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Japanese Popular Culture in East and Southeast Asia: Time for a Regional Paradigm?

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Japanese Popular Culture in East and Southeast Asia: Time for a Regional Paradigm? Volume 6 | Issue 2 | Article ID 2660 | Feb 01, 2008 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Japanese Popular Culture in East and Southeast Asia: Time for a Regional Paradigm? Nissim Otmazgin Japanese Popular Culture in East and Southeast Asia: Time for a Regional Paradigm? Nissim Kadosh Otmazgin Over the last two decades, Japanese popular culture products have been massively exported, marketed, and consumed throughout East and Southeast Asia. A wide variety of these products are prominently displayed in the region’s big cities. Many Hong Kong fashion journals, for example, can be found in either Army of Kitty-chans, Hong Kong, April 2004 the original Japanese or Cantonese versions. Japanese manga are routinely translated into The success of Japanese popular culture in East the local languages of South Korea, Thailand, and Southeast Asia has occasioned a flood of Indonesia, Taiwan, and China, and theyacademic writing, notably in the fields of dominate East Asia’s comic book market. The cultural studies, anthropology, and Japanese animated characters Hello Kitty, ethnography. The majority of works have Ampan Man, and Poke’mon are ubiquitous, focused on particular examples, emphasizing depicted on licensed and unlicensed toys and the reaction of audiences to cultural exposure stationary items in the markets of every Asian in relation to the global-local discourse (Allison city. Japanese animation, usually dubbed, is the 2006; Craig 2000; Ishii 2001; Iwabuchi 2004; most popular in its field, particularly in South Martinez 1998; Mori 2004; Otake and Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Thailand. Astro Hosokawa 1998; Treat 1996). These studies Boy, Sailor Moon, and Lupin are animated consist of specific case studies with a strong characters seen in almost every shop that sells tendency to privilege the text and its anime in Hong Kong, Singapore and elsewhere. representational practices. No single study has In China’s big cities, too, Japanese popular yet comprehensively assessed the newly culture products fill local stores, opening doors created Japanese cultural markets in East and into the country’s expanding cultural market, Southeast Asia, nor framed these issues within though in some markets they also face stiff a regional paradigm. competition from Korean and Chinese products. This article proposes a regional paradigm for analyzing the dissemination of culture throughout East and Southeast Asia, including Japanese popular culture. Not only does it seek 1 6 | 2 | 0 APJ | JF to capture the expansion of popular culture into several national markets, but it provides a topology of East and Southeast Asia’s cultural flows by highlighting the region’s geopolitical, economic, and societal densities and specificities. Textual Analysis and Representations In explaining the success of Japanese popular culture in East and Southeast Asia (but not in America or Europe), some authors suggest that “cultural proximity” determines the trajectory of cultural flows. They maintain that Japanese Japanese magazines in Taipei, November 2006 popular culture embodies a certain “Asian fragrance,” which resonates with localOn the other hand, others have argued that consumers. According to this view, cultural Japanese popular culture products are confluence is geo-cultural and not simply “faceless” (see Allison 2000; Shiraishi 2000). transnational. Writing about Japanese TV That is, the appeal of Japanese popular culture dramas in East and Southeast Asia, Iwao derives from being non-national and therefore Sumiko has introduced the concept of “shared highly transferable, to the extent that it is no sensibilities” (1994: 74), Honda Shino the “East longer recognized as “Japanese.” In this way, Asian psyche” (1994: 76), and Igarashi Akio Japanese popular culture is gradually being “cultural sensibility” (1997: 11). “Cultural indigenized and incorporated into the local proximity”, however, cannot explain why some popular culture up to an unrecognizable Japanese popular culture products have also degree. been successful outside of this region (for example, Japanese animation in the United However, consumers in East and Southeast States in recent years), or why Korean,Asia seem aware that many cultural products Taiwanese, Chinese or other pop cultural originate in Japan. University student products have fared well in certain markets but respondents to interpretive surveys with in not others. Certainly it cannot explain why Hong Kong, Bangkok, and Seoul, readily Taiwanese youth, for example, prefer for the identified as Japanese the range of animation, most part to buy Japanese rather than Chinese music, and comics, even when these were products, or why Thai students listen to translated into local languages.[1] They also American music, which is ostensibly not as distinguished among Japanese popular culture “culturally” close. products, other imported products, and local imitations. Many of the respondents were able to name a variety of local television dramas, animations, and songs that were based on Japanese originals. This suggests that Japanese popular culture products are not completely “faceless” in the sense that they represent a recognizable line of products associated with Japan even as they become steeped in local cultures through translation. In other words, while these products do not embody Japanese 2 6 | 2 | 0 APJ | JF traditional values or philosophies they are indigenized Western culture to Asia (20). In this recognized as “Japanese” at the very moment way, Asian people no longer consume “the when they are incorporated into other cultural West”, but rather a Japanese-indigenized or confluences. hybridized product (105). Iwabuchi’s edited volumeFeeling Asian Modernities (2004) is one of the most sophisticated attempts to theorize the content and flow of Japanese popular culture. Contributor Lisak Yuk-ming Leung analyzes two popular Japanese dramas that debuted in Hong Kong in 1992 (Love Generation) and 1997 (Long Vacation). She finds tht the Japanese ganbaru message (“to strive and to struggle hard”) has traveled across Asia through Japanese TV dramas that “embody ganbaru messages in a new guise” (91). Ganbaru behavior is depicted by the dramas’ urban heroes, who “have been struggling in work and in relationships… encouraged by their counterparts to strive on” (92). Viewers, for their part, have adopted the ganbaru message in varying intensities across age groups (100-102). In the same volume, Yu-fen Ko argues that Japanese idol dramas play a role in Taiwan’s “latent ambivalence of ‘anxiety and desire’ for Japanese-style “cosplay” in Seoul 1, March 2005 modernity” (108). In this context, Japanese dramas represent the “real life problems” that Iwabuchi Koichi (2002; 2004) provides rich Taiwanese confront (108). Lee Ming-tsung’s evidence of the popularity of Japanesestudy, too, finds that “the cross-cultural television dramas in Taiwan, Hong Kong, practices of imagining in Taiwan and Bangkok, South Korea, and mainland China. experiencing in Japan facilitate a Arguing that “cultural proximity” cannot transformation of cultural orientation to and explain the consumption of Japanese popular self-identification with the dominant other, culture, he concludes that Japanese popular Japan” (130). Siriyuvasak Ubonrat’s study of culture products represent “modern” ideas that Bangkok and Dong-Hoo Lee’s study of South consumers strategically choose. Korea similarly highlight the ways in which Japanese popular culture products “project In Recentering Globalization (2002), Iwabuchi modernities.” situates the rise of Japanese cultural power in globalization processes. More specifically, he sees the modernizing role mediated by Japan as complementary to the globalization process. In Iwabuchi’s view, Japanese media companies have exported the Japanese experience of 3 6 | 2 | 0 APJ | JF South Korea, which experienced 35 years of Japanese colonial rule, has long been sensitive to the inflow of Japanese culture. The South Korean government banned the importation of Japanese culture during most of the postwar period, until a four stage opening policy was introduced by President Kim Dae-jung in 1998. However, even before the removal of the ban on imports, a variety of pirated Japanese popular culture products were widely consumed, being readily available from street vendors and shops. For example, approximately 10 percent of South Korea’s music market in the 1990s consisted of Japanese music. Karaoke bars also contributed to the popularity of Japanese music by offering a big repertoire of Japanese songs. Moreover, through antennas and satellite dishes, millions of South Koreans routinely accessed television programs from Japan.[2] The South Korean case indicates that even in places which were previously occupied and colonized by Japan, consumers are able to distinguish between the way they view history Hamasaki Ayumi on an advertisement poster in or politics and the way they relate to popular Shanghai. August 2004 culture. These studies provide solid testimonies for the acceptance of Japanese popular culture, some even suggesting that the act of cultural consumption leads to strong identification with Japan. The acceptance of Japanese popular culture in East and Southeast Asia is especially noteworthy given Japan’s colonial past and the ongoing disputes over Japanese historical memory (see, for example, Morris-Suzuki 2007; and Shibuichi 2005). Whatever the suffering that imperial Japan inflicted on its neighbors in the decades leading up to the end of World War II, locals
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