Local Governments and Forests in the Bolivian Lowlands

Rural Development Rural Development Forestry Network Forestry Network

Rural Development Forestry Network network paper 24b Local Governments and Forests in the Overseas Development Institute winter 98/99 Bolivian Lowlands Portland House Stag Place David Kaimowitz, Pablo Pacheco, James Johnson, Iciar London SW1E 5DP Pávez, Christian Vallejos and Róger Vélez

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ABOUT THE AUTHORS

David Kaimowitz leads a project on ‘Causes of Deforestation, Forest Degradation, and Changes in Human Welfare’ at the Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR) in Bogor, Indonesia. He can be contacted at: P.O. Box 6596, JKPWB, Jakarta 10065, Indonesia. Email: [email protected]

Pablo Pacheco is a sociologist at the Center for Studies of Labor and Agrarian Development (CEDLA) in La Paz, Bolivia. He can be contacted at CEDLA, Avenida Jaimes Freyre # 2940, Zona Sopocachi, Casilla Postal 8630, La Paz, Bolivia. Email: [email protected]

Cristian Vallejos currently works at the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) in Oaxaca, Mexico. When he participated in the research for this paper he worked at the Bolivian Sustainable Forest CREDITS Management Project (BOLFOR) in Santa Cruz, Bolivia. Editors of this paper: David Brown and Kate Schreckenberg James Johnson and Róger Vélez are consultants in Santa Cruz Bolivia and Iciar Pávez works Layout and editorial assistance: Caroline Wood as a consultant in La Paz. Printed by: Russell Press Ltd, Nottingham on recycled paper ISSN 0968-2627 RDFN logo by Redesign RDFN paper 24b - Winter 1998/99

LOCAL GOVERNMENTS AND FORESTS IN THE BOLIVIAN LOWLANDS David Kaimowitz, Pablo Pacheco, James Johnson, Iciar Pávez, Cristian Vallejos, and Róger Vélez Local Governments and Forests

SUMMARY in relation to forests. It is hoped that by so doing government bureaucracy can be reduced, This paper evaluates Bolivia’s recent experience decision-making will be democratised, the of giving municipal governments a role in benefits from forest resources will be forest management. It first provides distributed more equitably, and forest utilisation background information on Bolivia’s can be regulated more effectively. decentralisation policies, including the 1994 Popular Participation Law and the 1996 It remains to be seen whether the new policies Forestry Law. It then presents case studies of will live up to their expectations. To-date, few four specific municipalities: Ascención de studies have analysed their effects. This paper Guarayos, Rurrenabaque, Villa Tunarí, and San draws on initial experiences in the Bolivian Ignacio de Velasco. It concludes that lowlands to present some tentative conclusions decentralisation has created new opportunities on the topic. for marginal groups, but they have not always been able to take advantage of those Five years ago, the Bolivian government opportunities. Municipal forest reserves could embarked upon a wide-reaching process of provide small-scale loggers with greater access decentralisation. It approved a ‘Popular to forest resources, yet institutional, technical, Participation’ law that strengthened municipal and organisational constraints impede their full governments and attempted to make them more implementation. Local government democratic. Two years later, in 1996, it passed municipalities are interested in forest issues a Forestry Law that gave municipal but their capacity to address them remains governments an explicit role in forest limited. While they show signs of interest in management and the right to receive a portion sustainable forest management, they are of forest revenues. unlikely in the short term to make major progress on reducing deforestation, regulating Between December 1996 and October 1998, concession management, or improving small- we interviewed key informants and prepared farmer timber management. nine municipal case studies to assess how these laws had affected: i) the participation of INTRODUCTION previously marginalised stakeholders in In recent years, countries around the world decision-making related to forests; ii) the access have begun to give local and provincial of these groups to forest resources; and iii) the governments greater rights and responsibilities extent to which forest resources were

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sustainably managed. We also hoped to identify The next section of this paper provides basic Small-scale operators produce a substantial Cochabamba and La Paz (INE, 1993). steps that might be taken to better achieve these background information on Bolivian forest amount of timber, although the full extent of Indigenous people accounted for around one objectives in the future. Full versions of the management. This is followed by a summary their contribution remains uncertain. Many of quarter of the rural population (Díez Astete & nine cases in Spanish, along with a comparative of the major elements of the decentralisation these producers belong to the ‘informal’ sector, Reister, 1996). By early 1998, indigenous analysis can be found in Pacheco & Kaimowitz process. Four examples of how decen- which has traditionally operated outside the people had received title to about three million

(1998). tralisation of forest management has worked legal framework. hectares of land. The government had yet to Local Governments and Forests in particular municipalities are then presented. rule on indigenous peoples’ claims over an Since we conducted our fieldwork less than A comparison of these cases allows us to Logging in Bolivia tends to be quite selective additional area of 11.5 million hectares five years after the start of decentralisation and present some broad conclusions in the final and rarely contributes directly to deforestation (Pacheco, 1998). less than three years after the passage of the section. (although, in certain instances, farmers use new forestry law, we could not reach firm logging roads to gain access to forest areas, By 1995, 12.8 million hectares, or 17 percent conclusions regarding the longer-term impacts FOREST MANAGEMENT IN THE which they then clear for agriculture). of the entire lowlands, had been given some of these processes. Nevertheless, we believe BOLIVIAN LOWLANDS Nevertheless, timber harvesting has greatly protected status, although only a small fraction the evidence we have collected so far gives us depleted the population of valuable species of that total was effectively protected (Pacheco, some significant insights which can contribute In this study the Bolivian lowlands are taken such as mahogany (Swietenia macrophylla) 1998). Among the most important lowland to the on-going debate on these issues. to include all the departments of Beni, Pando, and cedar (Cedrela sp.) and has had a negative protected areas are: the Amboró, Noel Kempff and Santa Cruz and the tropical areas of effect on certain mammal, bird and fish Mercado and Kaa-iya National Parks in Santa Perhaps not surprisingly, we conclude that Cochabamba and La Paz. Most of the region is populations (López, 1993). Cruz, the Isiboro-Securé National Park in Beni, decentralisation increases diversity. Depending less than 500 meters above sea level, although and the Pilón-Lajas Biosphere Reserve in Beni on local circumstances, it can lead to more or some areas are much higher. Forests cover The collection of Brazil nuts (Bertholletia and northern La Paz. less democratic, equitable, and sustainable around 44 million hectares, or 57 percent of excelsa) and palm hearts (Euterpe precatoria) outcomes. On balance, in Bolivia it has led to the entire lowlands (MDSMA, 1995). Most plays an important role in the economies of THE ROLE OF LOCAL GOVERNMENTS slightly more democratic and equitable of this forest belongs to some forty or so heavily Pando and northern Beni. Although the outcomes, although the opposite has clearly forested municipalities. collection of Brazil nuts typically does not In the mid 1990s, President Gonzalo Sánchez occurred in certain cases. The net effect on the deplete resources, the same cannot be said of de Losada made decentralisation a major theme sustainable management of forest resources is Commercial logging in the lowlands began to the extraction of palm hearts. of his government. The centrepiece of the policy more uncertain. It is worth stressing, however, increase in scale in the 1970s and has grown was the 1994 ‘Popular Participation’ law, that even in those cases where decentralisation sharply in recent years. By 1994, the Bolivian Deforestation rates in the Bolivian lowlands which fundamentally changed the role of has favoured more sustainable resource government had assigned 185 logging areas, have traditionally been low, but in recent years municipal governments. management the dominant trend towards covering almost 21 million hectares, to 173 they have increased markedly, particularly in resource degradation has still not been reversed. timber companies (Quiroga & Salinas, 1996). Santa Cruz (Pacheco, 1998). The expansion The new law expanded the jurisdiction of After the Congress passed the 1996 Forestry of large-scale soyabean production is municipal government beyond the urban For decentralisation to yield optimal results, Law the area in concessions declined to 5.8 responsible for most of the increase in centres to the surrounding rural areas and made municipal governments must receive political, million hectares. Under the new law, timber deforestation, although small-farmer shifting municipalities responsible for local schools, technical, and financial support from national companies pay taxes based on the size of their cultivation and large-scale ranching are also health facilities, roads, and water systems governments, foreign aid agencies, and Non- concessions and the government can no longer partially responsible. (SPP, 1994). To finance these new Governmental Organisations (NGOs). The give out forest concessions on private responsibilities, it allocated 20 percent of the evidence suggests that the NGOs and properties. As a result, timber companies have In 1992 the lowlands had a total rural population national budget to the municipal governments international donor organisations have so far lost access to certain areas and have voluntarily of 810,000 people, most of whom lived in and allowed them to collect property taxes. been rather more forthcoming with their reduced their control over other areas to lower agricultural colonisation areas near the city of support than have the government agencies. their taxes. Santa Cruz and in the tropical regions of

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The law sought to introduce community control the revenue generated from forest clearing Participation law, however, the MDSMA has During the 1980s, the Guarayos created the over municipal governments by recognising permits to municipal governments . generally invited municipal governments to Confederation of Guarayo Native Peoples territorially-based grass roots organisations participate in the protected area advisory (COPNAG) to defend their territorial rights. (Organizaciónes Territorial de Base) (OTBs) To meet their new responsibilities, the law committees that it has established for each COPNAG soon came into conflict with the and permitting them to influence investment specifies that municipal governments should national park. logging companies, complaining that they often

decisions and elect oversight committees to create municipal forestry units (UFMs). Each trespassed on indigenous peoples’ farms, kept Local Governments and Forests monitor municipal finances. The law allowed municipality can decide either to create its own CASE 1: ASCENCIÓN DE GUARAYOS local people from harvesting timber, depleted local farmer organisations, urban unit or to join together in a group the stock of valuable timber, and failed to keep neighbourhood committees and indigenous (‘mancomunidad’) and share a unit. The Ascención de Guarayos is located in northern their promises to provide benefits to local groups to become OTBs simply by registering principal UFM functions stipulated in the law Santa Cruz and covers 766,700 hectares, the communities. There were also conflicts bet- as such. To promote the law’s implementation, include: vast majority of which is forested (Vallejos, ween COPNAG and the large cattle ranchers. the central government created a National • Identifying and requesting areas for 1998). Secretariat of Popular Participation and municipal forest reserves; For the 1995 municipal elections, COPNAG dedicated substantial resources to • Taking part in decisions regarding who can In 1997, Ascención had a population of about entered into an agreement with one of Bolivia’s disseminating information about the law, use those reserves; 14,000, the majority of whom were Guarayos. major political parties, the Revolutionary Left providing municipal governments with training • Helping local organisations prepare forest Other ethnic groups included mestizos, Movement, which allowed them to field their on planning and administration, and contracting management plans; Quechua and Aymara immigrants from the own candidates under its electoral banner. At consultants to help local governments formulate • Monitoring compliance with forestry Andes, Chiquitanos, and Moxeños. the same time, they urged individual their plans. regulations and management plans; COPNAG members to become candidates for • Promoting forest plantations and Until the 1960s the Guarayos remained isolated other parties. This strategy enabled COPNAG The Popular Participation law did not give agroforestry. and concentrated on subsistence agriculture members to win three out of five municipal municipal governments any explicit new and extractive activities. Timber companies council seats, which allowed them to make a mandate with regard to forests. Nevertheless, Under the 1996 law, the process of assigning from Santa Cruz then moved in to harvest decisive break with the local mestizo elite’s by strengthening them politically and public forests to ASLs begins with the mapping mahogany and cedar, and this process traditional domination over local politics. financially it opened the door to greater and classification of all public forests by the accelerated after the late 1970s. municipal involvement in a wide variety of Ministry of Sustainable Development and the Despite COPNAG’s majority on the council, areas, including forest management. Environment (MDSMA). Once this is done, Soon after this, the government built a highway another political party, the National the MDSMA and the municipal governments between the cities of Santa Cruz and Trinidad Revolutionary Movement, used its political The 1996 Forestry Law changed this situation must provide Bolivia’s Forest Superintendent which passed through Ascención and attracted influence with provincial authorities to have by giving municipal governments an explicit with a list of areas suitable for municipal forest large cattle ranchers and small agricultural COPNAG’s mayoral candidate arrested by the role and allocating them funds to be used for reserves. The municipal councils then colonists to the area. All three activities local prefect, in the hope that this would allow forest-related activities. Under the new law and recommend who should be allowed to exploit (logging, ranching, and agricultural its own candidate to be elected Mayor. This led accompanying regulations, municipal the forest reserves, the municipal oversight colonisation) displaced the Guarayos, who the Guarayo population to revolt, forcing the governments are expected to administer up to committees approve those recommendations, eventually responded with protest. prefect to release COPNAG’s candidate and 20 percent of public forests as municipal forest and the Forest Superintendent formally assigns to allow him to assume his position as Mayor. reserves to be exploited by local community the forests to those groups. At present, five timber companies control groups (ASLs) and have a role in ensuring 127,395 hectares, or 17 percent of the total Under a new Agrarian Reform Law passed by that timber concessions and sawmills comply The 1996 Forestry Law and previous area. Before the 1996 Forestry Law came into the Bolivian Congress in 1996, COPNAG with forestry regulations. The cost of these legislation do not give municipal governments effect, timber companies controlled an even claimed most of the land within the municipality activities is to be met by allocating 25 percent any specific role with regard to protected areas. larger area. as indigenous territory. In response, the National of the royalties from forest concessions and Since the passage of the 1994 Popular Agrarian Reform Institute (INRA) issued a

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resolution in July 1997 prohibiting the sale or passage of the 1996 Forestry Law, the Forest territory, it appears that few public forests remain The municipality’s main economic activities allocation of the land claimed by COPNAG Superintendent’s Office had still not transferred that could used for municipal forest reserves. include logging, ranching, food crop until it could determine its legal status. any of the forestry revenues it had collected to This implies that the major role of a municipal production, palm heart extraction, and eco- Nevertheless, the Forest Superintendent the municipality. However, it acknowledged UFM would be not to manage such reserves tourism. Most of the wood harvested comes allowed logging companies to convert their old that it owed the local government a total of but rather to help regulate forest management from Pilón-Lajas and logging generates an

logging contracts into forest concessions under almost US$42,000, which was apparently paid in indigenous territory, logging concessions estimated US$2.5 million annually. Small and Local Governments and Forests the terms of the 1996 Forestry Law. The a short while later. and private lands. medium-sized chainsaw operators dominate the previous logging contracts would have expired local forest sector. Before the passage of the after twenty years, but the new concessions According to the Superintendent’s Office one CASE 2: RURRENABAQUE, BALLIVIÁN 1996 Forestry Law six large logging companies lasted for forty years and could be renewed. major reason for the delay was COPNAG’s operated in the municipality, but currently only Consequently COPNAG argued that the demand that the Superintendent revoke the Rurrenabaque is only slightly smaller than two remain. The total area under crops is about Office of the Forest Superintendent had forest concessions it had authorised on Ascención (650,000 hectares) and is located 3,000 hectares. Ranchers own some 30,000 violated the July 1997 INRA resolution by indigenous lands. The Office argued that until in southeast Beni. Like Ascención, most of head of cattle, but these put little pressure on giving additional property rights to logging this issue was settled it could not disburse any the land remains forested (Pavez, 1998). the local environment since they are mostly companies for areas whose legal status the funds since if it were forced to revoke the grazed in natural savanna areas. Eleven INRA had not yet determined. After the Forest concessions it would have to return the Rurrenabaque has a population of between thousand tourists visited the municipality in Superintendent reaffirmed his decision, concessionaire’s royalty payments. Several 9,000 and 11,500 , about half of whom live in 1997 and spent an estimated US$1.5 - 2 million. COPNAG appealed to the Office of the observers, however, suggested that the real the main town. Many of these people depend Four organisations represent the town’s major Natural Resources Superintendent, which has motivation behind the delay was to pressure on logging for their livelihoods. The 2,800 social groups: not yet ruled on the matter. the municipal government to convince the agricultural colonists from the Andes and the • the Association of Timber Workers COPNAG to drop its case. 1,350 indigenous people make up the majority (ASTRAMAR), In 1997, the municipal government had an of the rural population. Most colonists have • the Association of Small Independent annual budget of about US$113,000, of which Even before the Office of the Forest arrived during the last ten years following the Sawmill Owners (ASPIFOR), it dedicated about 60 percent to education. Its Superintendent disbursed its first payment to construction by the government of a road • the Special Federation of Colonists of main rural activities were a small agricultural Ascención from forest taxes and royalties, the connecting Rurrenabaque and Yucumo to La Rurrenabaque (FECAR), and credit programme and the maintenance of rural municipality had already spent over US$13,000 Paz and live in colonies alongside that road, • the Council of Chimanes. feeder roads. in 1996 and 1997 on documents to help it meet covering some 75,000 hectares (VSF, 1997). its forestry obligations. While this may not be ASTRAMAR’s 86 members are urban- Despite this, the municipal government has a large sum in absolute terms, it represented a Most indigenous people live in the 400,000 dwelling chain saw operators, while ASPIFOR shown interest in forestry issues, advised by substantial commitment for the municipality, ‘Pilón-Lajas Biosphere Reserve and represents five small sawmill operators. Local the Christian Women’s Association , a Santa given the small size of its budget. Indigenous Territory’, most of which is in farmer unions (sindicatos) organised into six Cruz-based NGO, since 1996. This NGO has Rurrenabaque. The government initially peasant councils together constitute FECAR. promoted the creation of a joint municipal The local government also expressed interest declared the area a biosphere reserve in 1992, The Council of Chimanes belongs to the forestry unit (UFM) that would serve the in managing the Ríos Blanco y Negro wildlife and in 1997 went on to name it an indigenous Eastern Bolivia Indigenous Council (CDOB), municipalities of El Puente and Urubichá, as reserve located to the north of the municipality. communal territory (TCO) belonging to the lowland Bolivia’s main indigenous peoples’ well as Ascención. That initiative has been However, it has taken few, if any, concrete Chimanes and Mosetenes. In 1996, the organisation. ASTRAMAR, ASPIFOR, stalled, however, by concerns in Urubichá that steps in that direction. MDSMA and the Vice Ministry of Ethnic FECAR, and various small local groups Ascención might dominate a joint UFM. Affairs (SSAE) signed an agreement with comprise the local ‘civic committee’. Since practically all the municipality’s land is Veterinarians without Borders (VSF), a French When we conducted our fieldwork in Ascención already in logging concessions or private NGO, to manage the reserve. Since the mid-1980s, the civic committee and in late 1997, more than one year after the property, or has been claimed as indigenous local government representatives have been

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engaged in a struggle against the larger logging prepare forest management plans, and Superintendent’s Office had authorised its to the MDSMA, however, the groups will need companies. Initially, the aim was to make them negotiate with outside logging companies as activities. Due to the influence of chainsaw to do some additional work to meet the pay timber royalties to the municipal well as to support the Chimanes’ and operators and sawmill owners over the local requirements. government. More recently, local groups have Mosetenes’ demands for territory. For their government, the municipality has been sought, with some success, to have the larger part, the Chimanes agreed not to make any outspoken in its opposition to a clause in the A final conflict within the municipality

companies expelled. agreements with timber companies outside 1996 Forestry Law that prohibits the use of concerns the ‘Pilón-Lajas’ Biosphere Reserve Local Governments and Forests the framework of the 1996 Forestry Law. chainsaws to saw wood and this has also and the role of VSF. Even though the Reserve’s Local chainsaw operators and sawmill owners brought it into conflict with the Superintendent’s management plan strictly protects only a small exercised substantial influence in the local The municipality created its Municipal Forest Office. portion of the total area and contemplates government even before the 1994 Popular Unit (UFM) in mid 1997 and hired a director various types of forest utilisation on the Participation law. Nevertheless, the law and two agronomists to staff it. A little later, The Mayor’s Office organised a meeting in remainder, many agricultural colonists and strengthened their power vis-à-vis other the Dutch government agreed to finance the June 1998 to discuss these problems, attended chainsaw operators have opposed any groups, such as the outside logging companies. UFM and to contract VSF to provide it with by the national leadership of the Forest restrictions on their activities. In May 1996 One of ASTRAMAR’s founders served as technical assistance. VSF also assisted the Superintendent’s Office, the Vice Minister of agricultural colonists occupied VSF’s offices Mayor on several occasions before 1994 and UFM staff with transportation. UFM staff the MDSMA, representatives from the and temporarily kidnapped several VSF staff was the acting Mayor when we did our participated in several training courses offered governments of four neighbouring members, and tensions have continued ever fieldwork in Rurrenabaque in late 1997. by the Bolivian Sustainable Forest municipalities, and leaders of organisations since. As a result in early 1998, the MDSMA Several ASTRAMAR and ASPIFOR Management Project (BOLFOR), funded by representing chainsaw operators, agricultural decided to gradually phase out VSF’s role in members were municipal council members. the United States. colonists and indigenous people. It was agreed managing the Reserve. The municipality has that chainsaw operators could use chainsaws taken a somewhat ambiguous position in these Whether the 1994 law also served to empower In 1997, the municipal government received to process wood as long as they had forest conflicts. On the one hand, it has participated agricultural colonists and indigenous people a total of US$37,000 from the Forest management plans and applied to be recognised in the Reserve’s management committee and remains less clear. Traditionally, the Superintendent’s Office for its share of forest as ASLs. The MDSMA and the Super- collaborated with VSF on the establishment of townspeople have always controlled local taxes and royalties for that year. (The intendent’s Office committed themselves to the UFM. At the same time, it has also echoed politics and for the most part this has not municipality also charged a volume-based tax identifying public forests that could serve as many of the complaints against VSF and the changed. The municipal council had only one on all timber extracted, although the law does municipal forest reserves and be allocated to Reserve voiced by local chainsaw operators colonist in 1997 and no representative from not authorise such taxes.) the ASLs. and colonists. the indigenous communities. Rather than coordinating closely with the Subsequently, BOLFOR prepared a map of all CASE 3: VILLA TUNARÍ, CHAPARE Nonetheless, a few signs indicate that these Forest Superintendent’s Office as the law public forests in Rurrenabaque and delivered groups now participate more than in the past. envisaged, the municipal government and its it to the municipal government. This allowed The municipality of Villa Tunarí in northeast Despite some controversy, the townspeople UFM have often been in conflict with it. the municipality to identify an area of 43,102 Cochabamba claims an area of 2,170,000 agreed to name a FECAR representative Despite several requests, the Superintendent’s hectares that it could request as a municipal hectares. Several neighbouring municipalities president of the municipal oversight committee Office failed to provide the municipal forest reserve and in September 1998 it dispute this figure, alleging that part of the land in late 1997. At about the same time, the Mayors government with complete information submitted a formal request to the MDSMA. claimed by Villa Tunarí belongs to them of Rurrenabaque and San Borja signed an regarding the status of several companies’ (Johnson and Vélez, 1998). agreement with the Council of Chimanes to attempts to obtain forest concessions under A total of nine local groups including both create a joint committee to support the the new law. On one occasion the municipal ASTRAMAR and ASPIFOR have informed Significant doubts exist as to the size of the management of the ‘Pilón-Lajas’ indigenous government and the Council of Chimanes the UFM that they would like permission to population, with estimates for 1997 ranging territory. The Mayors committed themselves formally accused a company of illegal exploit the municipal forest reserves. Before from 66,676 to 81,496. The great majority of to help the Chimanes get logging permits, logging, only to discover later that the Forest the UFM can officially submit these requests these people are small agricultural colonists

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who have migrated from other parts of to plant coca against government attempts to limit In response to complaints about timber trucks Despite the tension between the municipalities Cochabamba and the Andes and live in coca production. damaging local roads, the municipal and the Forest Superintendent’s Office, the two dispersed rural settlements, most producing government issued an ordinance prohibiting do work together on certain issues. For coca and food crops. Less than 10 percent of Since 1995, the FETCTC has dominated the the trucks from using roads constructed or example, the FAO Forestry Project has the people live in towns and there are fewer local municipal government. They contested approved by the municipality. It used both local organised an ‘Inter-Institutional Forestry

than 3,000 Yuracarés and Mojeños, the local the elections on the ‘United Left’ ticket and radio and television channels to publicise the Working Group’ involving both groups, as well Local Governments and Forests indigenous populations. won the Mayoral position and four out of seven new regulations. as logging companies, the Agricultural municipal council seats. The Special Yungas Superintendent’s Office, and CERES, a Although some non-indigenous families Chapare Federation won a fifth seat. The The only ASL that has made a request to the Cochabamba-based NGO. The Group’s main moved into the area as early as the 1920s and president of the local municipal oversight municipality for an area in which to harvest activity so far has been to map the public forest the government began directed settlement committee is also a former FETCTC leader. timber is the Puerto San Francisco Loggers’ areas in the three municipalities so that these programmes there in the 1960s, the major influx Association, which has 43 members. The area areas can be made available to ASLs or allocated of agricultural colonists occurred in the late The municipality’s total budget in 1997 was they asked for permission to work in may be as forest concessions. 1970s and early 1980s. Most families came to approximately US$2.2 million , most of which one of the last public forest areas in Villa Tunarí. take advantage of high coca prices, lax went to education, urban infrastructure, and However, a local agricultural cooperative has The municipal government has not become government control over coca production, and feeder roads. The budget included US$24,000 also laid claim to the same area. The municipal seriously involved in issues concerning readily available land. The government has for agriculture and forestry, of which it government would like to support the protected areas, although it formally participates since cracked down on coca production, coca allocated US$13,412 to the Municipal Forest Association and provide them with about 20 in the management committee of Carrasco prices have fallen, and little accessible land Unit (UFM). hectares of forest for each member to log, but National Park. One factor limiting municipal remains unclaimed. Immigration into the area before filing an official request with the participation in both Carrasco National Park has slowed somewhat as a result. The local government established the UFM in MDSMA it must resolve the issue of the two and Isiboro-Securé Indigenous Territory and July 1997, and hired two young professionals competing claims. Protected Area (TIPNIS) has been the The municipality has no forest concessions or to staff it. The UFM has spent most of its uncertainty about which portion of these areas large logging companies. Small-scale timber efforts on: disseminating information about the Villa Tunarí and the other two municipalities actually fall within municipal limits. companies and chainsaw operators harvest 1996 Forestry Law; identifying communities’ of Tropical Cochabamba, Chimoré and Puerto timber mostly from colonists’ farms. Often forest management needs; participating in Villaroel, joined together in late 1997 to create CASE 4: SAN IGNACIO DE VELASCO they make agreements with local sindicatos to regulatory activities; and coordinating with other a mancomunidad, which now has official legal build or improve roads, bridges, schools, or entities concerned with forests, such as an FAO recognition and formal statutes. One of their San Ignacio de Velasco sits on the Brazilian other facilities in return for the right to harvest forest management project and the Forest first joint actions was to protest against the border in northeast Santa Cruz. Its 4,786,500 the timber. Unlike Ascención or Rurrenabaque, Superintendent’s Office. Forest Superintendent’s Office’s delay in hectares make the municipality almost as large they mostly harvest softwoods used for transfering the funds owed to them from timber as Costa Rica. Its population, however, is only construction and furniture in Cochabamba, The Forest Superintendent’s Office has taxes. As part of this effort, during two days in 36,000, with most people living either in the rather than mahogany or cedar. approved forest management plans for two December 1997 they refused to allow some main town or in nearby rural communities colonist communities, Primero de Mayo and 200 timber trucks to circulate in their (Pacheco, 1998b). The largest and most powerful grassroots Marcelo Quiroga Santa Cruz. To support these municipalities. This led to negotiations between organisations in Villa Tunarí are the Special efforts, the municipal government con- the Forest Superintendent’s Office, the Chiquitano Indians constitute the majority of Peasant Federation of the Cochabamba Tropics structed a road to Primero de Mayo and has departmental government and the the local population and derive their livelihoods (FETCTC) and the Special Yungas Chapare agreed to purchase the sawn timber they municipalities, and to an agreement regarding largely from small-scale agricultural activities. Federation. The former has 13,000 members produce for municipal construction specific deadlines and procedures for Their total landholdings only amount to 82,000 and the latter 3,200. Both have focussed activities. transfering the funds. Villa Tunarí’s share of hectares, most of which they own collectively principally on defending their members’ right 1997 timber revenues came to US$12,696. (CORDECRUZ et al., 1995).

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Forest and natural savanna still cover most of dominated local politics. The 1994 Popular municipal government and the Forest The municipal government participates only the land, although the low land prices in the Participation Law did not affect this situation, Superintendent’s Office worked together to marginally in managing the Noel Kempff region have recently attracted an influx of even though the Chiquitanos constitute a major- identify ranchers clearing forests without Mercado National Park, which covers almost Brazilian cattle ranchers who cleared between ity of the population. Each Chiquitano commu- permits, but the main motivation behind this one third of the entire municipality (1.5 million 10,000 and 20,000 hectares of forest for pasture nity has its own council (cabildo) and leader was to increase municipal revenues from permit hectares) in an isolated area in the north. The

in 1997. (cacique), but the only organisation including sales, not to halt deforestation. The municipality Bolivian Government established the park in Local Governments and Forests representatives from more than one community also consulted with the IP-Latina consulting 1979 with an initial area of 541,000 hectares. Logging and cattle ranching both became more is the ‘MINGA Producer’s Association’, which company, the Christian Women’s Association, It later expanded that to 706,000 hectares in important after the mid 1970s, when the has avoided becoming involved in politics. and the departmental government on how to 1988 and 1.5 million hectares in 1996. The Bolivian government improved the road comply with the 1996 Forestry Law. Friends of Nature Foundation (FAN), a connecting San Ignacio with the city of Santa The main mestizo organisations are the Civic Bolivian NGO, manages the park under an Cruz. Between 1975 and 1985, loggers Committee, the San Ignacio Loggers Associa- With the support of IP-Latina, San Ignacio had agreement with the MDSMA. exported large amounts of morado tion, and the San Ignacio Ranchers Federation. already come together with eight other (Machaerium scleroxylon) to Brazil, after which During the early 1980s the Civic Committee municipalities in northeast Santa Cruz to create The FAN has its main office in Santa Cruz and they shifted to harvesting soto (Schinopsis sp.) and the Loggers Association fought hard to a mancomunidad in late 1996, whose initial interacts relatively little with the municipal to make railroad ties and cuchi (Astronium force the outside logging companies to pay purpose was to jointly administer a rural government. The park management committee urundeuva) to make electric poles. Currently, them timber royalties and to establish a local property tax system. At the time, the meets only sporadically and municipal most logging in the north of the municipality tax on timber sales. To press their position, municipalities envisaged that the representatives do not participate to any great focuses on mahogany, cedar, and oak they went so far as to block the road to Brazil. mancomunidad would also get involved in extent. In 1997, the FAN agreed to pay the (Amburana cearensis), while soto, cuchi, and These efforts were partially successful and forestry issues, but that has not yet happened. municipality US$100,000 owed to it by a other secondary species have greater resulted in some additional revenues for logging company for unpaid timber royalties importance in the south and centre. municipal development activities, although Forest issues moved up San Ignacio’s in return for the company’s agreement to cancel many companies evaded payment. More municipal agenda in early 1998. The its forest concession, which is located within Until 1996, 14 large logging companies based recently, however, both the Civic Committee municipality created its Municipal Forest Unit the park boundaries. The FAN and the in Santa Cruz had logging contracts for 2.3 and the Loggers Association have become less (UFM) and hired a professional forester. At municipal government committed themselves million hectares in the north of San Ignacio dynamic. about the same time, the Forest to co-finance a project to purchase land for (Kraljevic, 1996). However, since the 1996 Superintendent’s Office turned over the three communities whose activities were Forestry Law came into effect they have The Mayor and all five council members in US$91,563 it owed San Ignacio from royalties, restricted by the park’s expansion and to provide reduced their forest concession area by 80 San Ignacio come from the local elite. In the taxes, and fees collected in 1997. With the them with services. However, they had made percent. Now only three concessions remain, first ten months of 1997, the municipality support of the BOLFOR Project and the little progress in implementing these activities with a total of 388,235 hectares. spent a little over US$1.2 million, of which Government of Santa Cruz, the UFM dedicated by the time we conducted the fieldwork for over 70 percent went to projects in the main most of its energies to identifying public forests this study in late 1997. Apparently, in the final Smaller locally based loggers harvest town. It allocated only US$15,000 to that it could request as municipal forest reserves. months of 1998, the three communities got most of the timber in the centre and south. agricultural or forestry projects. In September 1998, it formally applied to the into a conflict with local forest concessions These loggers traditionally obtained MDSMA for an area of 259,897 hectares. The over the right to extract palm hearts. either one-off permits to harvest timber Throughout 1997, the municipality was only MDSMA considered the request and asked from their own lands or operated marginally involved in forest issues. At the the UFM to clarify and correct certain points. CONCLUSIONS completely outside the legal framework. beginning of the year it renamed its ‘Parks and So far, no one has formally organised an ASL Gardens Department’ the ‘Agroforestry in San Ignacio and requested access to the As the cases show, decentralisation in Bolivia Traditionally, the mestizo loggers, ranchers, Department’ but the Department’s only activity municipal forest reserve, although some local has created new opportunities for previously and merchants located in the main town have was to manage a small tree nursery. The loggers have taken initial steps in that direction. marginal groups such as indigenous people,

12 13 RDFN paper 24b - Winter 1998/99

agricultural colonists, and small-scale loggers Municipal governments in heavily forested REFERENCES en las tierras bajas de Bolivia. Centro de to influence forest policies. However, they areas have an interest in forest issues but their Estudios para el Desarrollo Laboral y Agrario have only been able to take advantage of those capacity to address them continues to be rather Corporación de Desarrollo de Santa Cruz (CEDLA) / Center for International Forestry opportunities in places where they were limited. The UFMs have few personnel and (CORDECRUZ), IP/GTZ, & Fundación Research (CIFOR) / Taller de Iniciativas en already rather well organised. In many other generally lack information and adequate Martin Schmid (1995) ‘Plan Participativo de Estudios Rurales y Reforma Agraria

places, decentralisation has simply strengthened transportation. This raises important questions Desarrollo Municipal 1996-2000’, (TIERRA), La Paz. Local Governments and Forests the traditional local elite. about whether municipal governments will ever Honorable Alcaldía Municipal de San Pacheco, P. (1998b) San Ignacio de Velasco: have sufficient critical mass and continuity to Ignacio de Velasco, San Ignacio de Velasco. Madereros informales en el nuevo régimen External logging companies have faced carry out their functions effectively. Díez Astete, A. & Reister, J. (1996) Etnias y forestal, pp 265-314 in: Pacheco, P. & increasing difficulties as a result of this process, territorios indígenas, pp 19-45 in: Blanes, J. Kaimowitz, D. (Eds.), Municipios y Gestión as local timber harvesters and indigenous The municipalities show little interest in & Galindo, M. (Eds.), Comunidades, Forestal en el Trópico Boliviano, La Paz. people have sought to have their concessions sustainable forest management, and there is territorios indígenas y biodiversidad en CEDLA / CIFOR / TIERRA / BOLFOR. cancelled and municipal governments have little suggestion that they will make much Bolivia, Centro Boliviano de Estudios Pavez, I. (1998) Rurrenabaque: Motosierristas pressed them to pay their timber royalties, taxes, progress on reducing deforestation, regulating Multidisciplinarios (CEBEM), La Paz. y dilemas para la conservación de los bosques, and fees. Nevertheless, the companies are still concession management, or improving small- Instituto Nacional de Estadística (INE) (1993) pp 227-264 in: Pacheco, P. & Kaimowitz, powerful and the final outcome in several key farmer timber management at any time in the Resultados finales del censo nacional de D. (Eds), Municipios y Gestión Forestal en cases remains uncertain. near future. Many have an ambiguous attitude población y vivienda de 1992, INE, La Paz. el Trópico Boliviano, CEDLA / CIFOR / towards protected areas, which they perceive Johnson, J. & Vélez, R. (1998) Villa Tunarí: TIERRA / BOLFOR, La Paz. Municipal forest reserves could potentially serve as offering both threats and potential benefits Manejo forestal en un municipio cocalero, Secretaría Nacional de Participación Popular to provide greater access to forest resources for to local livelihoods. pp 315-360 in: Pacheco, P. & Kaimowitz, (SPP) (1994) Ley de Participación Popular, small-scale loggers and bring informal producers D. (Eds.), Municipios y Gestión Forestal en SPP, La Paz. into the legal framework. For this to happen, Having said all this, no generalisation can hide el Trópico Boliviano, CEDLA / CIFOR / Vallejos, C. (1998) Ascención de Guarayos: municipalities and local groups still have to the fact that each municipality faces unique TIERRA / BOLFOR, La Paz. Indígenas y Madereros, pp 51-82 in: overcome various institutional, technical, and challenges and has its own dynamic. The Kraljevic, I. (1996) Estudio exploratorio del Pacheco, P. & Kaimowitz, D. (Eds.), organisational impediments. To-date, NGOs and differences between the four municipalities we sector maderero local de la Provincia Velasco Municipios y Gestión Forestal en el Trópico bilateral projects have provided some support have presented are striking. All of the other en el Departamento de Santa Cruz, Boliviano, CEDLA / CIFOR / TIERRA / in overcoming these obstacles, but central five cases we have examined in our research Documento Técnico 48/1996, BOLFOR, BOLFOR, La Paz. government assistance has been weak. are equally unique. Indeed, one of the main Santa Cruz. Veterinarios sin Fronteras (VSF) (1997) Plan objectives of decentralisation is precisely this López, J. (1993) Recursos forestales de Bolivia de Manejo 1997-2000, VSF, La Paz. It proved difficult to determine whether the – to make space for diversity. y su aprovechamiento, Cooperación Técnica municipalities have increased the benefits from Holandesa, La Paz. their forest resources under the new system. Ministerio de Desarrollo Sostenible y Medio In the past, timber royalties were not generally Ambiente (MDSMA) (1995) Memoria paid directly to municipal governments and little Explicativa. Mapa Forestal. Secretaria information exists on how much the companies Nacional de Recursos Naturales, La Paz. paid and what the money was used for. The Quiroga, M.S. & Salinas, E. (1996) Minerales Forest Superintendent’s Office has transfered y madera, temas para el debate ambiental. a significant sum of money to the municipalities Grupo de Acción y Reflexión sobre el Medio under the new law, and the municipalities are Ambiente (GRAMA), La Paz. meant to use that money principally for forest Pacheco, P. (1998) Estilos de desarrollo, management activities. deforestación y degradación de los bosques

14 15 ASL asociación social del lugar MDSMA Ministerio de Desarrollo (local community group) Sostenible y Medio Ambiente ASPIFOR Asociación de Pequeños (Ministry of Sustainable Aserraderos Independientes Development and the (Association of Small Environment) Independent Sawmill NGO Non-Governmental Owners) Organisation ASTRAMAR Asociación de Trabajadores OTB organización territorial de de la Madera base (Association of Timber (territorially-based grassroots Workers) organisation) BOLFOR Proyecto Boliviano de Manejo UFM unidad forestal municipal Forestal Sostenible (municipal forestry unit) (Bolivian Sustainable Forest VSF Veterinarians without Borders Management Project) COPNAG Confederación de Pueblos Nativos Guarayos (Confederation of Guarayo Native Peoples) FAN Fundación Amigos de la Naturaleza (Friends of Nature Foundation) FECAR Federación Especial de Colonizadores de Rurrenabaque (Special Federation of Colonists of Rurrenabaque) FETCTC Federación Especial de Trabajadores Campesinos del Trópico de Cochabamba (Special Peasant Federation of the Cochabamba Tropics) INRA Instituto Nacional de Reforma Agraria (National Agrarian Reform Institute)

16 Please send comments on this paper to:

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