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How Do Religious People Become Atheists? Applying a Grounded Theory Approach to Propose a Model of Deconversion

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How Do Religious People Become Atheists? Applying a Grounded Theory Approach to Propose a Model of Deconversion Pérez, S and Vallières, F. 2019. How Do Religious People Become Atheists? Applying a Grounded Theory Approach to Propose a Model of Deconversion. Secularism and Nonreligion, 8: 3, pp. 1–14. DOI: https://doi.org/10.5334/snr.108 RESEARCH ARTICLE How Do Religious People Become Atheists? Applying a Grounded Theory Approach to Propose a Model of Deconversion Sergio Pérez and Frédérique Vallières The influence of organized religion is decreasing in the West, and trends show a growing number of people abandoning their religious beliefs, or deconverting. However, this phenomenon has received relatively little attention in the psychology of religion. The current study asks “How do religious people become atheists?” and aims to further the understanding of the process of religious deconversion by offering a proposed model of deconversion. The main findings within the literature are examined, and consideration is given to the concept of deconversion itself and to biases within the psychology of religion. Employing an induc- tive grounded theory approach based on Strauss and Corbin’s guidelines, we investigated the process of deconversion among a sample of atheist individuals who previously identified as religious. The data consists of 30 testimonies obtained from former clergypersons and six semi-structured interviews with atheist participants recruited through an advocacy group. The resulting model of deconversion is comprised of three core categories: reason and enquiry, criticism and discontent, and personal development. Despite being closely interlinked, these categories were clearly distinct and represent an intellectual impetus, moral and ethical judgments of religion, and overcoming personal issues, respectively. For all partici- pants deconversion developed gradually within the close context of family and local community and the wider cultural context of society at large. Findings are discussed in relation to previous research and psychological theory. Introduction But what phenomenon is behind the rise of non-reli- The rejection of religion is as old and perennial as reli- gion, at an individual and psychological level? Before con- gion itself. Traditions espousing a naturalistic view of the sidering that, it is important to observe that the increasing world long predate the Enlightenment, dating back to number of atheists and other non-religious groups cannot cultures of ancient India, China, and Greco-Roman classi- be attributed to demographic patterns, as non-religious cal antiquity (Thrower 1980). In recent years, the historical people tend to have fewer children than religious individ- western hegemony of religion as the dominant worldview uals (Zuckerman 2011). In addition to this, Galen (2014) has changed, with many high-income countries in partic- also indicates that, when compared to conservative reli- ular noting a reduced influence of organized religion and gious people, the non-religious tend to marry (or cohabit) a growing trend towards secularization (Hunsberger and later in life. Furthermore, and with the exception of Altemeyer 2006; Lipka 2015). According to the basic tenets atheists from highly secular societies (Zuckerman 2008), of secularization theory, religious influence will fade with most of those who are atheists today in traditionally the advance of modernity. That is, the development of scien- religious countries have experienced some form of reli- tific knowledge, economic growth, urbanization, and higher gious upbringing (Cragun 2017; Zuckerman 2011). Taken levels of education tend to undermine the role of religion together, it appears that the observed increase in atheism and religious practice in people’s lives (Pollack 2015). More- is best explained by more and more people abandoning over, and as evidenced by the works of Dawkins, Harris, their religious beliefs, or deconverting (Hunsberger and Hitchens and Dennett, a more active form of atheism has Altemeyer 2006). emerged within the religious debate. This “new atheism”, as In contrast to the considerable amount of psychological it has been called, is keen to engage in rebutting religious research on religiosity/spirituality in the last 30 years, lit- arguments, often pointing at the dangers of religion, and tle attention has been given to deconversion (Paloutzian considers God and the supernatural as legitimate areas of et al. 2013). There are a number of reasons why investi- scientific enquiry (Fazzino 2014; Stenger 2009). gating the phenomenon of deconversion is important. First, studying deconversion complements our existing knowledge on the psychology of religion. Second, as it Trinity College Dublin, IE relates directly to atheism, studying deconversion can Corresponding author: Sergio Pérez (perezs@tcd.ie) help to legitimize a worldview that is often neglected Art. 3, page 2 of 14 Pérez and Vallières: How Do Religious People Become Atheists? Applying a Grounded Theory Approach to Propose a Model of Deconversion (Beit-Hallahmi 2007; Brewster et al. 2014). Lastly, given a higher power or transcendental reality, without the need its existentialist nature, deconversion offers insight into for organizational involvement (Zinnbauer et al. 1997). By how people interpret their lives, how they make sense contrast, atheism is defined as the absence of belief in of the world, and how they create meaning and identity the existence of God or the belief that God does not exist (Barbour 1994; Schnell and Keenan 2011; Smith, 2011). (Martin 2007). Whilst secular, non-religious individuals In this paper we argue that people who abandon religious show ranging degrees of disbelief, more than half identify belief share certain psychological aspects that play a fun- as atheist (Galen 2009). damental role in driving the process of deconversion. Next, we offer a series of definitions of the terms used The concept of deconversion in this article, followed by some considerations about the Deconversion is a relatively new term within the psychol- biases in the psychology of religion, and the main findings ogy of religion (Streib et al. 2009). As a phenomenon it in deconversion research. has been conceptualized under a number of different definitions, making it difficult to identify a clear descrip- Definition of terms tion (Bromley 1988). Barbour offers a general definition Religion, religiosity, spirituality and atheism of deconversion as “a loss or deprivation of religious faith” Religion has proven to be a hard concept to define, as (1994, 2), as suggested by the prefix “de”, denoting freeing shown by the plethora of definitions found in the litera- from, removal, or opposition. In other words, deconver- ture (Zinnbauer and Pargament 2005). Depending on sion is a process that implies the diminution of religios- what aspect of religion is addressed, these definitions ity over time resulting in the adoption of a non-religious can be grouped into three main approaches: substan- identity (in the form of atheism or, at the very least, agnos- tive, functional, and prototypical. Substantive definitions ticism). concentrate on the content or essence of religious phe- However, deconversion has also been conceptualized nomena, usually making reference to supernatural enti- in ways that are at odds with Barbour’s definition. For ties. Conversely, functional definitions describe what role example, Streib et al. interpreted deconversion as “migra- religion might have for its followers, such as answering tion in the religious field” (2009, 28), a definition that questions of life meaning (Schilbrack 2013). Lastly, proto- includes adopting a different religion, becoming privately typical approaches offer instead a series of “religion-mak- religious, or abandoning religion for a secular worldview. ing” features (e.g. God, sacred objects, rituals, and moral The first case, however, represents an instance of reli- codes) that might be present in a religion to a greater or gious switching, and the second case represents only a lesser extent (Cohn and Klausner 1962; Alston 1967). disaffiliation from the organized element of religion. A proper definition, as de Muckadell explains (2014), Therefore, only the third case would qualify as deconver- must describe the essential features of religion, that is, the sion (McAdams 2010). necessary and sufficient conditions that make a system For Cragun and Hammer (2011) the use of the term of beliefs a religion. Considering this, substantive defini- deconversion is unwarranted and conversion should be tions do a better job than the alternatives, since by nature used instead. The authors argue that “everyone who adopts they describe religion’s fundamental characteristics. a religious identity, everyone who switches religions, and Although religion is malleable and changes overtime, sub- everyone who exits a religious identity is a convert (empha- stantive definitions can still address this aspect by being sis added)”, because they experience a “change in religious sufficiently vague as to permit a range of phenomena. identity” (2011, 159). The problem with this conceptu- Functional definitions, on the other hand, tend to be too alization, however, is that it overlooks the direction and vague and excessively inclusive, while prototypical defini- the result of this change. To say that a person who exits tions fail to distinguish the centrality of each feature. a religion has converted falls short as a description and For these reasons we have taken a substantive approach, does not do justice to the type of transformation. Those adopting Argyle
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