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The Development of the Witwatersrand Clothing Industry: a Historical Perspective on the Role of Entrepreneurs in the Industry, 1925 – 55

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The Development of the Witwatersrand Clothing Industry: a Historical Perspective on the Role of Entrepreneurs in the Industry, 1925 – 55 THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE WITWATERSRAND CLOTHING INDUSTRY: A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE ON THE ROLE OF ENTREPRENEURS IN THE INDUSTRY, 1925-55 J. C. DOS SANTOS THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE WITWATERSRAND CLOTHING INDUSTRY: A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE ON THE ROLE OF ENTREPRENEURS IN THE INDUSTRY, 1925 – 55 BY HANLIE DOS SANTOS (J. C.) Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the DEGREE MAGISTER ARTIUM IN HISTORY IN THE DEPARTMENT HISTORICAL STUDIES AT THE UNIVERSITY OF JOHANNESBURG SUPERVISOR: PROF G. VERHOEF NOVEMBER 2008 II TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE List of Abbreviations 1 List of Tables 2 Acknowledgements 3 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background 4 1.2 Problem Statement, Aim and Structure of the Study 10 1.3 Research Methodology, Sources and Limitations 13 1.4 Historiography 16 CHAPTER 2 THE ENVIRONMENT INTO WHICH THE WITWATERSRAND CLOTHING INDUSTRY WAS ESTABLISHED, 1925–1955 2.1 The Economic Environment of the Witwatersrand 25 2.1.1 Commencement of Industrialisation, 1914–1925 25 2.1.2 Enhanced Manufacturing, 1925–1936 27 2.1.3 Accelerated Manufacturing, 1936–1955 29 2.2 Political Influences on the Industrial Environment 31 2.3 Political Influences on the Clothing Industry and Its Labour force 39 2.3.1 The Transformation of the Clothing Industry Labour Force 40 2.3.2 The Development of Labour Organisations in the Clothing Industry 42 2.3.3 The Political Role Played by the Garment Workers’ Union and its Members 51 2.4 The Conditions in the Witwatersrand Clothing Industry 53 2.4.1 The Working Environment 54 2.4.2 The Conduciveness of the Witwatersrand to the Establishment of the Clothing Industry and Problems Encountered by the Entrepreneurs 59 2.4.3 Production Specialisation and Equipment 67 CHAPTER 3 THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE ENTREPRENEURIAL CLOTHING FACTORIES ON THE WITWATERSRAND, 1915–1930 3.1 The Early Establishment of Clothing Factories 74 3.2 The Inception of the Clothing Industry’s Industrialised Phase 77 III CHAPTER 4 TRANSFORMATION FROM BASIC GARMENTS TO LADIES FASHION PRODUCTION, 1931–1938 4.1 Early Development of the South African Fashion Industry 87 4.2 Jaff and Company 95 CHAPTER 5 LADIES FASHION PRODUCTION DOMINATES CLOTHING PRODUCTION, 1939–1955 5.1 The Growth of the Ladies Fashion Industry 107 5.2 The Fashion Environment of the Witwatersrand 113 5.3 Post-war Clothing Entrepreneurs 116 CHAPTER 6 THE ROLE OF THE CLOTHING ENTREPRENEURS IN RELATED INDUSTRIES 6.1 Clothing Distribution 129 6.1.1 Wholesale and Retail Distribution of Clothing 130 6.1.2 Harmonisation Between Manufacturers and Retailers 134 6.2 Textile Production 135 6.2.1 The Importance of Textiles to the Clothing Industry 135 6.2.2 Development of Textile Industry Impedes Clothing Industry 137 6.2.3 The Use of South African Textiles by the Clothing Industry 140 CHAPTER 7 CONCLUSION 144 BIBLIOGRAPHY 155 ANNEXURE DIRECTORY OF MANUFACTURERS, 1952 164 IV LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AB Afrikaner Broederbond ANC African National Congress BWBB Blanke Werkers Beskermingsbond BTI Board of Trade and Industry CEC Central Executive Committee CMT Cut, Make and Trim FAK Federasie van Afrikaanse Kultuurverenigings GWU Garment Workers’ Union ICWU Industrial and Commercial Workers’ Union ILP Independent Labour Party LP Labour Party MWU Mine Workers’ Union NP National Party NRT Nationale Raad van Trustees NUCW National Union of Clothing Workers PNP Purified National Party SABS South African Bureau of Standards SACWU South African Clothing Workers’ Union SAP South African Party TCMA Transvaal Clothing Manufacturers’ Association Tvl Transvaal UP United Party WTA Witwatersrand Tailors’ Association GDP Gross Domestic Product 1 LIST OF TABLES TABLES PAGE Table 1 Clothing Manufacturing in South Africa, 1933/34-1937/38 91 Table 2 Clothing Manufacturing in South Africa, 1938/39-1944/45 109 Table 3 Clothing Manufacturing in South Africa, 1952/53-1959/60 111 Table 4 South African Domestic Clothing Manufacturing Compared to Imports, 1934-1946 112 2 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS To the entrepreneurs, descendants and employees of the entrepreneurs who kindly afforded me the opportunity to interview them, a sincere and special word of appreciation. This study would not have been possible without them. I am extremely grateful for the enriching experience and the opportunity to have shared and learnt about their life experiences. Sadly, some of them passed away during the course of this study. One can not help but admire the courage and determination of not only the early entrepreneurs, but of all individuals who helped to establish the Witwatersrand clothing industry. Sincere appreciation is extended to my Supervisor, Professor Grietjie Verhoef, who from the conceptual stage of this study offered much support and advice. When motivation ran low, her patience and enthusiasm always encouraged further perseverance. Lastly, for all the support and patience from my husband Jorge and family, I am extremely thankful. 3 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1.1 BACKGROUND Until the turn of the twentieth century, the economics of the Witwatersrand was driven by subsistence farming. When gold was discovered in 1886, this changed radically to a capitalist economy, which resulted in the rapid development of Johannesburg. As if overnight, the city of Johannesburg mushroomed in the middle of what was previously known as agricultural land. Johannesburg became a vibrant industrial city, in sharp contrast with its neighbouring town Pretoria that remained a rural farming community. Established with predominantly British money and inhabited by predominantly English speaking immigrants, a very apparent British city atmosphere was created. The prosperity of the Witwatersrand attracted immigrants from all over the world.1 Apart from the mining industry, other major industries and manufacturing enterprises emerged. The demand for labour and consumer goods increased, particularly during and directly after the two World Wars. The first four years of Johannesburg’s existence, witnessed the transformation from tents to wood-and-iron houses as well as green Kimberley brick and a few burnt brick houses.2 Callinicos descriptively illustrated that: By 1910, the main suburbs in Johannesburg had been laid out. The town ran from east to west, in the same direction as the gold reef. Suburbs north of the ridge became upper-class and middle-class areas. The area south of the town developed slowly, because most of that land was the property of the mines.3 Poor workers found living space hard to find and expensive. With the north and south areas less accessible, workers had to cram into areas directly to the east and west of the city centre. The high number of Jews who immigrated to South Africa during the 1920s 1 F. A. van Jaarsveld: Die Verstedeliking van die Afrikaner. ʼn Reeks praatjies opgestel vir en uitsaai deur die Afrikaanse Diens van die SAUK vanaf 19 Februarie tot 30 Maart 1972, pp. 10-11. 2 G. A. Leyds: A History of Johannesburg: The Early Years, p. 152. 3 L. Callinicos: People’s History of South Africa, Working Life 1886-1940: Factories, Townships and Popular Culture on the Rand, Vol. 2, p. 69. 4 settled predominantly in the very scanty areas of Doornfontein, Bertrams, and Jeppe.4 The city centre of Johannesburg ended towards the eastern side at the very aptly named, End Street, which was also the starting line for a series of townships such as Doornfontein, Bertrams, Lorentzville, Judith Paarl and Bezuidenhout Valley. Originally many upper class houses were built in Jeppe, but unfortunately it later became a slum and was turned into a well known industrial site where a variety of industries were established.5 To Albert Foster, immigrating to South Africa after the Second World War, was “…like coming to the land of milk and honey.”6 He said that on arrival the first thing he noticed was about 100 bottles of milk. He couldn’t believe his eyes because during the War years in England, his family only received one pint of milk and two loaves of bread per week and never saw an egg. Even though there was the “British Restaurants”, set-up by Churchill, “all you got there was potatoes and a big floury pudding, all flour with some milky custard, but at least it was filling.”7 To him nothing compared to the abundance of food that he experienced in South Africa. However, he recalled that when he arrived in 1947, South Africa was a very primitive country as far as development was concerned. Johannesburg was approximately only a two mile radius and tram cars were still in use. Trams were no longer in use in England for about 20 years and were replaced with trolley busses. The train and telephone services were poor and telephone calls to England had to be booked in advance, since the sea cables were damaged during the war. In England, for about five years after the war, everything stood still and as the soldiers returned from the war very little work was available. The State paid very little unemployment with no insurance for sickness and ration books were still used when he left. One of his fond memories was that, “…when we came to South Africa the sun was shining, it was wonderful.”8 The deciding factor that convinced them to take the plunge and immigrate was the very attractive economic situation in South Africa.9 4 Ibid., pp. 69, 226. 5 G. A. Leyds: A History of Johannesburg: The Early Years, pp. 154, 156, 182. 6 Second Interview with Albert Foster, 26 October, 2006. 7 Ibid. 8 Ibid. 9 Ibid. 5 Clothing factories started to become established in Johannesburg, as well as in Germiston, towards the end of the First World War. The establishment of factories in Germiston was due to the availability of Afrikaner women labour, married to railway workers, who initially constituted the clothing industry labour force.10 By the 1950s, ladies clothing factories primarily occupied the area bounded by End and Von Wielligh Streets, from Kerk in the north to President Street in the south.
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