master’s Thesis examines issues surrounding the identification of Werra Ware pottery. In the late- 16th and early-17th century, highly decorated slipware was produced in Germany in an area close to the river Werra. This so-called Werra Ware became very popular, mainly in coastal towns, and was exported to places around the North Atlantic. The pottery found its way to places in Scandinavia, the Low Countries, Britain and even North America. An almost identical type of pottery was produced for a short period in Enkhuizen in Holland between 1602 and 1613.1 Several authors have stated that it is difficult to distinguish these Dutch copies from the German exports and this has created problems of attribution for archaeological specialists. So far, no straightforward method has been established to distinguish the highly decorated pottery made in Enkhuizen from the Werra Ware that was produced in Germany. At first glance all the shapes, images and applied techniques seem to be the same. Indeed, the Enkhuizer potters were able to very closely imitate the German earthenware products.2 This has implications for current archaeological research as it is not always possible to determine whether a Werra Ware sherd was manufactured in Germany or Holland. In the light of this confusion, the main research question for this thesis is;

How can German Werra Ware be distinguished from Dutch ceramic copies produced in Enkhuizen?

To answer this research question, it is necessary to devise sub-questions. Firstly, the different ways in which German Werra Ware might be distinguished from Dutch copies from Enkhuizen must be explored. Although the two types seem to match one another at first glance, it might still be possible to distinguish them by close visual inspection of stylistic elements. Therefore, the following question should be asked: What is the utility of visually inspecting the possible use of different types of vessels, decorative styles, motifs and combinations? Another solution may lie in a petrographic analysis or chemical approach. How useful are these scientific analyses for solving the problem referred to here? Is it possible to find new ways to distinguish between German Werra ware sherds that have been found on sites around the North Atlantic and Dutch copies, perhaps involving a combination of visual and physical tests? The possibility that differences can be detected in German and Dutch products, leads to my final question: What are the implications of an improved ability to distinguish between German Werra Ware and Enkhuizen imitations for the study of trade and exchange and the circulation of ceramic products in early-17th century Europe?

1 Demuth 2015, 348. 2 Bruijn 1992, 49; Hurst, J.G./D. Gaimster 2005, 270.

1 The first chapter of this thesis will set out my theoretical framework. After a more detailed description of what Werra Ware is and what it actually looks like, some background information on the production of the German pottery will follow. After this, evidence from the early-17th century pottery production in Enkhuizen will be introduced, along with a discussion of the so-called ‘Dutch Werra Ware problem’. This section will be followed by an assessment of the current state of knowledge about the distribution of Werra Ware across the North Atlantic. Different find spots and possible trade routes will also be examined. Chapter 2 will set out my research methodology and will outline the types of study and steps necessary to answer the main research question. The subsequent chapters focus on answering the sub-questions. Chapter 3 deals with visual inspection and is divided into sections about the distinction between potters, vessel shapes, decorative styles and figurative scenes. Chapter 4 is about physical analyses. Composition and texture will first be discussed with reference to a study that investigated the use of scientific methods in the investigation of post-medieval slipwares. In section 4.2 the discussion will focus on the use of petrography, specifically for studying Werra Ware wasters. The results from the first four chapters will be brought together in the discussion in Chapter 5. All of the sub-questions will subsequently be answered and a practical method for distinguishing the provenance of ceramics will be presented. This method will be applied to test cases of Werra Ware sherds that have been found across Europe. This will support my conclusion that a structured visual inspection of sherds can determine differences between Werra Ware style ceramics produced in Germany, and Holland.

2 1. Theoretical Framework

1.1. Werra Ware

Werra Ware was produced in Germany in the late-16th and early-17th century. The following section examines the known production methods, dating, appearance and function of these wares.

Pottery production increased in villages in the lower Saxon region from the 16th century onwards. Simple earthenwares and stonewares were already being produced in the region, but in the 16th century highly decorated earthenwares were added to the output. Both the decorations and the shapes of this new kind of pottery were different from previous ceramic forms. The rivers Weser and Werra played a major role in the region. The decorated ceramics were mainly produced for export. This is why the new earthenwares are called Weser and Werra Ware. In this thesis I have chosen to just focus on Werra Ware. Werra Ware was more elaborately decorated than its counterpart. Important production sites of this type of pottery have been identified in Heiligenstadt, Witzenhausen, Wanfried and Hannoversch Münden (see Figure 1). Production took off during the so-called ‘Weserrenaissance’, a period in which the region witnessed an expression of richness in material culture, art and architecture. The wealth of the citizenship that emerged was based on trade and craftsmanship. The 30-years’ war (1618-1648), however, ended this period of relative prosperity abruptly.3 Trade via the important river Weser came to an almost complete standstill. The War also led to a decrease in popularity in ceramics coming from central Europe. At the same time, Dutch imports of Chinese porcelain and faience gained in popularity. From 1630 or 1640 onwards, these products became available for the wider public and furnished the needs of the Dutch Golden Age and the emerging Baroque.4

3 Demuth 2015, 340-343. 4 Stephan 2000, 340.

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Figure 1 - Map showing a few of the manufacturing sites in Germany (marked by crosses) and key find spots across northern Europe (marked by dots). Possible trade routes are also indicated. After Demuth 2015, 345.

So, what does Werra Ware actually look like? The most common shapes are flat vessel forms, such as shallow bowls and plates. Werra Ware has a red fabric. A white slip layer was applied over the earthenware and that layer was itself covered by a red slip. This resulted in a brown red surface colour. Decoration was then scratched into the surface of the ceramic using the ‘sgraffito’ technique. This technique allowed the white of the white slip layer to become visible in decorations. In earlier periods, the ‘sgraffito’ technique had been used by French and Italian potters. It is highly likely that these earlier sgraffito earthenwares may have inspired the decoration of Werra Wares. White and green paint was also sometimes used to decorate the vessels with floral patterns or geometric shapes. After the pottery had been decorated, it was fired for the first time. This allowed the decoration to be fixed onto the surface. A lead glaze was then applied and the pots were fired for the second time. The whole production process allowed the potter to decorate the vessels in a very detailed way.5 Some vessels have a simple geometric decoration with stripes, dots and meanders, but these shapes are mostly situated on the outside rim of the plates and bowls. The inner part is often decorated with images of figures or objects (see Figure 2). The range of scenes is enormous and there are a lot of variations, but they all relate back to the same basic designs. Most of the decorations on Werra Ware can be identified as Christian and draw upon allegories and symbolic representations from Bible stories. The scenes or reduced symbols were probably easily recognisable for most people living in the 16th and 17th

5 Demuth 2015, 345.

4 century.6 Human figures, animals and floral scenes all appear on Werra Ware. The rich iconography points out that these were no regular potters. It took real craftsmanship to create these earthenwares. Some of the makers even placed their initials on the pots. Werra Ware pottery also frequently has the year of production painted on. The height of production of Weser and Werra Wares occurred in Germany between c. 1570 and 1630.7

Figure 2 - Werra Ware plate from Hannoversch Münden that dates to 1612. In the collection of the Universität Göttingen. After Lein- weber 1982, 119, 397.

Werra Ware wasters were discovered for the first time in Wanfried in 1896. For this reason Werra Ware was originally called ‘Wanfried Ware’.8 It was believed, until the early 1970s, that Werra Ware was solely produced in the town of Wanfried, or at least in the direct vicinity of the town. In 1974, however, archaeologists also found wasters of Werra Ware in Groβalmerode, and in 1978 and 1979, workshops were found in Witzenhausen and Hannoversch Münden. Production waste was also discovered in Heiligenstadt in 1976 and 1986. By the mid-1980s it had therefore been established that Werra Ware was an important trade good for the whole of the Werra region.9 The location of the potters workshops was very important. They had to be within reach of raw materials, and also able to sell on their finished products with ease. They were therefore located close to rivers, which provided transport, and water for the preperation of the clays. Workshops were also located on the outskirts of cities, because of the dangers associated with the firing of pottery kilns, and the public nuisance caused by smoke and fume. The workshops in Witzenhausen were located directly outside the citywalls at an ideal location on either side of the Werra bridge where a creek

6 Stephan 1981, 70. 7 Demuth 2015, 345. 8 Ostkamp, S./S. Venhuis 2009, 15. 9 Stephan 1981, 75; Ostkamp, S./S. Venhuis 2009, 15.

5 flowed into the river. In Münden, workshops were likewise located just in front of the city walls. An important landing site for cargo ships was located next to the workshops in the river Fulda. A workshop has also been found in Wanfried on the southern edge of the city and close by, three potters houses have been identified with the help of archival sources.10 Hans-Georg Stephan has suggested that a considerable number of potters must also have been working in the North-West Thüringen region. A guild charter from Treffurt dating from 1597 states: “dieses unseres Handwerks sich allhier von Tag zu Tag mehren und dadurch das Gewerbe überbesetzt ist”. This translates as: “The masters of our trade multiply from day to day, causing the business to be overstaffed”.11 Unfortunately, most of the excavations on the production sites in Germany have been relatively small- scale and provisional. They therefore offer only a limited insight into production processes. In Heiligenstadt and Groβalmerode, for example, only a small number of sherds have been discovered. It is therefore difficult to say any more than the fact that production took place at these sites (see Figure 3). The finds have also often only been published in black and white in basic find reports or short articles, with little description of the decorations. In addition to this, a great many finds have yet to be processed and published.12 Despite these shortfalls, it has been possible to identify some of the individual potters who produced Werra Ware with the help of documentary sources. The masters Hans Möller, Hans Köning, Georg Diemar and Valtin Emmel, for example, were all working as potters in Wanfried between 1586 and 1621. Many potters appear to have migrated to Wanfried from other German towns. Master Hans Feupell, from Heiligenstadt, had his workshop in Witzenhausen. These insights show the remarkable mobility among potters in this region in the early modern period. Despite this fact, all the different production sites appear to share a comparable output.13 The workshop of Hans Feupell was active between 1599 and 1612 on the banks of the Werra, and pottery waste has been found at this location. Rescue excavations in the 1980s led to the discovery of wasters in a variety of different styles, suggesting that the workshop must have had a structured organization. Multiple potters were probably producing and decorating the vessels. Hans Feupell was the owner of the workshop, but it is likely that he also had apprentices (‘Lehrjungen’) and other trained workers (‘Gesellen’ and ‘Altgesellen’) working there. Quality control is also likely to have been present, because a lot of once- fired wasters have been found among the waste. These vessels must have been identified as being flawed and were thus discarded before the second firing process. It seems as though the potters were very serious about the quality of this high-end type of pottery.14

10 Stephan 1981, 71-73. 11 Stephan 2000, 331. 12 Ostkamp, S./S. Venhuis 2009, 15. 13 Stephan 1981, 73. 14 Demuth 2015, 346.

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Figure 3 - Map showing Heiligenstadt in the year 1646. The numbers 1 to 3 indicate the findspots of Werra Ware and number 4 indicates the former location of clay extraction. After Stephan 200, 329.

In the 16th and 17th century, it became popular to use plates and bowls during dining. Table culture changed and a greater variety of dishes was called for. Werra Ware therefore catered to these needs and mainly took the form of serving dishes. This new diverse table culture was available not only for the most wealthy, but also for the less well-to-do. Decorated plates and bowls were also used for display and often stored on walls or dressers between meals. This fashion indicates that value was also placed on the decorative attributes of Werra Ware.15 Next to their practical and aesthetic functions, however, the pottery also had all kinds of symbolic connotations. It has been suggested, for example, that Werra Ware was often given as a wedding gift. A certain kind of decoration would then refer to the blessing of the marriage.16 The scholar Hans van Gangelen has stated that it is possible to divide the meaning of the iconographical scenes on Werra Ware into three groups. The first important subject is the lifeforce of nature in general and the human lust for life in particular. The former could be expressed by the use of images of trees, flowers, birds, fish and other animals. The latter, the human lust for life, is for example reflected in hunting scenes. In the second major subject, human virtues and desirable social roles promote the importance of the human socialization process. Here, again, hunting scenes may be used, but this time to suggest the chasing away of sin. An example of this can be found in the scene where a man is shown holding a pike and chasing away a boar. The boar probably stands for greed and intemperance (see Figure 4). On some Werra sherds, scenes depict social roles turned upside down. These images appear to function by using mockery to warn against the consequences of undesirable social

15 Demuth 2015, 352-353. 16 Demuth 2015, 353.

7 behaviour. A clear example of this can be found on a plate with the image of a man in women’s clothes, standing next to a cradle that does not hold a baby, but another adult man (see Figure 5). And finally, the third important subject area has a religious nature, referring to biblical themes and the medieval ‘bestiaria’. In this last theme the images often depict early Christian apostles and saints. The scene of The Fall of Adam and Eve frequently occurs on Werra Ware (see Figure 6), but besides a religious meaning that instructs observers to live by God’s commandments, this scene could also be interpreted as a social symbol for the first loving couple, or the primal marriage. There are, however, also more unambiguous religious scenes, such as the crucifixion of Christ (see Figure 7). It may be significant to note that the saints and other religious scenes depicted do not have a Catholic nature, but rather relate to images of the more ‘pure’ religious experience which Protestant Reformational thinkers saw as being exemplary.17

Figure 4 - Werra Ware sherd from the workshop of Figure 5 - Sherd from a Werra Ware dish that Caspar Muller in Hannoversch Münden. The sherd is was found in Hoorn. Because of the numbers dated to 1611 and is decorated with the iconographical written on, it can be dated between 1610 and theme of the boar hunt. After Van Gangelen 2000, 158. 1619. After Van Gangelen 2000, 159.

Figure 6 - Werra Ware dish with the scene of the Fall of Figure 7 - Bowl with the scene of the crucifixion Adam and Eve from 1617 from the workshop of Caspar of Christ dated between1606 and 1617 from Muller in Hannoversch Münden. After Van Gangelen the workshop of Caspar Muller in Hannoversch 2000, 160. Münden. After van Gangelen 2000, 160.

17 van Gangelen 2000, 156-160.

8 These three subjects relate to the reformational-humanistic view of around 1600 that saw men as natural, social and religious beings.18 Some figurative scenes on Werra Ware represent the possibility of living a blissful life, as if in the Garden of Eden, provided that one conforms to the Word of God and the laws of nature. Love, lust, welfare and resilience also frequently appear among the figurative scenes. Overall, the mentality represented by the scenes fits best with the profile of a reformed, marriageable youth between the ages of about 20 and 30, who belonged to a relatively prosperous middle class. This targeted consumer group has a mentality that could be described as having a lust for life and a worldly conviction. This is consistent with the iconography on Werra Ware.19 The elaborate decoration patterns and figurative scenes on Werra Ware will be discussed further, later in this study.

1.2. The ‘Dutch Werra Ware Problem’

As was mentioned in the introduction, difficulties have been found in distinguishing between German Werra Ware and a type of imitation pottery that was produced in Enkhuizen, in the Netherlands. This section will explore pottery production in Enkhuizen and will outline what archaeologists have termed the ‘Dutch Werra Ware problem’, in relation to ceramic production in early-17th century Europe.

Archaeological finds and archival sources suggest that the growing export of Werra products and the increasing number of disputes within the industry caused German potters to migrate to adjacent cities and eventually to places further away.20 A source from 1595 from Heiligenstadt indicates that restrictions put on the production of Werra Ware were actually beneficial, because it caused the pressure on the potters to decrease. Some potters moved and settled in places like Witzenhausen, Wanfried, Groβalmerode and Hannoversch Münden. This caused a spread of knowledge and the possibility to use better clay deposits.21 The production of Werra Ware even moved to another country. When Werra Ware reached a peak in popularity, Dutch potters opened a workshop in Enkhuizen that produced copies of the German wares. The merchant Dierck Claesz Spiegel was the initiator of this venture and his workshop is known to have produced pottery between 1602 and 1613.22 In 1602, the Dutch States General provided Dierck Claesz Spiegel from Enkhuizen with the privilege to exclusively produce Werra Ware that was marked as ‘Hessens ende Bruynswycx aerdewerck’ for a period of 15 years.23 The creation of the workshop in Enkhuizen is the ultimate example for the emission strength of the German workshops and the high mobility that was present in the Werra craft.24 Spiegel probably recruited foreign potters. But as early as 1603, Spiegel complained that some

18 van Gangelen 2009, 105. 19 ibidem, 150. 20 Stephan 2000, 328. 21 ibidem, 337. 22 Demuth 2015, 348. 23 Ostkamp, S./S. Venhuis 2009, 50. 24 Stephan 1981, 75.

9 of the potters had betrayed him and his company by starting production on their own account.25 They had found a loop hole in the patent given to Spiegel. Because the patent mentioned the use of local clay, some potters started to develop the same product with clay from elsewhere. Eventually, the verdict of the States General was that the patent was not granted to have the exclusive right to use a certain type of clay, but to exclusively produce a certain end-product. The patent was therefore expanded in 1604 and the dispute was settled.26 The city of Enkhuizen was a very suitable place for Spiegel to start his production of Werra Ware as it had a port that was oriented towards the Baltic Sea. In 1572, Enkhuizen became the first town in Holland that abandoned the Spanish and became a Protestant base.27 Between 1585 and 1620, Enkhuizen experienced fast demographic and economic growth. The population multiplied from around 10.000 to 20.000 people.28 The town of Enkhuizen prospered because of the VOC and all the shipbuilding and trading that came with the activities of that company. The archaeology of 16th and 17th century Enkhuizen has yielded a lot of information, partly because most of the excavated sites have been waterlogged. The wealth of Enkhuizen at this time is also reflected in the range and quality of material culture from ordinary cesspits. Because of Enkhuizen’s trading position, people could afford to have a lot of luxury imports in their homes. The heydays of Enkhuizen, but also of towns like Hoorn, came to an end in the 18th century. Many houses were demolished at that time and this caused the town to shrink, but today the city centre of Enkhuizen is still recognisable as a typical town from the Dutch Golden Age.29 In the 1970s, some Werra Ware pieces that were supposedly found in the Netherlands appeared on the antique market. It turned out that pits with wasters had been discovered at a location on the ‘Spaans Leger’ in Enkhuizen. Until this find, scholars were convinced that Werra Ware was only produced in the Werra region in Germany, but these new finds allowed the former workshop of Dierck Claesz Spiegel to be discovered.30 The so-called excavations of the pits were, however, not conducted to professional archaeological standards. Unfortunately, not all the material that was found was kept and preserved. This means that it now difficult to quantify the finds.31 Field documentation is also missing, except for a schematic drawing produced by one of the amateur archaeologists (see Figure 8).

25 Stephan 2000, 335. 26 Ostkamp, S./S. Venhuis 2009, 50-51. 27 Bartels 2008, 84. 28 van Gangelen 2009, 102. 29 Bartels 2008, 86-89. 30 Ostkamp, S./S. Venhuis 2009, 11. 31 ibidem, 27.

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Figure 8 - Sketch depicting the location of the different pits that were excavated at 'het Spaans Leger' in Enkhuizen. Pit number 5 was excavated by Bruijn. Image database S. Ostkamp.

The Werra Ware plates from these early excavations in Enkhuizen eventually ended up in numerous private collections and museums in both Germany and the Netherlands. There was one pit at the ‘Spaans Leger’ site, however, that had not yet been researched. In 1979 this pit was scientifically excavated by the ‘Rijksdienst voor het Oudheidkundig Bodemonderzoek’, supervised by Anton Bruijn. Fortunately, it turned out that this pit contained the largest number of finds (see Figure 9). Most of the vessels found in this pit dated from the year 1605. Bruijn published his finds from Enkhuizen in 1992. The pit he researched mainly contained ‘biscuit’ ceramics.32 These are vessels that were baked once, but did not receive the final layer of lead glaze. There were also some glazed pieces, but most of these were clearly burned or deformed during the second phase of baking (see Figures 10 and 11). This is also called a ‘glaze firing’. It can be noted that there are not a lot of vessels that are stuck together, or that have cracks among the finds. This would suggest that the production process was carefully managed. The high number of ‘biscuit’ wasters, moreover, suggests that the products had to undergo a strict selection process before the glaze was put on. An investigation by the archaeological company ‘Hollandia’ has found that it is highly likely that there are still some unresearched waste pits present on the site of Spiegel’s former workshop. 33

32 Ostkamp, S./S. Venhuis 2009, 11-12. 33 ibidem, 27.

11

Figure 9 - These images show the excavation of pit 5 that was carried out by Bruijn. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 10 - Some of the archaeological finds excavated by amateur archaeologists at the ‘Spaans Leger’ site in Enkhuizen. On the right, the unglazed biscuit ceramics are clearly visible. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 11 - One of the waster finds from Enkhuizen. This bowl from 1605 was burned and deformed during the second firing process. Image database S. Ostkamp.

12 The creation of the workshop in Enkhuizen reveals the close technological and economic ties between Holland and the Werra region in the early modern period. Some archaeologists have suggested that Werra Ware must have been a luxury product, but this type of ceramics does not appear in still life paintings from the late-16th and early-17th centuries, which depict silver wares and porcelain. In addition to this, Spiegel characterized his products as intended to serve the poorer community. In the application for his patent, Spiegel mentioned that the products were intended for “soulagemente van de schamele gemeente, die hen met soodanich aerdewerck moeten behelpen”. This essentially means that he said that he intended to produce his ceramics for the poor.34 As has been mentioned above, however, Van Gangelen thinks that we should not think of Werra Ware as a useless disposable good of that period. It was meant for the wider population that could identify with the images on the pottery. Werra Ware has indeed been found in both city and countryside. It has been found to be present on several excavated sites ranging from castles to the households of the poor.35 It is highly likely that Spiegel exaggerated the level of prosperity in a negative sense to make it seem that he intended to virtuously come to the aid of the people of Enkhuizen. But Spiegel himself was part of the wealthy urban upper class and in his patent application he probably alluded to the middle class, instead of the lower classes. The archaeologist Hans-Georg Stephan has calculated that the total number of Werra Ware vessels produced from the 21 potteries established in Heiligenstadt in the year 1597 must have been between 180,000 and 200,000. If this calculation is accurate, or even comes close to the real amount, it is safe to say that we are dealing with mass production, most likely for export. Van Gangelen uses this scale of production to strengthen his theory about the targeted middle class, because mass production can only flourish when there is a massive demand and a wide social spread. The evidence gathered from cesspits in Deventer, Nijmegen, Tiel and Dordrecht shows that Werra Ware found its way into urban households that were part of all kinds of social and economic milieus.36 It can be argued that the scenes depicted on the ceramics represented common values. As has been noted, the pieces were frequently given as gifts and recognisable themes like hope, love and religion were conveyed. This type of ceramics offers archaeologists an opportunity to investigate the values of the people living in Europe around 1600. The scenes are part of a European tradition and art form that has nowadays largely been lost.37

People living in remote places around the North Atlantic were trading extensively with German merchants from the 14th to the 17th century. This had its effects upon the natives living in these areas. The distribution of artefacts across Northern Europe is difficult to trace, however. Piracy, illegal trade, multilateral trade and the entanglement of third parties make the story complex.38 One obvious difficulty relates to the trading network of Dutch merchants. When the economy of the Netherlands began to boom

34 van Gangelen 2009, 102. 35 Stephan 2000, 334-335. 36 van Gangelen 2009, 102. 37 Stephan 2000, 335. 38 Mehler 2009, 89.

13 in the 15th century, the Dutch started to withdraw themselves from the Hanseatic League and attempted to obtain certain products, such as fish, independently. The Dutch tradesmen continued to strengthen their positions and in 1490 the Danish king formally allowed them to independently trade with Shetland, Iceland and possibly also the Faroe Islands.39 It is interesting to view this within the context of Northern Atlantic countries that were largely aceramic. For example, on Iceland, ceramics were very rare until the late medieval period and for the majority of households Iceland was effectively aceramic until the mid-19th century. From the late-14th century onwards, more earthenwares finally started to be imported into the country and the number of imported pots kept rising in the post-medieval period.40 The slow collapse of the Hanseatic League and the arrival of the Protestant Reformation in the late- 16th century led to political and social changes that eventually caused Dutch merchants to gain an even stronger position. This development is also very interesting in relation to the choice of a Dutch merchant to produce pottery with Protestant imagery, notably Werra Ware. And while Dutch trading rights kept expanding, not everybody agreed with this. Documents from the Hanseatic Kontor in Bergen point out that some discontent was felt towards the Dutch merchants in the North Atlantic area. Of course, the Dutch also brought their own products to the places that they were trading with. This led to complaints from townsfolk of Bergen about how traders were mixing Dutch goods with Hanseatic products in the late-16th century.41 This highlights the issue of Werra Ware imports. How should we regard a sherd of Werra Ware that was found at the site á Krambatangi on the Faroe Islands? Was the sherd traded via the Hanseatic league or via Dutch merchants (see Figure 12)? Á Krambatangi was a Hanseatic outpost which also traded with the Dutch. It is therefore very difficult to determine the route by which this ceramic vessel arrived on the Faroe Islands. It is also difficult to say whether this type of ceramic was associated with some kind of Hanseatic lifestyle. If we cannot identify the origins of distribution, can we then at least say where the pottery was manufactured? Natascha Mehler has stated that Enkhuizer potter’s marks on the pots may give an indication about the place of manufacture. This is why she identifies the pottery found in á Krambatangi, as having been manufactured in Germany.42 Potter’s marks are, however, of course not always present on the archaeological material. It may therefore be unrealistic to rule out a possible place of manufacture due to the absence of a mark on a particular sherd. To date, no simple technique has been established to distinguish between the highly decorated pottery from Enkhuizen and the Werra Ware that was produced in Germany. At first glance, all the shapes, images and applied techniques seem to match. The Enkhuizen potters were able to very closely relate the total appearance to that of the German products.43

39 ibidem, 95. 40 Lucas 2010, 125. 41 Röhlk 1935, 25. 42 Mehler 2009, 95. 43 Bruijn 1992, 49.

14

Figure 12 - Werra Ware sherd that was found at á Krambatangi on the Faroe Islands. After Mehler 2009, 96.

1.3. Trade and exchange

What was the distribution pattern of Werra Ware across the North Atlantic? North Atlantic islands like the Faroe Islands, Shetland and Iceland have already briefly been mentioned in this study, but in this section my investigation will also consider find spots in Norway, Britain, Ireland and North America. It has already been stated that trade via the rivers Weser and Werra was very important for the distribution of Werra Ware. It was not only distributed to the direct areas around lower Saxony, but also to other sites across the North Sea. Bremen was an important transfer point. It is known, for example, that there was a large-scale trading operation between Bremen and Bergen. The ceramics travelled to Bergen in bulk and were then stockpiled there in warehouses. Next to these large-scale operations, there were also more small scale complex trade networks that involved different merchants. Some documentary sources from Heiligenstadt from 1595 state that Werra Ware was usually traded from there by Dutch traders via the rivers to the Netherlands. It seems likely that Dutch merchants had some kind of deal with the German potters.44 Werra Ware is also frequently found in the Netherlands itself. Its popularity seems to have peaked between 1590 and 1625. In this period, the German ceramics flooded large parts of the Northern Netherlands (see Figure 13).45 Unfortunately, almost none of the Werra Ware finds can in fact be related to any one of the specific production sites in Germany that have already been discussed. This is because too much information about these sites and their producers is still missing and the amount of waster finds is too small.46 Most find spots of Werra Ware in the Netherlands are located in the coastal towns, but as already stated, the Dutch consumers of Werra Ware did not just live in the towns and cities. Finds have also been made in villages in rural areas. Drawing the various lines of evidence together, it seems likely that part of the Werra Ware was

44 Demuth 2015, 348-351. 45 van Gangelen 2009, 99. 46 Ostkamp, S./S. Venhuis 2009, 16.

15 traded from the producing regions in Germany to Bremen and then on to the Northern Netherlands. From Dutch seaports with a focus on Baltic trade (such as Harlingen, Hoorn, Enkhuizen and Amsterdam), the Werra Ware was then presumably distributed to the hinterland and ports more to the South of the Netherlands, such as Rotterdam and Middelburg.47

Figure 13 - Map with all 116 locations of Werra Ware finds in the Netherlands (reference date: December 2007). After Van Gangelen 2009, 100. For more information, see Appendix II.

47 van Gangelen 2009, 101.

16 It can be noted that a close relationship between Bremen and the Netherlands had already been in place for some time, and the prosperity of Bremen also probably had much to do with the fast upswing in Dutch trade in the 16th century.48 However, as the aforementioned document from Heiligenstadt shows, not all trade went through Bremen. The source even declares that the local potters sold their Werra Wares directly to ‘den Hollendern’ (the Dutch). The Dutch probably did not establish this trade relation just for the ceramics, but also for other products, such as glass. Dutch ships, in turn, brought herring, dairy products, salt and cloth to northern ports. Spiegel was also a cloth merchant who had a long trading history with the Werra region, even before 1602. It is possible that in that period prior to the creation of the workshop in Enkhuizen, he also brought back Werra Ware to Holland. Besides the rivers as main distribution ways, it was also possible to distribute via land routes. The so-called ‘Hessenwegen’ served this purpose. Such a road ran through Zwolle and notably, Werra Ware has also been found in this town.49 In Germany itself, the distribution of Werra Ware is concentrated along the Dutch border. Werra Ware is not very common among the find complexes of German cities. The Werra products are a rare find here, in contrast to the Weser ceramics. Werra Ware is also missing in most other Baltic Sea areas (see Figure 14). 50

Figure 14 - Map showing the trade routes that were probably taken to distribute Weser and Werra Ware from the production regions in Germany. After Stephan 1981, 70.

48 Stephan 2000, 333. 49 van Gangelen 2009, 101. 50 Stephan 2000, 333.

17 In Bergen and other places in Norway on the other hand, Werra Ware, originating from trade with Hanseatic merchants, is well represented. It is even found on farms in the Northern parts of Norway and on the Lofoten Islands, although these finds are quite rare. But the Dutch also traded intensively with Norway. It is therefore difficult to determine which imports came from Hanseatic merchants and which were traded by the Dutch. It is, however, safe to say that probably not a very large part was exported directly by the manufacturers in the production areas in the Werra region to the far North Atlantic as these potters did not have enough money and seafaring ships at their disposal for such an enterprise.51 Prior to the 17th century, there was no ceramic production in Norway as the country, like Iceland, was aceramic. This means that the earthenwares must have entered the country through networks of trade and exchange. In 14th and 15th century Norway, the main agent in this process was the Hanseatic League.52 It seems that access to decorated imported pots was not limited to the elites with a Hanseatic background in Bergen. Archaeological evidence from less wealthy peripheral areas in town suggests that a large proportion of the population had these earthenwares in their possession.53 This observation fits with Van Gangelen’s theory about the consumers of Werra Ware. With the Reformation, Lutheranism had taken over Norway in 1536. This did not mean, however, that the habits and mindsets of the Norwegians really changed. Capitalism for example, only came into being in Norway in the 19th century with the introduction of more Calvinistic ideas, whilst it had developed after the Reformation much sooner in countries like England and Holland. A “systematic rational ordering of the moral life as a whole” was still missing in Norway. Moreover, the literary language of Norway was Danish, but the largest part of the population spoke a language relate to old Norse. The Renaissance thus could only have had a large influence on the few privileged people who had enjoyed an education in Denmark.54 Things like elaborately decorated pottery could, however, convey ideas. So to return to decoration, the symbols that are portrayed on Werra Ware are likely to have held some significance for people in Norway, because most of them were probably illiterate. Biblical stories, for example, are often depicted. Werra sherds with the depiction of a single grape are quite often found in Bergen. This symbol represents a messenger from the Promised Land. Plates decorated with a sun, probably representing health and life, are also of frequent occurrence. 55 Especially the frequently recurring symbol of the bird on Werra Ware fits well with the idea that these dishes could function as symbolic gifts at weddings, because in that period the depiction of birds seems to have had an overtone that relates to sexuality (see Figure 15).56 Taken all together, the decorations on Werra Ware found in Bergen often have to do with the representation of earthly pleasures.57 In the eyes of the people living in Bergen, the Dutch Werra Ware problem did in some ways already exist in the 17th

51 Stephan 2000, 333. 52 Demuth 2015, 339. 53 ibidem, 354-355. 54 Jonassen 1947, 680, 684. 55 Demuth 2015, 356-357. 56 van Gangelen 2000, 157. 57 Demuth 2015, 356-357.

18 century. The population was not happy with the mixing of German and Dutch products in their town.58 A clear distinction does not seem to have been there. Moreover, the iconographical scenes that are described for the Werra Ware found in Bergen (the depictions of religion, grapes, suns and birds), all also appear in the output of the workshop in Enkhuizen. This is known from the excavation at the location of the Enkhuizer kiln.59

Figure 15 - Drawing of a Werra Ware bowl with bird decoration that was found in Bergen. The date of 1597 is also painted onto the vessel. After Demuth 2015, 356.

Werra Ware has also been found in Britain and Ireland and even in North America. Nothing of the same high quality was made in these places in the 16th and 17th century.60 The decorations on redwares that were domestically produced in Pennsylvania in the 18th century, even seem to have been inspired by Weser and Werra vessels from 16th and 17th century Witzenhausen.61 The local Pennsylvanian pottery production was formed by the ‘ethnic fusion’ of European pottery styles and shapes. Werra ware thus also seems to have played a role in this further development and later form of imitation.62 Interestingly, Werra Ware is more common than Weser Ware in the United States. 63 From Britain and Ireland, 175 sites with Werra Ware pottery are known. In North America this number comes up to 13 sites. The majority of these sites are, unsurprisingly, urban coastal sites. Most of the sites in Britain are situated on the southern and eastern part of the island. The same, more or less, goes for the Irish sites. The largest amounts of sherds have been found in the cities of Norwich, London and Plymouth. These three sites all had more than 70 vessels represented. The high-quality earthenware from the Continent was thus in high demand here. Interestingly, the Norwich assemblage can be related to ‘communities of Strangers’ that had come from the Low Countries and

58 Mehler 2009, 95. 59 Bruijn 1992, 89-101. 60 Hurst, J.G./D. Gaimster 2005, 279. 61 Gibble 2005, 44-46. 62 ibidem, 33. 63 Stephan 2000, 334.

19 northern Germany to settle here in connection to the 15th to 17th century trade in textiles.64 This was, however, not the only reason they decided to emigrate to England. The Dutch emigrants were Protestant and this is also why they were forced to move from the Low Countries during the Habsburg rule of Philip II in the 16th century. The community of Strangers in Norwich grew rapidly. By 1620, around 4000 people from the Low Countries had settled in Norwich. The Strangers and Norwich communities started to mix, but the immigrants kept their own culture and Dutch identity alive.65 It is therefore not unlikely that they would have been interested in Dutch products with Reformational Protestant imagery, as from Enkhuizen. Werra style ceramics have also been found on rural settlements in Britain. Werra Ware was for example found in the relatively remote West Whelpington upland site in Northumberland near the Scottish border.66 On most of these more rural or inland sites, only one or a few sherds have been found. Commercial exchange is not the only option for such distributions. It is also possible that these single finds represent, for example, personal belongings of merchants or sailors. Unfortunately, in Britain and Ireland there is also no clear distinction between the products from the Werra region in Germany and the copies from Enkhuizen. It is very likely that both places shipped their products to the islands. Even some of the more unusual decorations on Werra Ware that have been found in Britain, like a depiction of Christ with the Woman of Samaria, could have been manufactured in Enkhuizen, or Germany. The same goes for Werra Ware in North America, where it has been found at several 17th century English sites in Virginia, and also at the small town of Cupids on Conception Bay, in Newfoundland. Dating the finds is also difficult in these places. Of course, if dates were painted on, this indicates when pots were manufactured. But the fact that these are high quality imports suggest that the vessels may have been highly prized and therefore carefully curated, possibly remaining in use for long periods of time.67 When looking at the trade relations of Britain in the 17th century and the distribution of the material, it is most likely that the majority of Werra (but also Weser) Ware was obtained from Dutch merchants rather than coming directly from Germany. In the 1560s, unrest in the Low Countries was growing due to Spanish rule. Eventually, after the Fall of Antwerp in 1585, Amsterdam and nearby ports took over the trade from this hitherto dominant trading port. The Hanseatic League was, at the same time, experiencing a downfall. In addition to this, the English Company of Merchant Adventures was established and this company promoted England’s own trade position. The trading position of the Dutch and British does, however, by no means exclude Germany as the place of manufacture of the decorated slipwares in Britain, Ireland and North America, so some uncertainties remain.68

64 Hurst, J.G./D. Gaimster 2005, 267-270. 65 http://www.bbc.co.uk/legacies/immig_emig/england/norfolk/article_1.shtml, visited on 08-05-2018. 66 Stephan 2000, 334. 67 Hurst, J.G./D. Gaimster 2005, 267-272. 68 Hurst, J.G./D. Gaimster 2005, 278-279.

20 2. Methodology

The theoretical framework set out in the previous chapter has provided some background information and an overview of the current state of knowledge. The research problem has also been identified. It is now time to get back to what will be the focus of this study; finding a solution for the Dutch Werra Ware Problem. In this chapter I will set out my research methodology and will address the type of study and the steps necessary to answer my research question. So to recapitulate, the main research question is:

How could German Werra Ware be distinguished from Dutch ceramic copies produced in Enkhuizen?

To arrive at a clear answer to this question, the study is divided into three sub-questions. These were also already formulated in the introduction:

• What is the utility of visually inspecting the possible use of different types of vessels, decorative styles, motifs and combinations? • How useful are chemical and petrographic analyses? • What are the implications of an improved ability to distinguish between German Werra Ware and Enkhuizen imitations for the study of trade and exchange and the circulation of ceramic products in early-17th century Europe?

Before answering the final question, a method to differentiate between Werra Ware from Germany and Enkhuizen will hopefully be found by answering the first two questions. To be able to answer these first two questions, it is necessary to define research criteria. These criteria or parameters can be deduced from different possible ways in which sherds from the two known production areas can be distinguished. These possible ways of distinction mainly relate to appearance and manufacture. Thus, to answer the first two sub- questions, the analysis will take place along the following criteria for identification:

• Vessel shapes • Decoration styles • Figurative scenes • Physical properties o Composition o Texture o Inclusions

21 To answer the first two sub-questions, these research criteria will be ‘scored’. Since this is not a quantitative study, the scoring process does not have an absolute or exact character. The different criteria or possibilities for identification will be valued by a) gathering literature on the subject, b) combining the available information, and c) arriving at an interpretation about the potential for differentiation. Steps a and b will be dealt with in Chapters 3 and 4. In Chapter 3, the utility of visual inspection will be researched. Chapter 4 will focus on the applicability of physical analyses to the Dutch Werra Ware Problem. In the discussion in Chapter 5, the interpretational step (c) will be taken. The results from the previous chapters will then be taken together to arrive at a method that could help to distinguish German Werra Ware from the Enkhuizen products. Chapter 5 also contains a discussion of how this new method may assist research into trade in early 17th century Europe and the wider North Atlantic world, enabling the final sub-question to be answered. I will then apply my findings and my new methodology to a few test cases. A sample of Werra Ware finds from across Europe will be examined in an attempt to pin down their place of manufacture. The sherds chosen for this test case are from Alkmaar, Bergen and Aarhus. These Werra Ware finds have been specifically chosen as there is a high expectation that they will represent a diverse range of products that may also reflect the wide geographical distribution of this highly decorated type of pottery. At the end of this thesis, a conclusion will be given and the main research question will be answered.

22 3. Visual Inspection

In this chapter, the utility of visual inspection will be analysed. The find assemblages from Enkhuizen and Germany will be used to investigate this. I will first deal with the attempts that scholars have made to distinguish between products of specific potters. I will then examine if the basic shapes that the Werra Ware came in can be analysed and linked to specific production sites. Finally, I will take a closer look at the elaborate decorations on Werra Ware. Can different styles be identified, or are there differences in the figurative outputs? At first glance designs from Germany and Enkhuizen do seem to match, which is hardly surprising as the workshop in Enkhuizen was set up to imitate the already existing production of Werra Ware in Germany. Nevertheless, it is worthwhile to see if some of the decorative subjects were, for example, not chosen to be copied or if scenes were added to the spectrum. By setting up a list of small differences, it is possible to get closer to a distinction method.

3.1. Distinguishing potters

After Spiegel’s workshop was excavated, the sherds were thoroughly investigated by Bruijn. It was immediately clear that the form, function and decoration of the sherds from Enkhuizen were very similar to the wares from the known production places in Germany. Bruijn stated that provenancing would be totally dependent on the characteristic peculiarities of the manufacturing centre, the company or the individual that produced the pots. As a sample, Bruijn examined all of the excavated vessels that had been manufactured in Enkhuizen in 1605 and deduced that at least four decorators must have been working in Enkhuizen at that time. The different decorators had each developed specific facial details in their work. Bruijn concluded that the subjects depicted on the plates and the way in which the decoration was applied was not helpful in providing a provenance for the sherds, as a similar repertoire and decorative technique was used by potters in Germany. Although we will see later on that this is not completely correct, Bruijn was convinced that only the characteristic details of individual decorators could serve a provenancing purpose.69 In order to trace the characteristic styles of the individual potters, Bruijn examined the decorative scene of Adam and Eve with tree and snake (or the Fall of Adam and Eve) (see Figure 16). This subject was chosen as the image contains a lot of complicated elements. Bruijn found that all four of the decorators used the same partitioning of the image with the tree in the middle, Adam to the left, Eve to the right and the snake with its head pointed at Eve.70 There are, however, also some small stylistic differences between the

69 Bruijn 1992, 105. 70 Bruijn 1992, 105.

23 drawings of the four decorators (see Figure 17). As has been mentioned above, the details on faces can be distinctive.71 From this particular decorative subject, 42 specific details were analysed. Once the facial details that are characteristic for the work of one of the artists have been recognised, it is possible to identify other pots that have been decorated by this same artist, as it seems likely that all images with human faces were decorated by the same decorator. But the situation is slightly more complicated than this. It has been found that in the process of facial recognition, the face of Eve is more reliable than that of Adam. There is more variation in the details of Adam’s face. This is different when, for example, the figurative scene of dancing couples is investigated. In this case the face of the man is more constant and thus plays a dominant role in the facial recognition.72 If a sherd with a decoration of a man alone, without a woman, is investigated, it is, again, a different story. If this is the case, it is probably not possible to identify the decorator with certainty.73

Figure 16 - Biscuit Werra Ware bowl with the scene of Adam, Eve, tree and snake. This dish could eventually be attributed to decorator III from Enkhuizen. After Bruijn 1992, 172.

71 ibidem, 172. 72 ibidem, 113-115. 73 Bruijn 1992, 113-115.

24

Figure 17 - Some different examples of the Adam and Eve subject drawn by decorators I, II, III and IV. Differences are visible in the way that things like bodies, faces, branches and flowers are drawn. In total, 42 details have been analysed in these images. After Bruijn 1992, 110-111.

All in all, it turned out that four combinations of the 42 characteristics were constant and that these relate to the four decorators. Together, these characteristic details create the ‘typical’ style of Enkhuizen according to Bruijn. As has been mentioned above, however, even the facial details are not always reliable when trying to identify the decorator and thus the place of production. Other subjects that do not have as many complex elements, are even harder to assign to a decorator. Things like thistle flowers, pods or pomegranates are often depicted on Werra Ware. The artist of these decorations can only be identified with the help of the handwriting that might be recognizable from the date that was sometimes written on the Werra Ware pots. Unfortunately, dates are not always written on pots and can vary. Besides, you would need to be in the possession of the specific piece of the pot that has the date on it and, of course, this is not always the case in the context of an archaeological excavation.74

74 Bruijn 1992, 113-115.

25 Attempts to distinguish the work of individual potters have also been made in Germany. It is known from documentary sources that the potter Caspar Muller worked in Heiligenstadt and later on opened his own workshop in Hannoversch Münden. Wasters excavated in Germany show that the years written on sherds were sometimes accompanied by dots in front, behind or in between the numbers (see Figure 18). Different combinations in the placements of these dots have been discovered. The dots and numbers almost seem to form some sort of code. One hypothesis is that the dots form a code that relates back to a specific decorator. Interestingly, some of the sherds that were found in Hannoversch Münden were marked with the letters CM, which could be the initials of Caspar Muller. All of these sherds had the same dot code with one dot in front, one in the middle and one behind the date (see Figures 19 and 20). There are also sherds from Hannoversch Münden with the initials of Hans Eckel (HE), with a corresponding dot code with one dot after the first number, one after the second number and one after the last number of the year. Only a small number of the sherds from Hannoversch Münden was marked with initials, but it is possible that they represent vessels that were made by single decorators, possibly Hans Eckel and Caspar Muller themselves.75 The situation in Enkhuizen was different. The initials DCS (Dierck Claesz Spiegel) were applied quite often and were probably more of a general mark for the workshop. No sherds with dot codes have been found in Enkhuizen. There are, however, stylistic links between the products from the initial phases of the workshop in Enkhuizen and the products from Hannoversch Münden (these stylistic links and corresponding production periods will be elaborated on in section 3.3). The links trace back to Heiligenstadt. Caspar Muller, of course, worked in both of these German cities. Notably, sherds with the code for Caspar Muller are missing among the German wasters between 1602 and 1605. They reappear in 1606, when Caspar Muller sets up his own workshop in Hannoversch Münden. The gap matches the initial phase of the workshop in Enkhuizen. Moreover, it is known that Dutch merchants were trading with Heiligenstadt directly. Is it possible that Spiegel imported professional knowledge about Werra Ware from this town to start his own business, maybe even by recruiting Caspar Muller? It should be noted, however, that this hypothesis is based on just a few stylistic links between Hannoversch Münden and Enkhuizen, but because we are dealing with imitations, it is of course easy to find these parallels. Potters were eventually copying each other back and forth.76 The links do not conclusively prove that a decorator (or indeed Caspar Muller) moved from Germany to Holland and archival evidence is needed to support this possibility.

75 Ostkamp, S./S. Venhuis 2009, 66-67. 76 Ostkamp, S./S. Venhuis 2009, 66-75.

26

Figure 18 - Werra Ware plate from Germany, found in Middelburg, dated to 1591.The dots in between the numbers are clearly visible. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 19 - Biscuit Werra Ware plate from Hannoversch Figure 20 - Werra Ware plate from Germany, found in Münden. It features the initials of Caspar Muller and a Vlissingen. It dates to 1601. The dot code suggests that date of 1616. Image database S. Ostkamp. this plate was also decorated by Caspar Muller. Image database S. Ostkamp.

27 3.2. Vessel shape

Might Werra Ware vessel shapes be of any help in solving the Dutch Werra Ware problem? The most common shapes of Werra Ware have already been mentioned in chapter 1. Indeed, the vast majority of vessels within the product range from the workshops both in Germany and Enkhuizen, mainly consist of bowls and plates. Yet, other Werra Ware shapes also exist. Unfortunately, even the more rare vessel shapes from Enkhuizen, like so-called ‘fopkannen’ and butter dishes, were also produced in Hannoversch Münden in Caspar Muller’s workshop (compare Figures 21 and 22). Also the so-called ceramic ‘ringeloors’ were identical in Germany and Enkhuizen. With the help of these tools it was easier to apply the white slip layer onto the clay vessels. After moulds or sponges were used to sketch the outlines of the decoration, the ‘ringeloors’ were used to roughly fill in the figurative scenes. (see Figure 23).77

Figure 21 - Biscuit Werra Ware butter dish that was excavated Figure 22 - Fragment of a biscuit Werra Ware butter at the 'Spaans Leger' site in Enkhuizen. In the collection of the Museum dish from Hannoversch Münden. In the collection of Boijmans Van Beuningen in Rotterdam. Image database S. Ostkamp. the Karl-August-Universität in Göttingen. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 23 - Werra Ware ‘ringeloor’ from Enkhuizen, found at the 'Spaans Leger'. In the collection of the Museum Boijmans van Beuningen in Rotterdam. Image database S. Ostkamp.

77 Ostkamp, S./S. Venhuis 2009, 32.

28 There are, however, also a few differences in form characteristics among the known Werra Ware from Germany and Enkhuizen. The use of a stand ring under plates could be seen as something that is a typical element of the Enkhuizer output (see Figure 24).78 But it is not only this element that seems to differ between the two production areas, a few complete vessels also have characteristically different shapes. Pots that are called ‘Humpen’ in German, for example, do not appear among the wasters that were found in Enkhuizen (see Figure 25). This is probably because this kind of vessels were not very popular in Holland itself. In the rest of the Netherlands, outside Enkhuizen, ‘Humpen’ (produced in any kind of ware) are only excavated by exception.79 This may reflect the Dutch habit of drinking from glass vessels.

Figure 24 - A picture of Werra Ware plate with a stand ring taken during Figure 25 - A 17th century jug from Hannoversch the excavation at the 'Spaans Leger' in Enkhuizen. Image database Münden in the 'Humpen' shape. In the collection S. Ostkamp. of the Universität Göttingen. After Leinweber 1982, 261, 387.

There are also a few vessel shapes that are only present in the output of the Enkhuizer workshop. Fire domes (see Figures 26 and 27), handle jars (see Figures 28 and 29), pancake dishes (see Figure 30), mustard pots (see Figure 31) and bird drinking bowls (see Figure 32) are typical Dutch ceramic shapes that were occasionally also produced in Werra Ware by Spiegel’s potters. It thus seems that the workshops in both Germany and Enkhuizen supplemented the usual range of Werra Ware shapes with shapes that were common and popular in their own regions.80 The characteristic vessel shapes are, unfortunately, quite rare if numbers are compared with those of plates and bowls. Thus, it is not easy to make distinctions using the basis of vessel shape alone. This form of inspection alone is unlikely to solve the Dutch Werra Ware problem completely.

78 Ostkamp, S./S. Venhuis 2009, 44. 79 ibidem, 32-34. 80 Ostkamp, S./S. Venhuis 2009, 34.

29

Figure 26 - Biscuit Werra Ware fire dome from Enkhuizen, Figure 27 - Werra Ware fire dome from 1607 from dated to 1607. In the collection of the Museum Boijmans Enkhuizen. It was found in Graft and is now part of van Beuningen in Rotterdam. Image database S. Ostkamp. a private collection. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 28 - Werra Ware handle jar that was burned Figure 29 - Biscuit Werra Ware handle jar, dated to 1605. during the firing process. It was manufactured in 1603. It was found at the 'Spaans Leger' site in Enkhuizen. Now Now in the 'Provinciaal Depot voor Bodemvondsten in the ‘Provinciaal Depot voor Bodemvondsten Noord- Noord-Holland' in Wormer. Image database S. Ostkamp. Holland' in Wormer. Image database S. Ostkamp.

30

Figure 30 - Fragment of a Werra Ware pancake dish from Enkhuizen that was found in Hoorn. In the collection of the Westfries museum in Hoorn. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 31 - Werra Ware mustard jar from the Figure 32 - Biscuit Werra Ware bird drinking pot 'Spaans Leger' site in Enkhuizen. Now in the from Enkhuizen. Now in the 'Provinciaal Depot 'Provinciaal Depot voor Bodemvondsten Noord- voor Bodemvondsten Noord-Holland' in Wormer. Holland' in Wormer. Image database S. Ostkamp. Image database S. Ostkamp.

31 3.3. Decoration styles

Differences in decorative styles might also be helpful in figuring out how to distinguish German Werra Ware from the Enkhuizen products. A first clue can be found on the outer rims of plates, dishes and shallow bowls. The outer rims of the Werra Ware products were covered by a slip layer that was partly scratched away concentrically. This technique created the typical white spiral decoration on the outer part of the earthenwares that is also called the ‘flag’.81 On Enkhuizer Werra Ware, dates are often written across this flag (see Figure 33). The numbers are, in that case, often barely readable (see Figure 34). This decorative characteristic is almost solely found on sherds from Enkhuizen, and rarely on Werra Ware from Germany, where dates were usually placed on the inner part or ‘mirror’ of the plate. Wavy lines scratched into the spiral decoration, appear on sherds both from Germany and Enkhuizen. From Enkhuizen, however, two ceremonial dishes with this type of decoration are known (see Figure 35). This combination of vessel shape and decoration style thus seems to indicate an Enkhuizen provenance. Also worth mentioning is the way that the flag was applied. In Germany, the decoration on the flag was mostly applied in a clockwise direction, but the decorators in Enkhuizen often decorated the flag counter clockwise (see Figure 36).82

Figure 33 - Werra Ware bowl from the 'Spaans Leger' in Figure 34 - Werra Ware bowl that was found in Grootebroek. Enkhuizen. The year 1605 and the initials DCS are written The year 1604 is written across the flag above the sun. Now across the flag. Now in the 'Provinciaal Depot voor part of a private collection. Image database S. Ostkamp. Bodemvondsten Noord-Holland' in Wormer. Image database S. Ostkamp.

81 Ostkamp, S./S. Venhuis 2009, 27. 82 ibidem, 43-46.

32

Figure 35 - Werra Ware ceremonial dish from 1608, Figure 36 - Biscuit Werra Ware dish from the 'Spaans produced in Enkhuizen. The dish was found in Graft Leger' site in Enkhuizen. It is dated to 1608 and is now and is now part of a private collection. Image database in the 'Provinciaal Depot voor Bodemvondsten Noord- S. Ostkamp. Holland' in Wormer. Image database S. Ostkamp.

A typical Enkhuizer practice was the dating of plates and bowls that were decorated with suns or moons (see Figure 34 and 37). In Germany, these figurative scenes were part of the more simple undated group of subjects. Another Enkhuizer characteristic related to the use of dates is the inclusion of the Latin word ANNO. This word was sometimes added in front of the date. This practice is only known from sherds produced in the workshop in Enkhuizen (see Figures 35 and 38).83 The range of dates also forms an important clue for provenancing Werra Ware. Production in Enkhuizen is limited to the period between 1602 and 1613. All the sherds with dates that were found at the ‘Spaans Leger’ site, are from this period. The pancake dish in Figure 30 is the only exception. When inspected closely, the year 1621 can be deciphered. The vessel shape and findspot, however, suggest that this dish should be attributed to the workshop in Enkhuizen. The most likely explanation is that an error was made by the decorator. Perhaps the date should have been 1612.

83 Ostkamp, S./S. Venhuis 2009, 42-47.

33

Figure 37 - Werra Ware bowl from 1605, found Figure 38 - Fragment of a Werra Ware plate from at the 'Spaans leger' site. Now in the 'Provinciaal Enkhuizen. It was found at 'De Baan' in Enkhuizen Depot voor Bodemvondsten Noord-Holland' in and is now in the 'Provinciaal Depot voor Bodem- Wormer. Image database S. Ostkamp. vondsten Noord-Holland' in Wormer. Image database S. Ostkamp.

By analysing the decoration styles on the wasters found in Enkhuizen, it has been possible to identify four production periods. The first period covers the first two years after Spiegel got the patent for exclusively producing Werra Ware (1602-1604). In these years, the vessels had a high decorative value and the decorations were primarily based on German Werra Ware.84 There were, however, also a few new stylistic elements added to the spectrum, especially regarding the aforementioned flag decoration. One or more skilled decorators were working in Spiegel’s pottery at this time. Because of the high quality of the decorations, Bruijn has argued that potters of German descent must have been working in Enkhuizen in this period.85 1605 and 1606 made up the second production period. This range coincides with the years represented in the pit that was excavated by Bruijn. Most of the finds from this period date from 1605.86 A clear indication for Enkhuizen as the place of production are the initials of Dierck Claesz Spiegel (DCS) (see Figure 39). We know for sure that these initials were painted onto the vessels in Enkhuizen between 1603 and 1606. This is especially the case for the year 1605. A lot of dated plates from this year bearing the initials DCS have been found. This practice could be associated with the evasion of the patent terms and conditions by a few of Spiegel’s employees. Maybe Spiegel wanted to clearly brand his products in this period. Only a few sherds with initials are known from 1606 and none from later years. It is very well possible that branding was then no longer necessary, because the employees and other Dutch potters had completely stopped imitating Spiegel’s products by that time. Another possibility is that Spiegel was no longer the owner of the workshop after 1606 and that this is the reason that his initials were no longer used.87

84 Ostkamp, S./S. Venhuis 2009, 50-51. 85 ibidem, 59. 86 Ostkamp, S./S. Venhuis 2009, 59. 87 ibidem, 42-43.

34

Figure 39 - Fragment of a Werra Ware plate from Enkhuizen that was found on the Water- looplein In Amsterdam. In the collection of 'Bureau Archeologie en Monumentenzorg' in Amsterdam. Image database S. Ostkamp.

As has been mentioned, Bruijn noted that four decorators must have been working for Spiegel in this period. It is clear that after 1604, the decorators started to deviate slightly from the traditional German decorative style. An example of this can be found in how women’s headwear is depicted. In Germany, a hairnet was the standard. Until 1606, women on Enkhuizer Werra Ware also wore a hairnet, but after that, they got to wear a small cap (compare Figures 40 and 41). It is likely that the Enkhuizer decorators chose to change the headwear, because the German hairdress simply did not match with their own day-to-day reality.88

Figure 40 - Fragment of a Biscuit Werra Ware plate from Figure 41 - Figure 3 - Biscuit Werra Ware plate from 1607. the 'Spaans Leger' site in Enkhuizen. It dates back to 1605. It was found at the 'Spaans Leger' site in Enkhuizen and is Now in the 'Provinciaal Depot voor Bodemvondsten Noord- now in the ‘Provinciaal Depot voor Bodemvondsten Noord- Holland' in Wormer. Image database S. Ostkamp. Holland’ in Wormer. Image database S. Ostkamp.

In the years from 1607 to 1609, only one of the earlier decorators identified by Bruijn was still active. At least one new decorator was also working in Spiegel’s workshop in this period. With this new decorator came new stylistic elements that later also appeared on German products. One exclusive new element was the depiction of male animals including their genitals. This characteristic is not found on German Werra Ware. It is, however, of frequent occurrence on North-Holland slipware and it seems likely that the Enkhuizen potters were in this case influenced by this locally produced type of ceramics (compare Figures 42 and 43).89

88 Ostkamp, S./S. Venhuis 2009, 59. 89 Ostkamp, S./S, Venhuis 2009, 59, 62.

35

Figure 42 - North Holland slipware plate from Enkhuizen. Figure 43 - Biscuit Werra Ware plate from the 'Spaans It was produced between 1600 and 1625 and is now in a Leger' site in Enkhuizen from 1608. Now in the 'Provin- private collection. Image database S. Ostkamp. ciaal Depot voor Bodemvondsten Noord-Holland' in Wormer. Image database S. Ostkamp.

In the last production period, which ran from 1610 to 1613, even more new decorative elements were added to the Enkhuizer output. For example, slightly different flower motifs appeared and small patches of ground were added beneath the feet of people and animals (see Figure 44). The depictions of ground were also applied on earlier German Werra Ware, but there is not enough evidence to suggest a close connection between these decorators or that they were even the same person. Only two Enkhuizer Werra Ware pieces from the final year of 1613 are known.90 One of them depicts the figure of Adam and is shown in Figure 45.

Figure 44 - Werra Ware pancake dish from Enkhuizen, Figure 45 - Werra ware plate from 1613 that was produced found in Graft. It dates to 1610 and is now part of a in Enkhuizen. It is now part of a private collection. Image private collection. Image database S. Ostkamp. database S. Ostkamp.

90 Ostkamp, S./S.Venhuis 2009, 64-65.

36 3.4. Figurative scenes

Almost all figurative scenes on Enkhuizer Werra Ware also appear in the output of Werra Ware from Germany. Nevertheless, by closely inspecting the wasters from Enkhuizen, a few subjects have been discovered that only seem to appear on these Dutch plates and dishes. The most obvious of these subjects is the image of the coat of arms of Enkhuizen with the three herrings (see Figure 46).91 Another truly unique scene could be attributed to Spiegel’s workshop when a plate with a soldier on ice skates was discovered (see Figure 47). This scene is not part of the German output, but in the Netherlands, skaters frequently appear on all kinds of artforms, such as tiles and majolica plates. It appears that, over time, the German figurative scenes got more of a Dutch character in Enkhuizen.92

Figure 46 - Fragment of a biscuit Werra Ware plate from the 'Spaans Leger' site in Enkhuizen. The Enkhuizen coat of arms with the three herrings is clearly visible. Now in a private collection. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 47 - Fragment of a biscuit Werra Ware plate from the 'Spaans Leger' site in Enkhuizen. A detail of the ice skate is also shown. Now in the 'Provinciaal Depot voor Bodemvondsten Noord-Holland' in Wormer. Image database S. Ostkamp.

91 van Gangelen 2009, 150. 92 Ostkamp, S./S. Venhuis 2009, 34.

37 The depiction of the cherub head, which is a head with wings, also seems to be a typical Enkhuizer scene. It is likely that the potters took some inspiration from Italian faience for the creation of this scene (compare Figures 48 and 49). Because Enkhuizen was an important international port in the late-16th and early-17th century, exotic earthenware imports entered the town. The Italian imports were of great importance. Not only the cherub head, but also the scene of a man holding two swords was copied from Italian examples by the Enkhuizer potters (compare Figures 50 and 51). Imports from Liguria and Montelupo clearly served as sources of inspiration for the people working in Spiegel’s workshop.93

Figure 48 - Biscuit Werra Ware plate from the Figure 49 - Faience plate from Italy, probably Liguria, 'Spaans Leger' site in Enkhuizen. It is now part that dates between 1600 and 1625. It was found in of a private collection. Image database S. Ostkamp. Lisse and is now in the 'Provinicaal Depot Bodem- vondsten Zuid-Holland' in Alphen aan de Rijn. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 50 - Fragment of a Werra Ware plate that was found Figure 51 - Majolica plate from Montelupo. It dates between at the ‘Spaans Leger’ site in Enkhuizen. In the collection 1600 and 1625 and was found in Rotterdam. In the collection of the Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen in Rotterdam. Image of the Historisch Museum in Rotterdam. Image database S. database S. Ostkamp. Ostkamp.

93 Ostkamp, S./S. Venhuis 2009, 38-40.

38 A well-known Werra Ware scene is that of the bouquet with three sprouts, but in the Enkhuizer output, decorations with more than three sprouts also appear. This scene was sometimes combined with a flowerpot in the shape of a goblet. A good example can be found on the fire dome from Figure 26, that also features typical pomegranates at the top. Standalone flowerpots and pomegranates in this style are very rare on German Werra Ware.94 These scenes are, however, known from Dutch majolica and North Holland Slipware (see Figures 52 and 53).95

Figure 52 - Majolica plate that dates between 1600 Figure 53 - Fragment of a majolica plate, found in and 1650 and was found in Alkmaar. In the collection Alkmaar. It dates between 1600 and 1650. In the of the 'Dienst S.O.B.- afdeling Monumentenzorg en collection of the 'Dienst S.O.B. - afdeling Monu- Archeologie’ in Alkmaar. Image database S. Ostkamp. mentenzorg en Archeologie' in Alkmaar. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Other subjects that have not been identified on German Werra Ware, but do appear on Enkhuizer Werra Ware, include; a pear hanging from a stake (see Figure 54), a peacock (see Figure 55), a three-master ship (see Figure 35), Moses and the stone tablets (see Figure 56), a hybrid bust that is half human and half bird (see Figure 57), a bird flying in the direction of an opened mouth of a male bust (see Figure 58), a bird on a wreath-like object (see Figure 59), a horseman with a book in his hand (see Figure 60), a naked man with a draped cloth and an orb or round fruit in his hand together with a cross (see Figure 61), a man that wears a hat and a cape and is holding a glove (see Figure 62), a woman with a bunch of grapes in one hand and a flower in the other (see Figure 63), and a male bird catcher with a glue stick and an attached bird (see Figure 64). A scene representing the personification of selfless charity (caritas) also only seems to appear on Enkhuizer Werra. This scene is, for example, visible on a dish with an image of a woman with children (see Figure 65). Lastly, a religious picture which has been interpreted by Bruijn as Jesus’ appearance to the apostles, can be indicated as an exclusive figurative scene from Enkhuizen (see Figure 66).96

94 van Gangelen 2009, 139. 95 Ostkamp, S./S. Venhuis 2009, 38. 96 van Gangelen 2009, 150.

39

Figure 54 - Werra Ware plate from 1608, excavated at Figure 55 - Biscuit Werra Ware plate from Enkhuizen. the 'Spaans Leger' site in Enkhuizen. The current location It dates to 1605. Image database S. Ostkamp. is unknown. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 56 - Werra Ware fragment from the 'Spaans Figure 57 - Decoration on a small dish from Leger' site in Enkhuizen. Now in the 'Provinciaal Depot Enkhuizen that dates back to 1605. After voor Bodemvondsten Noord-Holland' in Wormer. Bruijn 1992, 235. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 58 - Biscuit fragment of a Werra Ware plate that was Figure 59 - Drawing of a biscuit Werra Ware plate found at the 'Spaans Leger' location in Enkhuizen. In the collection from Enkhuizen. After Bruijn 1992, 237. of the Hetjens Museum in Düsseldorf. Image database S. Ostkamp.

40

Figure 60 - Biscuit Werra Ware fragment that was Figure 61 - Werra Ware bowl from the 'Spaans found at the 'Spaans Leger' site in Enkhuizen. Now Leger' site in Enkhuizen that dates to 1604. Now in in the 'Provinciaal Depot voor Bodemvondsten Noord- the 'Provinciaal Depot voor Bodem-vondsten Noord- Holland' in Wormer. Image database S. Ostkamp. Holland' in Wormer. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 62 - Biscuit Werra Ware plate from Enkhuizen Figure 63 - Werra Ware biscuit fragment that was that dates to 1605. Image database S. Ostkamp. excavated at the 'Spaans Leger' in Enkhuizen. The current location is unknown. Image database S. Ostkamp.

41

Figure 64 - Biscuit Werra Ware plate from the 'Spaans Figure 65 - Biscuit Werra Ware fragment that dates Leger' site in Enkhuizen. Now in the 'Provinciaal Depot to 1608. It was excavated at the 'Spaans Leger' site voor Bodemvondsten Noord-Holland 'in Wormer. Image in Enkhuizen. In the collection of the Museum Boij- database S. Ostkamp. mans Van Beuningen in Rotterdam. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 66 - Drawing of a figurative scene from a fire dome from Enkhuizen. After Bruijn 1992, 221.

42 4. Physical Analysis

If visual inspection of a sherd or vessel cannot give a conclusive answer about the place of manufacture, a different type of analysis may be worth considering. Could a chemical or petrographic approach be beneficial for distinguishing German Werra Ware from the Dutch imitations? Composition and texture will first be discussed with reference to a study that investigated the combined use of several scientific methods in the investigation of post-medieval slipwares. In section 4.2 the discussion will concentrate on the use of petrography, specifically for Werra Ware.

4.1. Combined approaches

In a study from 2012, Harriet White has combined chemical and petrographic approaches to investigate British post-medieval slipwares. This is, of course, a different type of pottery, but the techniques might also be useful for Werra Ware. Inductively coupled plasma-atomic emission spectrometry (ICP-AES) was done in combination with thin sections to investigate if these techniques are useful for the locating of a place of manufacture. Sherds with a known provenance from South Yorkshire, North Staffordshire and Bristol were used. Interestingly, the sherds from late-17th to 18th century Staffordshire and Bristol are almost identical to the naked eye. It is very likely that copying played a role here. This is very similar to the situation of the Dutch Werra Ware problem. White mentions that chemical and petrographic techniques have so far not been used that much in the research of British post-medieval slipwares and that the analyses often do not go further than macroscopic studies. For other types of ceramics this also seems to be the case. A joint chemical as well as petrographic approach is able to give information about both the geological and the textural features of the pottery. The geological characteristics say something about mineralogical components and the overall chemical composition of the clay. Textural information includes the size and arrangement of inclusions and this could lead to knowledge about the process of manufacture or technological choices that were made. So by using both methods, more can be said about the place and manner of production.97

97 White 2012, 56-57.

43 For the petrographic analysis (of which the underlying principles will be elaborated on in section 4.2), samples were created by using thin sections. After the thin sections were viewed under a microscope, the analysis showed distinct fabric groups that had a strong relation with the different production places (see Figure 67). There were some common features among the groups, but different techniques and raw materials were also clearly used. The potters in the various areas had different paste recipes to get the clay they wanted.98

Figure 67 - Thin sections divided into four fabric groups. 1 = Fabric from Bristol, 2 = Fabric from Stoke-on-Trent, 3 = Fabric 1 from Silkstone, 4 = Fabric 2 from Silkstone. After White 2012, 60.

An ICP-AES analysis is able to analyse the chemical components within a fabric. After analysing the British clays with the chemical ICP-AES analysis, a dendrogram was created. A dendrogram shows clusters of groups that are chemically very different (tall connections) or very similar (small connections). The dendrogram belonging to the samples taken from the British post-medieval ceramics showed cluster groups that matched with the fabric groups from the petrographic analysis (see Figure 68). The strong consistence in the datasets produced by the two techniques, confirms that the three manufacturing places indeed produced slipwares with different textural and geological features.99

98 White 2012, 60-62. 99 White 2012, 62-63.

44

Figure 68 - Dendrogram showing the data from the ICP-AES analysis. Four cluster groups can be identified that match the fabric groups from Figure 66. 1 = Fabric 1 from Silkstone, 2 = Fabric 2 from Silkstone, 3 = Fa- bric from Stoke-on-Trent, 4 = Fabric from Bristol. After White 2012, 63.

The conclusion of this study was that coherent groups can be found in both the chemical and petrographic analysis that clearly relate to the three different manufacturing places. The author concludes that this technique might also be very useful for the provenancing of other slipwares.100 Not only the clay composition, but also the practices and techniques used can say something about the place of manufacture. For example, potters that have a preference for refining their clay with the use of the levigation technique can be identified in this manner. Even though the ceramics have a similar appearance, personal preferences of potters in the manufacturing process can still play a role. The petrographic analysis adds to the chemical analysis that the usage of different techniques and paste recipes can be identified and a link can thus be made to the individual (groups of) potters. Of course, to really understand the trade in slipwares, samples from both the consumer and the production sites have to be taken.101

4.2. Petrography

The study in section 4.1 shows that physical analyses might be very useful. No publications exist in which Werra Ware has been the subject of a chemical ceramic analysis, but the previous section shows that petrography on its own could already lead to significant results and this is an approach that has been tested for Werra Ware in the past. In 1988 a dissertation was written by Robert van Wageningen that focussed on petrography and the determination of production sites of medieval and post-medieval Dutch ceramics. Mineralogical analyses that relate to the study of natural clay deposits were used. By combining a few different research techniques, it was possible to determine the main composition, structure and temper constituents of ceramic clays.

100 White 2012, 56. 101 ibidem, 63-65.

45 In the Holocene, marine clay was deposited in the western coastal area of the Netherlands (see Figure 69). In this area, misfired ceramics have been found in Joure, Enkhuizen, Hoorn, Haarlem, Leiden, Delft, Rotterdam and Aardenburg. In the dissertation from 1988, Van Wageningen mentions the waster finds from Enkhuizen and states that these are suitable for his study because it is difficult to distinguish them from ceramics found in Wanfried and Münden (note that these pots were not yet classified as ‘Werra Ware’ in that period). Shallow tertiary clay deposits exist in the area between the rivers Weser and Werra in Southern- Niedersachsen.102

Figure 69 - Map showing several clay deposits and production sites in the Netherlands, Western Germany and Belgium. E indicates the Holocene ‘Westland Formatie’ that is made up of marine clay. The number 3 indicates the position of Enkhuizen. Wanfried is also indicated with number 19. After Van Wageningen 1988.

Sediments are created by the erosion of solid rocks and subsequent transportation in water. These rocks are made up of minerals. When erosion happens, the rocks disintegrate into separate minerals or mineral aggregates. Some minerals are converted through natural chemical erosion into secondary mineral types, such as clay minerals. These secondary minerals usually have a size that is smaller than two micrometers. This is much smaller than most primary minerals.103 Other mineral types are less sensitive to chemical erosion

102 van Wageningen 1988, 1, 5. 103 van Wageningen 1988, 7.

46 and can only be eroded by mechanical processes. With these processes the mineralogical characteristics of the minerals remain unchanged. Relatively small minerals that have a fairly open crystal structure and a low density (such as clay minerals and micas), float through the water when transported. Minerals of a higher density and larger size (such as feldspars and quartz) are usually moved through the water in a more rolling motion. Material settles in shallows and riverbends. At these places, sedimentation can occur. The coarseness of the mineral material and the resulting sediment is determined by the pattern and strength of the water movement. From big to small, the following grain size intervals can be distinguished for sediments: gravel (2 to 76 millimeters), sand (0,05 to 2 millimeters), silt (2-50 micrometers) and clay (smaller than 2 micrometers).104 Given the small size of the clay minerals, it is often impossible to identify them by inspecting the material in thin section. This is why all the clay minerals and other particles that are smaller than 10 micrometers are viewed together in what is called the sample’s ‘matrix’. Besides the matrix, inclusions are visible underneath the microscope. Although many different types of inclusions exist, such as grog, shell or bone, minerals and rock fragments are the most common in archaeological ceramics. These particles were often already present within the clay deposition that was used. Examples are the aforementioned common mineral types of quartz, micas or feldspars. The inclusions are used to investigate ceramic texture. The ratio between the grain size interval of the inclusions and the abundance of the inclusion within the total composition, forms a sample’s grain size distribution. Coarse-ware ceramics have a texture that is formed by the presence of a large amount of large inclusions, while fine-wares have fewer and smaller inclusions.105 When presented in a curve (as is for example shown in Figure 72), the grain size distribution can have a unimodal or bimodal shape. The modes are represented by peaks in the curve. The grain size on the x-axis related to a peak in the curve, represents a grain size that is of frequent occurrence within the composition. Most ceramics have a relatively poorly sorted fabric with a grain size distribution of two (or even more) modes.106 Most natural sediments have a unimodal grain size distribution with one dominant peak. Archaeological ceramics can also have a unimodal grain size distribution when a single clay deposit has been used for the pottery production. When clay from another source is mixed in or when temper is added, the texture is affected and multiple modes are often visible in the grain size distribution curve. When tempering occurs, the sample often has a bimodal grain size distribution with the mode indicating larger inclusions representing the temper and the mode indicating smaller inclusions representing the natural occurring inclusions.107

104 van Wageningen 1988, 9. 105 Quinn 2013, 41-47. 106 ibidem, 85. 107 ibidem, 103.

47 By investigating texture, it is also possible to distinguish between different conditions in which a sediment has been deposited. The type of deposition is often expressed in the grain size distribution. The sandy marine clays of the Dutch coastal area have, for instance, been formed with the admixture of sand. This sand is formed in, for example, dune areas where wind drifts away sand with a grainsize smaller than 100 micrometers. The remaining sand grains are, thus, larger than 100 micrometers (see Figure 70). Mixed in with clay, this results in a bimodal grain size distribution with the sand representing the mode made up of larger grain sizes. In a fluvial or river environment, sedimentation with an uninterrupted gradient in grainsizes occurs. The material is often sorted relatively poorly. The grain size distribution often shows a gradual decrease in the number of grains when grainsizes increase. This results in a unimodal grain size distribution. By visually inspecting the surface of ceramics, it is possible to recognise grain size distributions and place them in groups of fabric types that have been produced with fluvial or sandy marine clay deposits.108

Figure 70 - Characteristic grain size distribution curves of river sand (1), dune sand (2) and drift-sand (3). Dune and drift-sand are clearly composed of grains with larger sizes than the grains within river sand. After Van Wageningen 1988, 8.

In Van Wageningen’s study, sherds were investigated with a binocular (20 to 40 times magnified) to estimate the percentage of sand present within the sherds. Quantitative surface division was used to achieve this (see Figure 71). Thereafter, thin sections were prepared and a microscope was used for the texture determination and grain size analysis. Texture was determined with a triangular diagram that lists the values of the sand, silt and clay fractions. The distribution of mineral grains in relation to grainsize was examined, resulting in the grain size distribution curves. The morphology of the mineral grains was also investigated under the microscope. These results could be compared directly with those of natural occurring sediments.

108 van Wageningen 1988, 9.

48 Finally, heavy metals and diatoms were investigated. It is possible to distinguish between freshwater and marine diatoms. All the geological, sedimentological and sediment petrological results from the microscopic examination of the wasters were taken together and compared with clay deposits that were available for clay extraction in the past.109

Figure 71 - Diagrams for the estimation of sand percentages in ceramics. The volume percentage in black is the same for every quarter of each square. After Van Wageningen 1988, 12.

Van Wageningen’s results show that wasters from Enkhuizen are composed of a fabric that contains 5 to 15 percent sand (see Figure 73). The used sediment has a grainsize interval of 50 to 320 micrometers. The grain size distribution turned out to be bimodally shaped with a minimum between 60 and 100 micrometer (see Figure 72). Van Wageningen does not show the results for the wasters from the Werra region in his study, but he states that it has been possible to indicate a clear difference between the ceramics from Enkhuizen and the Werra region in thin section. In Enkhuizen, marine clay (with larger sand grains) was used as opposed to fluvial clay in the Werra region. Van Wageningen also investigated wasters from Hoorn, Haarlem and Delft. The workshops in these centres were all also located in the marine clay area in the Netherlands. It turned out not to be possible to petrographically distinguish between the ceramics from Enkhuizen, Hoorn, Haarlem or Delft. The ceramics had an identical fabric.110 The Van Wageningen study thus shows that a petrographic approach is not always beneficial for local or regional provenancing, but can be used to distinguish between production sites that are located further away from each other.

109 van Wageningen 1988, 13-25. 110 van Wageningen 1988, 63, 65.

49

Figure 72 - Grain size distribution curve of samples taken from the Figure 73 - Textural values for the Enkhuizer wasters. This wasters from Enkhuizen. After Van Wageningen 1988, 62. image shows the percentages of sand, silt and clay present within the sediment. After Van Wageningen 1988, 62.

When sampling fine wares with inclusions such as quartz sand or grog, which are not as diagnostic as wares containing larger rarer inclusions, it is usually harder to indicate provenance or trade.111 Unfortunately, this means that a petrographic approach has a smaller potential for post-medieval ceramics than it has for pottery produced in earlier periods. Using a qualitative descriptive approach that would, for most post- medieval ceramics, simply state that the fabric mainly includes fine sand, quartz and silt, would not be very beneficial. It would be better to employ a comparative approach that lists the similarities and differences in inclusions between samples that are very similar in hand specimen.112 As has been shown, when clay is mixed with sand it is sometimes still possible to indicate production sites by looking at the distinctive grain size distributions. This applies to the wasters from Enkhuizen. It might even be possible to relate sherds from consumption sites back to a production site. However, for this to succeed, a large amount of wasters from all the sites that produced the concerned type of ceramics should be sampled and investigated petrographically.113

111 Quinn 2013, 129. 112 Vince 2001, 114-115. 113 Quinn 2013, 138.

50 Another issue concerning the study of provenance by using petrography, concerns a major underlying assumption that should also be addressed here. The method inherently assumes that potters used clay deposits in close proximity to their workshops for the manufacture of the wares. Regarding prehistoric or even medieval periods, this assumption can in most cases safely be made. With the arrival of large scale post- medieval pottery production, however, clays started to be transported over large distances. If that was the case, then production places might no longer match with the place of origin established through thin sectioning.114 This is another reason why ceramic petrography has not been deployed as much in the study of post-medieval ceramics as it has been for earlier periods. However, because Van Wageningen showed that the products from Enkhuizen were fabricated with a marine type of clay (and thus not with clay from the Werra region which is located inland) and the fabric also matches with products from other coastal production sites in the Netherlands, it does seem likely that a distinctive clay from around Enkhuizen, or at least Holland, was used for the manufacture of the Werra Ware imitations.

114 Quinn 2013, 119.

51 5. Discussion

In this chapter, all the results from the previous chapters will be brought together and a method that could help to distinguish German Werra Ware from the Enkhuizen products will be defined. The implications of this new method, as a way of refining research into trade in early-17th century Europe, will also be discussed. It is first necessary to get back to the first two sub-questions; 1) What is the utility of visually inspecting the possible use of different types of vessels, decorative styles, motifs and combinations and 2) how useful are chemical and petrographic analyses? The utility of close visual inspection was analysed in Chapter 3. Bruijn found four combinations of characteristic stylistic details in one of the assemblages from Enkhuizen. These combinations related to four decorators who were working in Enkhuizen in 1605. With these ‘profiles’ of details it should be possible to distinguish the Enkhuizer decorators from others. However, the details are not always constant. This means that they are not always reliable when trying to identify the decorator and thus the place of production. Moreover, the ‘profiling’ only applies to Werra Ware pieces exhibiting complex figurative scenes. Sherds with simple decorative subjects are even harder to assign to a decorator. Distinguishing between production in Germany and Enkhuizen is in that case often impossible. Moreover, it is a fact that copying was going on and it might very well be possible that potters were imitating stylistic details from each other’s ‘profiles’ back and forth. A skilled specialist eye that has seen hundreds of images from the Enkhuizer decorators might just be able to distinguish some of the details from Werra Ware produced in Germany, but apart from that, distinguishing between potters does not seem to be the optimal way forward. Bruijn thought that distinguishing between the individual potters was the only useful method to characterise the sherds from Enkhuizen. However, sections 3.2 to 3.4 showed that Bruijn’s theory is not completely accurate. It is possible to point out some small differences between German Werra Ware and Werra Ware from Enkhuizen by visually inspecting sherds. There are, for example, a few rare vessel shapes that are only part of the output of the Enkhuizer kiln. Vessels in the shape of fire domes, handle jars, pancake dishes, mustard pots and bird drinking bowls, belong to this group. Plates with a stand ring also seem to be a characteristic element of the Enkhuizen output. Small differences in decorative styles have also been noted. The DCS initials, dated vessels with a sun or moon, the use of the word ANNO, a cap as female headwear and the depiction of male animals with their genitals, are stylistic elements that were used in Enkhuizen and not in Germany. The decorative styles of dates written across flags, wavy lines on ceremonial dishes and counter clockwise flag decoration, also serve as characteristic Enkhuizer elements. These last three characteristics are, however, slightly less diagnostic because they also rarely appear on German Werra Ware. Finally, a few distinctive Enkhuizer figurative scenes have been identified. These are the scenes of the Enkhuizen coat of arms; the soldier on ice skates; the cherub head; the man that is holding two swords; the pear hanging from a stake; the peacock; the three-master ship; Moses and the stone tablets; the hybrid bust; the bird flying

52 towards an opened mouth; the bird on a wreath-like object; the horseman with a book; the naked man with a cloth, orb and cross; the man with a hat, cape and glove; the woman with grapes and a flower; the male bird catcher with a bird attached to his glue stick; the caritas scene; and Jesus’ appearance to the apostles. The goblet with multiple sprouts and the depiction of typical pomegranates are also frequent on Werra Ware from Enkhuizen and are very rare on German Werra Ware. Chapter 4 explored the possible applicability of a chemical or petrographic approach. The provenancing of slipwares could benefit from using both techniques. Not only the clay composition, but also the practices and techniques used can say something about the place of manufacture. This could also apply to Werra Ware. Provenancing post-medieval ceramics is more difficult than ceramics that have been manufactured in earlier periods, because the fabrics often contain less diagnostic elements. Besides, petrography relies on the assumption that clays were not transported for long distances, but this is something that was going on in the post-medieval period. It is, for example, known that in 18th century England, Joshua Wedgewood imported kaolin clay and ‘china stone’ from the colonies of Virginia and the Carolinas to his Staffordshire factory. The availability of these materials made it possible to produce porcelain, but British sources of these clays and sediments were unknown before 1775.115 But all the same, the study by Van Wageningen indicates that a petrographic approach can be used for determining the place of production. Van Wageningen has shown that the wasters from Enkhuizen have a fabric that is composed of a marine type of clay. This fabric could not be distinguished from other production places in the Dutch coastal area, but according to Van Wageningen it could be distinguished from pots produced in the German Werra region. It is, however, still necessary to investigate the use of this approach further. More samples should be taken and a good database of Werra Ware thin sections that also includes samples from the different German production areas should be established. The need for elaboration and further research is even more pressing for chemically approaching the Dutch Werra Ware Problem. Although White’s study of British slipwares is promising, the investigation of a chemical approach in combination with Werra Ware is still in its infancy. Patrick and Dagmar Rauch are currently privately investigating Werra Ware sherds from the different German production places with a handheld x-ray fluorescent device to analyse the micro-elements in the fabrics. This has not led to a publication yet, but preliminary results show that it is difficult to show clear differences in the chemical compositions. The presence of lead traces, even within the unglazed wasters, affects the totality of the micro- element spectrum. Distinction may also be difficult because the production places in Germany might have been using the same or similar clays in their workshops. Nevertheless, it is very good that this kind of research is taking place. More comparative studies can be conducted when a greater amount of data is available. The approach might not be the optimal way forward for distinguishing the German potteries from each other, but it might still be very useful for the distinction between Werra Ware from Enkhuizen and Germany.116

115 Schofield 1956, 16. 116 personal communication with P. Rauch on 29-05-2018.

53 Taking the previous findings together, it is possible to develop a step-by-step method that could help to distinguish German Werra Ware from the copies produced in Enkhuizen. The goal of this method is to provide an answer that is as certain as possible and takes as little effort as possible, so that every archaeologist could easily use it. Therefore, to decide the step sequence, the diagnostic strength, ease of use and money required will be considered for the different steps. This is why the range of steps that needs to be taken starts with the simplest step that has the greatest diagnostic power and works its way down to more time consuming or expensive steps that possibly lead to less certain answers. The first question that should be asked is whether a found vessel or fragment can be dated to before 1602 or after 1613, because this would certainly mean that the pot has not been produced in Enkhuizen. If this is not the case (or there is simply no date written onto the sherd), it is necessary to ask more questions. Another very distinctive element is the use of the DCS initials, so the second step should ask for the presence of these initials. If no DCS initials are visible on the sherd, it can still be produced in Enkhuizen and still more questions should be asked. The next step relates to the aforementioned distinctive Enkhuizer vessel shapes. Does the fragment belong to one of these shapes? If not (which is likely because these vessel shapes are rare), the discussed figurative scenes that are characteristic for the Enkhuizer output, are the next most diagnostic element. These are followed by the distinctive decorative styles that have been observed on the wasters from Enkhuizen. Although not all of these elements can give a conclusive answer about the place of manufacture, they make it more plausible that the provenance of a sherd has a Dutch instead of a German origin. If none of the distinctive Enkhuizer elements are present, the next step is to take a petrographic approach to see if marine clay was used for the manufacture of the pot. This step requires a greater investment of time and money than the previous ones. If still no conclusive answer can be found, the last step is to do a chemical analysis. This method is more expensive and since it has not been researched for Werra Ware in great detail yet, it is also accompanied by uncertainty. The step-by-step discrimination method has been visualised in a diagram in Appendix II. It can be that after all of the steps are taken, it is still not possible to provenance the fragment or vessel. With the current knowledge and research techniques, it is in that case simply not possible to state with certainty whether the pot was produced in Germany or Holland. It is self-evident that the presented method is subject to change. Archaeological discoveries of new stylistic elements should be processed into the method. It is, for example, possible that a figurative scene attributed to the Enkhuizer kiln is discovered on a sherd that is clearly of a German origin (because of for example the presence of a date before 1602). This scene is then no longer distinctive for Enkhuizen. The other way around, it is also possible that previously unknown scenes, styles or shapes that can be related to a specific production place are discovered. These should in that case be added to the concerned step in the method. The step-by-step method will now be applied to a few small test cases of Werra Ware that has been found outside Enkhuizen or the German production sites. The bowl found in Bergen, depicted in Figure 15, can serve as the first example. The first step of the method is to look at the date that might be written onto

54 the vessel. In the case of the bowl from Bergen, the year 1597 is written on. This immediately gives an answer about the sherd’s provenance, because it falls outside the production period in Enkhuizen, which ran from 1602 to 1613. This means that the bowl must have been produced in Germany. This is a very clear example, but it is needless to say that not all finds can be provenanced in the first step. A second fragment to discuss is a dish that was found in Alkmaar in the Netherlands (see Figure 74). It has a date of 1608, so it could have been produced in Enkhuizen. The second step is to look for the DCS initials, but these are not present on the dish. In step three, however, a distinctive feature can be discovered. This namely is a pancake dish, which is a typical Dutch vessel shape and characteristic for the Enkhuizer output. It is thus safe to say that this dish was produced in Enkhuizen and then traded on to Alkmaar.

Figure 74 - Werra Ware pancake dish, found in Alkmaar. In the collection of the 'Nederlands Openluchtmuseum' in Arnhem. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Werra Ware has been found in many places. For a third and final example, recently published Werra Ware from Aarhus in Denmark will be reviewed. The Werra Ware fragments from Aarhus could possibly be provenanced in the petrographic step of the discrimination method. The fabrics of two sherds were investigated. The Aarhus study states that the fabrics were hard and smooth (see Figure 75). The inclusions were also analysed. One percent of poorly sorted well-rounded quartz was present with a size of 10 to 500 millimeters. The sizes measured by Van Wageningen for inclusions within the wasters from Enkhuizen also fall within the same size range with 50 to 320 micrometers. The wasters from Enkhuizen, however, contained 5 to 15 percent sand. Although there is no grain size distribution curve available for the Aarhus fabrics, the amount of sand points in the direction of a German provenance. More detailed research is, however, necessary to conclude this with confidence. Again, petrographic data from the wasters found at the locations of the German production sites would be helpful to improve this step in the method.

55

Figure 75 - Details of Werra Ware sherds found in Aarhus. After Linaa 2016, 216.

So what are the implications of an improved ability to distinguish between German Werra Ware and Enkhuizen imitations for the study of early-17th century trade in Europe? To recapitulate, the Netherlands probably played a big role in the distribution of Werra products. This coincided with the contacts that were made during the Weserrenaissance. This period saw a boost in impulses from Dutch craftsmen, artists and builders. Investors and tradesmen from the Werra region presumably acted as mediators between the producers and the Dutch. The toll register of Weser recorded that in the late-16th and early-17th century, ceramics formed an important part of the region’s export. Inland skippers often transported ceramics as additional cargo alongside wood and grain. Potters started to migrate to other places in the Werra region and eventually presumably also to the Netherlands. The latter was caused by the intensive trade relations between Holland and the Werra and Weser region. Stephan believes that in the case of Werra Ware, the Netherlands actually functioned as the gateway to the rest of the world. The Werra region just served as the hinterland which provided the raw materials and craft products, all the while the complete undertaking was aimed at the Dutch.117 Stephan sees the similarities between Werra Ware and North-Holland slipware as an indication of the same phenomenon. But although these two types of ceramics have an overlapping production period and are often found together in the Dutch coastal area, they both clearly have their own styles. There are some stylistic similarities, but the mutual influence was minimal. Especially for the North-Holland slipware potters in Holland, it seems like Werra Ware has not been that influential. The slipware vessels that do seem to have been influenced by Werra Ware are mostly from Enkhuizen and this is of course not a strange correlation, because Werra Ware was also produced there. Most likely is the explanation that both types of ceramics were influenced by the humanistic-Christian worldview that was popular in that period. The way these views were depicted onto North-Holland slipware and Werra Ware mostly developed independently of each other.118 Thus, do Werra Ware and North-Holland slipware really indicate a one-to-one correlation between Germany and the Netherlands?

117 Stephan 2000, 336, 340. 118 van Gangelen 1997, 85; Ostkamp, S./S. Venhuis 2009, 18, 20, 26.

56 Stephan states that besides regional sale, Werra Ware was mainly produced for the Dutch market and that the distribution of the ceramics to areas further away was then taken care of by the merchants from the Netherlands.119 Hanseatic merchants should, all the same, not be forgotten. As has been mentioned in Chapter 1, trade through Bremen not only played a big role in the distribution to the Netherlands, but also to for example Norway. This is also what explains the finds of Werra Ware in the German Hanseatic quarter in Bergen. This and the somewhat far-fetched link between Werra Ware and North-Holland slipware, suggests that Stephan might have taken his theory a bit too far. The Dutch were certainly important consumers of Werra Ware and played a large part in the further distribution of the ceramics, but it may not be so that they were the only consumers and distributors that the German producers had in mind. The aforementioned sherd from à Krambatangi on the Faroe Islands, depicted in Figure 12, was for example found on a site that functioned as a Hanseatic port from the second quarter of the 16th century.120 The Dutch also traded with this place, but the point is that it is possible that the sherd arrived on the Faroe Islands through direct trade by Hanseatic merchants. Mehler identifies the sherd from à Krambatangi as Werra Ware with a German origin, because of the absence of potter’s marks. Using this characteristic on its own to provenance the sherd is, however, not a very good method, because not all vessels from Enkhuizen were decorated with the DCS initials. Thus, although Mehler identifies two possible trade routes (directly through Hanseatic merchants or from Bremen to the Netherlands and then traded on to the Faroe Islands by the Dutch), there are actually three possible interpretations, because it is also possible that the bowl was produced in Enkhuizen and directly traded to à Krambatangi by Dutch merchants. An improved ability to distinguish between German Werra Ware and Enkhuizen imitations, might mean that the number of possible trade routes could, in this case, be brought back from three to two or even one. As has been mentioned, large scale pottery production and the possible transportation of clay in the past reduces the usability of petrography for locating the ceramic production sites. All the same, you could argue that the greater movement of goods in the post-medieval period makes it even more interesting and important to be able to provenance ceramics. If the distribution networks are wider, provenance has a somewhat greater meaning. As Alan Vince explains it; a known place of production has less meaning when, for example, a sherd found at a site in Kent can be said to be produced in the area of south-east England, as opposed to when that same sherd had been found in the Caribbean.121 This same principle applies to Werra Ware, since it was distributed to places as far away as North-America. Being able to investigate where a sherd was produced, brings researchers a step closer to figuring out which routes and distributors of trade and exchange might have played a role in this period of complex trade networks.

119 Stephan 2000, 340. 120 Mehler 2009, 95. 121 Vince 2001, 114-115.

57 Conclusion

Werra Ware was a popular export product in the 16th and 17th century. It is found in coastal towns in countries around the North Atlantic such as Scandinavia, the Low Countries, Britain and even North America. When Werra Ware was at the height of its popularity, the Dutch merchant Dierck Claesz Spiegel opened a workshop in Enkhuizen that made copies of the German wares. This workshop produced pottery between 1602 and 1613. To date, a straightforward method to distinguish the highly decorated pottery from Enkhuizen from the Werra Ware that was produced in Germany has not been developed. All the images, shapes, and techniques that were used seemingly match. It is clear that the potters and decorators in Enkhuizen were very good at imitating the German products. The example of the sherd from à Krambatangi on the Faroe Islands (see Figure 12) shows just how difficult it is to provenance Werra Ware and that this leads to all kinds of problems with the interpretation of trade routes and contacts. The main research question of this thesis was: How can German Werra Ware be distinguished from Dutch ceramic copies produced in Enkhuizen? The possibility to distinguish between potters, vessel shapes, decorative styles and figurative scenes were all investigated. The use of a chemical or petrographic approach for solving the Dutch Werra Ware Problem was also considered. It is possible to conclude that, except for the distinction between individual potters, all of these approaches could lead to clear answers when trying to distinguish between Werra Ware from Germany and Enkhuizen. The characteristic elements that can be discovered by visually inspecting the sherds, were put together and worked into a discrimination method. The physical analyses were also added to this method. The step-by-step method has been visualised in a diagram in Appendix II. The improved ability to distinguish between German Werra Ware and Enkhuizen imitations, has serious implications for the study of early-17th century trade in Europe. In this period, complex trade networks were at play. In the case of the Dutch Werra Ware Problem, Hanseatic merchants and tradesmen from the Netherlands were the main actors. Having knowledge about a sherd’s provenance means that the number of possible trade routes can be narrowed down and it also provides information about the distributors that must have been involved. More research is definitely needed in the department of chemical and petrographic analyses. It has been shown that these approaches could be very informative, but their use should be investigated further for Werra Ware specifically. The comparative nature of petrographically studying Werra Ware sherds would benefit from the availability of a database that includes thin sections from both Enkhuizen and the different German production sites. The chemical approach to the Dutch Werra Ware Problem needs even more further research and should, first of all, be tested by chemically comparing Werra Ware wasters from Germany and Enkhuizen. All of this is something to consider for future research.

58 List of figures

Figure 1 - Map showing a few of the manufacturing sites in Germany (marked by crosses) and key find spots across northern Europe (marked by dots). Possible trade routes are also indicated. After Demuth 2015, 345.

Figure 2 - Werra Ware plate from Hannoversch Münden that dates to 1612. In the collection of the Universität Göttingen. After Leinweber 1982, 119, 397.

Figure 3 - Map showing Heiligenstadt in the year 1646. The numbers 1 to 3 indicate the findspots of Werra Ware and number 4 indicates the former location of clay extraction. After Stephan 200, 329.

Figure 4 - Werra Ware sherd from the workshop of Caspar Muller in Hannoversch Münden. The sherd is dated to 1611 and is decorated with the iconographical theme of the boar hunt. After Van Gangelen 2000, 158.

Figure 5 - Sherd from a Werra Ware dish that was found in Hoorn. Because of the numbers written on, it can be dated between 1610 and 1619. After Van Gangelen 2000, 159.

Figure 6 - Werra Ware dish with the scene of the Fall of Adam and Eve from 1617 from the workshop of Caspar Muller in Hannoversch Münden. After Van Gangelen 2000, 160.

Figure 7 - Bowl with the scene of the crucifixion of Christ dated between1606 and 1617 from the workshop of Caspar Muller in Hannoversch Münden. After Van Gangelen 2000, 160.

Figure 8 - Sketch depicting the location of the different pits that were excavated at 'het Spaans Leger' in Enkhuizen. Pit number 5 was excavated by Bruijn. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 9 - These images show the excavation of pit 5 that was carried out by Bruijn. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 10 -Some of the archaeological finds excavated by amateur archaeologists at the ‘Spaans Leger’ site in Enkhuizen. On the right, the unglazed biscuit ceramics are clearly visible. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 11 - One of the waster finds from Enkhuizen. This bowl from 1605 was burned and deformed during the second firing process. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 12 - Werra Ware sherd that was found at á Krambatangi on the Faroe Islands. After Mehler 2009, 96.

Figure 13 - Map with all 116 locations of Werra Ware finds in the Netherlands (reference date: December 2007). After Van Gangelen 2009, 100. For more information, see Appendix I.

Figure 14 - Map showing the trade routes that were probably taken to distribute Weser and Werra Ware from the production regions in Germany. After Stephan 1981, 70.

Figure 15 - Drawing of a Werra Ware bowl with bird decoration that was found in Bergen. The date of 1597 is also painted onto the vessel. After Demuth 2015, 356.

Figure 16 - Biscuit Werra Ware bowl with the scene of Adam, Eve, tree and snake. This dish could eventually be attributed to decorator III from Enkhuizen. After Bruijn 1992, 172.

Figure 17 - Some different examples of the Adam and Eve subject drawn by decorators I, II, III and IV. Differences are visible in the way that things like bodies, faces, branches and flowers are drawn. In total, 42 details have been analysed in these images. After Bruijn 1992, 110-111.

Figure 18 - Werra Ware plate from Germany, found in Middelburg, dated to 1591.The dots in between the numbers are clearly visible. Image database S. Ostkamp.

59 Figure 19 - Biscuit Werra Ware plate from Hannoversch Münden. It features the initials of Caspar Muller and a date of 1616. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 20 - Werra Ware plate from Germany, found in Vlissingen. It dates to 1601. The dot code suggests that this plate was also decorated by Caspar Muller. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 21 - Biscuit Werra Ware butter dish that was excavated at the 'Spaans Leger' site in Enkhuizen. In the collection of the Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen in Rotterdam. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 22 - Fragment of a biscuit Werra Ware butter dish from Hannoversch Münden. In the collection of the Karl-August-Universität in Göttingen. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 23 - Werra Ware ‘ringeloor’ from Enkhuizen, found at the 'Spaans Leger'. In the collection of the Museum Boijmans van Beuningen in Rotterdam. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 24 - A picture of Werra Ware plate with a stand ring taken during the excavation at the 'Spaans Leger' in Enkhuizen. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 25 - A 17th century jug from Hannoversch Münden in the 'Humpen' shape. In the collection of the Universität Göttingen. After Leinweber 1982, 261, 387.

Figure 26 - Biscuit Werra Ware fire dome from Enkhuizen, dated to 1607. In the collection of the Museum Boijmans van Beuningen in Rotterdam. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 27 - Werra Ware fire dome from 1607 from Enkhuizen. It was found in Graft and is now part of a private collection. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 28 - Werra Ware handle jar that was burned during the firing process. It was manufactured in 1603. Now in the 'Provinciaal Depot voor Bodemvondsten Noord-Holland' in Wormer. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 29 - Biscuit Werra Ware handle jar, dated to 1605. It was found at the 'Spaans Leger' site in Enkhuizen. Now in the ‘Provinciaal Depot voor Bodemvondsten Noord-Holland' in Wormer. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 30 - Fragment of a Werra Ware pancake dish from Enkhuizen that was found in Hoorn. In the collection of the Westfries museum in Hoorn. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 31 - Werra Ware mustard jar from the 'Spaans Leger' site in Enkhuizen. Now in the ‘Provinciaal Depot voor Bodemvondsten Noord-Holland' in Wormer. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 32 - Biscuit Werra Ware bird drinking pot from Enkhuizen. Now in the 'Provinciaal Depot voor Bodemvondsten Noord- Holland' in Wormer. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 33 - Werra Ware bowl from the 'Spaans Leger' in Enkhuizen. The year 1605 and the initials DCS are written across the flag. Now in the 'Provinciaal Depot voor Bodemvondsten Noord-Holland' in Wormer. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 34 - Werra Ware bowl that was found in Grootebroek. The year 1604 is written across the flag above the sun. Now part of a private collection. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 35 - Werra Ware ceremonial dish from 1608, produced in Enkhuizen. The dish was found in Graft and is now part of a private collection. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 36 - Biscuit Werra Ware dish from the 'Spaans Leger' site in Enkhuizen. It is dated to 1608 and is now in the 'Provinciaal Depot voor Bodemvondsten Noord-Holland' in Wormer. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 37 - Werra Ware bowl from 1605, found at the 'Spaans leger' site. Now in the 'Provinciaal Depot voor Bodemvondsten Noord- Holland' in Wormer. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 38 - Fragment of a Werra Ware plate from Enkhuizen. It was found at 'De Baan' in Enkhuizen and is now in the 'Provinciaal Depot voor Bodemvondsten Noord-Holland' in Wormer. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 39 - Fragment of a Werra Ware plate from Enkhuizen that was found on the Waterlooplein In Amsterdam. In the collection of 'Bureau Archeologie en Monumentenzorg' in Amsterdam. Image database S. Ostkamp.

60 Figure 40 - Fragment of a Biscuit Werra Ware plate from the 'Spaans Leger' site in Enkhuizen. It dates back to 1605. Now in the 'Provinciaal Depot voor Bodemvondsten Noord-Holland' in Wormer. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 41 - Figure 3 - Biscuit Werra Ware plate from 1607. It was found at the 'Spaans Leger' site in Enkhuizen and is now in the ‘Provinciaal Depot voor Bodemvondsten Noord-Holland’ in Wormer. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 42 - North Holland slipware plate from Enkhuizen. It was produced between 1600 and 1625 and is now in a private collection. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 43 - Biscuit Werra Ware plate from the 'Spaans Leger' site in Enkhuizen from 1608. Now in the 'Provinciaal Depot voor Bodemvondsten Noord-Holland' in Wormer. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 44 - Werra Ware pancake dish from Enkhuizen, found in Graft. It dates to 1610 and is now part of a private collection. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 45 - Werra ware plate from 1613 that was produced in Enkhuizen. It is now part of a private collection. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 46 - Fragment of a biscuit Werra Ware plate from the 'Spaans Leger' site in Enkhuizen. The Enkhuizen coat of arms with the three herrings is clearly visible. Now in a private collection. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 47 - Fragment of a biscuit Werra Ware plate from the 'Spaans Leger' site in Enkhuizen. A detail of the ice skate is also shown. Now in the 'Provinciaal Depot voor Bodemvondsten Noord-Holland' in Wormer. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 48 - Biscuit Werra Ware plate from the 'Spaans Leger' site in Enkhuizen. It is now part of a private collection. Image database S. Ostkamp

Figure 49 - Faience plate from Italy, probably Liguria, that dates between 1600 and 1625. It was found in Lisse and is now in the 'Provinciaal Depot Bodemvondsten Zuid-Holland' in Alphen aan de Rijn. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 50 - Fragment of a Werra Ware plate that was found at the ‘Spaans Leger’ site in Enkhuizen. In the collection of the Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen in Rotterdam. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 51 - Majolica plate from Montelupo. It dates between 1600 and 1625 and was found in Rotterdam. In the collection of the Historisch Museum in Rotterdam. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 52 - Majolica plate that dates between 1600 and 1650 and was found in Alkmaar. In the collection of the 'Dienst S.O.B.- afdeling Monumentenzorg en Archeologie’ in Alkmaar. Image database S. Ostkamp

Figure 53 - Fragment of a majolica plate, found in Alkmaar. It dates between 1600 and 1650. In the collection of the 'Dienst S.O.B. - afdeling Monumentenzorg en Archeologie' in Alkmaar. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 54 - Werra Ware plate from 1608, excavated at the 'Spaans Leger' site in Enkhuizen. The current location is unknown. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 55 - Biscuit Werra Ware plate from Enkhuizen. It dates to 1605. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 56 - Werra Ware fragment from the 'Spaans Leger' site in Enkhuizen. Now in the 'Provinciaal Depot voor Bodemvondsten Noord-Holland' in Wormer. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 57 - Decoration on a small dish from Enkhuizen that dates back to 1605. After Bruijn 1992, 235.

Figure 58 - Biscuit fragment of a Werra Ware plate that was found at the 'Spaans Leger' location in Enkhuizen. In the collection of the Hetjens Museum in Düsseldorf. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 59 - Drawing of a biscuit Werra Ware plate from Enkhuizen. After Bruijn 1992, 237.

Figure 60 - Biscuit Werra Ware fragment that was found at the 'Spaans Leger' site in Enkhuizen. Now in the 'Provinciaal Depot voor Bodemvondsten Noord-Holland' in Wormer. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 61 - Werra Ware bowl from the 'Spaans Leger' site in Enkhuizen that dates to 1604. Now in the 'Provinciaal Depot voor Bodemvondsten Noord-Holland' in Wormer. Image database S. Ostkamp.

61 Figure 62 - Biscuit Werra Ware plate from Enkhuizen that dates to 1605. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 63 - Werra Ware biscuit fragment that was excavated at the 'Spaans Leger' in Enkhuizen. The current location is unknown. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 64 - Biscuit Werra Ware plate from the 'Spaans Leger' site in Enkhuizen. Now in the 'Provinciaal Depot voor Bodemvondsten Noord-Holland 'in Wormer. Image database S. Ostkamp

Figure 65 - Biscuit Werra Ware fragment that dates to 1608. It was excavated at the 'Spaans Leger' site in Enkhuizen. In the collection of the Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen in Rotterdam. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 66 - Drawing of a figurative scene from a fire dome from Enkhuizen. After Bruijn 1992, 221

Figure 67 - Thin sections divided into four fabric groups. 1 = Fabric from Bristol, 2 = Fabric from Stoke-on-Trent, 3 = Fabric 1 from Silkstone, 4 = Fabric 2 from Silkstone. After White 2012, 60.

Figure 68 - Dendrogram showing the data from the ICP-AES analysis. Four cluster groups can be identified that match the fabric groups from Figure 66. 1 = Fabric 1 from Silkstone, 2 = Fabric 2 from Silkstone, 3 = Fabric from Stoke-on-Trent, 4 = Fabric from Bristol. After White 2012, 63.

Figure 69 - Map showing several clay deposits and production sites in the Netherlands, Western Germany and Belgium. E indicates the Holocene ‘Westland Formatie’ that is made up of marine clay. The number 3 indicates the position of Enkhuizen. Wanfried is also indicated with number 19. After Van Wageningen 1988.

Figure 70 - Characteristic grain size distribution curves of river sand (1), dune sand (2) and drift-sand (3). Dune and drift-sand are clearly composed of grains with larger sizes than the grains within river sand. After Van Wageningen 1988, 8.

Figure 71 - Diagrams for the estimation of sand percentages in ceramics. The volume percentage in black is the same for every quarter of each square. After Van Wageningen 1988, 12.

Figure 72 - Grain size distribution curve of samples taken from the wasters from Enkhuizen. After Van Wageningen 1988, 62.

Figure 73 - Textural values for the Enkhuizer wasters. This image shows the percentages of sand, silt and clay present within the sediment. After Van Wageningen 1988, 62.

Figure 74 - Werra Ware pancake dish, found in Alkmaar. In the collection of the 'Nederlands Openluchtmuseum' in Arnhem. Image database S. Ostkamp.

Figure 75 - Details of Werra Ware sherds found in Aarhus. After Linaa 2016, 216.

62 Bibliography

Bartels, M., 2008: Hoorn and Enkhuizen, West Frisia, Archaeological Journal 165(sup1), 73-90.

Bruijn, A., 1992: Spiegelbeelden. Werra-keramiek uit Enkhuizen 1605, Stichting Promotie Archeologie, Zwolle.

Demuth, V., 2015: If sherds could tell. Imported ceramics from the Hanseatic hinterland in Bergen, Norway. Producers, traders and consumers: who were they, and how were they connected?, in G. Hansen/S.P. Ashby/I. Baug (eds.), Everyday Products in the Middle Ages: Crafts, Consumption and the Individual in Northern Europe c. AD 800-1600, 339-359.

Gangelen, van, H., 1997: Stijlinvloeden, in S. Venhuis/H. van Gangelen/P. Kerksloot (eds.), Hoorn des Overvloeds. De Bloeiperiode van het Noord-Hollands Slibaardewerk (ca. 1580 ~ ca. 1650), 74-93.

Gangelen, van, H., 2000: ‘Stomme beelden, ende nochtans sprekende’, in D. Kicken/A.M. Koldeweij/J.R. Molen (eds.), Rotterdam Papers 11, Gevonden voorwerpen – Lost and found, Rotterdam, 152-163.

Gangelen, van, H., 2009: Iconografische aspecten van de figuratieve voorstellingen op Enkhuizer Werra- keramiek, in H. Clevis/H. van Gangelen (eds.), Werra Keramiek uit Enkhuizen opnieuw bekeken. Studies aangeboden aan Jan Thijssen, Stichting Promotie Archeologie, Zwolle, 99-165.

Gibble, P.E., 2005: Eighteenth-Century Redware Folk Terms and Vessel Forms: A Survey of Utilitarian Wares from Southeastern Pennsylvania, Historical Archaeology 39(2), 33-62.

Hurst, J.G./D. Gaimster, 2005: Werra Ware in Britain, Ireland and North America, Post-Medieval Archaeology 39(2), 267-293.

Jonassen, C.T., 1947: The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism in Norway, American Sociological Review 12(6), 676-686.

Leinweber, U., 1982: Töpferei des Reinhardswaldes vom 12. bis zum 20. Jahrhundert, Hessischer Museumsverband, Kassel.

63 Linaa, J., 2016: Urban Consumption. Tracing urbanity in the archaeological record of Aarhus c. AD 800-1800, Jutland Archaeological Society, Moesgaard.

Lucas, G., 2010: The Ceramic Revolution in Iceland, 1850-1950, in J. Symonds (ed.), Table Settings. The Material Culture and Social Context of Dining AD 1700-1900, Oxbow Books, Oxford, 125-133.

Mehler, N., 2009: The Perception and Interpretation of Hanseatic Material Culture in the North Atlantic: Problems and Suggestions, Journal of the North Atlantic 2(sp1), 89-108.

Ostkamp, S./S. Venhuis, 2009: ‘tot soulagemente van de schamele gemeente’. Het Werra-aardewerk uit de werkplaats van Dierck Claesz Spiegel in Enkhuizen opnieuw bekeken (1602-1613), in H. Clevis/H. van Gangelen (eds.), Werra Keramiek uit Enkhuizen opnieuw bekeken. Studies aangeboden aan Jan Thijssen, Stichting Promotie Archeologie, Zwolle, 11-96.

Quinn, P.S., 2013: Ceramic Petrography. The Interpretation of Archaeological Pottery & Related Artefacts in Thin Section, Archaeopress, Oxford.

Röhl, O., 1935: Hansisch-Norwegische Handelspolitik im 16. Jahrhundert, Kiel.

Schofield, R.E., 1956: Josiah Wedgewood and a Proposed Eighteenth-Century Industrial Research Organization, Isis 47(1), The University of Chicago Press, 16-19.

Stephan, H.-G., 1981: Werrakeramik und Weserware. Zentren der Reanaissancekeramik im Werraland und an der Oberweser, in H.-P. Mielke (ed.), Keramik an Weser, Werra und Fulda, 69-90.

Stephan, H.-G, 2000: Die Werraware der Renaissance. Eine Zwischenbilanz zum Forschungsstand, insbesondere zu Entstehung, Handel und Verbreitung sowie der Rolle der Niederländer, in D. Kicken/A.M. Koldeweij/J.R. ter Molen (eds.), Rotterdam Papers 11, Gevonden voorwerpen – Lost and found, Rotterdam, 328-340.

Vince, A., 2001: Ceramic petrology and post-medieval pottery, Post-Medieval Archaeology 35(1), 106-118.

Wageningen, van, R., 1988: Ceramiekimporten in Amsterdam. Een mineralogisch herkomstonderzoek, Amsterdam (Unpubl. doctoral dissertation, Universiteit van Amsterdam).

White, H., 2012: The problem of provenancing English post-medieval slipwares: a chemical and petrographic approach, Post-Medieval Archaeology 46(1), 56-69.

64 Appendix I: Werra Ware findspots in the Netherlands

(reference date: December 2007). Image database S. Ostkamp

1 Aardenburg 30 Dordrecht 59 Kats 88 Schermerhorn 2 Alkmaar 31 Edam 60 Kesteren 89 Schiedam 3 Alphen ad Rijn 32 Elburg 61 Koudum 90 Schokland 4 Amersfoort 33 Emmeloord 62 Langbroek 91 Sneek 5 Amstelveen 34 Enkhuizen 63 Leeuwarden 92 Sommelsdijk 6 Amsterdam 35 Ferwerd 64 Leiden 93 Stavoren 7 Arnhem 36 Fort Rammekens 65 Lemmer 94 Tiel 8 Bakkeveen 37 Franeker 66 Lichtenvoorde 95 Tietjerk 9 Barendrecht 38 Gasselterboerveen 67 Makkum 96 Utrecht 10 Barneveld 39 Goes 68 Metslawier 97 Venlo 11 Bellingwolde 40 Gorinchem 69 Middelburg 98 Vlissingen 12 Benes 41 Graft 70 Minnertsga 99 Voorschoten 13 Bergen op Zoom 42 Groenlo 71 Moddergat 100 Warmenhuizen 14 Bolsward 43 Groningen 72 Mijnsherenland 101 Westwoud 15 Bourtange 44 Groot Schermer 73 Nes 102 West Graftdijk 16 Boijl 45 Grootebroek 74 Nieuwe Pekela 103 Wetzens 17 Breda 46 Haarlem 75 Nieuwveen 104 Winschoten 18 Buiksloot 47 Harlingen 76 Noordeinde 105 Wommels 19 Burgh 48 Heemskerk 77 Nijmegen 106 Wormer 20 Coevorden 49 Heerenveen 78 Ooltgensplaat 107 Woudsend 21 Cornjum 50 Heiligerlee 79 Oudemolen 108 IJlst 22 De Rijp 51 Honselersdijk 80 Oudeschans 109 Zaandam 23 Den Haag 52 Hoog Keppel 81 Oudeschild 110 Zaltbommel 24 Delft 53 Hoogkarspel 82 Purmerend 111 Zeelst 25 Delfzijl 54 Hoogwoud 83 Roosendaal 112 Zevenhoven 26 Deventer 55 Hoorn 84 Reitsum 113 Zierikzee 27 Diemen 56 Jacobswoude 85 Rotterdam 114 Zutphen 28 Dirksland 57 Joure 86 Santpoort 115 Zwaagdijk 29 Dokkum 58 Kampen 87 Schagen 116 Zwolle

Appendix II: Diagram – Step-by-step discrimination method

Date before 1602 or after 1613?

YES: NO or DATE MISSING > GERMANY Initials DCS?

YES: NO > ENKHUIZEN Distinctive vessel shape*?

NO > YES: Distinctive figurative ENKHUIZEN scene**?

NO > YES: ENKHUIZEN Distinctive decorative style***?

YES: NO > ENKHUIZEN Petrography > marine clay?

NO > YES: ENKHUZEN Additional chemical analysis provides an answer?

YES: NOT POSSIBLE TO GERMANY or PROVENANCE ENKHUIZEN

*Stand ring/fire dome/handle jar/pancake dish/mustard pot/bird drinking bowl.

**Enkhuizen coat of arms/soldier on skates/cherub head/man holding two swords/goblet with multiple sprouts/pome- granates/pear hanging from stake/peacock/three-master ship/Moses and the stone tablets/hybrid bust/bird flying towards opened mouth/bird on wreath-like object/horseman with book/naked man with cloth, orb and cross/man with hat, cape and glove/woman with grapes and flower/male bird catcher with glue stick and bird/caritas scene/Jesus’ appearance to the apostles.

***Date across flag/wavy lines on ceremonial dish/flag counter clockwise/dated vessel with sun or moon/word ANNO/cap as female headwear/male animal with genitals.