THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE
WITWATERSRAND CLOTHING INDUSTRY:
A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE ON THE
ROLE OF ENTREPRENEURS IN THE
INDUSTRY, 1925-55
J. C. DOS SANTOS
THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE WITWATERSRAND CLOTHING INDUSTRY: A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE ON THE ROLE OF ENTREPRENEURS IN THE INDUSTRY, 1925 – 55
BY
HANLIE DOS SANTOS (J. C.)
Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the DEGREE
MAGISTER ARTIUM
IN
HISTORY
IN THE
DEPARTMENT HISTORICAL STUDIES
AT THE
UNIVERSITY OF JOHANNESBURG
SUPERVISOR: PROF G. VERHOEF
NOVEMBER 2008
II
TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE List of Abbreviations 1 List of Tables 2 Acknowledgements 3
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background 4 1.2 Problem Statement, Aim and Structure of the Study 10 1.3 Research Methodology, Sources and Limitations 13 1.4 Historiography 16
CHAPTER 2 THE ENVIRONMENT INTO WHICH THE WITWATERSRAND CLOTHING INDUSTRY WAS ESTABLISHED, 1925–1955 2.1 The Economic Environment of the Witwatersrand 25 2.1.1 Commencement of Industrialisation, 1914–1925 25 2.1.2 Enhanced Manufacturing, 1925–1936 27 2.1.3 Accelerated Manufacturing, 1936–1955 29 2.2 Political Influences on the Industrial Environment 31 2.3 Political Influences on the Clothing Industry and Its Labour force 39 2.3.1 The Transformation of the Clothing Industry Labour Force 40 2.3.2 The Development of Labour Organisations in the Clothing Industry 42 2.3.3 The Political Role Played by the Garment Workers’ Union and its Members 51 2.4 The Conditions in the Witwatersrand Clothing Industry 53 2.4.1 The Working Environment 54 2.4.2 The Conduciveness of the Witwatersrand to the Establishment of the Clothing Industry and Problems Encountered by the Entrepreneurs 59 2.4.3 Production Specialisation and Equipment 67
CHAPTER 3 THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE ENTREPRENEURIAL CLOTHING FACTORIES ON THE WITWATERSRAND, 1915–1930 3.1 The Early Establishment of Clothing Factories 74 3.2 The Inception of the Clothing Industry’s Industrialised Phase 77
III CHAPTER 4 TRANSFORMATION FROM BASIC GARMENTS TO LADIES FASHION PRODUCTION, 1931–1938 4.1 Early Development of the South African Fashion Industry 87 4.2 Jaff and Company 95
CHAPTER 5 LADIES FASHION PRODUCTION DOMINATES CLOTHING PRODUCTION, 1939–1955 5.1 The Growth of the Ladies Fashion Industry 107 5.2 The Fashion Environment of the Witwatersrand 113 5.3 Post-war Clothing Entrepreneurs 116
CHAPTER 6 THE ROLE OF THE CLOTHING ENTREPRENEURS IN RELATED INDUSTRIES 6.1 Clothing Distribution 129 6.1.1 Wholesale and Retail Distribution of Clothing 130 6.1.2 Harmonisation Between Manufacturers and Retailers 134 6.2 Textile Production 135 6.2.1 The Importance of Textiles to the Clothing Industry 135 6.2.2 Development of Textile Industry Impedes Clothing Industry 137 6.2.3 The Use of South African Textiles by the Clothing Industry 140
CHAPTER 7 CONCLUSION 144
BIBLIOGRAPHY 155
ANNEXURE DIRECTORY OF MANUFACTURERS, 1952 164
IV
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
AB Afrikaner Broederbond ANC African National Congress BWBB Blanke Werkers Beskermingsbond BTI Board of Trade and Industry CEC Central Executive Committee CMT Cut, Make and Trim FAK Federasie van Afrikaanse Kultuurverenigings GWU Garment Workers’ Union ICWU Industrial and Commercial Workers’ Union ILP Independent Labour Party LP Labour Party MWU Mine Workers’ Union NP National Party NRT Nationale Raad van Trustees NUCW National Union of Clothing Workers PNP Purified National Party SABS South African Bureau of Standards SACWU South African Clothing Workers’ Union SAP South African Party TCMA Transvaal Clothing Manufacturers’ Association Tvl Transvaal UP United Party WTA Witwatersrand Tailors’ Association GDP Gross Domestic Product
1
LIST OF TABLES
TABLES PAGE
Table 1 Clothing Manufacturing in South Africa, 1933/34-1937/38 91
Table 2 Clothing Manufacturing in South Africa, 1938/39-1944/45 109
Table 3 Clothing Manufacturing in South Africa, 1952/53-1959/60 111
Table 4 South African Domestic Clothing Manufacturing Compared to Imports, 1934-1946 112
2
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
To the entrepreneurs, descendants and employees of the entrepreneurs who kindly afforded me the opportunity to interview them, a sincere and special word of appreciation. This study would not have been possible without them. I am extremely grateful for the enriching experience and the opportunity to have shared and learnt about their life experiences. Sadly, some of them passed away during the course of this study. One can not help but admire the courage and determination of not only the early entrepreneurs, but of all individuals who helped to establish the Witwatersrand clothing industry.
Sincere appreciation is extended to my Supervisor, Professor Grietjie Verhoef, who from the conceptual stage of this study offered much support and advice. When motivation ran low, her patience and enthusiasm always encouraged further perseverance. Lastly, for all the support and patience from my husband Jorge and family, I am extremely thankful.
3
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
1.1 BACKGROUND Until the turn of the twentieth century, the economics of the Witwatersrand was driven by subsistence farming. When gold was discovered in 1886, this changed radically to a capitalist economy, which resulted in the rapid development of Johannesburg. As if overnight, the city of Johannesburg mushroomed in the middle of what was previously known as agricultural land. Johannesburg became a vibrant industrial city, in sharp contrast with its neighbouring town Pretoria that remained a rural farming community. Established with predominantly British money and inhabited by predominantly English speaking immigrants, a very apparent British city atmosphere was created. The prosperity of the Witwatersrand attracted immigrants from all over the world.1 Apart from the mining industry, other major industries and manufacturing enterprises emerged. The demand for labour and consumer goods increased, particularly during and directly after the two World Wars.
The first four years of Johannesburg’s existence, witnessed the transformation from tents to wood-and-iron houses as well as green Kimberley brick and a few burnt brick houses.2 Callinicos descriptively illustrated that:
By 1910, the main suburbs in Johannesburg had been laid out. The town ran from east to west, in the same direction as the gold reef. Suburbs north of the ridge became upper-class and middle-class areas. The area south of the town developed slowly, because most of that land was the property of the mines.3
Poor workers found living space hard to find and expensive. With the north and south areas less accessible, workers had to cram into areas directly to the east and west of the city centre. The high number of Jews who immigrated to South Africa during the 1920s
1 F. A. van Jaarsveld: Die Verstedeliking van die Afrikaner. ʼn Reeks praatjies opgestel vir en uitsaai deur die Afrikaanse Diens van die SAUK vanaf 19 Februarie tot 30 Maart 1972, pp. 10 11. 2 G. A. Leyds: A History of Johannesburg: The Early Years, p. 152. 3 L. Callinicos: People’s History of South Africa, Working Life 1886 1940: Factories, Townships and Popular Culture on the Rand, Vol. 2, p. 69. 4 settled predominantly in the very scanty areas of Doornfontein, Bertrams, and Jeppe.4 The city centre of Johannesburg ended towards the eastern side at the very aptly named, End Street, which was also the starting line for a series of townships such as Doornfontein, Bertrams, Lorentzville, Judith Paarl and Bezuidenhout Valley. Originally many upper class houses were built in Jeppe, but unfortunately it later became a slum and was turned into a well known industrial site where a variety of industries were established.5
To Albert Foster, immigrating to South Africa after the Second World War, was “…like coming to the land of milk and honey.”6 He said that on arrival the first thing he noticed was about 100 bottles of milk. He couldn’t believe his eyes because during the War years in England, his family only received one pint of milk and two loaves of bread per week and never saw an egg. Even though there was the “British Restaurants”, set-up by Churchill, “all you got there was potatoes and a big floury pudding, all flour with some milky custard, but at least it was filling.”7 To him nothing compared to the abundance of food that he experienced in South Africa.
However, he recalled that when he arrived in 1947, South Africa was a very primitive country as far as development was concerned. Johannesburg was approximately only a two mile radius and tram cars were still in use. Trams were no longer in use in England for about 20 years and were replaced with trolley busses. The train and telephone services were poor and telephone calls to England had to be booked in advance, since the sea cables were damaged during the war. In England, for about five years after the war, everything stood still and as the soldiers returned from the war very little work was available. The State paid very little unemployment with no insurance for sickness and ration books were still used when he left. One of his fond memories was that, “…when we came to South Africa the sun was shining, it was wonderful.”8 The deciding factor that convinced them to take the plunge and immigrate was the very attractive economic situation in South Africa.9
4 Ibid., pp. 69, 226. 5 G. A. Leyds: A History of Johannesburg: The Early Years, pp. 154, 156, 182. 6 Second Interview with Albert Foster, 26 October, 2006. 7 Ibid. 8 Ibid. 9 Ibid. 5 Clothing factories started to become established in Johannesburg, as well as in Germiston, towards the end of the First World War. The establishment of factories in Germiston was due to the availability of Afrikaner women labour, married to railway workers, who initially constituted the clothing industry labour force.10 By the 1950s, ladies clothing factories primarily occupied the area bounded by End and Von Wielligh Streets, from Kerk in the north to President Street in the south. As the industry expanded more ladies wear factories were established in the Doornfontein, Jeppe and Mayfair areas. The men’s factories were mainly in the Jeppestown area which extended into the Germiston area.11 The Industrial Council for the Clothing Industry (Transvaal), listed 388 manufacturers in the directory of their Diary and Handbook for the Clothing Industry (Transvaal) for 1952.12
At the outset workers were scarce on the Witwatersrand but as the ‘poor White’ problem intensified from the 1920s, the Witwatersrand became the “Mecca” of ‘poor White’ Afrikaners as they poured into the city in search of work.13 During the early period the clothing workers consisted mainly of White Afrikaner women. These women were either young women who initially came from the farms to the city, or wives and daughters of the men who were either unemployed or who earned insufficient wages. Although early on, Black men were employed in the clothing industry, a strong trend of Black women migrating to Johannesburg manifested during the Second World War and became prominent in the labour force of the clothing industry.14
Historiography shows similarities between the establishment of the South African and both the American and British clothing industries. However, disparities with the South African situation such as the lack of skilled labour, shortage of fabrics and machinery and the period of establishment emerge when comparing them.15 In America, even though there was a demand for inexpensive ready-made work wear since 1840, the clothing output was dominated by bespoke tailoring and the ready-made sector did not commence until after 1850. Godley indicated that, “In contrast to the United States, consumer demand for
10 Interview with Dennis Clark, 4 November 2006; M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, p. 258. 11 Interview with David Mann, 5 October 2006; Second Interview with Albert Foster, 26 October, 2006. 12 Annexure: Directory of Manufacturers (Transvaal), 1952, Booklet published by the Industrial Council: “What is the Industrial Council?” December 1952. (Supplied by the Bargaining Council for the Clothing Manufacturing Industry) 13 F. A. van Jaarsveld: Die Verstedeliking van die Afrikaner, p. 17. 14 L. Callinicos: People’s History of South Africa, Working Life 1886 1940: Factories, Townships and Popular Culture on the Rand, Vol. 2, pp. 140, 194, 220. 15 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry of South Africa, 1907 1957, pp. 1 4. 6 ready-made garments in Britain was already well advanced by the 1850s, stimulated by innovative retailing practices.”16
By comparison, in South Africa at the turn of the twentieth century, most clothing was imported and the inception phase of the ready-made sector occurred only during the First World War. The mass production of ladies clothing started approximately during the late 1920s, with the production of ladies coats and suits. Kaplan emphasised that, “From the 1930s, the fashion trade became of the greatest importance to the development of garment manufacture in South Africa.”17 The first factory that produced ladies dresses was established on the Witwatersrand and the manufacture of ladies garments developed rapidly during the period of the Second World War and remained the monopoly of the Witwatersrand.18
Although the development of ready-made clothing in America preceded the South African development by many years, three phases of women labour in the industry were very similar. In America, the first women’s clothing workers were the single daughters of the local farming families, the second were the immigrant women and thirdly the American industry branched out to cheaper female labour in developing countries. By comparison in South Africa, there were the daughters of rural Afrikaner farming families, then large numbers of Black women found employment in the clothing industry during the Second World War and finally rural Black women were employed at lower wages in the decentralised areas.19
Many Jews were tailors who made clothing by hand in their country of origin, but as they scattered around the world they made the production of clothing their business.20 The mass migration of the Jews from Eastern Europe was triggered by the violent pogroms that followed the murder of Tsar Alexander II in 1881. The migration intensified after the Russian Revolution. New York and London became the most important destinations for the Jewish immigrants. A few thousand of these Jewish immigrants settled in South Africa, Canada and Australia. When restrictions on immigration to America and Britain were
16 A. Godley: Immigrant Entrepreneurship in New York and London 1880 1914, pp. 97 99. 17 M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, p. 252. 18 NASA/RHN 1615 600/303: Raad van Handel en Nywerheid, Verslag No. 303: Die Klerenywerheid, 9 Desember 1947, para. 23, pp. 8 10. 19 I. Berger: Threads of Solidarity: Women in South African Industry 1900 1980, pp. 4 5. 20 R. D. Waldinger: Through the Eye of the Needle: Immigrants and Enterprise in New York’s Garment Trades, p. 51. 7 introduced, from around August 1914, they needed to find alternative destinations.21 Several thousand more Jews found sanctuary in South Africa and the migration of Jews soared during the anti-Semitic outburst under the Nazi regime.22 Amongst these Jewish immigrants were tailors, with the requisite skills and expertise to make all types of clothing, who as working-class entrepreneurs became instrumental in establishing the South African clothing industry.
During the development phase of the Witwatersrand clothing industry a few entrepreneurs from other immigrant population groups also started to produce clothing. Within this group of entrepreneurs the immigrant Indian population featured as the largest group.23 Some of the immigrants came and settled in Natal where a demand for labour existed in the sugar plantations. Those that settled on the Witwatersrand came with the desire to seek their fortune in the new economy, a desire shared by all the groups of immigrants who came to inhabit this region.24 Indians played a noteworthy role as the largest non-European group of entrepreneurs in the country.25 In clothing, they primarily established tailoring workshops on the Witwatersrand. Although the main focus of this study is on the entrepreneurial clothing factories that were established on the Witwatersrand, mention is made of the early Indian tailors.26
Studies on the clothing industry concur that 1925 was the approximate year that the Witwatersrand clothing industry started to grow rapidly, albeit from a very small base. In 1926, a study by Gitsham and Trembath ascribed membership of the Witwatersrand Tailors’ Association as 1,080. The study further ascribed 100 members to the Manufacturing Tailors’ Workers’ Association and Sick Benefit Society, which consisted only of workers from the H. J. Henochsberg factory. These two organisations represented most of the bespoke and factory workers of the clothing industry.27 Barker’s research showed remarkable growth by 1929 when there were some 40 clothing factories in the
21 A. Godley: Immigrant Entrepreneurship in New York and London 1880 1914, pp. 20, 68 69. 22 G. Saron and L. Hotz: The Jews in South Africa, a History, p. 379. 23 UW/WCL: GWU: Cbb. 1 5: Minutes of Meeting: European and Indian Section of the Bespoke Tailoring Employers’ Association, 9 June, 1933. 24 G. H. Calpin: Indians in South Africa, p. 21. 25 A. L. Müller: Minority Interests: The Political Economy of the Coloured and Indian Communities in South Africa, p. 11. 26 Ibid., p. 13. 27 E. Gitsham and J. F. Trembath: A First Account of Labour Organisation in South Africa, pp. 110 111; H. L. Du Plessis: Die Vakbondwese in Suid Afrika met Spesiale Verwysing na die Klerewerkersunie, p. 163. Bespoke tailoring is explained on p. 74. 8 Witwatersrand and Pretoria area, which collectively employed 2,385 workers.28 Most factories in the Transvaal were concentrated in the areas of Johannesburg, Germiston and a few in Pretoria, therefore the focus was on the area demarcated as the Witwatersrand.29
The clothing factory sector in South Africa showed remarkable and continuous expansion during the period from the 1920s until the 1950s. Although the Great Depression of 1929 to 1932 caused a slump, some growth was achieved in the industry throughout this period. The period from 1933 and especially that of the Second World War, was one of rapid growth which was sustained until 1948. From 1948 to 1954, the industry managed sound growth under import control measures, but the next five years displayed a levelling off process.30 Thus, this study adopted the beginning of the peak growth of the clothing industry as being from 1925, with the period under review up to 1955.
The important contribution by clothing manufacturers to the South African manufacturing industry and the economy of the country was apparent from the reading on the industry. It also confirmed a significant imbalance in the body of historiography on the clothing industry. Most previous studies focussed on the trade union, the development of the economy and the Afrikaner women employees in the clothing industry. Reference to the entrepreneurs is generally vague and negative, or as highlighted in Mendel Kaplan’s book, reserved only for those prominent Jewish businessmen who made an enormous economic contribution to the economy of South Africa.31
To enter into the manufacturing of clothing, was relatively simple.32 The entrepreneurs, started their factories with limited financial backing and could barely afford the running and labour costs.33 The Afrikaner women, who were the initial workforce, desperately needed to work and were easily exploited. From the new employers’ perspective, it could be argued that they wanted to improve their own circumstances and by starting such
28 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry of South Africa, 1907 1957, p. 14. 29 Ibid., p. 18. 30 Ibid., p. 592. 31 M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, 1986. 32 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry of South Africa, 1907 1957, p. 95. 33 UW/WCL: GWU: Bcf. 1 2: The Garment Worker: Quarterly Bulletin of the Garment Workers Union (Transvaal), December 1929, p. 11. 9 businesses they simultaneously created employment opportunities for others. Thus, this study considers a balance of the perspectives on the Witwatersrand clothing industry.
1.2 PROBLEM STATEMENT, AIM AND STRUCTURE OF THE STUDY The fundamental question of the research is what role the entrepreneurial employers played during 1925 to 1955 to shape the development of the Witwatersrand clothing industry? This study will focus on factors surrounding the establishment of their factories, their survival strategies and the growth of their enterprises, as well as the impact their businesses had on the development of related industries. In order to asses their contribution, it will be essential to investigate factors outside the industry, as well as accomplishments of the entrepreneurs themselves which influenced the development of their enterprises.
Therefore the general aim of this study is to reflect on the role of entrepreneurs in the establishment of the Witwatersrand clothing manufacturing industry. It will investigate the environment their factories were established into, the nature and aspirations of the pioneering working-class entrepreneurs who established the factories and the contribution to the rapid development of the industry. This will involve assessing the impact of this rapid growth on the development of industries such as the textile and retail sectors.
This investigation has identified specific focal points, which shaped the work plan and structure of the study. These foci served to outline and define both the scope and title of this work as: The Development of the Witwatersrand Clothing Industry: A historical perspective on the role of entrepreneurs in the clothing industry, 1925-1955.
Chapter 2: The Environment into Which the Witwatersrand Clothing Industry was Established, 1925-1955 The objective of this chapter is to contextualise the experiences of the entrepreneurs within the environment that influenced the development of the industry. The economic environment that prevailed during the peak growth of the clothing industry was considered to determine its favourability to the rapid industrial development. Apart from the mining industry, other major industries and manufacturing enterprises emerged and the demand for locally manufactured clothing increased, particularly during and directly after the two world wars. From a political perspective, this study investigated the development of labour legislation to ascertain how this development impacted on the clothing industries.
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The influence of the political climate on the clothing industry and its labour force is analysed as well as the attempts made to circumvent the course of the racial change of the workforce. Such attempts came particularly from the National Party movements as they undertook to oust the socialist inclined GWU’s leadership. Additionally, the organisation of the non-European workers by the union that earned them the label as a ‘non-racial’ union is reviewed. The improvement of the prevailing conditions within the industry, as well as the evolution of the working environment is investigated to facilitate an understanding of influences of the prevailing circumstances on the growth of the industry. The conduciveness of the Witwatersrand to the establishment of the clothing industry and the problems encountered by the entrepreneurs are surveyed. Lastly, this chapter investigate the changes in production specialisation as the industry developed and implemented modern technology and equipment.
Chapter 3: The Establishment of the Entrepreneurial Clothing Factories on the Witwatersrand, 1915-1930 The impetus given by the First World War resulted in the inception of the industrial phase in South Africa and in particular that of the clothing factory sector. This chapter assesses the early establishment and growth of the Witwatersrand’s clothing industry and compares it to other industrial centres. The origin of the entrepreneurs and how they financed their businesses, as well as the type and size of factories that were established and the growth of those enterprises, are explored. The set-backs the entrepreneurs encountered are explained. The first mass production of ladies clothing on the Witwatersrand commenced during this period. Only ladies coats and suits were produced by Jardine des Modes. This chapter reflects on the company’s establishment and growth. The establishment of one of the prominent Indian tailors, Trikam Naran, is explored.
Chapter 4: Transformation from Basic Garments to Ladies Fashion Production, 1931–1938 The role of the entrepreneurs in the initial transformation of the industry, from producing uniforms and low-grade basic garments for men, to a ladies wear industry, is investigated. Jaff and Company was the third company established to produce ladies garments and also became the first giant in this category of production. The information gathered on this particular company offered a representation of the stages of development and growth not only of this company, but also as a prototype of the time period. The enormity of the
11 contribution not only for the Witwatersrand, but also the South African clothing industry as a whole, necessitated an in-depth account of the history of Jaff and Company.
Other entrepreneurs followed in Jaff’s footsteps and established ladies wear clothing factories. This sector grew steadily. The early development phase of this sector is explained in this chapter. Another company which featured in this part of the investigation is Natwether which was owned by David Naturman.
Chapter 5: Ladies Fashion Production Monopolises Clothing Production on the Witwatersrand, 1939–1955 The role of entrepreneurs in the transformation of the industry, which became a thriving ladies fashion industry, is explored in this chapter. The impact of the second world and post-war conditions are assessed, as well as how it contributed to the high growth phase of the clothing industry during this period. Johannesburg earned the title as the fashion centre of South Africa during this period, as the manufacture of ladies clothing grew rapidly and the Witwatersrand became the focal point of such production. Prominent companies such as Supreme Hat & Cap Manufacturers, Weil and Aschheim, Ruth Reed’s Medici Gowns, Dennis Clark’s CMT factory Concord Clothing and David Mann’s Mannette are investigated.
Chapter 6: The Role of the Clothing Factory Entrepreneurs in Related Industries During the early phase of the establishment of the clothing industry, most clothing was imported and sold by wholesalers or retail outlets which consisted of independent speciality shops, departmental stores and chain stores. This chapter explores how the entrepreneurs impacted on the decrease of imported clothing, as well as the development of the retail sector and specifically the fashion chain stores.
In 1948, government introduced measures to stimulate the growth of the textile industry. The production of woven fabric started in 1947 and even by the mid-1950s, a small quantity of fabric suitable for clothing was produced. The supportive role, played by the entrepreneurs in the growth of the textile industry, was explored. This was done by assessing the development of the textile industry and the use of local fabrics.
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Chapter 7: Conclusion This chapter offers contextual re-knit of the development and growth of the clothing industry. It also considers the contribution of the entrepreneurs to the establishment and growth of the industry as well as the economy of South Africa.
1.3 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY, SOURCES AND LIMITATIONS The methodology of this study is that of critical qualitative analysis. To assist in the contextual understanding of this study the descriptive narrative method was used.
The investigation into the history of the clothing industry was conducted through comprehensive reading, in order to identify specific issues relating to the entrepreneurs to be selected to form the structure of this study. Published secondary sources as well as unpublished papers, Masters Dissertations and Doctoral Theses were consulted. General histories that were useful to this study were for example that of Davenport and Saunders, Hepple, Houghton, Ross, Jones and Müller, Jones and Griffiths, Callinicos as well as writings based on the clothing industry by Pollak, Barker, Kaplan and Witz.34
In their 1935 report the Wage Board noted, during the four preceding years, intensification in the displacement of the bespoke sector by the ready-made clothing factory sector.35 Information published before the 1935 Report, combined the information for the factory and the bespoke sector. Thereafter, sources and government statistics were more readily available and the factory and bespoke sections are generally documented separately. Primary research included government reports such as Reports by the Wage Board, Board of Trade and Industries as well as Industrial Censuses. The figures quoted in the various reports however do vary to a degree, from one year to the other and also from the year of issue to the next. This is due to different methods of data collection and the number and type of establishments that were included. The figures quoted in this study illustrate a growth or decline in the industry. Most of the figures prior to mid-1950s are in the old
34 T. R. H. Davenport and C. Saunders: South Africa: A Modern History, Fifth Edition, 2000; A. Hepple: South Africa: A Political and Economical History, 1966; D. H. Houghton: The South African Economy, 1976; R. Ross: A Concise History of South Africa, 2002; S. Jones and A. Müller: The South African Economy, 1910 90; 1995; R. A. Jones and H. R. Griffiths: Labour Legislation in South Africa, 1980; L. Callinicos: People’s History of South Africa, Working Life 1886 1940: Factories, Townships and Popular Culture on the Rand, Vol. 2, 1987; H. P. Pollak: Women in Witwatersrand Industries: An Economic and Social Study, 1932; H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry of South Africa, 1907 1957, 1962; M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, 1986; L. Witz: Servant of the Workers: Solly Sachs and the Garment Workers’ Union, 1928 1952, 1984. 35 NASA: ARB 2886 1069/98: Wage Board Report: Garment Making Trades, 12 April, 1935, para. 8, p. 4. 13 currency of Pounds (£), Shillings (s.) and Pence (d.). During 1961, South Africa’s currency changed to Rands and Cents, at an exchange rate of two Rand equal to one Pound or ten Shillings to the Rand.
The reports are archived at the National Archives and some were located in the records of the GWU, as well as the Johannesburg Public Library. Journal and newspaper articles, as well as the records of the GWU were also accessed. These are archived in the Cullen Library at the University of the Witwatersrand, University of Johannesburg and Johannesburg Public Library, as well as private collections. The primary method of information collection was through the conduct of interviews of which six were transcribed and all the interviews are available on a compact disc.
Contrary to popular belief that the entrepreneurs were only Jewish immigrant tailors, in the period under review there were Indian tailors who employed approximately 25 percent of the total workforce of the clothing industry.36 Indians played a noteworthy role as the largest non-European group of entrepreneurs in the country.37 They established tailoring workshops on the Witwatersrand and although the main objective of this study is to investigate the clothing factory sector, mention will be made of the early Indian tailors. Little evidence of research that included this group of factory owners could be traced and information was sparse. Members of both these population groups were interviewed for this study, as well as non-Jewish employers and employees. Therefore this study investigated the clothing industry from the entrepreneurial perspective, irrespective of the segment of their contribution or population group they belonged to. The intention is to highlight their contribution and present a balance of perspective on the Witwatersrand clothing industry.
Twenty individuals were interviewed, representative of the entrepreneurs of clothing factories and tailoring workshops. The children of some entrepreneurs as well as some employees of the relevant period were also interviewed. Interviews were conducted and analysed to form the primary synthesis of this study. A list of questions was prepared, based on the specific issues identified as central to this study. The questions had to be streamlined after the initial interviews, because too many questions became exhausting
36 UW/WCL: GWU: Cbb. 1 5: Minutes of Meeting: European and Indian Section of the Bespoke Tailoring Employers’ Association, 9 June, 1933. 37 A. L. Müller: Minority Interests: The Political Economy of the Coloured and Indian Communities in South Africa, p. 11. 14 and time consuming not only for the older interviewees but also for those still active in businesses. In some cases follow-up interviews had to be conducted. For example, due to Albert Fosters’ age three consecutive interviews had to be scheduled (The 101 year old Albert Foster passed away towards the end of 2007. It was a great privilege to have met him). Another problem experienced, which was understandable, was that interviewees confused dates of events and it was in some cases not possible to put an exact date to the events. The interview approach was then changed to rather encourage interviewees to reflect on whatever they remembered. This approach led to some unexpected and interesting information.
A great constraint to this study was the historic time period of this study, as well as the time it took to conduct the preparatory work. Since the early 1970s, the Witwatersrand clothing industry had shrunk considerably and very few of the factories, of the period under discussion, are still in operation. Some of the people initially identified to be interviewed had passed on before such interviews could be conducted. Most of the interviews recorded, witnessed amazing memories. Some candidates that appeared to be ideal to be interviewed, when approached, immediately responded that they do not remember well. Regrettably, some of the children of manufacturers did not always recall the detail of the history of their parent’s companies. The list of interviewees included: Ruth Reed and her son Mark Kaplan, David Mann, Dennis Clark, Stephen Jaff, Allan Silver, Rhona Mathews, Maurice Fluxman, Manilal Trikam and his brother Parshotam Trikam, Theodore Egnos, Evi Collin, Robert Pozniak, Ken Manning, Albert Foster, Bree Bulbulia, Chuto Lalloo, Annie Wolkin, Desmond McMillan, Bernard Demby and David Naturman. Correspondence was entered into with Stephen Jaff and Roy Naturman.
Considering South Africa’s racially prejudiced history, a difficult methodological problem was to employ terminology that distinguished between specific racial groups. Distinction between the racial groups illustrated the changes that occurred in the workforce as well as the effect of racism on the clothing industry. To simplify the terminology and avoid confusion, the racial terms used by the Wage Board and the Board of Trade and Industry was applied: The term “Black” applies to indigenous African individuals, “Asian” to Indian individuals from India and “Coloured” to be individuals of colour indigenous to the Cape. The reflection on the economic, political and trade union development is not the purpose of this study and served purely to contextualise the events and the circumstances within the industry and the effect it had on the development of the industry.
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1.4 HISTORIOGRAPHY The first literature reflecting on aspects of the clothing industry was an economic and sociology study by Hansi Pollak. It covered the period from 1930 to 1931 and centred on female employment in the Witwatersrand industries. The women who worked in the clothing industry at that time represented the largest portion of the female workers in industries. The study explained the industrial environment that prevailed during the first thirty years of the twentieth century and was therefore of great value to this study. It investigated aspects of female employment such as working conditions and the legislation that protected women workers, as well as the conditions of the industries in general. Pollak’s study, although not entirely based on the clothing industry, was the only study before the 1950s, which dealt with aspects of the clothing industry.38
The literature focussing on the clothing industry as the central theme, presented definite patterns, mostly influenced by specific events and which could be assigned into two categories: publications of the period 1950s to the early 60s and publications on the mid 1970s to the early 1990s. Most of the works of the first period dealt thematically with events, causes and effects of industrialisation. The literature of the second period probably materialised as a result of the history workshops that were held at the University of the Witwatersrand during the late 1970s. These workshops promoted radical history writing of ‘history from below’ and topics revolved around the effects of industrialisation on the workers. This came about within an atmosphere of the re-emergence of the trade unions and political and academic insurgency against apartheid, as well as an interest in gender issues. The unique situation of the Afrikaner women of the GWU, during early twentieth century, sparked the revival of interest in the clothing industry as a topic for historical assessment.
Two publications of the period 1950s to the early 60s encompassed the trials and tribulations of the GWU, its members and leadership, most notably that of Solly Sachs. The Suppression of Communism Act in 1950, the GWU’s militancy and Sachs’ banning during 1952, placed Du Plessis’ pro-National Party writing, Die Vakbondwese in Suid-Afrika met
38 H. P. Pollak: Women in Witwatersrand Industries: An Economic and Social Study, unpublished MA dissertation, University of the Witwatersrand, 1932. 16 Spesiale Verwysing na die Klerewerkersunie,39 and Solly Sachs’ militant version, Rebels Daughters, into context.40
The first history to focus on the Garment Workers’ Union was the dissertation in 1955 by H. L. Du Plessis for his Masters Degree in Economics. It was a narrative analysis of the growth of the industry and how it had been influenced by specific events. Although it was written from an economic perspective, it was based on the same historic events as those of most of the subsequent publications. The main theme of the study was trade union organisations as significant phenomena hitherto and the economic effect of GWU actions on the clothing industry’s output.41 His perspective was apparent in his dislike of Sachs, the General Secretary of the GWU, although awarding Sachs some credit for the fact that he helped to improve working conditions for the employees.
Du Plessis was of the opinion that Sachs abused his position to propagate communism and that Sachs himself was responsible for ending his career in 1952.42 Du Plessis blamed the union for causing the events that forced the curtailment of the clothing industry production during the general strikes of 1931 and 1932, since he viewed production as more important than the fight for better working conditions.43 He supported the action of the church against the union, since the church acted to protect the workers from communism.44 He equated the attitude of the GWU towards the war to the communist element in England. The union’s magazine the Garment Worker, according to him, only praised the Russians’ contribution towards the war and not that of the South Africans, British or Americans:
Die verering en ophemeling wat die Rooi Leër deur hierdie blad toegeswaai is, vorm ʼn skrille kontras teenoor die verswyging van die Suid-Afrikaanse magte se aandeel aan die stryd, of die aandeel wat die Britse en Amerikaanse magte daarin gehad het.45
39 H. L. du Plessis: Die Vakbondwese in Suid Afrika met Spesiale Verwysing na die Klerewerkersunie, unpublished MA dissertation, University of Potchefstroom, 1955. 40 E. S. Sachs: Rebels Daughters, 1957. This book was also published under the title: Garment Workers in Action, 1957. 41 H. L. du Plessis: Die Vakbondwese in Suid Afrika met Spesiale Verwysing na die Klerewerkersunie, p. 1. 42 Ibid., p.178. 43 Ibid., p. 186. 44 Ibid., p. 192. The church in Potchefstroom started to look after the affairs of the workers to protect them from communism, but at the same time decided on their wages. 45 Ibid., pp. 195 196. 17 Solly Sachs, while in exile, wrote his book from a non-academic historical but radical perspective. Rebels Daughters, was an autobiography of his experiences as General Secretary of the GWU until 1952.46 Other themes in his book focus on the trade union’s development, militancy, democracy, non-racialism, the GWU’s independent political role and the National Party’s attack on the union. He also included biographies of the main Afrikaner female leaders of the GWU. Unfortunately, he only provided insight into the lives of the White female garment workers and not of the Coloured, Indian, Black or male garment workers, nor the employers. Even though Sachs did not support his writing with a bibliography, he made regular references to primary and secondary sources in the text.47 Sachs offered a chronological record of events and made no secret about his view on the National Party government. He commented that, in one respect, the union had been fortunate in its earlier struggles:
Violent racial conflicts, which were later provoked by the propagandists of the Nationalist Party and dissipated so much of the energy of the union, were then unknown. At the time two main racial groups in the union - several hundred Jewish and the rest nearly all Afrikaner women – and there was complete racial harmony.48
In 1961 an article on the economics of the clothing industry, written by H.A.F. Barker, was published.49 Then in 1962 his PhD thesis, which extended the same topic, was published. This was another significant work of the period 1950s up to the early 60s, since it was purely economic related and therefore thematically different from the previous two publications discussed. The Cape, Eastern Province, Natal and Transvaal Clothing Manufacturers Associations sponsored the publication of his book, The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry of South Africa 1907-1957.50 Barker was also directly involved with the industry as the Director of the Transvaal Clothing Manufacturers’ Association.51 His book is a quantitative study of the development of the clothing industry, as it analysed in a chronological and statistical style, the economic development without reference to labour organisation and relations. Based almost exclusively on government reports, Barker quoted statistics on the growth in employment, manufacturing and capital turnover in a
46 E. S. Sachs: Rebels Daughters, 1957. 47 Ibid., Example on p. 25. 48 Ibid., p. 63. 49 H. A. F. Barker: “The Clothing Industry in S.A.”, The South African Journal of Economics, vol. 29, 1961, pp. 243 257. 50 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, p. 162. 51 Booklet published by the Industrial Council: “What is the Industrial Council?” December 1952, p. 118. 18 very neutral style. The main themes of his book considered the growth of the wholesale clothing industry, location, decentralisation, size and technical organisation, as well as the forms of ownership, finance and employer organisations.
The themes and important events discussed by most of the historians from the mid 1970s to the early 90s were the same as during the 1950s to the early 60s. They also explored economic and political issues but this time the themes shifted towards working class related topics and concentrated on gender, social and labour issues. It was also during this period that most writings on this particular era in the history of the clothing industry were conceived.
During the mid-70s, two articles appeared in the South African Labour Bulletin based on the clothing industry. John Mawbey briefly discussed the proletarianisation of Afrikaner women from the period of the First World War, as well as the establishment and function of the GWU52 He examined the failure of the National Party to destroy the GWU. He considered the union’s non-racial standpoint which was circumvented during 1953, when the Industrial Council Act put an end to it by forcing Black women to establish a separate union.53 The principal part of his article consisted of sketches of three of the leading Afrikaner women in the GWU, already published in Solly Sachs’ book during 1957.54
Jon Lewis’ article during 1976 briefly reflected on capital and labour, as structural conditions of the clothing industry, to assess the achievements of the GWU.55 To him the principal accomplishment by Sachs and the GWU was to sustain the members’ commitment to a “class-based organisation” instead of the Nationalist alliance. The National Party attacks were neutralised by factors such as the militant leadership and the closed shop agreement.56 Sachs, he believed, was “over-optimistic” to have imagined a general workers class of Blacks and Whites that would oppose the capitalist class due to gross misconception of the White workers class.57 During 1978, O’Meara published an article analysing the “Christian-National” attack on White trade unionism, which included
52 J. Mawbey: “Afrikaner Women of the Garment Union during the Thirties and Forties”, South African Labour Bulletin, vol. 2, (4), November 1975, p. 33. 53 Ibid., p. 36. 54 Ibid., p. 37. 55 J. Lewis: “Solly Sachs and the Garment Workers’ Union”, South African Labour Bulletin, vol. 3, (3), October 1976, p. 68. 56 Ibid., p. 71. 57 Ibid., p. 74. 19 the GWU. O’Meara found that it was generally ineffective at a trade union level but effective at the ideological level. The consequence was a split in the trade union movement by 1948 due to “…contradictions within the labour process and the labour movement itself.” Furthermore, the Labour Party was in a predicament to the benefit of the Nationalist class alliance, whose aim was to attract White labour.58
The prominent works of this period were the organisational studies by Brian Touyz and Leslie Witz, followed by various studies on the ‘history from below’, such as the feminist studies by Elsabe Brink and Iris Berger and the social economic work by Lulli Callinicos. Generally, they made use of the same archival sources and secondary sources, whilst oral interviews also constituted an important part of their research. The issues pertinent to South African women were compared to the studies on women in industries in other countries. During the same period the cultural economic study by Mendel Kaplan, assisted by the historian Marian Robertson, was published.
Brian Touyz’s study, White Politics and the Garment Workers’ Union: 1930-1953, investigated the reasons why the Afrikaner Nationalists failed to gain control of the GWU leadership and also the attempts by the GWU to establish a branch in the Cape.59 His research showed that by the early 1930s, the leadership of the GWU was embedded in the socialist custom and that Sachs’ leadership guided the GWU into active participation in White class politics. Furthermore, the regular strikes and wage cuts during 1931 and 1932 enhanced the newly urbanised Afrikaner workers’ class consciousness. Touyz concluded that even though the government was actively restricting the rights of the non-Whites in society, the non-Whites were “enfranchised” through the GWU’s 1953 constitution. However, he noted that the GWU’s sectional trade union policy failed to bring the White and non-White members together from a political perspective and may even have motivated the White members moving to supporting the NP.
Important to this study is that Touyz acknowledged that the availability of cheaper labour in the Coastal areas, caused stagnation and possible relocation in the Witwatersrand industry.60 Touyz’s continued his political investigation in his Doctoral Thesis, concentrating
58 D. O’Meara: ‘Analysing Afrikaner Nationalism: The ‘Christian National’ Assault on White Trade Unionism in South Africa, 1934 1948”, African Affairs, vol. 77, (306), January 1978, pp. 70 71. 59 B. M. Touyz: White Politics and the Garment Workers’ Union; 1930 1953, unpublished MA dissertation, University of Cape Town, 1979. 60 Ibid., pp. 220 228. 20 on the “social democratic movement”, the LP and the Trade and Labour Council.61 An article by Martin Nicol paid attention to the differences between the Transvaal and Cape clothing industry and the respective unions, as well as the wage discrepancies in different centres which threatened the Witwatersrand.62 His Doctoral Thesis included an in-depth study of the Cape Town clothing industry.63
In 1984, Leslie Witz took on the role of radical revisionist in his Master of Arts dissertation, Servant of the Workers: Solly Sachs and the Garment Workers’ Union, 1928-1952.64 He investigated Sachs’ role as the General Secretary of the GWU, probably sparked by the many controversial writings that appeared about Sachs.65 He discussed Sachs’ role thematically along the same lines as those of Sachs’ book, reflecting on the history of the GWU, the assault on the union by the government and the church, but with the main aim to evaluate the service of Sachs to the GWU. He found that, “In essence Sachs portrayed himself as a servant of the workers”.66 In addition, he found that the parallel Black unions were under control of the No. 1 Branch and effectively had no say in the administration of the affairs of the union, concluding that, “Sachs and the Central Executive were more the masters than the servants of the Black workers”.67
Witz made use of archival documents and conducted interviews with workers and a few employers in the clothing industry. He was also granted permission to access some of the records of the TCMA, not readily available for research purposes. Unfortunately, according to Elsabe Brink, the themes that Witz investigated did not permit much evidence of the social background of the women garment workers to filter through.68 This study was comprehensive as far as the development of the GWU was concerned and very useful to
61 B. M. Touyz: White Labour and the ‘Social Democratic’ Movement in the Transvaal: The South African Labour Party, The South African Trades and Labour Council and Their Trade Union Affiliates, 1930 1954, unpublished PhD thesis, University of Cape Town, 1982. 62 M. Nicol: “Riches from Rags: Bosses and Unions in the Cape Clothing Industry 1926 1937”, Journal of Southern African Studies, Vol. 9, 1983. 63 M. Nicol: A History of Garment and Tailoring Workers in Cape Town, 1900 1939, unpublished PhD thesis, University of Cape Town, 1984. 64 L. Witz: Servant of the Workers: Solly Sachs and the Garment Workers’ Union, 1928 1952, unpublished MA dissertation, University of the Witwatersrand, 1984. 65 Example: G. D. Scholtz: Die Ontwikkeling van die Politieke Denke van die Afrikaners, 1924 1939, p. 82. He criticised Sachs that the women were “…inderdaad soos klei in die hande van Sachs. Uit hul eie kon hul nouliks self optree om van hom ontslae te raak”. 66 L. Witz: Servant of the Workers: Solly Sachs and the Garment Workers’ Union, 1928 1952, p. 291. 67 Ibid., p. 292. 68 E. Brink: The Afrikaner Women of the Garment Workers’ Union, 1918 1939, unpublished MA dissertation, University of the Witwatersrand, 1984, p. 4. 21 this study. From the perspective of this study, Witz had access to the TCMA records but gave very little insight into the circumstances of the entrepreneurs in the clothing industry.
Elsabe Brink, the cultural historian, completed a Masters’ study in 1986 titled: The Afrikaner Women of the Garment Workers Union, 1918-1938.69 Utilising a radical approach she investigated, in a very descriptive narrative analysis, the patterns of Afrikaner women’s labour in the clothing industry. She investigated the social, political and gender issues with which they were faced as a result of industrialisation, as well as their contribution to the economy.
Although the title of her thesis did not specify the area under investigation, she focused on the Johannesburg area, examining where the White Afrikaner women had settled when they came to Johannesburg. She surveyed the social conditions and the extent to which poverty had shaped the lives of those women, both at work and at home, where by example some turned to prostitution out of desperation to supplement their income. The garment workers solidarity and militancy within the trade union movement was investigated because it emerged as an important part of their survival and was used to force employers to improve working conditions. The development of the Johannesburg clothing industry was very briefly discussed, as well as the exploitation of the female workers. Unfortunately, Brink reflected the misfortune of the Afrikaner women without considering the possible hardships that the employers suffered as new entrepreneurs. Brink also presented several papers that focussed on the White Afrikaner garment workers.70
Iris Berger, the comparative women’s labour and working-class historian on African issues,71 viewed South Africa as a rich source of material for a feminist critique and based her study on the clothing, textile and food industries. Her social historical study, Threads of Solidarity; Women in South African Industry 1900-1980 (1992),72 is a narrative analysis investigating women predominantly as a working class, without specifically detailing any individuals.
69 Ibid. 70 E. Brink: “The Garment Workers and Poverty on the Witwatersrand, 1920 1945”, paper presented African Studies Institute, 986; “Only Decent Girls are Employed: The Respectability, Decency and Virtues of the Garment Workers on the Witwatersrand During the Thirties”, paper presented at a workshop on ‘The Making of class’ University of the Witwatersrand, 1987; “Maar n Klomp Factory Meide: Afrikaner Family and Community on the Witwatersrand During the 1920s”, in B. Bozzoli (ed), Class, Community and Conflict: South African Perspective, 1987. 71 Iris Berger of the State University of New York, Albany, is the Associate Professor of History in African Studies, as well as Director of the Institute for Research on Women. 72 I. Berger: Threads of Solidarity: Women in South African Industry 1900 1980, 1992. 22
Berger saw the industrial transformation after the Second World War as bearing far- ranging negative effects such as racism and segregation. She observed that for a brief period just before 1948 the position of Black and White women in the clothing industry was similar, but after 1948 the Black-White economic divide widened as apartheid intensified. Greater conservatism in the post-war years showed a shift to growing Afrikaner Nationalist organisations and as the industrial labour force expanded, wage differences determined by race, class and gender, reflected the standard of the racial hierarchy. Whatever “independence” women gained from earning steady wages was deceptive because of, "increasing intervention of a repressive, racist regime into every aspect of their lives.”73
In 1987, the social historian Lulli Callinicos, in the second volume of her, People’s History of South Africa, Working Life, approached history from a radical perspective.74 In an article on popular history she described her book as a synthesis of, “…the history of the working- class urbanization, survival, and resistance on the Rand up to 1940, featuring a number of case studies to illustrate its themes.”75 This book, although not dealing exclusively with the clothing industry, is of particular interest as a result of the manner in which she analysed clothing industry development and described the lives of some of the women of that time.
Mendel Kaplan claims that his book, Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, “is designed to fill the gap in the historiography of South Africa” and of interest from both an economic and social perspective.76 He is a trained lawyer, an industrialist by profession and a leading figure in the Jewish community, who describes himself as having a consuming passion for archaeology and history. Historian Marian Roberts conducted the interviews on his behalf and also edited much of Kaplan’s book. The theme of the book considered the contributions of the Jewish pioneers to industrial development from 1897. It is thus not entirely based on the clothing industry. His studies showed that the earliest leaders of the clothing industry came from the bespoke tailoring group, being poor Jewish immigrants who came to South Africa to seek a better life for themselves.77
73 Ibid., pp. 155, 167, 173, 293. 74 L. Callinicos: People’s History of South Africa, Working Life 1886 1940..., 1987. 75 L. Callinicos: “Popular History in the Eighties”, Radical History Review, vol. 46(7), 1990, p. 297. 76 M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, 1986. 77 Ibid., p. 228. 23 In a very sympathetic tendency towards his Jewish roots, his descriptive narrative details prominent Jews who started up and developed the chain stores and the garment, textile, furniture, food and glass industries. The chapters dealing with the clothing industry focus on some of the great leaders in the clothing industry such as Bernard Shrub of Rex Trueform and Sam Jaff of Jaff and Company, as well as retail leaders such as Stanley Lewis of Foschini Limited and Sydney Press of Edgars. He approaches events as though they have had an influence on the companies and the owner’s personal lives, and in this way it becomes a personal narrative. The book is a historical account of the contributions made to the South African economic development by Jews, but unfortunately tends to focus only on those Jewish businessmen who made an enormous economic contribution to the economy of South Africa. Kaplan’s book was very useful for this study, but its contribution was limited because of the focus on prominent individuals.
In conclusion there is a significant imbalance in the body of historiography on the clothing industry as most studies focused on the GWU, its leadership and the workers, thus representing an unbalanced account in the history of the industry. No one particular study has been done with an exclusive focus on the contribution of the entrepreneurs to the growth of the clothing industry, as well as related industries. This study is an attempt to offer insight into the perspective of the entrepreneurs, the employers, who had to take the risks.
24
CHAPTER 2
THE ENVIRONMENT INTO WHICH THE WITWATERSRAND CLOTHING INDUSTRY WAS ESTABLISHED 1925-1955
2.1 THE ECONOMIC ENVIRONMENT OF THE WITWATERSRAND Prior to 1910, the tertiary sector was strong in the general economic environment of South Africa, whilst the primary sector was dominated by the strong mining division but was hampered by inefficient agriculture. Unfortunately, poor growth occurred in the secondary sector due to insignificant manufacturing.78 Both South Africa’s Gross Domestic Product (hereafter GDP) and manufacturing output showed little growth prior to the outbreak of the First World War.79 The growth of secondary industries in South Africa such as food, beverages, tobacco, clothing and footwear were not self-generating or sustaining and relied on the expansion and prosperity of mining and agriculture.80
The manufacturing industry consisted of repairs and services such as blacksmiths, mechanical engineering, furriers, jewellers, printers, dressmakers, tailors and carpenters. The majority of businesses which were service orientated, employed only a few workers and used labour-intensive technology. The only capital goods manufactured were carts and wagons, whilst the imported mine and railway machinery were only assembled and serviced. The industrialisation process was slow due to the lack of skilled craftsmen and technical expertise, which resulted in elevated labour costs and made it cheaper to import most goods. The unrestricted openness of the economy of South Africa curtailed the development of the manufacturing industry since it made it easy to import a variety of goods.81
2.1.1 Commencement of Industrialisation, 1914–1925
78 S. Jones and A. Müller: The South African Economy, 1910 90, p. 15. 79 S. P. Viljoen: “The Industrial Achievement of South Africa”, The South African Journal of Economics, vol. 51, 1983, p. 30. 80 G. Marais: “The Relation between Economic Development and the Location of Secondary Industry in the Republic of South Africa”, Finance and Trade Review, June 1963, p. 291. 81 S. Jones and A. Müller: The South African Economy, 1910 90, p. 13. 25 The next factor that increased the rate of economic development was the stimulation inflicted by the shortage of industrial and consumer products during the First World War. Manufacturing in England and Europe was interrupted as a result of the war. A shortage of merchant ships, inflated shipping and insurance charges all contributed to import constraints to South Africa. Similarly, due to the war, a shortage of materials such as metals, chemicals and textiles occurred. Hence, local manufacturing of consumer goods was encouraged.82 Unfortunately, the prospects for import replacement were partly neutralized by the difficulty of procuring capital equipment.83
The war period resulted in the development of factory worker skills, while manufacturing establishments multiplied and others expanded rapidly. Pollak reported that Sir Meiring Beck, then Minister of Post and Telegraphs, had remarked that: ‘In no part has there been so marked a development since Union as in the Transvaal, especially Johannesburg’. Even though Industry was in an advantaged position and factories continued to mushroom between 1919 and 1920, the quality of some of the local products were poor. Products, especially clothing, were cheaply manufactured but sold at high prices due to the interim control of the market by the manufacturers. This resulted in consumer and merchant scepticism towards locally produced products. After the war, this scepticism had to be reduced by more sensible practices to offset renewed overseas competition.84 From 1915 to 1920 manufacturing more than doubled. The number of industrial establishments increased from 4,777 to 6,077 during the period 1916/17 to 1920/21, and then to 6,182 by 1924/25.
As the international market stabilised, a recession was induced from 1920 in South Africa, as a result of a renewed flow of imports into the country.85 This was accompanied by a severe and disruptive deflation in wages, prices and resultant profits, notwithstanding that the volume of industrial output had dropped only marginally. The four percent drop in White employment alarmed the government since great progress had been made, both during and directly after the war, by the manufacturing industry to provide employment to White
82 Ibid., pp. 68 69. 83 S. P. Viljoen: “The Industrial Achievement of South Africa”…, p. 30. 84 H. P. Pollak: Women in Witwatersrand Industries: An Economic and Social…, pp. 10 12. Reported in Sir Meiring Beck (Minister of Post and Telegraphs) address to the opening Congress of the S.A. Federated Chamber of the Industries held in Johannesburg, 1918. 85 S. Jones and A. Müller: The South African Economy, 1910 90, pp. 69 70; S. P. Viljoen: “The Industrial Achievement of South Africa”, The South African Journal of Economics, vol. 51, 1983, p. 31. 26 workers.86 Furthermore, the uncertainty around the lifespan of the gold mining industry encouraged the establishment during 1921, of a part-time Board of Trade and Industry to investigate ways to expand and support industry. The Board recommended a comprehensive policy of protection but this was opposed and apart from a raised tariff on blankets, leather goods and a few other locally produced products, the general 15 percent import tariff was retained.87 However, implementation of the import tariffs was disorganised and matters were aggravated by the high railway costs, intensified labour unrest due to the lowering of wages and the uncompromising attitude of the “merchant class”. In addition, the newly established and largely inexperienced manufacturers were obliged to comply with all the regulatory requirements of the first Factory Act, Industrial Legislation and the Apprentice Bill.88
The recession improved slightly towards the end of 1921 but deteriorated with the subsequent Rand Rebellion of 1922, which resulted in work suspensions and wage reductions on the mines. Manufacturing output was reduced because it largely relied on the depressed mining population. Most manufacturers had to work short-time and many had to close down. Hansi Pollak identified remarkable development during the period up to the 1930s and viewed the “good years” to have been from 1917 to 1920 and from 1925 to 1930. She explained that the first period was due to the war conditions which gave temporary control over the local market and the second period resulted from the stimulation through protectionist policies.89
2.1.2 Enhanced Manufacturing, 1925–1936 The Pact government of 1924 identified the secondary industry as having the potential to relieve unemployment among the estimated 300,000 ‘poor Whites’, as well as ensuring long-term prospects for the fast growing population. The permanent Board of Trade and Industry (hereafter BTI) was assigned the responsibility to investigate suitable amendments to the Customs Tariff Act of 1914.90 The BTI reported that White workers,
86 S. Jones and A. Müller: The South African Economy, 1910 90, p. 70. 87 Ibid., p. 70. The import tariff set by the South African Customs Union in 1903 was 10 percent, it was then increased to 15 percent during 1906 with a rebate of 3 percent on products from Britain, Canada, Australia and New Zeeland. In 1914 the Cullinan Commission recommended better protection for agriculture and those industrial enterprises which would make use of local resources and result in creating wide ranging opportunities, but the mining industry in the Transvaal opposed the recommendation and the first Union Customs Tariff Act, no. 26 of 1914 continued the 15 percent tariff rate. pp. 63 64. 88 H. P. Pollak: Women in Witwatersrand Industries: An Economic and Social…, p. 12. 89 Ibid., pp. 13, 19. 90 S. Jones and A. Müller: The South African Economy, 1910 90, pp. 37, 70. 27 especially women, found it difficult to compete with Black workers in primary occupations such as farming and mining and therefore the urgency to industrialise became evident. Marais explained that the BTI believed that industrialisation would provide ample ‘civilised’ work opportunities for women in an acceptable environment.91
Taking into consideration that customs revenue was the State’s principle source of income, the Board established that specific industries could expand under increased protection. What was to become, “a comprehensive system of import substitution through tariff protection”, the 1925 Customs Tariff and Excise Duties Amendment Act was structured in such a way that raw material required by industry had to be admitted free of duty. Protection was not granted if it resulted in higher costs to farmers, the mining industry or the consumer.92 Protection was intended primarily for consumer goods such as canned food, confectionery, blankets, clothing, footwear, soap, tobacco, cigarettes and furniture, but was extended during the depression in the 1930s to cover industrial products such as cement and steel.93 The general rate was increased to 20 percent but hardly ever exceeded 25 percent.94 The policy of protection was counteracted by the return to the gold standard.95
The Great Depression from 1929 to 1932 did not affect the Witwatersrand as much as the rest of the country, in part, because the demand was more for necessities and there was a rapid increase in the more secure consumer spending.96 Jones and Müller explained that the stability of gold mining and the building of the Iscor plant, which commenced production of pig-iron and steel, reduced the effects of the depression on industry and trade in the Witwatersrand.97 There was a relative decline in imports as well as in exports
91 G. Marais: “Structural Changes in Manufacturing Industry, 1916 to 1975”, The South African Journal of Economics, vol. 49, 1981, p. 33; R. A. Jones and H. R. Griffiths: Labour Legislation in South Africa, p. 26. Civilised Labour explained as: “The party considered it beneath the dignity of the White man to compete with Black workers for manual labour vacancies at a wage which, although adequate for a Black man, was completely unsatisfactory for a White. This situation did not allow the White worker to pursue a ‘civilised’ way of life. As a result, the coalition government embarked on what has been called its ‘civilised labour Policy’, which was designed to stimulate the employment of Whites in preference to Blacks.” 92 S. Jones and A. Müller: The South African Economy, 1910 90, pp. 70 71. 93 G. Marais: “Structural Changes in Manufacturing Industry, 1916 to 1975”…, p. 34; S. Jones and A. Müller: The South African Economy, 1910 90, p. 71. 94 S. Jones and A. Müller: The South African Economy, 1910 90, p. 71. 95 S. P. Viljoen: “The Industrial Achievement of South Africa”…, p. 31. 96 H. P. Pollak: Women in Witwatersrand Industries: An Economic and Social…, pp. 10 12, 16 18. 97 S. Jones and A. Müller: The South African Economy, 1910 90, p. 73. 28 and during this period the need to develop export markets to Northern Africa was realised.98
The abolition of the gold standard in 1933, the devaluation of the South African Pound as well as an increase in the gold price created a boom for the gold mining industry and the economy in general.99 The lack of political opposition to the merged United Party resulted in no further economic policy intervention. The demand for ‘civilised labour’ during the 1920s, all but disappeared as a result of an increase in White employment in all sectors of the economy. The employment of other groups increased even more rapidly and sparked an inflow of Black workers from subsistence farming into the modern economic sector.100
During 1925 the GDP of South Africa was only R537 million of which agriculture contributed 21 percent, mining 16.2 percent and industry only 7.8 percent.101 Marais’ research demonstrated that the production of manufacturing industries increased at an average of 8.5 percent per annum during the period 1926-36. The contribution towards the GDP increased from 8.1 percent in 1926-27 to 12.9 percent in 1936-37, a notable increase compared to the 1.9 percent during the preceding decade.102
Marais described the outstanding economic features of the period 1926 to 1936 as, “…prosperity of the gold mines, the establishment of the South African Iron and Steel Corporation, tariff protection and technological change in transport (the motor car) played an important role in the industrial development of South Africa during these years.”103
2.1.3 Accelerated Manufacturing, 1936-1955 Economic growth in South Africa continued and was boosted by the development of the goldfields in the Orange Free State. During the Second World War the Industrial and Agricultural Requirements Commission recommended support to industries that manufactured products from South African raw materials. Precedence was given to those industries that could contribute to import replacement, as well as those that could become
98 S. Jones and A. Müller: The South African Economy, 1910 90, pp. 72 73; H. P. Pollak: Women in Witwatersrand Industries: An Economic and Social…, pp. 16 18. 99 S. J. J. de Swardt: “Agricultural Marketing Problems in the Nineteen Thirties”, The South African Journal of Economics, vol. 51, 1983, p. 22; D. H. Houghton: The South African Economy, p. 14. 100 D. H. Houghton: The South African Economy, p. 15. 101 S. P. Viljoen: “The Industrial Achievement of South Africa”…, p. 31. 102 G. Marais: “Structural Changes in Manufacturing Industry, 1916 to 1975”…, p. 34. 103 Ibid., p. 35. 29 exporters of their manufactured goods. Some of the notable industrial developments that resulted from this support were the manufacturing of textiles, the development of chemicals and fuel from coal, as well as the expansion of the local iron and steel industries.104
The transformation of the economic environment during the period 1936 to 1946 was a result of the Second World War, which forced South Africa to become more dependent on its own resources. The driving force of the economy was import replacement and resulted in manufacturing output growing at an average annual rate of 5.1 percent from 1936-37 to 1946-47. Manufacturing’s contribution to GDP rose by 3.3 percent during the same period. Demand by the Allied powers sparked rapid development in some manufacturing industries such as clothing.105
Wool became the first large export commodity during the1860s and contributed 75 percent of total exports. No other textiles were produced before the Second World War apart from blankets, unbleached sheeting and canvas.106 The development of the South African textile industry and in particular the spinning and weaving of piece goods only began during 1946.107 Protective duties were imposed to stimulate the growth of the local textile industry. However, technical difficulties and market restrictions experienced by the infant textile industry, limited the production and availability of a variety of local fabrics and forced the clothing manufacturers to import fabric “over high tariff walls”.108
The period 1939 to 1961 portrayed a changing structure of contribution to GDP between the primary, secondary and tertiary sectors in the overall economy. The primary sector contribution decreased from 33.4 percent during 1939 to 24.8 percent in 1961. The secondary sector, in particular the manufacturing industry, increased from 17.7 percent during 1939 to 23.6 percent in 1961. This showed a relative decline in agriculture and mining with a comparable increase in manufacturing, but not to the extent achieved in the late 1930s.109 Another characteristic was the increase in the value of industrial products
104 D. H. Houghton: The South African Economy, p. 16. 105 G. Marais: “Structural Changes in Manufacturing Industry, 1916 to 1975”…, p. 35. The Allied powers were: United States of America, Canada, Britain, France and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. 106 S. P. Viljoen: “The Industrial Achievement of South Africa”…, pp. 30, 40. 107 G. Marais: “The Relation between Economic Development and the Location…, p. 311. 108 H. A. F. Barker: “The Clothing Industry in S.A.”, The South African Journal of Economics, vol. 29, 1961, p. 254. 109 S. Jones and A. Müller: The South African Economy, 1910 90, p. 130. 30 exported against the total value of exports, which increased from 5 percent in 1939 to 18 percent by 1958-59.110
During the period 1936 to 1946, the Second World War was the stimulus that the economy needed to become self sufficient. Import control stimulated economic growth and the clothing and explosives industries benefited most from the war conditions. Exports remained the same while imports of manufactured goods declined substantially. The period 1946 to 1956 was an era of outstanding economic prosperity for South Africa. The augmentation of manufacturing was endorsed by the expansion of agriculture and mining. Unfortunately the growth in manufactured exports did not balance the increase in imports. The imbalance that occurred led to the implementation of import control measures which yet again stimulated manufacturing growth. During this period accelerated development of capital intensive industries such as the processing of minerals opened up new markets overseas.111 The Report by the Wage Board in 1956, estimated the clothing industry to be the fourth largest manufacturing industry after the iron and steel, metal products and building construction industries. At that stage, the clothing industry employed 45,279 workers and contributed £22,562,000 to the total production of the secondary industry, which reached £430,086,000 during 1956.112
2.2 POLITICAL INFLUENCES ON THE INDUSTRIAL ENVIRONMENT Before the First World War industrialisation was slow and the economic driving force of the Witwatersrand was the gold mining industry, which influenced all subsequent industrial development in the area. Until 1907 Afrikaners were not attracted to mining or industry, but unskilled Black men were drawn in from all over Southern Africa. The skilled White mining and industrial labourers were mostly immigrants from Europe. They brought with them the European tradition of trade unions and they generally supported the socialist inclined Labour Party (hereafter LP).113 The power of the White mineworkers’ strikes culminated in the enactment of discriminatory employment legislation to protect the White miners’ advantaged position.114
110 G. Marais: “The Relation between Economic Development and the Location…, pp. 309 310. 111 G. Marais: “Structural Changes in Manufacturing Industry, 1916 to 1975”…, pp. 35 36. 112 UW/WCL: DHC: AD1454: Wage Board Report: The Clothing Industry, 1 May 1956, p. 10. 113 E. S. Sachs: Rebels Daughters, p. 18. 114 R. A. Jones and H. R. Griffiths: Labour Legislation in South Africa, p. 18. 31 A new political awareness emerged sparked by the importation and then deportation of Chinese labour. This event led to the mineworkers’ strike and promulgation of Ordinance No. 17 of 1904, regulating the introduction into the Transvaal of unskilled non-European labourers.115 Subsequently, the 1907 strike led to the Mines and Works Act of 1911, which included that all skilled jobs had to be performed by a labourer in possession of a certificate and specified that no certificate would be granted to any non-European person. Also during 1911, the South African Party (hereafter SAP) introduced the Black Labour Regulations Act which barred contracted Black labourers from organising to negotiate with employers, which had to be addressed through inspectors of Black Labourers.116 Thus, discriminatory labour legislation had been firmly established to safeguard White workers by barring Black competition from specific jobs.
Between 1910 and 1924, the government of Prime Minister General Botha which included General Herzog and General Smuts, was fairly unperturbed about Imperial interest, mining capital and moderate nationalism. However, the nationalist tension between the English and the Afrikaners and the question of colour always remained at the fore.117 To this end, election coalitions were entered into between White mineworkers and other labour organisations, as well as the LP and other political parties with the aim of strengthening the political muscle of labour. South African relations with Britain only lead to increased Afrikaner nationalism in opposition to imperialism. Moreover, the Afrikaner political leaders took advantage of the growing hostility between capital and labour to mobilise pro-South African interests against the British influence.118
Hertzog as the Minister of Native Affairs initiated the first segregation legislation in the Native Land Act, No. 27 of 1913. This Act called for areas to be identified and set aside as Black areas. The aim was to prevent ownership of land by Black individuals outside the reserved areas, as well as ownership by White individuals inside the reserved areas.119 Davenport pointed out that the Act had to aid the recruiting of labourers for the mines, but was also intended, “…to get rid of those features of African land ownership and share-
115 C. F. Nieuwoudt, G. C. Olivier and M. Hough: Die Politieke Stelsel van Suid Afrika, p. 294; R. A. Jones and H. R. Griffiths: Labour Legislation in South Africa, p. 1. 116 R. A. Jones and H. R. Griffiths: Labour Legislation in South Africa, pp. 3 4. 117 A. Hepple: South Africa: A Political and Economical History, p. 141; B. Freund, The Making of Contemporary Africa, p. 178. 118 T. R. H. Davenport and C. Saunders: South Africa: A Modern History, Fifth Edition, pp. 213 214. 119 R. A. Jones and H. R. Griffiths: Labour Legislation in South Africa, p. 7. 32 cropping which White farmers found undesirable…”120 The Native Land and Trust Act, No. 18 of 1936, extended the scheduled Black areas by means of allowing adjacent areas to be proclaimed.121 This Act did not prevent the influx of Black workers to the cities, since the constant demand for Black labour only stimulated the migration. Demand for labour remained high due to the rapid expansion of both the mining and industrial sectors from the 1930s and the economic boom caused by the war during the 1940s.122
Following the White miners’ strikes of 1913 and 1914, the Black mine workers protested against working conditions.123 This was followed by the Riotous Assemblies and Criminal Law Amendment Act of 1914, which prohibited riotous assemblies, incitement to public violence, picketing, blacklisting, intimidation and inducements.124 Black workers joined the Industrial and Commercial Workers’ Union (hereafter ICWU) from 1918 on and by 1925 membership stood at 50,000, which increased to 100,000 by 1927.125 The Black Labour Regulation Act of 1911 was a powerful instrument to block the efforts by Black workers to bargain collectively. Despite the enforcement of the Act, for eleven days during 1920, 71,000 Black male workers came out on strike for better wages and against the colour bar. Police suppressed the strike and Black mineworkers returned to work, never to strike again for the next 25 years.126
Strikes increased across the country in various industries from two during 1915, to 66 during 1920. The expansion and the radical mood of the White trade union movements was reflected in the impressive support for the LP during 1920, whilst support for the NP strengthened similarly. General Smuts, who became Prime Minister when Botha died in 1919, masterfully manipulated the vote by merging his SAP with the Unionist Party (seen as the Party of Imperialists) to secure a victory and effectively halve the LP’s support. When employment quotas were altered to allow for the employment of more non-White workers, strike action followed, later to be referred to as the Rand Rebellion.127 During 1923, the suppression of the Rebellion lead to the denunciation by the court of the Mines
120 T. R. H. Davenport and C. Saunders: South Africa: A Modern History, Fifth Edition, p. 271. 121 A. Hepple: South Africa: A Political and Economical History, pp. 145, 147. 122 H. Giliomee and L. Schlemmer: Up Against the Fences: Poverty, Passes and Privileges in South Africa, p. 2. 123 M. Ramphele and F. Wilson: Uprooting Poverty: The South African Challenge, p. 194. 124 R. A. Jones and H. R. Griffiths: Labour Legislation in South Africa, p. 10. 125 A. Hepple: South Africa: A Political and Economical History, p. 234. 126 M. Ramphele and F. Wilson: Uprooting Poverty: The South African Challenge, p. 194. 127 A. Hepple: South Africa: A Political and Economical History, pp. 142, 228 229, 231 232. 33 and Works Act of 1911 and the status quo agreement, thus permitting the mine owners to employ non-European workers in jobs formerly reserved for White workers.128
A weakened LP, under the leadership of Colonel Creswell, blamed Smuts for the bloodshed of 1922 and in 1924 formed a pact with Hertzog’s Nationalist Party to defeat the SAP.129 Jones and Griffith explained that the LP aspired to create a “White workers socialist state in South Africa”. Conversely, the NP represented the poor Afrikaners. Hertzog as the Prime Minister, embarked on a ‘civilised labour policy’, designed to facilitate White employment at wages on a ‘civilised’ level for White workers and sufficient for Black workers.130
The ‘poor White’ problem escalated during the 1920s and policies were pursued to facilitate the integration of ‘poor Whites’ into the industries. Smuts had already introduced the Apprenticeship Act of 1922, which specified a minimum entry age of 15 years and a Standard Six certificate in an attempt to enhance the standard of artisanship. This presented a problem to non-Europeans whose schools rarely progressed to Standard Six. The designated trades specified under this Act were boot making, clothing, carriage building, electrical engineering, food, furniture, leather work, mechanical engineering and printing.131 Pollack explained that females were neither considered nor included in the ambit of apprenticeship, which only provided for qualifying male juveniles.132
The next legislation intended at relieving the ‘poor White’ problem, was the Black (Urban Areas) Act of 1923 which together with the 1913 Black Land Act aimed at influx control. Ramphele and Wilson highlighted that this was, “…the policy that was to cause such pain and damage to black South Africans during the twentieth century.”133 This Act initiated the development of separate suburban areas for Black people. The Act categorised Black people as “temporary sojourners” for the period of their employment, with no claim to their location residence. Once they no longer contributed to the economy they were expected to return to the reserves.134
128 R. A. Jones and H. R. Griffiths: Labour Legislation in South Africa, p. 17. 129 C. F. Nieuwoudt, G. C. Olivier and M. Hough: Die Politieke Stelsel van Suid Afrika, p. 301. 130 R. A. Jones and H. R. Griffith: Labour Legislation…, p. 26. 131 Ibid., pp. 19 20. 132 H. P. Pollak: Women in Witwatersrand Industries: An Economic and Social…, p. 57. 133 M. Ramphele and F. Wilson: Uprooting Poverty: The South African Challenge, p. 192. 134 R. A. Jones and H. R. Griffiths: Labour Legislation in South Africa, pp. 21 23. 34
The third and final legislation by Smuts to alleviate the ‘poor White’ problem, as well as to prevent incidents such as the Rand Revolt of 1922, was the Industrial Conciliation Act of 1924.135 This Act regulated collective bargaining agreements between trade unions and employers through the Industrial Councils. The Act defined an employee in such a way as to exclude, “…a person whose contract of service or labour is regulated by any Black Pass Laws and Regulations, or by Act No. 15 of 1911, or any amendment thereof, or regulations thereof…” The Act excluded Black workers from collective bargaining through official Industrial Councils.136 The ambiguity concerning the wages of Black women was used by the Garment Workers’ Union (hereafter GWU) to ensure that they were paid the same as White women. This was terminated in 1953 by the NP government when they passed the Black Labour (Settlements of Disputes) Act, No. 48, which excluded all Black men and women from the Industrial Conciliation Act and barred them from collective bargaining.137 Altman explained that complementary to the Industrial Conciliation Act, the Wage Act of 1925 was introduced to allow industrial workers to participate in collective bargaining. This was to enable them to request investigations into wages and working conditions. Initially the wages of Black workers were unilaterally determined by the Wage Act, since trade unions for Black workers were illegal.138
The Mine Workers Act of 1911 was amended in 1926, to prohibit Black people from performing certain skilled jobs.139 The railways, state and provincial departments were instructed to employ a quota of White skilled and semi-skilled workers at wages much higher than those paid to non-Whites. This sympathetic government approach served to strengthen the White unions.140 Hertzog’s Black Administration Act, No. 38 of 1927, was probably the final straw that caused the division in the LP and the split with the NP during 1928. Jones and Griffith explained that the Act curtailed the movement of Black individuals and dealt with the ‘adjustment and constitution of Black tribes and the removal of Blacks’. Black people were required to carry passes in certain areas.141 The election of 1929
135 M. Altman: “Labour Regulations and Enterprise Strategies in the South African Clothing Industry”, Regional Studies, vol. 30, (4), July 1996, p. 395. 136 R. A. Jones and H. R. Griffiths: Labour Legislation in South Africa, pp. 3, 23 24. 137 E. S. Sachs: Rebels Daughters, p. 116. 138 M. Altman: “Labour Regulations and Enterprise Strategies…, p. 395. 139 Ibid., p. 29. 140 A. Hepple: South Africa: A Political and Economical History, pp. 232 233. 141 R. A. Jones and H. R. Griffiths: Labour Legislation in South Africa, p. 30. 35 reflected a weaker LP with the Nationalists winning comfortably. Hertzog’s election campaign revolved around the protection of a White South Africa and his victory provided the support to continue his quest for segregation.142
Disagreements between the two leaders in the LP resulted in a split between those who supported Colonel Creswell and those who supported Madeley, the Minister of Labour. Colonel Creswell, the pro-Nationalist, wanted to protect White labour whereas Madeley’s more socialist inclined National Council opposed the discriminatory laws. Madeley was subsequently left out of the government because he had met with the Industrial and Commercial Workers’ Union concerning working conditions of Black workers in the Post Office. In Hertzog’s opinion, this was a disputable Black trade union and he disapproved of the meeting.143 The subsequent split in the LP resulted to some extent from the separation between the “older crafts unions” and the new unions which represented less skilled workers. After the 1932 general strike, the skilled male tailor section of the GWU split from the union due to a disagreement with the female workers.144 The tensions within the LP continued during the 1930s.145
After the Great Depression and abolition of the gold standard in 1933, the South African economy accelerated and upon recommendation, a Fusion Government was established between Hertzog’s NP and Smuts’ SAP. Segregation remained government policy. Blacks could not be denied the right to develop, but their economic development could pose a threat to European power. The economy expanded dramatically towards the late 1930s. Further legislation was introduced to regulate industrial labour. One of these was the Unemployment Benefit Act, No. 25 of 1937, which entitled workers not able to find work to compensation. The commendable aim of the Act was undermined by the exclusion of Black workers from unemployment benefits, since Black workers had to obtain assistance in their listed Black areas.146
Two opposing political party emerged in opposition to the Fusion Government. The Dominion Party under Colonel C.F. Stallard objected to the new United Party’s (hereafter
142 A. Hepple: South Africa: A Political and Economical History, p. 144. 143 Ibid., p. 144. 144 I. Berger: Threads of Solidarity: Women in South African Industry 1900 1980, pp. 98, 105. 145 D. O’Meara: ‘Analysing Afrikaner Nationalism: The ‘Christian National’ Assault…, pp. 48 49. 146 R. A. Jones and H. R. Griffiths: Labour Legislation in South Africa, pp. 33, 38 40. 36 UP) taxation policy that posed a threat to the gold mining industry. On the other hand, Afrikaners formed the “Purified” National Party (hereafter PNP) under Dr D.F. Malan and perceived the fusion as succumbing to the interests of mining.147 The Afrikaner Nationalists sense of security, boosted by the Hertzog government’s language rights and ‘civilised labour policy’, seemed threatened under a UP government and yet again Imperialism was blamed for the Afrikaner’s misery. For the Afrikaner Broederbond (hereafter AB), class division under Hertzog’s government was based on “White politics” that encompassed not only the Afrikaner but also the English. Therefore, after fusion the AB sought to develop a working class base for Afrikaners to bring about a cohesive nation which they had hoped would ultimately result in Nationalist political power, as well as the development of Afrikaner economic empowerment. To change the working class base, the PNP sought to reduce the power of the LP, as well as the South African Trade and Labour Council. To accomplish this, Afrikaner workers had to be organised into “Christian-Nationalist” trade unions.148
Hertzog proposed neutrality during the Second World War and left the UP after losing the vote to Smuts, who had remained loyal to Britain. The Purified Nationalists supported neutrality. Smuts, formed a coalition government with the LP and Dominion Party, and won an overwhelming victory in the 1943 elections.149 Some trade unions felt that the LP’s new position could be to their advantage and as a result several became affiliated to the LP. The GWU decided first to wait and assess the situation. They disassociated themselves from the LP when Madeley, the LP’s newly appointed Minister of Labour, published wage scales below the 1926 level for the workers in the sweets industry. On the other hand, the Afrikaner workers who supported the LP, and who were not in accord with the Fusion Government, were now easily persuaded to support the PNP.150
Smuts introduced further labour legislation. The revised Factories, Machinery and Building Works Act, No. 22 of 1941 replaced the initial Factories Act of 1918 as amended in 1931, which was one of the most important instruments to protect the welfare of women and juveniles working in the different industries. The initial Act required the registration, control and inspections of factories. It limited the number of working hours to 50 per week and set
147 A. Hepple: South Africa: A Political and Economical History, pp. 144 145. 148 D. O’Meara: ‘Analysing Afrikaner Nationalism: The ‘Christian National’ Assault…, pp. 46, 52 55, 63. O’Meara translated Afrikaner Broederbond as the “Afrikaner Brotherhood”. 149 A. Hepple: South Africa: A Political and Economical History, pp. 146 147. 150 L. Witz: Servant of the Workers: Solly Sachs and the Garment Workers’ Union, 1928 1952, pp. 217 218, 264. 37 out requirements for working conditions and confinement of women. The 1941 Act reduced the working hours to 46 per week and improved the standards to protect the health and safety of workers. It became illegal to employ persons younger than 15 years.151
Smuts also introduced The Black (Urban Areas) Consolidation Act, No. 25 of 1945, to replace the original Act of 1923. Jones and Griffith confirmed that this Act reinforced the principle that Black individuals were “temporary sojourners” in White areas and their rights were in the reserves. They explained that:
In this regard the Act is an integral part of the overall policy of separate development of the different races within South Africa, in the sense that having created segregated Homeland areas in terms of the 1913 Black Land Act and the 1936 Development Trust and land Act it is necessary to “persuade” blacks to stay in these areas, or return to them, by preventing their free and unrestricted movement into urban areas.152
The post-war elections in 1948 took a totally different turn when the PNP came into power under the leadership of Dr Malan. The Nationalist Party’s ideological and organisational efforts, as well as the sustained attacks on the key trade unions had paid off.153 They had already adopted the policy of apartheid during 1945 and now made it official government policy.154 The right by Indian individuals to vote, as approved by Smuts during 1946, was withdrawn in 1948.155 The Group Areas Act of 1950 determined residential separation of the racial groups. Jones and Griffith stated that even though thousands of White individuals had to move under the provision of the Act, the majority comprised of Black, Coloured and Indian (mainly traders who suffered financial losses) people who had been living in racially mixed areas.156
The Suppression of the Communism Act, No. 44 of 1950, had a far reaching effect on individuals and labour organisations. Demonstrations and gatherings were prohibited and
151 H. P. Pollak: Women in Witwatersrand Industries: An Economic and Social…, 56; R. A. Jones and H. R. Griffiths: Labour Legislation in South Africa, pp. 42 49. 152 R. A. Jones and H. R. Griffiths: Labour Legislation in South Africa, pp. 63 73. 153 R. Ross: A Concise History of South Africa, p. 115; J. Mawbey: “Afrikaner Women of the Garment Union during the Thirties and Forties”…, pp. 34 35. 154 F. Ackron: “Die Ontwikkeling van die Rassebeleid in Suid Afrika”, in C. F. Nieuwoudt, G. C. Olivier and M. Hough: Die Politieke Stelsel van Suid Afrika, p. 103. 155 A. Hepple: South Africa: A Political and Economical History, p. 153. 156 R. A. Jones and H. R. Griffiths: Labour Legislation in South Africa, p. 80. 38 some organisations and individuals were banned.157 Solly Sachs, as General Secretary of the GWU, became one of the first to be banned on 8 May 1952.158 During the same year the Abolition of Passes and Co-ordinating of Documents Act, No. 67 of 1952, was promulgated. Blacks, on reaching the age of 16 years had to be issued with a reference book. Identity documents had already been issued to other population groups and the intention was to reduce some inequity censure if such documents were to be issued to Black people. Black women who were previously not affected then also had to carry a reference book. The Act tightened influx control to all urban areas.159 The Black Representation Council set up by Smuts was withdrawn and the education of Black children was transferred from the private missionary institutions to the Department of Native Education.160
During the early years of PNP rule, Black political organisations became more activist. November 1949 was marked by rioting on the Witwatersrand and in May 1950, a stay- away in Johannesburg, Benoni and Brakpan, led to the death of eighteen Blacks and thirty others were wounded. The ANC’s passive protest since 1912, changed after 1948, due to the forcefulness of the younger militant generation of leaders. In 1949, their Programme of Action called for boycotts, strikes and civil revolt. In 1951, the ANC asked for the repeal of the Pass Laws and Group Areas Acts, an end to separate representation and demanded parliamentary representation. Their demands were rejected, a decision that provoked the passive resistance campaign since June 1952. Apartheid regulations were consequently violated and 8000 people were arrested. The situation led to the introduction of two new laws in 1953; the Public Safety Act, wherein government reserved the right to declare a State of Emergency and the Criminal Law Amendment Act, determining punishment to passive resistance against any law.161
2.3 POLITICAL INFLUENCES ON THE CLOTHING INDUSTRY AND ITS LABOUR FORCE The clothing industry workers, employers and their respective organisations were directly influenced by the prevailing political environment of the early twentieth century. The
157 Ibid., p. 84. 158 J. Lewis: “Solly Sachs and the Garment Workers’ Union”…, p. 67. 159 R. A. Jones and H. R. Griffiths: Labour Legislation in South Africa, pp. 88, 90. 160 A. Hepple: South Africa: A Political and Economical History, pp. 153, 158. 161 Ibid., p. 155. 39 working environment had been sturdily manipulated by the well entrenched racial divide, repressive legislation and policies of the PNP. Until the 1950s, trade unions representing the workers were known for their unity and powerful militancy, whereas any union representation of Black workers was illegal.
In 1917, a government commission of inquiry into the clothing industry established that the wages of workers in general were below the subsistence minimum.162 By 1935, the Wage Board stated that since the 1917 report, the clothing industry had flourished and prospered. However, there were still a large number of employees in certain occupations who generally received wages that were not, “…sufficient to enable them to support themselves in accordance with civilised habits of life.” Despite this, the Board had felt that it couldn’t assist in trying to improve those wages as it would, “…lead to serious disturbance of existing practice of conditions.”163
2.3.1 The Transformation of the Clothing Industry Labour Force Leading up to 1928, only a small number of Black workers were employed in the Witwatersrand clothing industry to clean the floors and lay out fabrics, as well as performing basic pressing skills.164 Young Black boys were sometimes employed to trim off cottons.165 Some Indian tailors were employed by factories but the majority of skilled workers employed during the early years were immigrant European men.166 From the mid- 1920s, the workforce of the Witwatersrand’s manufacturing industries changed predominantly to White Afrikaner women. This followed from the poor economic conditions in the rural areas which caused women to find work to support their families financially. These women were either young woman who came from the farms to the city, or wives and daughters of the men who were either unemployed or who earned insufficient wages.167 In 1931, Afrikaner women accounted for 93.3 percent of the female industrial workforce on the Witwatersrand, whereas Black, Coloured and Indian women constituted 3.3, 3.2 and 0.2 percent respectively. The Black women were employed in laundries as
162 J. Mawbey: “Afrikaner Women of the Garment Union during the Thirties and Forties”…, p. 34. 163 NASA: ARB 2886 1069/98: Wage Board Report: Garment Making Trades, 1935, para. 153, pp. 71 72. 164 L. Witz: Servant of the Workers: Solly Sachs and the Garment Workers’ Union, 1928 1952, p. 133. 165 H. P. Pollak: Women in Witwatersrand Industries: An Economic and Social…, p. 79. 166 Interview with Chuto Lalloo, 14 November, 2006. 167 L. Callinicos: People’s History of South Africa, Working Life 1886 1940..., p. 220. 40 sweepers and cleaners. The Coloured women were also employed in laundries, as well as in a few clothing establishments which were owned by Indian tailors.168
Another prominent feature of the original labour force was that, as a percentage of the total female workforce in the industry, 82.5 percent were younger than 25 years whereas only 6.2 percent were above the age of 35.169 Dulcie Hartwell, Assistant Secretary of the GWU, was of the opinion that the changeover to female labour could be ascribed to it being much cheaper.170 By 1928, over a thousand White female workers were employed in the clothing factory sector on the Witwatersrand, compared to less than a hundred White men. Black male pressers were several hundred and there were only a few Coloured workers.171
The only other centre where White female employees constituted the majority workforce was in the Port Elizabeth/East London area, although that industry was very small. In Cape Town, Coloured female employees were in the majority, whilst Indian male employees were the majority in Natal.172 The Wage Board Report of 1935 attributed the large majority of White workers employed by the clothing industry as follows, “The clothing trade illustrates the serious repercussions of the setting of a ‘Colour Bar’. Many employers under the pressure of European public opinion have endeavoured to run their factories with nothing but European employees.”173 By 1936, a change was already noticeable when the racial composition of the workforce in the Witwatersrand clothing industry comprised of 88.7 percent White, 2 percent Coloured and Asiatic and 9.3 percent Black employees.174
The Report by the Wage Board further indicated that the rapid expansion of the clothing industry, both during and after the Second World War, had led to a shortage of White labour. The young women, previously attracted to the industry, were finding better employment in other areas such as in the service trades. As a result, White labour remained virtually stable with very few new entries and which by 1955, resulted in, “the consequent ageing of the European labour force.” Hence by 1955, the workforce of the
168 H. Pollak: “Women Workers in Witwatersrand Industries”, The South African Journal of Economics, vol. 1, (1), March 1933, p. 64. 169 Ibid., p. 66. 170 D. Hartwell: “Conditions of Working Women in South Africa”, Garment Worker, October 1938, p.7. 171 E. S. Sachs: Rebels Daughters, pp. 28, 58. 172 NASA: ARB 2886 1069/98: Wage Board Report: Garment Making Trades, 12 April, 1935, para. 60, Table 1, p. 31. 173 Ibid., para. 39, p. 19. 174 UW/WCL: DHC: AD1454: Wage Board Report: The Clothing Industry, 1 May 1956, para. 14, p. 18. 41 Witwatersrand clothing industry consisted of only 56.8 percent White employees who were over 35 years of age, compared to the 21.1 percent of Coloured employees.175
By 1946, the racial composition had changed to 54 percent White, 22.1 percent Coloured and Asiatic and 23.9 percent Black employees. A factor that contributed to the change in the racial composition was that separate facilities had to be provided for the different race groups and some employers therefore preferred to employ workers of the same race. Consequently, due to the shortage of White labour, a preference developed for an entirely Black workforce. However, by 1955, there was an even more pronounced change to 32.6 percent White, 29.3 percent Coloured and Asiatic and 38.1 percent Black employees.176 The actual numbers of workers in that survey were 652 White men and 5,041 White females, 4,070 Black males and 2,585 Black females, 93 Asiatic males and 242 Asiatic females, 328 Coloured males and 4,436 Coloured females.177
In 1936, the racial composition of the labour force in the Western Cape was 46.4 percent White, 52.9 percent Coloured and Asiatic and 0.7 percent Black employees respectively. By 1955, this had changed to 12.9, 85.2 and 1.9 percent respectively. Similarly, in 1936, the Durban industry reflected a racial composition of 28.9 percent White, 66.8 percent Coloured and Asiatic and 4.3 percent Black employees respectively. By 1955, this had changed to 5 percent, 89 percent and 6 percent respectively.178
2.3.2 The Development of Labour Organisations in the Clothing Industry The clothing industry, unlike the mining industry where racial issues had featured since its inception, differed in that up until the 1930s the workforce comprised mostly of White workers. The developing manufacturing industries were not affected by a legal colour bar. Sachs alleged that because employers started with little capital, they exploited all their workers, irrespective of colour. Serious racial tension started to surface in the clothing industry during the Second World War. Sachs recalled a racial incident during 1944, at a Germiston clothing factory, which was sparked by the employment of nine Coloured workers. When NP supporters who were also employed at the same factory, noticed the
175 Ibid., para. 14, p. 19. 176 Ibid., para. 14, pp. 18, 20. 177 Ibid., Annexure: Table ІV, Number of Employees According to Area, Race, Sex, and Age, August 1955. 178 Ibid., para. 14, p. 18. 42 coloured workers, chaos broke out and a strike was declared. The employers were compelled to dismiss the nine Coloured workers.179
The first legislation directly impacting on the clothing industry was the Factories Act of 1918, but it made no racial distinction between the workers.180 It was only after 1928/29, upon insistence of the GWU, that the Act was effectively enforced.181 The Bespoke Tailoring Industry had already established the Witwatersrand Tailors’ Association (hereafter WTA) during 1913 and practised normal union activities such as the organisation of strikes to secure higher wages and better conditions.182 After 1923, the organisation started to represent not only the bespoke tailoring industry, but also the factory section. The employees of H.J. Henochsberg which produced clothing primarily for government contracts, were dissatisfied with the general reduction of wages during 1923 and formed their own organisation called the Manufacturing Tailors’ Workers’ Association and Sick Benefit Society.183
The membership of White Afrikaner women to the WTA, a union previously for skilled white male tailors, increased rapidly and by 1928 stood at 75 percent of the total membership.184 In terms of the provisions of the Industrial Conciliation Act of 1924, the Industrial Council for the Bespoke Tailoring Industry and the Industrial Council for the Clothing Industry were both established by 1925.185 Both unions, as well as the Transvaal Clothing Manufacturers Association (hereafter TCMA), were registered with the Industrial Councils in 1925.186
When Solly Sachs who at that stage was a member of the Communist Party, became the General Secretary during 1928, the union became politicised. The name of the union also
179 E. S. Sachs: Rebels Daughters, pp. 35, 53, 151. 180 R. A. Jones and H. R. Griffiths: Labour Legislation in South Africa, pp. 14 15. 181 E. S. Sachs: Rebels Daughters, pp. 26, 73. 182 Ibid., p. 24. 183 E. Gitsham and J. F. Trembath: A First Account of Labour Organisation in South Africa, pp. 110 111; L. Witz: Servant of the Workers: Solly Sachs and the Garment Workers’ Union, 1928 1952, p. 44. 184 E. S. Sachs: Rebels Daughters, p. 209. 185 NASA/ARB 2886 1069/98: Memorandum submitted by the National Executive Committee of the South African Trades & Labour Council to the Honourable J. B. M. Hertzog, Prime Minister, and the Right Honourable J. C. Smuts, Minister of Justice, concerning the Wages and Conditions of Labour of Employees engaged in the Garment Making Trades throughout South Africa. 19 November, 1935. 186 E. S. Sachs: Rebels Daughters, p. 23. 43 changed at the end of 1929 to the GWU.187 One of the outcomes of his leadership was that the GWU made an effort to be a non-racial organisation. From the mid-1930s, this vision presented both the emerging GWU leadership and its members, as political targets for various Afrikaner Nationalist cultural organisations.188 After the 1932 general strike, the skilled male tailor section of the GWU split from the union because of a disagreement with the female workers. Under the guidance of Sachs, female leaders emerged as highly effective, socialistically inclined and extremely militant leaders. Most prominent were Hester and Johanna Cornelius, Anna Scheepers and Dulcie Hartwell (wife of Solly Sachs), all of whom ranked amongst the most powerful of trade unionists in South Africa.189
Although low wages prevailed in the Witwatersrand’s clothing industry, wages were still higher than in other centres making the Witwatersrand’s manufacturing costs higher. The reason for this was that from 1926, the Wage Board had controlled the wages of the Western Cape which was the Witwatersrand’s main competitor, while the wages of the Transvaal garment workers were governed by an industrial agreement.190 Another contributing factor to the higher wage scales was that the mining industry on the Witwatersrand had set standards for higher wage levels which had to be followed by the other industries. From the garment worker’s position, there was a sharp contrast between the privileged bargaining positions of the mineworkers to that of the garment workers. Lewis elaborated that, “The White garment workers did not have the numerical or economic power to bargain their way into the power block.”191
Apart from the Witwatersrand, the wages of all the other regions were regulated by the Wage Board. The Witwatersrand’s White clothing workers were regulated by the Industrial Council Agreement, while Black workers were not covered at all. During 1928 Black male workers started to organise themselves into the South African Clothing Workers’ Union (hereafter SACWU). They operated under the leadership of Gana Makabeni, who was educated in the night school of the Communist Party of South Africa and was assisted by
187 UW/WCL: GWU: Bcf. 1 2: The Garment Worker: Quarterly Bulletin of the Garment Workers Union (Transvaal), December 1929. When Sachs joined the union in 1928 it was the Witwatersrand Tailors’ Association but changed to the GWU during 1929; B. M. Touyz: White Politics and the Garment Workers’ Union: 1930 1953, p. 201. 188 J. Lewis: “Solly Sachs and the Garment Workers’ Union”…, pp. 71 72. 189 I. Berger: Threads of Solidarity: Women in South African Industry 1900 1980, pp. 98, 105. 190 E. S. Sachs: Rebels Daughters, pp. 25 27; NASA: ARB 2886 1069/98: Wage Board Report: Garment Making Trades, 12 April, 1935, para. 60, Table 1, p. 31: The average wage in Cape Town was £ 1. 10s. 0d. and on the Witwatersrand it was £ 1. 17s. 8d. 191 J. Lewis: “Solly Sachs and the Garment Workers’ Union”…, p. 74. 44 the Communist Party as well as the WTA.192 However, members of the WTA offered very little support when SACWU members went on strike during 1928 but three years later SACWU’s members supported the GWU during their 1931 strike.
During 1932, SACWU with assistance from Sachs and the GWU, and in the face of continuous opposition from the TCMA, forced the publication of Wage Board determinations which included the industry’s Black workers. White workers needed reassurance that their wages would not be undercut. Some employers, disgruntled with Sachs’ involvement even paid Herman Charles Bosman to print defamatory material about Sachs in his newspaper.193 After recovering financially from the destructive 1932 general strike, the GWU started to assist Gana Makabeni, in the SACWU. But as Witz explained, “Indeed GWU assistance to the SACWU never really went further than the leadership of the latter union.”194
Overall there were more than 100 strikes in the industry between 1928 and 1932 and many jobs were lost.195 The initial years of the GWU existence were characterised by harsh clashes with the employers, as with the two major strikes of 1931 and 1932.196 During the second strike many picketers were arrested and Sachs was banned from the Witwatersrand for one year. The GWU was defeated in a court ruling that granted the lowering of the workers’ wages to the level of the industry at the coastal centres, which was reversed during 1934. The Industrial Council for the Witwatersrand ceased to exist during the period 1932 to 1935 and the union had to be reorganised. Du Plessis viewed production as being more important than the fight for better working conditions and blamed the GWU for the shutting down of production.197 Conversely, the country was embroiled in the worldwide depression which initiated the employers’ request to lower wages to the levels of the coastal industry. Furthermore, the government’s decision to return to the gold standard also had a negative effect on the economic environment.
192 A. Drew: Discordant Comrades: Identities and Loyalties on the South African Left, p.78; L. Witz: Servant of the Workers: Solly Sachs and the Garment Workers’ Union, 1928 1952, pp. 136 138. 193 L. Witz: Servant of the Workers: Solly Sachs and the Garment Workers’ Union, 1928 1952, pp. 140 150. 194 Ibid., pp. 148, 150, 151, 155. 195 E. S. Sachs: Rebels Daughters, p. 210. 196 J. Mawbey: “Afrikaner Women of the Garment Union during the Thirties and Forties”…, p. 34. 197 H. L. du Plessis: Die Vakbondwese in Suid Afrika met Spesiale Verwysing na die Klerewerkersunie, pp. 185 189, 193. 45 From 1936, the cessation of hostilities between the employers and the employees benefited both parties without which the union would not have been able to ward off the Nationalist Party opposition that followed. A new era in labour relations started with the realisation that uninterrupted production depended on collaboration and adherence to the closed shop agreement by all parties.198 Unfortunately, the 1930s represented a period of intensified government and public pressures, as well as Nationalist Party interference, which continued into the 60s.
During 1934, the government requested that a certain number of White pressers be employed by the industry which resulted in a reduction in the number of Black pressers. Soon afterwards, the employment of Black pressers increased again and some factories even started to employ only Black male workers. During the war, the number of Black male workers in the industry more than doubled from 1,101 in 1938 to 2,489 in 1946. Towards the latter years, they were mainly employed for packing and deliveries. SACWU grew from strength to strength and by 1938 represented about half of the Black male workers in the industry. It is noteworthy that during 1939, the Black clothing workers were among the highest paid Black workers in Johannesburg.199
During 1929, the GWU attempted to form a parallel union for Indian workers. This proved unsuccessful as the Indian tailors threatened to dismiss their workers if they joined and consequently the affiliation was only initiated during 1931. Witz described the Indian section of the GWU as the “naughty child” because its members were ineffective trade unionists, influenced by their employers’ view. The GWU terminated the affiliation and subsequently from 1935 the Indian section became part of the No. 2 Branch.200
Even though Coloured workers could have joined the existing union during 1935, the GWU members voted in favour of the establishment of a parallel association which effectively formed the No. 2 Branch of the GWU.201 This had become crucial to prevent Coloured labour from becoming the norm as a cheaper alternative, as was evidenced by a Germiston factory that substituted some Europeans with Coloureds. This parallel association would thus be in a position to help protect the jobs held by the White workers
198 J. Lewis: “Solly Sachs and the Garment Workers’ Union”…, p. 80. 199 L. Witz: Servant of the Workers: Solly Sachs and the Garment Workers’ Union, 1928 1952, pp. 152 155, 158. 200 Ibid., pp. 143 146, 156. 201 E. S. Sachs: Rebels Daughters, pp. 118 119. 46 and ensure that the same wages were paid to both groups.202 Witz concluded that, “The Coloured workers had virtually no say in their working conditions since this was controlled by the TCMA and the GWU on the Industrial Council.”203 Lewis was of the opinion that the Coloured workers were involved in the affairs of the union and it appeared that they controlled their separate dealings. He argued that Sachs’ motivation to form parallel unions was also to reduce racial tension.204
The thousands of Coloured women, who entered the industry from the late 1930s, were employed in jobs vacated by White workers who had left the industry for better positions. During the Second World War, Black women started to enter the industry which resulted in a total transformation of the composition of the work force. In 1938 there were only 8 Black women working in the industry. This increased to 454 during 1944 and then to 900 by 1946. Numerically Black industrial workers covered by wage determinations, increased considerably from 1,084 to 67,632. One of the significant consequences of the change in the labour force composition during the war years was the revitalisation of Black trade unionism during the early 1940s. SACWU took a leading position to campaign for new wage determinations, also demanding to be included in the industrial council agreement. The TCMA did not recognise SACWU and attempts to be regulated by the Industrial Council were constantly resisted by most manufacturers. Irrespectively, about nine of the larger factories did commence with membership deductions for SACWU members. Even though the GWU agreed that all workers should be covered by the industrial agreement, they didn’t want to oppose the TCMA as their relationship was at the time also under a lot of strain. When the Wage Board’s recommendations were finalised, the GWU deemed that some wages were too low but the employers felt that some were too high and the publication of the recommendations was delayed.205
Eventually during 1944, new Wage Board determinations concerning all workers in the clothing industry not covered by the Industrial Agreement were published. These included positions previously not covered such as mechanics, drivers and cleaners.206 The skilful
202 UW/WCL: GWU: Bcf. 1 2: The Garment Worker: Quarterly Bulletin of the Witwatersrand Tailors’ Association, March 1929, p. 5. 203 L. Witz: Servant of the Workers: Solly Sachs and the Garment Workers’ Union, 1928 1952, p. 156. 204 J. Lewis: “Solly Sachs and the Garment Workers’ Union”…, p. 77. 205 L. Witz: Servant of the Workers: Solly Sachs and the Garment Workers’ Union, 1928 1952, pp. 166 170; Editorial: “Living Wages Versus Bosses Profits: Union’s Statement to Wage Board”, Garment Worker, November 1938, pp. 5, 8. 206 L. Witz: Servant of the Workers: Solly Sachs and the Garment Workers’ Union, 1928 1952, p. 169. 47 interpretation of the definition of an ‘employee’ in the Industrial Agreement, by the GWU, benefited Non-European female machinists to be covered by the Industrial Conciliation Act until the early 1950s. These actions by the GWU persuaded Fine, De Clercq and Innes to distinguish the GWU as one of the unions committed to non-racialism.207 This conclusion was motivated by events such as the appeal by Sachs during 1944, against the exclusion of Black women from the definition of ‘employee’ in terms of the Industrial Conciliation Act. Sachs argued that the definition excluded only Black pass-bearing men. The judge ruled that the exclusion in the Act did not apply to Black females workers, thus Black women received the same wage increase that White women received.208
Black male workers were still discontented with the difference between the working conditions of the workers covered by the Wage Board and those covered by the Industrial Agreement. The Wage Board stipulated a 46 hour working week with two weeks annual paid leave, while the Industrial Agreement called for a 44 hour week and three weeks annual paid leave. Black male workers had to work the extra hours per day or on Saturdays.209
The strain on the relationship between the GWU and the TCMA increased during the Second World War and there was significant infighting within both organisations. The go- slow strike by the GWU members during 1940, forced a 10 percent wage increase. Then, during 1942, there was a basic wage increase as well as a grant for a cost-of-living allowance in accordance with “War Measure No. 9”, but the request for Easter Monday to be a paid holiday was declined. The grant was intended to have been valid only for two years, but such was the shortage of workers that employers were forced to lure workers from competitors by offering higher wages.
The call not to entice workers was ignored by various manufacturers and that sparked a call by some TCMA members to suspend the Association. By 1945, some manufacturers paid wages of up to 60 percent more that those prescribed by the Industrial Agreement. Higher wages were openly advertised and the GWU threatened to strike if the TCMA did not withdraw a circular to stop the enticement. The TCMA was in a predicament as their members were in disagreement, wages paid were above the Agreement and the GWU
207 B. Fine, F. De Clercq and D. Innes: “Trade Unions and the State: The Question of Legality”, South African Labour Bulletin, vol. 7, 1981, p. 44. 208 E. S. Sachs: Rebels Daughters, p. 115. 209 L. Witz: Servant of the Workers: Solly Sachs and the Garment Workers’ Union, 1928 1952, pp. 169 170. 48 seemed to acquire the upper hand in the factories. For a while employers’ enticement continued, but the effect of the high wages on profits forced them to turn to Coloured and Black workers who were prepared to work for lower wages. Even so, there was still evidence of enticement during 1951.210
The publication of the new Industrial Agreement was also hampered by the Minister of Labour, Madeley’s refusal to publish the agreement on grounds of the “definition of the clothing industry”. All other parties concerned had already approved the industrial agreement and the only way the Minister could ward off strike action towards the end of 1940, was to publish the agreement promptly.211
The consequence was the influx of Coloured and Black workers into the clothing industry and the GWU had to deal with the increased numerical dominance of the No. 2 Branch over the mother union. This dominance manifested in frequent demands for inclusion into the Central Executive Committee (hereafter CEC) of the GWU, as well as representation on the Industrial Council. This resulted in much infighting in the mother union and simultaneously allegations arose that Sachs was only looking after the interests of the principle union. His call for working class unity to fight the bosses was rejected. He maintained that the masses first had to be educated before embarking on such representation. Some TCMA members still opposed representation on the Industrial Council and the GWU rejected representation on their CEC. On the one hand, White workers’ racial attitudes threatened a split in the union, yet on the other approval could create ammunition for the NP opposition.212
The Coloured workers at that stage complained that the Black workers were taking their jobs and were unwilling to allow them to become members of their No. 2 Branch. On the other hand, White workers complained that the non-European workers were performing equal work albeit in different areas of the factories. The Nationalist movement exploited the discontent of the White workers to attack the GWU.213 In a note to Sachs during 1951, Cornelius observed that many of the European garment workers had been won over by the National Party, by virtue of their criticism that the GWU was “under the cloak of
210 Ibid., pp. 232 233; UW/WCL: GWU: Cbb. 1 5: Correspondence dealing with complaints concerning enticement, dated 1951; Minutes of Meeting between GWU and TCMA dated 27 April 1945. 211 L. Witz: Servant of the Workers: Solly Sachs and the Garment Workers’ Union, 1928 1952, pp. 167 168. 212 Ibid., pp. 158 165. 213 Ibid., pp. 172 173, 180. 49 communism”.214 By then the composition of the clothing industry workforce had changed drastically because of the demand for Black workers during the war.
Membership of Black workers of the GWU became illegal from 1953, when the Bantu Labour (Settlements of Disputes) Act was promulgated. Subsequently and during the same year, a separate branch for Black women working in the clothing industry was formed with Lucy Mvubelo as its General Secretary. Later it merged with the Black male clothing workers’ union, SACWU, to form the National Union of Clothing Workers (hereafter NUCW).215 Emdon quoted Lucy Mvubelo stating that the trade union movement in South Africa would have been much stronger, “…if all White trade unions had developed parallel unions for Africans the way that the Garment Workers’ Union had done.”216
As a result of the 1953 legislation, Black female workers were no longer covered by the Industrial Agreement and employers attempted to cut their wages but were prevented through action by the GWU.217 However, the following year employers had agreed to extend coverage to all workers in the clothing industry and for the first time Black men were also included in the Agreement. This would have created substantial and immediate wage increases, had the Industrial Council not granted employers permission to pay certain categories of Black workers wages at a notch lower than prescribed. Service cards were issued to the affected workers on which employers were required to record the commencing date and periods of service. The BTI labelled this as “adjusted experience” and stated, “There is no record of the number of cases dealt with on this basis but, having regard to the number of Natives employed in the industry, the number must be appreciable”.218 Some factories went ahead and replaced all their experienced White workers with these learner category Black workers. The Industrial Conciliation Act of 1956 also attempted to prevent mixed membership of registered unions previously allowed to accept Indian and Coloured members. The Act called for the majority of the White members to approve membership of non-European workers or a separate trade union had to be registered. Despite pressure from members, who were National Party supporters, the GWU maintained the two branches.219
214 I. Berger: Threads of Solidarity: Women in South African Industry 1900 1980, p. 185. 215 J. Lewis: “Solly Sachs and the Garment Workers’ Union”…, p. 77. 216 C. Emdon: “TUCSA Congress – No Debate!”, South African Labour Bulletin, vol. 3, (4), 1977, pp. 14 15. 217 E. S. Sachs: Rebels Daughters, pp. 116 117. 218 UW/WCL: DHC: AD1454: Wage Board Report: The Clothing Industry, 1 May 1956, pp. 45 46. 219 I. Berger: Threads of Solidarity: Women in South African Industry 1900 1980, pp. 180 183. 50
Even though the percentage of White clothing industry workers declined drastically, the Industrial Conciliation Act of 1956 included job reservation legislation. Berger explained that from November 1956, “…the work of machinists, supervisors, choppers-out and table hands in the clothing industry would be reserved for Whites, who then accounted for only 4,500 of the 40,000 employees in this category. 22,000 Black workers were doing ‘reserved’ jobs.” In reality this was impractical as numerous exemptions needed to be granted. In Johannesburg, Germiston, Kimberley and Port Elizabeth, a stay-away by the Black workers already performing those jobs, resulted in 300 factories closing down. This was later modified to a percentage or ratio system with White employment set at 25 percent. Manufacturers had to employ one White worker for every three non-White workers employed.220 Albert Foster explained that this created major problems and increased costs since White workers were not always readily available, thus White workers were employed without any skills just for the sake of complying with the stipulated ratio. Additional costs were further incurred where workers of the different ethnic groups had to be partitioned off and provided with separate facilities.221
2.3.3 The Political Role Played by the Garment Workers’ Union and its Members The White Afrikaner women who constituted the bulk of the clothing industry’s labour force from the 1920s, came to the Witwatersrand with deep rooted hatred for the British and passionate nationalism following the events of the Boer War.222 Although they came to rely on Solly Sachs and recognised the benefit of GWU membership, they still supported the NP. On the other hand, Sachs endeavoured to modify the Afrikaner worker’s nationalist passion into a class struggle.223
The GWU continually supported the LP during their election campaigns of the 1930s.224 The LP served Sachs and the GWU’s ideologies of a mass working class, even though they did not agree with the LP’s “reactionary Native policy”. In their opinion, the Communist Party would have been the ideal Party to take on the challenge but at the time were not capable to do so.225 Sachs believed that the attitude of White workers had to be changed
220 Ibid., pp. 182 183, 274. 221 Third Interview with Albert Foster, 26 October, 2006. 222 E. S. Sachs: Rebels Daughters, p. 212. 223 L. Witz: Servant of the Workers: Solly Sachs and the Garment Workers’ Union, 1928 1952, pp. 261 262, 266. 224 Editorial: “The Labour Party Conference”, Garment Worker, January, 1939, pp. 1 2. 225 Editorial: “Building the Mass Party of the Working Class”, Garment Worker, April, 1939, pp. 1 2. 51 before they would accept their fellow non-European workers. Therefore, only when the White workers had been persuaded to support the LP would they accept the Black workers. On the other hand the Communist Party condemned the GWU’s support of the LP and its narrow-minded policy. The Nationalist Party perceived the activities of the GWU and its leadership as a threat to nationalism.226 Solly Sachs, along with other leading trade unionists, was banned from the Communist Party during 1931. Allison Drew explained that the reason given was that they were, “… using reformist and social-democratic methods and of neglecting the red trade unions.”227 The attitudes of the White workers towards non- European workers did however change for a couple of years during the 1930s, although they never disappeared completely. It was mainly through Sachs’ leadership and guidance, that some of the old prejudices were altered.228
Some of the White garment workers lost faith in the NP during 1932, because of the treatment of the GWU’s striking members. The event left most members distrusting the union and when the defeated GWU accepted a 10 percent wage cut, they left the union. They gradually rejoined the union during 1938, when the union secured a rise in their wages (from the 1928 level of 23s. per week to over £2 per week), as well as improved working conditions. Witz shared that the position strengthened the union and that, “strong bonds of allegiance based on a firm organisational structure were established.”229
During 1934, the workers still somewhat disillusioned by the 1932 events, were then faced with the fusion by the NP and the SAP to form the UP, which they perceived as the party with imperialism allegiances. This alarmed many Afrikaner workers and they temporarily shifted political support to the LP which consequently resulted in a revival of the Party. This support for the LP was short lived when the LP decided to join forces with the UP, in support of the Allied Second World War effort. The semi-skilled Afrikaner workers realised that their aspirations would also not be met by this new political alliance.230
Sachs along with the GWU also disaffiliated from the LP, as he believed that ‘the need for independent working class action’ was no longer served by them. Many other unions
226 J. Lewis: “Solly Sachs and the Garment Workers’ Union”…, pp. 71 77. 227 A. Drew: Discordant Comrades: Identities and Loyalties on the South African Left, p. 124. 228 L. Witz: Servant of the Workers: Solly Sachs and the Garment Workers’ Union, 1928 1952, p. 155. 229 Ibid., p. 263. 230 Ibid., pp. 264, 274. 52 recognised the potential benefit and started to affiliate with the LP, forcing Sachs into political isolation. Between 1943 and 1945 this led, largely under the direction of Sachs, to the establishment of new left-wing groups such as the Independent Labour Party (hereafter ILP), the Socialist Party and the National Labour Congress.231 The GWU leadership were candidates for the ILP during the 1943 general elections, but the party was defeated resoundingly.232
The environment was totally transformed by the issues surrounding the Second World War and convinced many Afrikaner workers to support the National Party movements.233 The war offered new and better job opportunities for the White garment workers and thus large numbers of non-European workers found employment in the clothing industry. The PNP seized the opportunity to strengthen their meagre Transvaal support by embarking on a campaign to win over the Afrikaner workers, who were seeking a new political home.234
Even though the various Afrikaner cultural organisations and the Dutch Reformed Churches called upon the garment workers not to support the GWU, the garment workers remained faithful to their leadership. In 1952, in terms of the Suppression of Communism Act, 1950, the Minister of Justice ordered that Sachs resign from the union in 1952 and consequently he was banned during the same year.235 Johanna Cornelius, the President of the GWU since 1935, succeeded Solly Sachs as the General Secretary and Anna Scheepers became the new President.236 From the early 1960s, the GWU became much less militant and aligned itself to the ranks of the more moderate unions.237
2.4 THE CONDITIONS IN THE WITWATERSRAND CLOTHING INDUSTRY The development of the manufacturing sector in South African did not display consistent progress. The state provided capital for the development of the steel industry, whilst the engineering and the chemical sectors were funded by mining and foreign capital. Lewis explained that, “The origins of the clothing industry, however, were indigenous and
231 J. Lewis: “Solly Sachs and the Garment Workers’ Union”…, p. 76. 232 B. M. Touyz: White Politics and the Garment Workers’ Union: 1930 1953, p. 201. 233 L. Witz: Servant of the Workers: Solly Sachs and the Garment Workers’ Union, 1928 1952, p. 274. 234 Ibid., pp. 264 265, 268. 235 D. O’Meara: ‘Analysing Afrikaner Nationalism: The ‘Christian National’ Assault…, pp. 46, 57. 236 E. S. Sachs: Rebels Daughters, pp. 206, 210. 237 I. Berger: Threads of Solidarity: Women in South African Industry 1900 1980, p. 273. 53 dependent for capital on a process of primary accumulation.”238 The clothing factories lacked capital resources when they entered the market and were faced with competition from the already established and increasing clothing imports. Therefore they maintained themselves on paltry profit margins which could only be achieved by underpaying the employees.239
The clothing sector was divided into the wholesale or factory sector, as well as the retail sector (This will be explained in detail under chapter 3). The factory sector had a further and particularly important subdivision, referred to as Cut, Make and Trim (hereafter CMT). To establish such a CMT factory required very little capital, therefore the number of these types of factories increased steadily from 1931. The Wage Board Report of 1935 differentiated between a CMT and a manufacturer as follows:
In the C.M.T. section, the manufacturer does not, for the garments which he makes up, provide any of the material, except what are known as trimmings. A roll of material is sent to him by a merchant or shop-keeper to be made up into suits or shirts or other garments, the manufacturer cutting the material, supply the trimmings and making of the garments. In the manufacturing section, the manufacturer makes up the garments from cloth purchased by him, the goods when ready being sold by him on his own behalf.240
2.4.1 The Working Environment Pollak’s study, based on the period between 1930 to 1931, investigated 71 factories, namely 24 clothing, 4 leather, 14 printing and publishing, 14 food and drink, 4 soap and chemical and 11 others. Combined, these establishments employed a total of 2,342 women. Her study further disclosed remarkable diversity by 1931 in the conditions of these establishments:
…ranging from the plant employing 300 women, which is well constructed, fully equipped with the most up-to-date machinery, hygienic and sanitary, to the small enterprise employing three to four women, having no machinery at all, and in which work is conducted in dingy, congested, unsanitary rooms. Most of the factories are small (there are only seven which employed over 100 women), and very many of them are the product of speculative enterprise in which the owner-manager has little or
238 J. Lewis: “Solly Sachs and the Garment Workers’ Union”…, pp. 68 69. 239 Ibid., pp. 68 69. 240 NASA: ARB 2886 1069/98: Wage Board Report: Garment Making Trades, 12 April, 1935, para. 28, p. 13. 54 no technical familiarity with the industry, and is, in general, ignorant of the beneficial effects of the existence of sound psycho-physiological conditions on the workers and their efficiency.241
Rest-room facilities for employees were generally inadequate. Employees, who could not go home during their lunch breaks, were often obliged to have lunch either at their workspace or in the street.242 The workers often had to perform tasks while standing even though such tasks could be performed when seated. When seating was provided, it was mostly stools without backrests and the workers often had to place coats, newspapers or straw on the seats to correct the height.243
One of the reasons why factories operated from unsuitable premises was that during the early industrialisation phase, allocated industrial sites could not accommodate the rapid growth and new industrial sites were not available. Building materials were also scarce and expensive. Consequently, manufacturers had little choice but to make do with the premises available and to operate under unsuitable and crammed conditions without growth potential. The situation improved later when the Johannesburg Municipality set aside more land for industrial purposes.244
By 1935, a number of new factories which incorporated improved ventilation and lighting were built, while some of the older factories were renovated. Unfortunately, most factories operated under sub-standard conditions. Some of the factories became overcrowded as they expanded their production. The owners of such establishments argued that they could not afford improvements and that it would force them to reduce their workforce.245
Before the 1918 Factory Act was introduced, there were no laws to determine working conditions such as hours, ventilation, lighting, hygiene and welfare of workers. Pollak believed that the Act became an important instrument to protect the welfare of women and juveniles.246 On the other hand, Sachs, General Secretary of the GWU, explained that the Act was not strictly enforced. Although it was supposed also to regulate work made up at home, which was a big problem at that time, there was no manpower to enforce it. As a
241 H. Pollak: “Women Workers in Witwatersrand Industries”…, p. 60. 242 NASA: ARB 2886 1069/98: Wage Board Report: Garment Making Trades, 12 April, 1935, para. 35, 36, 47, 48, pp. 18, 24. 243 H. Pollak: “Women Workers in Witwatersrand Industries”…, p. 61. 244 H. P. Pollak: Women in Witwatersrand Industries: An Economic and Social…, pp. 14 15. 245 NASA: ARB 2886 1069/98: Wage Board Report: Garment Making Trades, 12 April, 1935, para. 35 36, p. 18. 246 H. P. Pollak: Women in Witwatersrand Industries: An Economic and Social…, pp. 11, 56. 55 result, the exploitation of the working hours and a lack of proper facilities continued in contradiction of the provisions of the Act.247 There was also evidence that the stipulated wage determinations by the Industrial Council Agreement for the clothing industry, were frequently not paid by employers. In cases where firms did in fact comply with the determinations, the workers wages were often still adversely affected by either short-time when workers worked shorter hours each day or slack periods when they worked only on certain days.248
By 1931 the Witwatersrand clothing industry paid its workers 25 percent more than the prescribed wage and wages in other centres were often below the prescribed wage.249 By 1932, the workforce comprised mainly of women although their work was confined to machining and finishing. European men did the marking and laying-up of patterns and in the factories that produced better class garments, they also performed the cutting. Black male workers were mostly employed to do pressing work.250 Some manufacturers claimed that certain operations such as the insertion of sleeves, coat pockets and the closing of seams were better performed by men than by women. This must be considered against the significant difference between the higher paid male operators who often earned a weekly wage of £6.10s., which was nearly three times more compared to the wages for women performing the same work at £2.10s. per week.251
By 1934, the average weekly wage earned by White female employees on the Witwatersrand was £1.11s.6¾d., the average wage earned by White male employees was £4.7s.3d. and the average wage earned by Black male employees was £1.8s.6½d.252 In other centres, the average wages was £1.10s.8d. in the Western Cape and £1.11s. in Durban and Pietermaritzburg.253 By 1955, the average minimum wage for women was £3.12s.6d. on the Witwatersrand, £3.7s.6d. in the Western Cape and £2.17s.6d. in Durban.
247 E. S. Sachs: Rebels Daughters, pp. 26, 73. 248 H. Pollak: “Women Workers in Witwatersrand Industries”…, pp. 62 63. 249 UW/WCL: DHC: AD1454: Minority Report by Miss A. Scheepers: Annexure to the Report by the Wage Board: The Clothing Industry, 1 May 1956, p. 5. 250 H. P. Pollak: Women in Witwatersrand Industries: An Economic and Social…, p. 77. 251 NASA: ARB 2886 1069/98: Wage Board Report: Garment Making Trades, 12 April, 1935, para. 49 50, pp. 25 26. 252 Ibid., para. 71, p. 43. 253 Ibid., 1935, para. 60, Table 1, p. 31. 56 Similarly, the average wage for qualified women was £6.17s.7d., £5.1s.5d. and £4.15s.2d. respectively.254
During 1932, the Transvaal Clothing Industry Medical Aid Society, which was administered by the Industrial Council, was established and benefits were gradually improved the following years.255 By 1937, both the workers and the employers had to make weekly contributions of 5d. each towards the Medical Aid Fund. Apart from the member portion of 10s. towards the cost of spectacles, workers otherwise received free medical, dental and ophthalmic treatment, as well as free medicine. For absence due to illness, not exceeding 13 weeks, they received 40 percent of their wages. During 1938, Dulcie Hartwell pointed out in reference to the Industrial Agreement that provision had been made for annual leave of one paid week and payment for Good Friday and May Day. She objected to the politicians and some of the trade unionists, who advocated that South Africa had great social security legislation when in effect there was practically none protecting women. In fact, by then, many civilised countries had already introduced a 40 hour week while South African women still had to work 48 hours.256 In addition, thousands of women workers did not receive any annual leave nor health insurance provision. As far as maternity leave was concerned, she pointed out that:
Section 18 of the Factories Act provides for the payment to women workers of £1 per week for four weeks before confinement and eight weeks after. But the restrictions, red tape and disgusting Means Test imposed by the Department of Labour make it impossible for a large number of expectant mothers to get even the £1 per week.257
The average working hours per week had decreased from 50 to 48 hours by 1931 and most factories allowed a five to ten minutes break during the morning period which had to be taken at their workspace.258 The 1935 Report by the Wage Board introduced an additional afternoon break.259 The 1941 Act, which replaced the 1918 Act and its amendment of 1931, stipulated improved standards and working conditions to protect the health and safety of workers. Work hours were limited to a maximum of eight per day,
254 UW/WCL: DHC: AD1454: Minority Report by Miss A. Scheepers: Annexure to the Report by the Wage Board: The Clothing Industry, 1 May 1956, pp. 5, 11. 255 Booklet published by the Industrial Council: “What is the Industrial Council?” December 1952, p. 126. 256 D. Hartwell: “Conditions of Working Women in South Africa”, Garment Worker, October 1938, pp. 7, 9. 257 Ibid., p. 7. 258 H. Pollak: “Women Workers in Witwatersrand Industries”…, p. 62. 259 NASA: ARB 2886 1069/98: Wage Board Report: Garment Making Trades, 12 April, 1935, para. 35, 36, 47, 48, pp. 18, 24. 57 whilst better overtime rates were introduced.260 By 1944, work hours were reduced to 44 for those workers covered by the Industrial Agreement and to 46 for those covered by the Wage Act. From 1948 work hours were reduced to 40 hours per week for all workers.261
The 1956 Report by the Wage Board confirmed that a one hour lunch break was compulsory and that the work period before lunch could not be more than five hours. Overtime work, not only had to be approved by the Industrial Council prior to it taking place, but the employee had to agree voluntarily to work. The stipulation was that it was illegal for employers to discharge or penalise workers who refused to work overtime. Payment for overtime was the worker’s normal wage, plus an additional 50 percent and a further cost of living allowance. Overtime was not prevalent in the Witwatersrand clothing industry and was mainly required by the CMT factories during the July to December period when they had to complete production requirements before year-end.262
By 1956, short-time was still very common in the clothing industry and in particular in the CMT sector. The only condition for short-time was that the available work had to be distributed equally amongst the workers. Employees on short-time received an allowance from the Slack Pay Fund, but this compensation was lacking in that it did not pay out for less than three consecutive days. By 1955, all the workers in the Transvaal were covered by the Industrial Council and were entitled to three weeks annual paid leave at the end of the year. An additional day was added, to compensate for public holidays that fell within the period.263
In 1948, Solly Sachs remarked that even though the industry had started off by manufacturing inferior articles, real progress and improved quality of garments had only come about due to the experience gained by the workers. However, he was of the opinion that the quality had to be improved even more, so as to instil consumer confidence in locally produced clothing and ensure further growth in the industry. He emphasized the necessity of size standardisation and greater attention not only to the cut and finish, but also to all other details. He stated by way of example, “If a man buys a Delswa dress or a pair of trousers made by Alba or Greys, he gets a perfect garment. When buyers get
260 R. A. Jones and H. R. Griffiths: Labour Legislation in South Africa, p. 73. 261 L. Witz: Servant of the Workers: Solly Sachs and the Garment Workers’ Union, 1928 1952, pp. 169, 179. 262 UW/WCL: DHC: AD1454: Wage Board Report: The Clothing Industry, 1 May 1956, para. 15 a b, p. 21 22. 263 Ibid., para. 15 c, 16 17, pp. 24 26. 58 complete satisfaction from the goods they buy, they will buy these goods again and will gladly pay a little extra.”264 He added that the clothing industry in South Africa, and more specifically on the Witwatersrand, had progressed to the capacity of not only dressing the entire nation, but to export to African countries and other continents. The industry introduced modern machinery and implemented improved production techniques, but despite this still lacked a clear comprehensive strategic plan towards the future of the industry.265
2.4.2 The Conduciveness of the Witwatersrand to the Establishment of the Clothing Industry and Problems Encountered by the Entrepreneurs Robert Pozniak, current Chairman of the TCMA, explained that by hindsight in actual fact the Witwatersrand would not have been a favourable location for the development of the clothing industry had it not been for the extensive gold mining activity. Gold mining resulted in industrial development, infrastructure and population growth which benefited the development of all industries. In comparison the Cape Town infrastructure was lagging behind that of the Witwatersrand.266 The initial problems faced by the entrepreneurs, were a scarcity of labour, generally higher wages on the Witwatersrand and higher transport costs. Therefore the initial development of the clothing industry in the Transvaal, as a secondary industry was constrained. Conversely, during the period 1904 to 1914, the new stability in purchasing power following the steady increase in the population stimulated the establishment of small factories on the Witwatersrand. This prompted development of the support industry and the clothing entrepreneurs endeavoured to meet the local clothing demand.267 This provided further impetus to the need for import replacement manufacturing during the First and Second World Wars.
Numerous factors influence the conduciveness of a certain location to the establishment and growth of an industry. Apart from the entrepreneurs own personal circumstances, such factors are the security of labour supply, the availability and cost of transport as well as identifying areas with prospects of returning high profit margins. Barker believed that the
264 UW/WCL: Dc. 8 73: “Problems of the Clothing Industry of South Africa”, Memorandum submitted by E.S. Sachs, General Secretary, Garment Workers’ Union, to the Arbitration Tribunal Clothing Industry, Transvaal, August 1948, p. 2. 265 Ibid., pp. 1 2. 266 Interview with Robert Pozniak, 11 October 2006. 267 H. P. Pollak: Women in Witwatersrand Industries: An Economic and Social…, p. 9. 59 latter played a fundamental role to convince the clothing entrepreneurs of the wisdom of their choice of location on the Witwatersrand.268
Fortunately for the Witwatersrand manufacturers, direct transport with the main ports such as Delagoa Bay, Durban, East London, Port Elizabeth and Cape Town had already existed since 1894. Railway lines congregated in Johannesburg which became the industrial centre of South Africa.269 Du Plessis described the demographic position of the Witwatersrand as disadvantaged, since entrepreneurs had to pay double railage fees to transport fabrics from the ports and for finished goods to their customers.270 In contrast, the 1956 Wage Report showed that the railage cost of the Johannesburg manufacturers contributed only 0.2 percent more to the selling price of the garment compared to the same garments manufactured in Durban or Cape Town.271
The Witwatersrand developed into the principal centre of clothing manufacturing from 1925, but many difficulties were experienced by the early entrepreneurs, as the industry moved into its high growth phase. Factory owners, Wunsh and Henochsberg, explained to Du Plessis that although labour supply was more readily available during the 1920s, skilled labour was scarce and young girls from farms had to be trained by immigrant tailors.272 Only one of the larger clothing factories had an excellent training programme. The foreman trained and then matched the worker to a suitable set. In the other factories the employees were expected to ‘pick up’ the necessary skills by watching experienced workers performing the tasks. No attempt was made to establish the suitability of an employee for the job.273 Thus, the lack of trained workers was problematic for the manufacturers and since there were also no training facilities, they had no option but to train their workers themselves.
From 1926, technical schools opened in Johannesburg, Brakpan and Germiston, which provided training courses in dressmaking, dress cutting and millinery work. Black women
268 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, p. 95. 269 W. B. Worsfold: A History of South Africa, pp. 153, 158, 161. 270 H. L. du Plessis: Die Vakbondwese in Suid Afrika met Spesiale Verwysing na die Klerewerkersunie, p. 162. 271 UW/WCL: DHC: AD1454: Wage Board Report: The Clothing Industry, 1 May 1956, pp. 99 100. 272 H. L. du Plessis: Die Vakbondwese in Suid Afrika met Spesiale Verwysing na die Klerewerkersunie, p. 162. 273 H. Pollak: “Women Workers in Witwatersrand Industries”…, pp. 62 63; H. P. Pollak: Women in Witwatersrand Industries: An Economic and Social…, p. 148. In clothing production different operations are performed by different workers, who are grouped together in a set to complete the garment. 60 were also taught sewing at industrial schools.274 Despite this, most employers did not benefit much from these facilities as workers still had to start at the beginner level.275 Unfortunately, no clothing industry training facility existed to teach industry specific methods during the early years. It was only during 1955 that the Clothing Institute started training courses in a venue made available by the Technical College in Johannesburg.276 In addition, there was also a lack of local technicians with mechanical expertise to maintain machinery.277 In England, training facilities specifically for the clothing industry were already well established early in the twentieth century. Albert Foster started his career in Nottingham, England at the age of 16 (1922) as a sewing machine mechanic for Wilcox & Gibbs. At night he studied textile engineering at City & Guilds, which included the techniques of cutting and sewing of garments.278
The European and American manufacturers had the advantage of being situated in close proximity to their textile industries. By comparison, the South African textile industry only started the production of clothing fabrics after the Second World War and until then clothing fabrics were imported. In addition to this, local manufacturers paid cash for fabric orders, as well as the shipping costs in advance.279 By 1954, most of the fabrics for clothing manufacture were still imported, as only 19 percent of that required was manufactured locally and then only of a very limited variety.280
The popularity of imported clothing, due to public and merchant prejudice towards locally produced garments, remained a major problem despite the fact that the quality of the imported garments was not always of a superior quality compared to locally produced garments.281 The discriminatory attitude by the wholesale merchants towards local manufacturers was because they owned agencies in London through which they imported clothing. This was a large portion of their business and local manufacture threatened it. Most of the wholesalers were English speaking South Africans, loyal to British products.
274 I. Berger: Threads of Solidarity: Women in South African Industry 1900–1980, pp. 54, 63. 275 NASA: ARB 2886 1069/98: Wage Board Report: Garment Making Trades, 12 April, 1935, para. 95, p. 53. 276 Interview with Annie Wolkin, 14 June 2008. 277 Interview with Stephen Jaff, 4 October 2006. 278 First Interview with Albert Foster, 25 October, 2006. 279 H. L. du Plessis: Die Vakbondwese in Suid Afrika met Spesiale Verwysing na die Klerewerkersunie, p. 162. Stephen Jaff confirmed it in his interview on 4 October 2006. 280 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, p. 113. 281 H. L. du Plessis: Die Vakbondwese in Suid Afrika met Spesiale Verwysing na die Klerewerkersunie, p. 162. 61 This however started to change when Jewish owned wholesalers, who were non-aligned to the British owned agencies, established themselves and did business with the Jewish manufacturers in South Africa. Notable Jewish wholesalers were Elephant Trading in Johannesburg, as well as Sacks and Futeran in Cape Town. In addition, the advent of chain stores in the 1920s presented new outlets for clothing products.282
The Great Depression affected the Witwatersrand clothing industry negatively. A contributing factor was the drastic slump in clothing purchases by Mozambican miners, after the government entered into a new agreement with the Portuguese authorities. Previously, the workers were allowed to take home purchases of £132 tax free and the Union Government then compensated the Portuguese authorities with an amount 7s.6d. per purchase. The new agreement taxed every article that the mineworkers took across the border. Less clothing was thus bought. Competition from abroad also intensified. Government orders formerly contracted to Witwatersrand factories, shifted to the coast where manufacturers were exposed to cheaper wages.283
During the clothing factories’ inception phase inferior types of clothing were produced, targeting non-European consumers. As the industry developed, attempts were made to restrict the importation of clothing and produce better types of clothing by implementing more professional methods. By 1935, a number of manufacturers were of the opinion that clothing manufacture had reached saturation and over-production, because of the limitations of the small domestic market.284 One of the problems was the influx of a large number of CMT factories that produced garments at much lower prices for the wholesale merchants. As a result, cut throat competition intensified between the various CMT factories and the manufacturers who sold directly to the shopkeepers.
The manufacturers had no choice but to undersell or to grant extended terms of credit to shopkeepers or to replace workers with cheaper and inexperienced labour. Very little capital was required to set up and start CMT production. Underselling placed employees’ wages in jeopardy. The manufacturers in an attempt to counter the competition, applied to the BTI to terminate CMT production. Failing this, they suggested that the Board at least make the merchant or the shopkeeper responsible for the wages of the CMT workers.
282 M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, pp. 235 237. 283 UW/WCL: GWU: Bcf. 1 2: The Garment Worker: Quarterly Bulletin of the Garment Workers…, p. 11. 284 NASA: ARB 2886 1069/98: Wage Board Report: Garment Making Trades, 12 April, 1935, para. 11, p. 5. 62 They also requested that customs duty rebate on imported material, should be restricted to employers in the manufacturing sector only.285
Since 1927 the Witwatersrand manufacturers constantly complained about the lower wage structures of the coastal areas. The Witwatersrand employers’ argument was that new factories were established in the Cape rather than in the Transvaal due to the advantage of lower wages there.286 During 1929, one of the Witwatersrand factories attempted to replace 20 European workers with Coloured workers. This sparked action by the GWU to organise Coloured workers to prevent the introduction of cheaper wages.287 The Report by the Wage Board during 1935 explained that, “(M)any employers under the pressure of European public opinion have endeavoured to run their factories with nothing but European employees.”288 It remained an ever present problem, irrespective of the fact that by 1936 an improved relationship between the GWU and the TCMA resulted in better working conditions.289 The Second World War stimulated economic growth resulting in a shortage of White garment workers as they were able to secure better employment elsewhere. Non-European workers were then employed to alleviate this shortage, but the pressure to protect the jobs of white workers continued.
During the late 1920s the GWU complained about the many new Jewish tailors and Jewish employers who entered the Witwatersrand clothing industry.290 The GWU stated that an aspect of concern was:
… the influx of employers into the trade who have neither the organisational ability, nor the necessary capital with which to conduct a factory. They start a factory, flourish superficially, at any rate, for a little while and then disappear from the scene leaving behind them a trail of unsettled debts and unemployed workers.291
285 NASA: ARB 2886 1069/98: Wage Board Report: Garment Making Trades, 12 April, 1935, para. 28 30, pp. 12 14; UW/WCL: GWU: Bcf. 1 2: The Garment Worker: Quarterly Bulletin of the Witwatersrand Tailors’ Association, March 1929, p. 5. 286 UW/WCL: DHC: AD1454: Wage Board Report: The Clothing Industry, 1 May 1956, para. 27, pp. 64 66. 287 UW/WCL: GWU: Bcf. 1 2: The Garment Worker: Quarterly Bulletin of the Witwatersrand Tailors’ Association, March 1929, p. 5. 288 NASA: ARB 2886 1069/98: Wage Board Report: Garment Making Trades, 12 April, 1935, para. 39, p. 19. 289 J. Lewis: “Solly Sachs and the Garment Workers’ Union”…, p. 80. 290 Ibid., p. 1; UW/WCL: GWU: Bcf. 1 2: The Garment Worker: Quarterly Bulletin of the Witwatersrand Tailors’ Association, April June, 1929, p. 3; H. Meiring: Early Johannesburg: Its Buildings and Its People, pp. 51 53. 291 UW/WCL: GWU: Bcf. 1 2: The Garment Worker: Quarterly Bulletin of the Garment Workers…, p. 11. 63 This speculative behaviour destabilised the industry and resulted in a great number of insolvencies. This undermined the reputation of the well-established firms and healthy industrial development. Wunsh, the owner of the first hat and cap manufacturer on the Witwatersrand, explained to Pollak that the only way he could sell his goods to wholesalers and retailers was by removing his ‘made in South Africa’ label. Even though his products were known to be the best, buyers did not want to take the chance of the public knowing that they were locally made.292 Pollak concluded, in 1932, that the industrial stagnation and depression eliminated some of those suspect factories.293
The extended credit facilities manufacturers had to offer their customers added considerably to their selling expenses. The National Co-ordinating Council of the Clothing Industry observed that after the Second World War, “…credit periods of one year, eighteen months and even two years were allowed and that manufacturers and merchants were virtually bankers who sold finance rather than goods.”294 Owing to the highly competitive nature of the manufacture of fashion garments, the regular fashion changes posed a problem which could impact on the sales volume of a manufacturer.295
Anti-Jewish campaigns had already emerged during the period of the First World War.296 Later, during the 1930s, the anti-Semitic organisation known as the Ossewa Brandwag, as well as the Greyshirts, both rallied against the Jews and sometimes physically attacked them. Callinicos explained that these organisations condemned the Jews to be “exploiting capitalists and subversive communists”, but she also confirmed that the Jews were assisted by organisations such as the Mine, Furniture, Leather and the Garment Workers’ Unions.297 The Garment Worker magazine described the Aliens Registration Bill as “reactionary Fascist legislation”, since Jews immigrating to South Africa were faced with deportation.298 Such was the case when the brother of Mr B. Sarne of La Mode dress
292 H. P. Pollak: Women in Witwatersrand Industries: An Economic and Social…, p.16. 293 Ibid., p. 19. 294 NASA: RHN 1615 600/303: Memorandum to The Board of Trade and Industries from The National Co ordinating Council of the Clothing Industry of South Africa: in reply to the Board’s Report No. 303 on the Industry, 10 August 1948, pp. 7 8. 295 NASA/RHN 1615 600/303: Raad van Handel en Nywerheid..., para. 114 118, pp. 32 33. 296 H. Meiring: Early Johannesburg: Its Buildings and Its People, pp. 51 53. 297 L. Callinicos: People’s History of South Africa, Working Life 1886 1940..., p. 227. 298 Editorial: “The Aliens Registration Bill and the Labour Movement”, Garment Worker, June, 1939. 64 manufacturers (later to merge with Eva Dress), was denied a residential permit for South Africa after fleeing Germany.299
During the NP’s 1948 campaign, Dr Malan denied that his Party was anti-Jewish but stated that any further immigration of Jews should only be based on ‘humanitarian grounds’. A ‘quota system’ was believed could reduce the size of Jewish population and their participation in the economy of the country. The NP’s economic policy aimed to strengthen Afrikaner influence in commerce and industry. After Malan became the Prime Minister in 1948, attitudes towards the Jews improved noticeably.300 Indian employers were also targeted by a campaign waged against their employment of White women. The campaign resulted in the dismissal of the women by those employers. It became a national campaign, even though the Labour Department determined that only 79 White women were employed by Indian employers.301
By the 1950s the political pressure on the Witwatersrand clothing industry had reached a climax for both the employers and workers. This was partially because the government and Afrikaner groups’ blamed the problems on the increasing Black labour force. Legislation such as job reservation, the introduction of separate facilities and wage scales, as well as the prohibition of non-European membership to the GWU contributed towards the intensified racial division of workers. This intensification of statutory protection of White workers occurred despite the fact that the percentage of White workers had already plunged significantly during the Second World War.302
From the mid-1950s, government implemented incentives to encourage clothing factories to relocate to decentralised areas closer to the homelands. In some instances, the government officials tried to force some of the factories to relocate.303 Dennis Clark explained that the final blow to the industry came with the Physical Planning and Utilisation of Resources Act of 1967, which effectively limited the number of Black garment workers to the Witwatersrand. Factories were allocated a predetermined number of Black workers, by means of certificates, irrespective of the fact that by then almost only Black workers were
299 Interview with Annie Wolkin, 14 June 2008. 300 G. Saron and L. Hotz: The Jews in South Africa, a History, pp. 382 386. 301 The Star, 14 April 1937. 302 I. Berger: Threads of Solidarity: Women in South African Industry 1900 1980, pp. 183 184. 303 Interview with Stephen Jaff, 4 October 2006; Interview with Theodore Egnos, 21 August 2006. 65 available. These became tradable documents amongst manufacturers. The legislation was to the benefit of the Cape clothing industry which employed primarily Coloured workers. This development disadvantaged the employers’ economic position.304
The TCMA involved itself with various matters concerning the clothing industry and played an important role in the Industrial Council for the Clothing Industry. They frequently dealt with the intensification of various forms of state control unique to the clothing industry, as the South African industrial development gained momentum during and subsequent to the Second World War. One such control measure was price control to regulate profit margins, introduced during the Second World War. Similarly, the compulsory system of standardised cost records was introduced during 1944, but was extremely time consuming to complete. One of the TCMA’s differences with the government was the high duties on imported fabrics, which affected the manufacturing costs negatively. During the 1950s, the situation improved slightly with higher import control on finished garments.305 On the other hand, the duties on finished garments denied consumers the benefit of lower priced imported clothing.306
The significant aspect of the post-war period was the changed attitude towards the development of the local clothing industry. Protective measures were introduced to stimulate development.307 Before 1926, the ad valorem duty on ready-made men’s outerwear was 10 percent. The customs tariff protection of 1926 raised the duty on men’s outerwear to 20 percent. In 1932 a dumping duty was added on such clothing imported from Poland. Towards the end of the 1930s, the duty on men’s outerwear and shirts was raised to 25 percent and an alternative specific duty was introduced. During 1954, the National Co-ordinating Council of the Clothing Industry made their first application requesting increased duties on garments. This led to the increase during 1955 of duties on men’s outerwear to between 25 and 30 percent, which included women’s slacks, jeans and shorts. During the late 1930s, a specific duty was added to the 15 percent duty on ladies dresses. Then during 1947, the duty on ladies dresses was increased to 25 percent whilst the specific duty remained the same. During 1955, the duties on ladies woven outerwear were between 20 and 25 percent. The higher duties applied to imported clothing made
304 Interview with Dennis Clark, 4 November 2006. 305 Booklet published by the Industrial Council: “What is the Industrial Council?” December 1952, pp. 118 119; NASA: RHN 1615 600/303: Memorandum to The Board of Trade and Industries from The National…, p. 3. 306 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, p. 522. 307 M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, p. 274. 66 from calico, twill or sateen.308 These tariffs did not really offset those duties that clothing manufacturers had to pay for imported fabric. From 1952, the duty on the above mentioned cotton fabrics increased from 15 to between 25 to 35 percent.309
From 1948, a quantitative import restriction was implemented on finished clothing which proved to be beneficial.310 Dumping duties on finished clothing, introduced from 1958, also successfully restricted imports.311 During 1947, the BTI postponed recommendations on the lowering of duties on imported fabrics, because it was expected that cotton dress materials would soon be manufactured locally and in the interim period the lowering of import duties would mean a loss of income for the government.312 The BTI introduced duties of between 20 percent and 30 percent on wool during 1950, since they anticipated that the textile industry had the potential to produce most of the woollen yarns and fabrics required by the local industry. After 1955, this was extended to fabrics made of wool blends such as wool blended with rayon.313 The increase in import tariffs on textiles was introduced to stimulate the growth of the textile industry, but by the mid-1950s the textile industry could still only produce 19 percent of the fabrics required and were also not able to produce fashion fabrics.314
2.4.3 Production Specialisation and Equipment Up until the First World War sewing machines were manually operated, after which belt- driven machines were used. The sewing machines were bought either as second-hand equipment or by hire-purchase arrangements.315 The 1935 Report of the Wage Board pointed out that where electricity was available “mechanical contrivances where used to cut material.” With the introduction of the Hoffman press, five pressers could be replaced by one person to operate such a machine.316 Bernard Demby, who emigrated from Britain during the 1950s, is of the opinion that the mass production of clothing intensified after the Great War through the advent of new cutting machines. The first of these was the Eastman
308 Report of the Committee of Inquiry into the Textile and Clothing Industries: The Policy of Protection in Regard to Textiles and Clothing, 1981, para. 357 360, pp. 62 63. 309 Ibid., para. 372, p. 65. 310 Ibid., para. 316, p. 55. 311 A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, p. 256. 312 NASA/RHN 1615 600/303: Raad van Handel en Nywerheid..., para. 243, p. 73. 313 Report of the Committee of Inquiry into the Textile and Clothing Industries…, para. 386 389, p. 68. 314 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, p. 113. 315 M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots…, p. 227. 316 NASA: ARB 2886 1069/98: Wage Board Report: Garment Making Trades, 12 April, 1935, para. 49 50, pp. 25 26. 67 band-knife cutting machine which allowed for the cutting of multiple layers of fabric at the same time, whereas before single layers had to be cut by hand.317
The first ever sewing machine to have been patented was in London in 1790, by a man called Thomas Saint. However, it like many other attempts were not successful until Bartholemy Thimmonier, who was a tailor in Paris, patented a successful machine in 1830. A number of these machines were set up in a shop in Paris and used to produce army uniforms. The Parisian tailors saw this as a garment factory and a threat to their trade, and proceeded to break in and destroy all the machines. In America, Walter Hunt invented the first lockstitch sewing machine in 1834, but it was never patented. In 1946, Elias Howe patented the first lockstitch sewing machine in America, but due to being unable to market the machine successfully, he sold his machine to William Thomas in London who patented the machine. Isaac Singer copied aspects of the Howe machine but for the first time the needle action was changed from horizontal to an up and down action. This was also the first sewing machine that could, “…sew continuously a straight, curved or angled seam of any length required, but it was designed for the factory rather than the home.”318
Sewing machines were costly to produce and were initially only used for industrial purposes. Wheeler & Wilson developed a cheaper sewing machine suitable for both industrial and domestic applications, posing Singer’s greatest opposition. During 1867 Singer gained control of Wheeler & Wilson. On the other hand the British sewing machine producer, Wilcox and Gibbs, marketed their machine at half the price of the Wheeler & Wilson machines which used a single thread and formed a chainstitch.319
Albert Foster described the primary difference between the mechanisms of sewing machines, during the early twentieth century, as that Singer machine’s shuttle oscillated and Wilcox & Gibbs machine made use of a rotary shuttle. When he started in the Witwatersrand industry during 1947, blind hemming machines had not yet been introduced into the industry. When Jaff and Company experienced problems with the hemming of their dresses, their equipment suppliers Berzacks imported Union Special hemming machines as well as Union Special overlockers. The Wilcox & Gibbs machines were copied by a Japanese company and marketed under the name Brother. These Japanese machines
317 Interview with Bernard Demby, 22 July 2008. 318 C. Head: Old Sewing Machines, pp. 3 7. 319 A. Forty: Objects of Desire, Design and Society 1750 1980, pp. 94 97. 68 were half the price and in Albert’s opinion only half as good, but eventually they put Wilcox and Gibbs out of business.320 Mark Kaplan of Medici Gowns recalled that their first industrial machines installed during the late 1940s were Singer machines, which they operated for approximately 30 years.321
Foster recounted a few interesting early technical developments: during the early years the only clothing factory that produced pleated skirts was Jaxly Manufacturing. However, the pleating of the fabric itself was done by shipping the cut skirts overseas to Scotland. The agreement was that the pleating company would not pleat for anyone else in South Africa. However, Sam Jaff of Jaff and Company went to America to investigate methods of pleating. On his return, he instructed Foster to develop large steamers which worked with the boiling of water by means of immersion heaters. The steam produced was then used to set the pleats into a permanent shape. Unfortunately, the first problem was that the pleats were not permanent because the temperature was not high enough. The second problem was that the colour of the fabric changed during the steaming process. However, both problems where overcome by the evacuation of the air from the steam chamber, which resulted in higher temperatures to set the pleats permanently and a reduced level of oxygen prevented changing of the fabric colour. As a result, Jaff and Company became the first manufacturer in South Africa to produce inexpensive pleated skirts.322
Sam Jaff was also instrumental in the development of locally produced dyed buttons which until then had to be imported. He wanted to start his own company to produce buttons, thus Buttrim was established. Foster had to make tanks for the dyeing process. Galvanised tanks were joined together and since the building had no electricity he made up gas immersion heaters to heat up the water in the tanks. The heaters were made from long steel tubes extending into the tanks, with ordinary gas burners mounted inside the steel tubes. The dye was then put in the heated water and after ten minutes the buttons were taken out and dried. The synthetic material was bought overseas and tools were made to cut and shape the buttons, as well as drill the four holes in the centre. The Colour Co- ordinating Council would provide information to Buttrim to guide them to dye their buttons
320 Second Interview with Albert Foster, 26 October, 2006. 321 Interview with Ruth Reed and Mark Kaplan (Ruth Reed’s son), 10 April 2006. 322 First Interview with Albert Foster, 25 October, 2006. 69 to the required fashion colours for the season. During the 1960s Buttrim buttons became available on cards and were sold at haberdashery stores.323
By 1947 the South African clothing industry was certainly not as specialised as that of America. In comparison to the American firms that concentrated their production on one or two different types of garments, the South African factories produced a wide variety of garments. This made the coordination of the factory floor very difficult to control and highly unproductive. During 1947, one specific local factory produced overalls, jackets, blouses, shirts, dresses, caps, suits, swimming costumes, pyjamas, pants, petticoats, beachwear, night dresses, gowns and scarves for both ladies and girls. The BTI was of the opinion that the pressure to produce arose mainly from travellers who had to compete with the variety and specialisation offered by foreign travellers.324 The problem of specialisation was more relevant to the production of ladies and girls clothing, as men’s and boys clothing consisted mainly of basic items. Specialisation in the case of fashion-wear production (women’s clothing), where flexibility was a requirement to keep up with the changes that occurred in fashion trends, was very difficult.325 The TCMA felt that the specialisation problems experienced in children’s manufacturing were directly linked to the little protection offered towards this section.326
Most South African clothing factories were mechanised by 1947 and compared well with the factories in Britain. Machine suppliers stocked spare parts and a small number of technicians were available for maintenance, while some larger manufacturers employed their own maintenance staff. The BTI nevertheless expressed its concern in 1948, about the shortage of trained sewing machine technicians in South Africa and recommended training as well as recruitment of such experts abroad. At that stage the local machine suppliers lacked the knowledge to guide manufacturers in the productive use and maintenance of the machinery. By comparison, in Britain machines were installed and the manufacturers were instructed on the correct application of machinery.327 Albert Foster had already received training in Britain during 1922 on the technical aspects of clothing
323 Second Interview with Albert Foster, 26 October, 2006. 324 NASA/RHN 1615 600/303: Raad van Handel en Nywerheid..., para. 111 113, pp. 31 32. 325 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, pp. 174 175. 326 NASA: RHN 1615 600/303: Memorandum to The Board of Trade and Industries from The National…, p. 6. 327 NASA/RHN 1615 600/303: Raad van Handel en Nywerheid..., para. 108 110, p. 31. 70 machinery. Therefore, when he arrived in South Africa his versatile skills were quickly recognised by Sam Jaff and he became the company’s technical right-hand man.328
The initial method of clothing manufacture was the “Making-Through” system, which by 1947, was still the predominant production method used and where one garment was completed entirely by the same machinist. It was mostly used in small factories which produced a variety of styles, but where mass production methods were inappropriate as specialised skills were required. In the “Divisional” system, which was already in use by 1931, workers worked in sets. Each worker was skilled in only a few of the various operations and the skilled machinists would perform the more difficult tasks. The work was passed from the one worker to the other and each performed their specific operation. In the “Conveyer Belt System” the machinists were positioned next to the conveyer belt and either faced it or were at a right angles to it. The machinists would pick up the work from the belt and put it back after completing their task.329
David Mann recalled that when he arrived on the Witwatersrand from Britain during the mid-1940s, the old bench system was still in use as self-driven sewing machines utilising their own motors, were not yet common place. The bench system consisted of 10 to 12 machines positioned alongside each other and on both sides of a long wooden trough while the work was piled on racks behind each worker. One large motor drove the main driveshaft which was positioned underneath the whole length of the wooden trough, onto which pulleys to operate each sewing machine were mounted. Leather belts connected the pulleys on the shaft to each individual sewing machine. The large motor, main driveshaft and all the leather belts to the various sewing machines made the operation of such a set extremely noisy.330
During 1947, the British “Synchro-Flow” which was the newest clothing production method was implemented in some of the South African factories. In this system the sewing machines were driven by individual motors, thus the lay-out of the factory could be changed. No conveyer belt was used and work moved from worker to worker across diagonal chutes or directly from one machine to the other. In comparison, the system predominantly used in America was similar to the British system but it was the “Bundle-in-
328 Second Interview with Albert Foster, 26 October, 2006. 329 NASA/RHN 1615 600/303: Raad van Handel en Nywerheid..., para. 82 89, p. 27; H. P. Pollak: Women in Witwatersrand Industries: An Economic and Social…, p. 148. 330 Interview with David Mann, 5 October 2006. 71 Line” system and produced 50 percent higher production levels. The difference was that in South Africa the bundles of cut goods contained all the sections for one garment, compared to the American system which only contained the parts for one operation, such as the pieces required to make the collars. The assembly of the garment then still made use of diagonal chutes. The system eliminated the time consuming opening and closing of complete bundles and increased the possibility to balance the production line and achieve higher productivity. Therefore, the two factors that contributed to the high productivity of the American clothing industry was the high degree of specialisation and the “Bundle-in- Line” system.331 By 1962, many South African clothing factories had introduced mobile sewing machines, which increased productivity. Each machine had its own electric motor and was connected to an overhead installation with many electrical outlet points.332
Organisations such as the TCMA kept the industry up to date with new developments in the main clothing producing countries. The organisation also conducted research in areas such as methods to improve the working environment, factory lay-outs and availability of textiles and textile dyes.333 The clothing industry together with the SABS conducted research to standardise clothing sizes. Standardisation of sizes was problematic due to allowances that needed to be made to accommodate cutting allowances, shrinkage and changes in fashion. The clothing industry was the only industry that was already operating on a uniform costing system since 1944.334 The industry gradually replaced the bench system with single motor sewing machines which assisted in production lay-out and efficiency.
By the late 1930s, the South African economy showed remarkable growth which was accelerated by the period of the Second World War, which provided further stimulus towards industrial self sufficiency. Import control stimulated the growth of the clothing industry and exports remained stable, while imports of manufactured goods declined substantially. The period 1946 to 1956 was an era of outstanding economic prosperity for South Africa.335 By 1956, the clothing industry had become the fourth largest manufacturing industry.336 Legislation, public pressure and the NP all attempted to limit the
331 Ibid., para. 90 106, pp. 28 30. 332 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, p. 252. 333 NASA/RHN 1615 600/303: Raad van Handel en Nywerheid..., para. 114 117, p. 32 33. 334 NASA: RHN 1615 600/303: Memorandum to The Board of Trade and Industries from The National…, pp. 3, 5 7. 335 G. Marais: “Structural Changes in Manufacturing Industry, 1916 to 1975”…, pp. 33 36. 336 UW/WCL: DHC: AD1454: Wage Board Report: The Clothing Industry, 1 May 1956, p. 10. 72 influx of Black employees into the clothing industry. By the mid-1950s, the rapid increase in the number of Black employees was noticeable and rose to 38.1 percent compared to 32.6 percent White as well as 29.3 percent Coloured and Asiatic.337
Irrespective of the problems experienced by the employees and entrepreneurs, the working conditions did improve and the Witwatersrand clothing industry expanded remarkably. Production methods and specialisation did improve and the industry became much more efficient and kept up to date in particular with the British clothing industry.
337 Ibid., para. 14, pp. 18, 20. 73
CHAPTER 3
THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE ENTREPRENEURIAL CLOTHING FACTORIES ON THE WITWATERSRAND, 1915–1930
3.1 THE EARLY ESTABLISHMENT OF CLOTHING FACTORIES Until the discovery of diamonds and later gold, the South African way of life was closely linked to agriculture. Most clothing and particularly ladies clothing available from the merchants, was imported from Europe and America. The demand for custom-made men’s clothing such as men’s trousers and suits was met by craftsmen whose skills were generally referred to as bespoke tailoring. This meant that the customer was measured up, the fabric selected and the tailor then cut and made up the garment. Tailoring skills were not indigenous to South Africa and were generally performed by immigrant tailors who had acquired the skills in their countries of origin. As the demand for tailored garments increased, merchant tailors would cut the garment and then have either their own or another tailor’s workshop completes the garment.
This form of tailoring was referred to as retail bespoke and the client had the opportunity to fit the garment before it was finished. With the development of towns and cities came an increase in population, merchants and other shops. This stimulated the development of another section of the bespoke tailoring known as wholesale bespoke. The principal difference was that the client did not get the opportunity to fit the garment as it would be delivered to the merchant with only the hems to be completed. This meant that the garments were made “to individual measurements supplied by merchants, country storekeepers and others”, who then passed it on to tailors who were known as the middlemen or contractors. The wholesale agent also had the option to send the customers measurements to wholesale bespoke companies in Britain.338
As technology and training advanced, the wholesale bespoke section started up clothing factory production lines and offered ready-made garments, in addition to the bespoke garments. Problems occurred regarding the discrepancy between the wages of the employees in bespoke manufacturing, in relation to the factory employees. Both the retail
338 NASA: ARB 2886 1069/98: Wage Board Investigation: Garment Making Trades, 4 September, 1935, pp. 2 3. 74 and wholesale bespoke employees earned higher wages since they had to be skilled in all facets of sewing and finishing of garments, whereas factory workers were required to perform less skilled operations. There were incidents where garments that were sold as wholesale bespoke garments, were in fact made by factory workers who were paid according to the lower factory scales, even though the garments were sold at higher profits under the banner of bespoke. After the Wage Board’s investigation of 1935, it was recommended that the wholesale and retail bespoke workers wages be harmonised, which were still higher than those of the factory workers.339
Some of the factories established before the 1930s were bespoke businesses with sufficient working capital that relocated from Britain to South Africa. The garments that they manufactured were uniforms for the government and limited quantities of good quality men's clothing. Many of them would take orders and send them to Britain to be made-up. The advantage to the local industry was that those manufacturers set good quality standards for the rest of the industry to follow. Other small factories were established by poor Russian Jewish immigrants, generally refugees who were persecuted and refused economic participation and free movement between Lithuania and Poland. Even though many tailors were amongst the immigrants, most of the early factories were established by “sales representatives of soft goods firms”. Most factories operated with a minimum capital. They generally obtained fabric on the tab from Jewish wholesalers and operated from rented buildings. The garments they produced were low-end quality men’s garments for the non-white trade.340 During the 1930s many Jewish refugees, mostly from Germany, settled in South Africa to escape from Nazi persecution. These immigrants started the more fashionable women’s wear factories.341
Before the turn of the century, there were two clothing factories excluding the workshops of the departmental stores. In Cape Town, the company of David Isaac and Maurice Eilenberg produced waterproof clothing.342 Kaplan’s research showed that an attempt was made to start a factory in Johannesburg before the South African War, but the outbreak of the war derailed the effort.343 Until the First World War, the factories of Henochsberg and
339 NASA: ARB 2886 1069/98: Wage Board Report: Garment Making Trades, 20 August 1935, pp. 4 7; NASA: ARB 2886 1069/98: Wage Board Investigation: Garment Making Trades, 4 September, 1935, pp. 2 3. 340 M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, pp. 9 10, 227 228. 341 Ibid., p. 271. 342 Ibid., pp. 227 228; H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, p. 14. 343 M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, p. 228. 75 Wunsh appeared to have been the only two clothing factories of any significance on the Witwatersrand. Both these factories played an important part in the Witwatersrand clothing industry and existed for several decades.344 The history of H.J. Henochsberg constitutes a significant part of clothing manufacturing on the Rand:
During the early eighties of the last century the late Mr. H.J. Henochsberg opened a retail business in Durban called Hart & Henochsberg but during the course of the year it became Henochsberg Brothers. He took over the business in 1886 and obtained the first order from the Natal government for 59 railway uniforms when the railway was opened between Durban and Maritzburg. It is of special interest that these uniforms were manufactured in London but were merely supplied to the Natal Government by Mr H.J. Henochsberg. In 1903 the Henochsberg family left Durban for Johannesburg and started making uniforms and other garments in Commissioner Street on the premises of the present Superior Garage. Before Union was formed in 1910 the firm had obtained contracts to supply uniforms (all made in England) to the Central South African Railways, the Transvaal Government, the Johannesburg Municipality and many other concerns.345
The Henochsberg family thus established the first factory in Johannesburg in 1903 and at the time it was merely a large workshop. During 1911, Henochsberg explained to the Cullinan Commission on Trade and Industry that his factory had only five machinists and five helpers as the bulk of his uniform orders were still imported from Britain.346
In Cape Town, the bespoke tailoring business of the brothers W.M. and A.C. Middlemass can be considered the second clothing factory established. During 1907, the two brothers who were non-Jews relocated their men’s suit factory from Scotland to Cape Town. They called it “The House of Burlington”.347 During 1915, the first factory was started in Natal and roughly at the same time two small factories were established in Port Elizabeth, however in other cities growth was very slow.348
The supply of labour of any colour on the Witwatersrand was limited and wages were generally higher, as previously explained. Transport costs to the Johannesburg market
344 H. L. du Plessis: Die Vakbondwese in Suid Afrika met Spesiale Verwysing na die Klerewerkersunie, p. 161; G. Saron and L. Hotz: The Jews in South Africa, a History, p. 364; M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, p. 230. 345 H. J. Henochsberg: “A Firm with a History”, Garment Worker, January February, 1950, pp. 5 6. 346 H. L. du Plessis: Die Vakbondwese in Suid Afrika met Spesiale Verwysing na die Klerewerkersunie, p. 161; M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, p. 230. 347 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, p. 13; G. Saron and L. Hotz: The Jews in South Africa, a History, p. 364; M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, p. 227. 348 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, p. 14. 76 were also higher. Therefore the odds were against the development of a clothing manufacturing industry in the Transvaal. Nevertheless, between 1904 and 1914, the new stability in purchasing power as well as population increase stimulated the establishment of small factories on the Witwatersrand.349 Those entrepreneurs endeavoured to meet the local demand.
3.2 THE INCEPTION OF THE CLOTHING INDUSTRY’S INDUSTRIALISED PHASE The Great War was the impetus needed to create a practical opportunity for the development of the South African secondary industry. The war resulted in a shift in Europe, from export manufacturing to production for war demand. Shipping services were reduced and the flow of imports from Europe to South Africa ceased abruptly. Pollack explained that an exceptional characteristic of South Africa’s industries, during the Great War period, was dramatic workers’ skills improvements and progressive capturing of new markets. The number of manufacturing establishments in South Africa increased and existing factories expanded. In his opening address to the Congress of the South African Federated Chamber of Industries in 1918, Sir Meiring Beck, the Minister of Posts and Telegraphs stated that, “In no part has there been so marked a development since Union as in the Transvaal, especially in Johannesburg.”350
H. J. Henochsberg’s company moved to the Goldreich Building during 1914, which stood on, “the site where coaches used to arrive from and depart for the Cape and Natal”, the same site on which His Majesty’s Building was built during 1950. During the Great War their workshop was transformed into a proper factory which could be considered as the first authentic wholesale factory of the South African clothing industry. Henochsberg received the tender for the first government order for railway uniforms in South Africa. Those uniforms were manufactured from fabric imported from England. The factory expanded operations and by 1917 they purchased and moved to larger premises, the old Masonic Hall in Jeppe Street. Previously, the building was known as a popular dance venue and later the Jeppe Street Medical Centre was built on the same spot. The company, H.J. Henochsberg (Pty.), Ltd., listed on the stock exchange during 1930. During 1936 the company moved to 260 Commissioner Street, Johannesburg. By 1950, the company still manufactured uniforms on government contracts which included those for South African Railways and the municipalities. Their disadvantage was that they competed
349 H. P. Pollak: Women in Witwatersrand Industries: An Economic and Social…, p. 9. 350 Ibid., pp. 8, 10 11. 77 for government contracts with coastal firms with lower wage bills.351 Henochberg lost their Railways contracts during the late 1950s as their tender was too high. By then it was the only company on the Witwatersrand that still employed only White workers as specified by the initial contracts. After losing the contract, they changed to a cheaper workforce, to reduce their wage costs to be more competitive. The company was bought by Weil and Aschheim during the early 1970s and soon afterwards it was closed down due to financial difficulties.352
The next factory to be established in Johannesburg after Henochsberg, was by S. Wunsh in 1913, called the Union Hat and Cap Factory. Later it became an important men’s clothing factory called Dugson Clothing Manufacturers. This factory started production with only three second-hand treadle machines.353 Stimulated by demand, several clothing factories established by Jewish immigrants, opened on the Witwatersrand during the War. It therefore can be assumed that the Witwatersrand clothing industry’s ready-made sector started during the First World War.354
The combined number of establishments in the whole of South Africa for the period 1915/16 was only 358. The number then increased to 591 by 1920/21 reflecting a 65 percent increase. Inflation, which caused a drop in prices and the resumption of imports after the war, seemed to have spelled the end for some businesses that were established during the War.355 Even though favourable conditions prevailed between 1919 and 1920 and the number of factories increased particularly on the Witwatersrand, industrial development was impeded by little merchant and consumer confidence. Merchants and consumers resented locally produced clothing because of the inferior quality of some manufacturers. By the time of the 1921 depression the position of even reputable clothing manufacturers was in jeopardy. The situation was aggravated further by the mining labour unrest of 1922, which resulted in a noticeable deterioration in trade. The advantage of this unfavourable situation was that industry rid itself of some of the inferior manufacturers which gradually resulted in the breakdown of the consumer prejudice. Another negative factor for the industry was government’s lacklustre interest in domestic industrial
351 H. J. Henochsberg: “A Firm with a History”, Garment Worker, January February, 1950, pp. 5 6.. 352 M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, pp. 227 228, 283. 353 H. L. du Plessis: Die Vakbondwese in Suid Afrika met Spesiale Verwysing na die Klerewerkersunie, p. 162; M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, p. 231: G. Saron and L. Hotz: The Jews in South Africa, a History, p. 364. 354 M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, pp. 230 231. 355 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, p. 16. 78 development. This was evident when the advice of the Tariff Committee on more protection for certain industries was rejected. Furthermore, manufacturers saw the implementation of the Apprenticeship Bill and the Factory Act as premature.356 Therefore the growth slowed down dramatically between 1920/21 and 1925/26 and the number of establishments increased by only 6 percent, which brought the number of clothing establishments in South Africa to 626.357
By 1929, African Clothing Manufacturers was the largest clothing factory in South Africa and employed 400 people of which 300 were women.358 It was the first factory in Germiston, established towards the end of the First World War by the Kalmek family to produce men’s trousers. Soon after the diamond mines opened in Kimberley, the Jacobs family began to import boots to South Africa from their factory in Britain. During 1907, they imported other types of clothing which led to the establishment in Johannesburg of a warehouse and distribution centre, called N. Jacobs & Company. In 1921, the family established Alba Trading Company which manufactured men’s trousers and during 1926 they also started their factory in Cape Town which produced their well known Monatic shirts. Other early entrepreneurs in Johannesburg were Goldfoot, Braude, Beinashowitz and P. Jacobson and in Germiston there were S. Kramer, F. O. Silver, H. Rosen (New York Clothing) and S. Swartz who established factories.359
By 1924, the largest concentration of clothing factories was in Cape Town. Subsequently, this changed and from 1925 more factories were established on the Witwatersrand.360 It was also evident that from the early 1920s the factory sector gradually started to displace the retail sector.361 As the ‘poor White’ problem intensified from the 1920s, Johannesburg became the “Mecca of the poor White Afrikaner” as they poured into the city in search for work.362 White individuals, especially women, found it difficult to compete with Black workers in primary occupations such as farming and mining. These workers developed an
356 H. P. Pollak: Women in Witwatersrand Industries: An Economic…, pp. 11 13 357 H. P. Pollak: Women in Witwatersrand Industries: An Economic and Social…, p. 16. 358 Rand Daily Mail, 24 May 1928. 359 M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, p. 258; G. Saron and L. Hotz: The Jews in South Africa, a History, p. 364. 360 H. L. du Plessis: Die Vakbondwese in Suid Afrika met Spesiale Verwysing na die Klerewerkersunie, p. 161; G. Saron and L. Hotz: The Jews in South Africa, a History, p. 364. 361 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, p. 591. 362 F. A. van Jaarsveld: Die Verstedeliking van die Afrikaner, p. 17. ʼn Reeks praatjies opgestel vir en uitsaai deur die Afrikaanse Diens van die SAUK vanaf 19 Februarie tot 30 Maart 1972. 79 urgent need for industrial employment. Marais explained that the BTI was of the opinion, “Not only would industrialisation facilitate female employment, it would make general provision for increased employment of ‘civilized’ labour under satisfactory conditions.”363
The conduciveness of the Witwatersrand, for establishing clothing factories, can partially be attributed to the Pact government’s identification of the secondary industry, to provide unemployment relief for the estimated 300,000 ‘poor Whites’.364 Worldwide the clothing industry was particularly suitable to female employment and the clothing manufacturers made use of the abundance of White female labour that became available, even though they were unskilled. Pollak observed that by the early 1930s, 90 percent of all women working in the Transvaal industries were employed on the Witwatersrand. Furthermore, 93 percent of these women were European.365 To speed up the industrialisation process, the government introduced the, “comprehensive system of import substitute through tariff protection”.366 Import tariffs were increased to a general 20 percent on men’s outer clothing.367 A further reason for the more rapid development of the Witwatersrand industry from 1925 was the larger market induced by the prosperity of the mining industry. The purchasing power of this market was more stable than in the other South African industrial centres, which were primarily influenced by farming circumstances.368
The Industrial Conciliation Act was promulgated during 1924 and the Wage Act followed in 1925. In the same year the Wage Board conducted an investigation into conditions in the clothing industry but it excluded the Witwatersrand. The Board’s 1929 report included the Witwatersrand and Pretoria, but it combined the factory and retail clothing establishments. The report confirmed the higher growth of the Witwatersrand industry: the workforce of 1,223 in 1927 increased to 2,385 in 1929. The workforce consisted of 1,719 White, 539 Black, 117 Coloured and 10 Asiatic workers spread amongst 40 factories. The second largest workforce recorded in 1929 was that of the Western Cape with a total of 2,023 workers.369
363 G. Marais: “Structural Changes in Manufacturing Industry, 1916 to 1975”…, p. 33. 364 S. Jones and A. Müller: The South African Economy, 1910 90, p. 70. 365 H. P. Pollak: Women in Witwatersrand Industries: An Economic and Social…, pp. 27 29. 366 S. Jones and A. Müller: The South African Economy, 1910 90, pp. 70 71. 367 Report of the Committee of Inquiry into the Textile and Clothing Industries…, para. 357, p. 62. 368 H. P. Pollak: Women in Witwatersrand Industries: An Economic and Social…, p. 14 369 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, p. 15. 80 Solly Sachs’ account of the size of the industry as a person who was directly involved with the Witwatersrand clothing industry during this period should also be considered. He calculated the Witwatersrand’s bespoke retail sector of 1928 on four large workshops and about 100 small workshops. Together they employed 250 men and 250 women, of which 200 worked in the larger workshops. Some of the smaller workshops only employed one or two workers. He also mentioned a highly exploited workforce of 200 Indian boys between the ages of 12 to 15 working for family concerns.370 The 1935 Wage Board Report made reference to approximately 200 Indian workers employed in the bespoke tailoring trade.371 In comparison to the retail sector, Sachs recollected about 50 factories on the Witwatersrand with 40 in Johannesburg and the other 10 in Germiston. Only four of them could be classified as “modern by South African industrial standards of that period” and between them they employed nearly half of the total number of workers. The rest he classified as sweatshops irrespective of their size. In total, the factory section employees comprised of less than 100 White male workers, over 1,000 White Afrikaner women, a few Coloured women and several hundred Black male pressers.372
The minutes of a meeting of the “European and Indian Section of the Bespoke Tailoring Employers’ Association” in 1933 confirmed that the Indian bespoke tailoring section employed approximately 25 percent of the workers engaged in the industry.373 At that stage only 19 Indian workers were employed in the factory sector.374 The early factories were owned by Jews and the first Indian factory in Johannesburg was established during the early 1960s.375
Until 1929, the local factory production of clothing centred on men’s garments. Dressmaking on the Witwatersrand was performed by several hundred females who were not considered part of the clothing industry. 376 It can be assumed that the first factory to commence production of women’s clothing was that of Harry and William Fluxman
370 E. S. Sachs: Rebels Daughters, pp. 27 28. 371 NASA: ARB 2886 1069/98: Wage Board Report: Garment Making Trades, 20 August 1935, para. 110, pp. 57 58. 372 E. S. Sachs: Rebels Daughters, pp. 29, 58. 373 UW/WCL: GWU: Cbb. 1 5: Minutes of Meeting: European and Indian Section of the Bespoke Tailoring Employers’ Association, 9 June, 1933. 374 NASA: ARB 2886 1069/98: Wage Board Report: Garment Making Trades, 20 August 1935, para. 44, pp. 44 58. 375 Interview with Manilal and Parshotam Trikam, 30 October 2006. 376 UW/WCL: GWU: Bcf. 1 2: The Garment Worker: Quarterly Bulletin of the Garment Workers…, p. 2. 81 established during 1929.377 Kaplan reported that they made dresses, but according to Maurice Fluxman, son of Harry Fluxman, their business involved only the production of ladies coats and later suits.378 Their company was called Jardine des Modes and their trade name that became well known, was Jarmode. Maurice explained that his father’s parents had immigrated to France from Warsaw in Poland and established their business in Paris. His father came to South Africa during 1927 to work for his two uncles, Wolf and Abraham in their men’s wear factory, which during later years became known as Union Clothing. During 1927/28, his father had his parents relocated their factory to Johannesburg where they started to produce ladies coats. Harry and his brother-in-law, along with his father William formed a partnership. Maurice recalled that there was another man who was only the financier of the company and when he left, the company financed their business through the usual sources of that time such as the banks and the shippers who financed imports.379
Fluxmans established their factory on the fourth floor of the Moseley Building, directly across the road from the City Hall, on the corner of President and Rissik Streets. By 1939 the workforce consisted roughly of 50 workers which included the cutting staff, table hands and the machinists. The company expanded and during the late 40s or early 50s, when the workforce rose to approximately 100, they moved to bigger premises on the corner of End and Berg Streets. During the initial years they produced only ladies coats, of a very high quality. During the early 1930s, through the persistence of various store merchandise managers, they started to manufacture suits. It was easy for a company that already manufactured coats, to make jackets and add skirts to make up a suit. Occasionally a jacket would be paired with a dress, but dresses never made up their core business. When Jardine des Modes started they supplied garments to John Orr’s, Garlicks and Foschini.
Initially the Fluxman coats were of very classical styling and displayed limited variation, but as they expanded, fashion trade magazines were used for styling inspiration. With the progression of fashion his father had to find ways to keep up with the different looks and from the early 1950s he started to travel to Europe and England twice a year to gain inspiration. While there he also bought fabrics, especially woollens such as camel hair and Cashmere from England, France, Holland, Germany and Prato in Italy. Prato which at that
377 M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, p. 252. 378 Ibid., p. 273; Interview with Maurice Fluxman, 12 October 2006. 379 Interview with Maurice Fluxman, 12 October 2006. 82 stage was the largest textile centre in Europe, manufactured fine fabrics even though most of their cloth was manufactured from regenerated wool fibre. By the time Maurice joined the company in 1955, his father was in partnership with Wolf Aaron. Maurice later left the company due to differences with Aaron and started his own maternity wear factory called Lindy Lou.380
When Jardine des Modes was bought by a public company, the Moch Group of Companies, Harry stayed on as manager of the subsidiary. The company continued to produce their well known coats. The Moch Group of Companies produced a wide variety of clothing types, from ladies dresses and jackets to boy’s trousers. The Moch Group and Companies later merged with Weil and Aschheim, whose white triangular building at 35 Siemert Road became a well known landmark. During later years Maurice joined Warner- Reid which was a ladies coat, skirt and suit factory, established around the 1940s by Sam Warner and V. Reid. It was later taken over by a Mr Bevan, the owner of RMB Dress. The original owners of RMB Dress were Roberlof, Mennof and Bull. They produced dresses, ensembles, gowns and cocktail wear. Maurice managed the Warner-Reid side of the business from 1976 and was also a shareholder.381
During 1936, Dan Rabie’s company Fairweather, commenced mass-production of ladies coats and suits in Cape Town. At first, Fairweather made use of CMT factories for their production, when the War broke out they opened a factory, which became the largest producer of ladies coats during later years.382 Another Johannesburg company that began to produce raincoats, coats and suits from 1938, was David Naturman’s company Natwether.
Trikam Naran, a prominent Indian entrepreneur, started a bespoke tailoring workshop during 1920. His family immigrated to South Africa during 1914 from Varad, a village in India. At the age of 12 he started to work as a cleaner in a tailoring workshop that belonged to a family member. During 1920, he and his uncle started their own tailoring workshop, N. Prema Tailors. After his uncle passed away, he started his own tailoring
380 Ibid. 381 Interview with Maurice Fluxman, 12 October 2006; Booklet published by the Industrial Council: “What is the Industrial Council?” December 1952, p. 156. 382 M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, p. 273. 83 workshop and during 1935 he established Trikam and Sons, a wool merchant store which currently still trades as M. & P. Trikam Textile Merchants.383
They explained that the bespoke tailors, of which many were Indians, did not need to be licensed to operate as they did not operate as factories. 384 The workers employed in those tailoring workshops were usually boys from the community. Their cousin, Chuto Lalloo, explained that it was common that an Indian father would ask a tailor to take in his son to teach him. They usually started with buttonholes, then the trouser, then the jacket and the waistcoat and then the cutting. These workers were employed on the basis that boarding and lodging were included, and a small wage was paid.385
The Trikam family lived in Fordsburg and then moved into town, but then the Group Areas Act forced them to move to Lenasia. Their father’s tailoring business started in Vrededorp, then moved to 33 Sauer Street and thereafter to 56 Market Street in town. The wool merchant store was also situated at 56 Market Street. The businesses were forced to move, (also as a result of the Group Areas Act), to Mint Road in Fordsburg and from there the wool merchant store still operates today. During the initial years the area around their building consisted of residential houses. The building which they later bought was first owned by a Jewish man by the name of Gore, who ran a wholesale tobacco business downstairs and let the two top rooms to them. They imported the woollen fabric for jackets, suits and trousers, as well as woven cotton pocketing. The lining for the suits was imported from England, Germany and Japan. During those years men’s trousers and suits were manufactured from wool fabric. During and after the war, because of import restrictions, they were only permitted to imported quantities determined as a function of declared tax returns. The imported items were supplied to various factories, notably Rex Trueform in Cape Town.386 Other prominent entrepreneurial Indian tailors were G. Parbhoo, N. Parbhoo, N. Dayaram, C. Petamber, J. Ambaram, M. Haffajee and E. Bovo.387
383 Lenasia Times, September 1997, p. 10; NASA: ARB 2784 1069/21/1: Minutes of First Meeting: Industrial Council for the Bespoke Tailoring Industry, 5 February 1930. 384 Interview with Manilal and Parshotam Trikam, 30 October 2006. 385 Interview with Chuto Lalloo, 14 November, 2006. 386 Interview with Manilal and Parshotam Trikam, 30 October 2006. 387 UW/WCL: GWU: Bcf. 1 2: The Garment Worker: Quarterly Bulletin of the Witwatersrand Tailors’ Association, April June, 1929, pp. 3 4; NASA: ARB 2784 1069/21/1: Minutes of First Meeting: Industrial Council for the Bespoke Tailoring Industry, 5 February 1930. 84 Despite the problems associated with clothing manufacture during the war period, the industry grew by 65 percent from 1915/16 to 1920/21, then 6 percent until 1925/26 and again 6 percent to 1929/30. The Great Depression witnessed a decrease in the demand for clothing, which caused the retrenchment of workers. The industry expanded only by 2 percent in 1932/33.388 The Quarterly Bulletin of the GWU described the situation by stating that because the industry was established recently, “The least tremor in the economic equilibrium of the country is sufficient to cause a depression. Its recovery, on the other hand, is also feasible in a short space of time just because of its instability.”389
388 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, p. 16. 389 UW/WCL: GWU: Bcf. 1 2: The Garment Worker: Quarterly Bulletin of the Garment Workers…, p. 11. 85
CHAPTER 4
TRANSFORMATION FROM BASIC GARMENTS TO LADIES FASHION PRODUCTION, 1931–1938
Godley’s research showed that as a consequence of influences, such as the economic slump experienced by the United States during 1873, ready-made clothing was introduced as a more affordable substitute for bespoke clothing. By 1880, most of men’s clothing made in New York was still custom made, but then the change to ready-made clothing followed rapidly and by 1910 it had almost replaced bespoke clothing. Godley also identified fashion as a stimulus for the rapid growth of ready-made ladies clothing.390 Waldinger explained that the production of ready-made women’s wear commenced in New York from 1880, when urbanisation stimulated the development of a national market. He observed that, “In 1889 there were still 49,000 workers making dresses at home, whereas only 39,000 were producing women’s clothes in factories.”391 By 1919 the women’s wear factories of New York already employed 165,649 workers.392
Godley described the development of British ready-made clothing as:
In contrast to the USA, consumer demand for readymade garments in Britain was well advanced already by the 1850s, stimulated by innovative retailing practices. The leading retailers of readymades in Britain came from the mid-nineteenth-century secondhand clothes trade. The key entrepreneurial skills for developing the readymade sector were the organisation of marketing and manufacturing. With so much alteration and repair of used garments required before their resale, both qualities were necessary in the secondhand trade.393
His view was that the early development of the British clothing industry, which commenced before the introduction of “sewing machine technology”, led to the British industry’s inability to match the productivity of the American clothing industry. He contended, “This was why
390 A. Godley: Immigrant Entrepreneurship in New York and London 1880 1914, p. 98. 391 R. D. Waldinger: Through the Eye of the Needle: Immigrants and Enterprise in New York’s Garment Trades, p. 50. 392 Ibid., p. 50. 393 A. Godley: Immigrant Entrepreneurship in New York and London 1880 1914, pp. 98 99. 86 wages were so low and conditions so deplorable in the famous ‘sweating’ controversy of the 1840s and 1850s.”394
The manufacturing of British ready-made ladies clothing started during 1857, with the making of coats, cloaks and fur attire and subsequently ladies dresses. Even though large scale production of ladies fashion garments commenced during 1910, true modern mass production only commenced during the First World War. Then, around 1926, rayon a low- cost fabric, which was regarded as ‘artificial silk’ stimulated the rapid production of ready- made ladies clothing with America at the forefront and the world followed suit. This made fashionable dresses affordable to all.395
The effect of the First World War was evident in the drastic changes in fashion. The hobble skirt which hampered the ability to walk freely, instantly made way for fuller skirts with a hemline above the ankle. Thus, the elaborate and sophisticated but restrictive pre-war women’s fashion was replaced with the shapeless coat dress during and after the war. The 1920s saw skirts raised to just below the knee and a dropped-waist which portrayed a slim- figured boyish look that concealed the feminine form. By 1930, waists were again emphasized which evoked femininity and skirt lengths dropped down to calf length for day wear and to the floor for evening wear.396 Ewing explained the fast development of ready- made ladies clothing as:
The spread of ready-to-wear fashion between the wars was due to the fact that it had become easier to reproduce, that techniques were improving and that the stimulus thus given to the manufacturer coincided with the rise of a new, vastly increased demand for his product. More and more women were wage earners who did not want time-wasting fittings but had enough money to follow fashion and look beyond what was merely hard-wearing and ‘safe’ – never drastically out of fashion but never really in it. The status symbol aspect of fashion was losing its importance; class distinctions were becoming blurred in dress just as they were in the world at large. An era of inexpensive fashion had begun, in which change and variety were more valued than costly impressiveness.397
4.1 EARLY DEVELOPMENT OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN LADIES FASHION INDUSTRY
394 Ibid., p. 99. 395 E. Ewing: History of Twentieth Century Fashion, pp. 49 51, 88. 396 Ibid., pp. 81, 84, 88, 93, 108. 397 Ibid., p. 119. 87 The South African clothing industry benefited from the much earlier development of the American and the British industries. Similarly to the initial rapid development phase of ready-made clothing in America, the local ready-made industry developed rapidly during the period of the Great Depression. The South African Wage Board survey noted the growth in the development of ready-made clothing, in particular that of “men’s outer garments made in stock sizes”, which became well established between 1931 and 1935. The highest overall production of ready-made clothing was on the Witwatersrand and only the production of shirts was higher in Cape Town.398 The CMT section grew most impressively: the CMT factories either engaged in the making of garments for merchants and shopkeepers or were established by wholesale merchants and retail outfitters. In all instances the fabric was supplied to the CMT, which cut and made up the garment, as well as supplied the trimmings.399 This rapid increase in the number of the CMT factories can therefore be attributed to the development of ready-made garments. During later years, CMT factories were also employed by clothing manufacturers. Subsequent to the 1931 Wage Board investigation, the factory production of men’s and ladies underwear, as well as knitted goods increased considerably. By then, the production of hosiery, hats and caps had also commenced.400 Ladies dresses and millinery were two sectors that increased the most.401
Annie Wolkin, a well known personality in the clothing industry, worked for Jaff and Company for 35 years as a patternmaker and designer. She started her first job in Johannesburg during 1934 working for Mrs Winnick, a dressmaker who was working together with a tailor, Mr Pollic. Three years later she started her own workshop in the Sacky Building, which was located behind the Carlton Hotel in Fox Street, Johannesburg. She explained that although ladies clothing shops primarily sold imported dresses, they also operated small workshops to produce additional clothing for their shops. Many other women had little workshops or worked from home where they made dresses for customers. She recalled that a large number of Portuguese women earned a living this way. During those early years, the wholesalers imported garments from overseas which were then sold to the various shops.402 The simpler women’s clothing after 1920 made it
398 NASA: ARB 2886 1069/98: Wage Board Report: Garment Making Trades, 20 August 1935, para. 12, p. 5. 399 Ibid., para. 28, p. 13. 400 Ibid., para. 12, pp. 5 6. 401 Ibid., para. 152, p. 71. 402 Interview with Annie Wolkin, 14 June 2008. 88 easier for factories to mass produce such clothing and consequently replaced these workshops.403 The production of ladies ready-made clothing became significant only during the period of the Second World War.404
The effect of the Great Depression was that the prices of products deflated fast amidst decreased consumer spending and increased labour and transport costs. Competition from Europe and America was severe, while competition increased persistently from the newly industrialised Eastern countries. Local factories therefore resorted to short-time or retrenched workers and in many cases closed down. During 1932 Pollak warned that:
Tariff walls may protect, but they cannot permanently exclude – especially if those who are within tend to be satisfied with that which has been achieved and do not strive for greater efficiency, while those who are without strain every nerve to create for themselves those conditions, which will enable their surmounting the tariff barriers.405
During 1931, as a result of the Great Depression, Witwatersrand employers wanted to reduce wages to that of the coastal areas, but their attempt failed. Nevertheless, the following year they attempted the reduction again, which sparked a GWU strike, but succeeded in lowering wages by 10 percent.406 The situation was so disruptive that when the local manufacturers could not commit to deliver Christmas orders as a result of the strike, Japanese suppliers were afforded the opportunity to recapture business that they had lost to the local manufacturers.407
Barker explained that the clothing industry actually benefited from the conditions during the depression, since the manufacturers were compelled to become more efficient and to improve quality. Furthermore, during this period, the retail bespoke customers started to favour the improved quality and comparative cheapness of factory produced suits. This gradually led to the decline of the retail bespoke sector.408 The recovery and growth of the South African economy was the result of a variety of interrelated factors, including the abolition of the gold standard in 1933 and the devaluation of the South African Pound. The
403 M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, p. 251. 404 NASA/RHN 1615 600/303: Raad van Handel en Nywerheid..., para. 23, p. 10. 405 H. P. Pollak: Women in Witwatersrand Industries: An Economic and Social…, pp. 17 19. 406 E. S. Sachs: “Conditions of Garment Workers in South Africa: The Fight for a Living Wage and Better Conditions Must Continue”, Garment Worker, October, 1936, pp. 2 3. 407 The Star, 3 November 1931. 408 H. A. F. Barker: “The Clothing Industry in S.A.”, The South African Journal of Economics, vol. 29, 1961, pp. 244 245. 89 rise in the gold price induced a boom in the gold mining industry and the economy in general.409 Agriculture and manufacturing was particularly stimulated by the devaluation, as it forced the increase of import prices compared to local products.410
By 1931, the number of workers at the four main clothing producing centres was 2,717 on the Witwatersrand, 2,677 in the Western Cape, 481 in Natal and 256 in Port Elizabeth. By 1934, on the Witwatersrand there were 73 clothing factories in Johannesburg with a workforce of 3,117, three in Pretoria with a workforce of 119 and in Germiston there were nine factories with a workforce of 1,750. The four largest factories in Germiston alone employed 816 workers in 1931.411 A letter to the Secretary of Labour, listed the following factories in Germiston: Alexandra Clothing Manufacturers, New York Clothing Manufacturers, African Clothing Manufacturers, Acme Clothing Manufacturers, East Rand Clothing Manufacturers, British Clothing Manufacturers, K.S.K. Clothing Manufacturers, Soll Clothing Manufacturers, O.K. Clothing Manufacturers, Eagle Clothing Manufacturers as well as Avondale Shirt and Pyjama Manufacturers, Ladies’ Garment Manufacturers and Belfast Dress Manufacturers. 412
The Wage Board confirmed great expansion in the clothing trades between 1933/34 and 1937/38.413 As of 1933/34, nationally there were 197 clothing factories which collectively employed 14,276 workers and had a gross production value of £4,008,000. By 1937/38, the number of clothing factories, factory workers and factory gross production had increased significantly to 280, 17,436 and £6,173,000 respectively. The number of retail bespoke establishments however decreased significantly from 793 to 631, with the number of bespoke workers and bespoke gross production remaining almost unchanged (Refer Table: 1).
409 S. J. J. de Swardt: “Agricultural Marketing Problems in the Nineteen Thirties”, The South African Journal of Economics, vol. 51, 1983, p. 22; D. H. Houghton: The South African Economy, p. 14. 410 S. Jones and A. Müller: The South African Economy, 1910 90, p. 167. 411 NASA: ARB 2886 1069/98: Wage Board Report: Garment Making Trades, 12 April, 1935, para. 13, p. 6, Table X, p. 43; H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, p. 18. 412 NASA: ARB 2028 1058/100/1: Letter from the Redmekaar Vereeniging to the Secretary of Labour, 4 November 1938. 413 NASA: ARB 2886 1069/98: Wage Board Report: Garment Making Trades, 12 April, 1935, para. 13, p. 6. 90 TABLE 1: CLOTHING MANUFACTURING IN SOUTH AFRICA, 1933/34-1937/38
VALUE OF PRODUCTION YEAR MANUFACTURERS WORKERS (GROSS) Retail Retail Retail Bespoke Factories Bespoke Factories Bespoke Factories Establishments Establishments Establishments 1933/34 197 793 14,276 3,932 £4,008,000 £1,240,000 1934/35 232 622 15,639 4,219 £4,701,000 £1,249,000 1935/36 236 667 16,420 4,518 £5,153,000 £1,402,000 1936/37 249 655 17,687 4,372 £6,057,000 £1,372,000 1937/38 280 631 17,436 4,111 £6,173,000 £1,329,000
Source: NASA/RHN 1615 600/303: Raad van Handel en Nywerheid, Verslag No. 303: Die Klerenywerheid, 9 Desember 1947, Table 1, p. 2.
Before the Second World War, overseas competition was intense and the country nonetheless reliant on imports for a large range of clothing. Considerable expansion took place during the post-depression phase of the early 1930s. The local production of men’s outerwear almost completely replaced imported garments, although the majority of higher quality garments were still imported. The local production of ladies outerwear was held back by the low level of protection against the importation of end-of-season clothing and bias consumer and retail opinion against locally produced clothing.414
The clothing manufacturers’ greatest competition came predominantly from the United Kingdom and America. Further competition came from Canada, India, Poland, Czechoslovakia, France, Netherland and Southern Rhodesia. A peculiarly disruptive form of competition from Japan and Hong Kong in China, affected primarily the manufacture of dresses, shirts, pyjamas and underwear. Clothing from these two countries landed in the Union at artificially low prices, because of low-cost materials and cheap labour. The difference between the South African and the northern hemisphere seasons created opportunities for dumping of garments that were not sold during those seasons. To make matters worse, these garments were available at the beginning of the South African season and therefore had an immediate effect on the newly released locally produced items. These items accounted for roughly 80 percent of ladies’ imported outerwear and consequently, only about 20 percent of imports were at monetary values that could be deemed as fair competition to the local industry. The importer’s profit on these end-of-
414 UW/WCL: DHC: AD1454: Wage Board Report: The Clothing Industry, 1 May 1956, para. 10, p. 12. 91 season leftovers and jobbing-off lots was also much higher than the profits made by local manufacturers.415
By 1934, ladies and girls’ outerwear produced in South Africa comprised only 13 percent of the country’s requirements, compared to imports at 87 percent.416 Albert Foster explained that the imported ladies garments came so cheap that it was not worth making them locally.417 By 1935 the production of ladies dresses was still insignificant and confined primarily to one manufacturer in Johannesburg.418 The local production of women’s fashion clothing increased gradually and by 1938, there were 37 factories producing ladies and girls outerwear.419
Natwether was established just before the Second World War by David Naturman and became well known for its stylish quality as well as one of the best coat and raincoat manufacturers in South Africa. David Naturman was born in 1909 in Warsaw Poland and during 1929 he left his family behind to immigrate to South Africa. His passage aboard the Union Castle, which lasted for 27 days, was paid for by money sent by his brother from America. In Warsaw he worked as a glove maker teaching himself from books his brother sent him. He also taught himself tailoring and pattern making skills. On arrival in South Africa, he started work for a tailor by the name of Willie Corner (Cohen was changed to Corner) who employed 10 machinists. The wages were £9.10s. per week and the working hours from seven to five with half an hour lunch break. However, at the end of the first week his wage envelope contained only £2, so he left and was immediately offered £10 per week by another company. During 1933, he and a partner started a factory called Chique-de-Paris, with six machines bought from Singer. Their first customer was Pagaman Stores. The partnership was troubled because of personal differences and David Naturman walked out, leaving all the assets to his partner. He was immediately offered another job in a factory that paid him well for his excellent technical knowledge.420
415 NASA: RHN 1615 600/303: Memorandum to The Board of Trade and Industries from The Clothing Industry of the Union of South Africa: for Purposes of the Investigation of the Industry by the Board, 9 August 1945, pp. 34 38. 416 NASA/RHN 1615 600/303: Raad van Handel en Nywerheid..., Annexure to Report: “Klerenywerheid: Vergelyking tussen Ingevoerde en Plaaslike vervaardigde Goedere.” 417 First Interview with Albert Foster, 25 October, 2006. 418 NASA: RHN 1615 600/303: Memorandum to The Board of Trade and Industries from The Clothing Industry…, p. 1. 419 Ibid., p. 10. 420 Interview with David Naturman, April 2003. 92 In 1936, Mr Rosen of New York Clothing in Germiston offered David Naturman a job in his factory which at that stage employed 600 workers. He was given the opportunity to propose a wage and thus contracted for 85 Pounds per month. Two years later, the company closed their ladies section in order to open a shirt section. David Naturman had saved up enough of his wages to take advantage of the opportunity and bought the machines from Rosen, as well as additional machines from Singer.421 His brother-in-law, Arnold Gerszt, became his partner and they named their company Natwether. They moved into the Paris Building located at 68 End Street, Johannesburg which in time they eventually owned. During the late 1950s, the factory became insolvent, because of “dishonest individuals who worked for them and embezzled money”.422 Annie Wolkin explained that she worked at Natwether from 1955 to 1958, during which time they had produced coats and raincoats, and later branched out into making dresses. When the factory became insolvent, she had to remain behind to finish the orders for some of the customers. At that stage the company employed about 20 machinists, as well as some Indian tailors.423
Roy Naturman, the son of David Naturman, explained that the business closed due to continued mismanagement and the inability to prevent theft from all departments. David Naturman then joined a business by the name of Continental Dress and became partners with Mr and Mrs Spitalnik and Dave Yarzin. They specialised in embroidered cotton poplin dresses. He did everything including all the selling, pattern making and the buying of fabrics. There was always some friction in the partnership so they split up. David Naturman continued with the Continental Dress company but used the trade name Natwether. He supplied all the independent retailers and travelled all over South Africa, as well as North and South Rhodesia. 424
His daughter, Rhona Mathews, remembered her father’s natural ability to design and create patterns for his perfectly fitted coats. She noted his exceptional ability to grade patterns freehand without any form of measurement. During the early years her father used to travel across the country, as well as what was then known as Rhodesia. During
421 Ibid. 422 E mail correspondence with Roy Naturman, 24 March 2007. 423 Interview with Annie Wolkin, 14 June 2008. 424 E mail correspondence with Roy Naturman, 24 March 2007. 93 later years he employed many travellers to sell his ranges. His wife took care of the factory during his absence. At one stage he also manufactured fur coats for which he brought out a furrier from Italy. Fabrics were mainly imported from Germany, France and Italy which he financed through Credential Shippers and arrangements with the Standard Bank. To keep abreast with the fashion styling that featured in Europe, he travelled to annual shows such as the Prèt-á-Porter in France and the Igedo in Dusseldorf.425
Roy Naturman, who also worked in the factory for many years, explained that initially the importation of fabrics was not a problem as the appropriate textiles were not manufactured in South Africa. His father had imported fabrics mainly from Prato in Italy and to enable better communication, he’d taught himself to speak Italian fluently. Eventually he could speak nine different languages and was often asked by the immigration office in Johannesburg, to speak to immigrants with whom they could not communicate.426
Although import duties were always a factor, the situation worsened when the government in an effort to stimulate growth, increased protection for the local textile industry. Import permits become almost unobtainable and duties excessive. Roy Naturman recalled that during the 1950s and 60s, the local textile mills were most unreliable as far as quality and delivery dates were concerned, which caused clothing manufacturers to lose many orders. During 1987, his father closed the factory which at that stage employed about 110 workers. He described his father as, “…a most flamboyant character – always the centre of attraction and the life of a party. He lived in the style of a Hollywood movie star and was one of the pioneers of the garment industry in South Africa.”427
David Naturman also made use of CMT factories and Ken Manning of Kentex regularly did work for him. Ken Manning arrived in Cape Town from England in 1958 and immediately disliked the Cape clothing industry. England, in his experience, was much more fashionable with designers who travelled regularly to Paris to buy the latest fashion garments. These garments were copied and mass produced. In the same year of arriving in the country, Ken moved to the Witwatersrand where he found the clothing industry much more fashionable, progressive and fiercely competitive. He explained that the area around
425 Interview with Rhona Mathews, 14 October 2006. 426 E mail correspondence with Roy Naturman, 24 March 2007; Interview with David Naturman, April 2003. 427 E mail correspondence with Roy Naturman, 24 March 2007. 94 End and Pritchard Streets were entirely occupied by clothing factories. Clothing was supplied primarily to boutiques as the monopolisation of the retail market by chain stores only started from the 1970s. He was of the opinion that the chain stores, “wanted everything for nothing and that is why the industry had changed mostly to manufacture corporate wear.”428
4.2 JAFF AND COMPANY When Albert Foster emigrated from Britain during 1947, he found that clothing manufacturing on the Witwatersrand consisted predominantly of men’s clothing. Most ready-made ladies clothing was still imported and the small local dress manufacturing trade was confined to Johannesburg. He hated the conditions at Tiger Clothing, where he worked for a few weeks and described the menswear factories of that time as, “dirty and dark, making dark trousers and overalls”. Tiger Clothing at that stage employed predominantly Black male workers. He had worked in Nottingham, England which housed a major ladies clothing industry and which made use of much brighter and lighter fabrics. He acknowledged that it was Morri Berzacks, who recognised his competent skills and sent him to Jaff and Company, were he started as a sewing machine mechanic during 1947.429
Interviews with Albert Foster alluded to the existence of two exceptional personalities who in his view had been the most prominent actors in the Witwatersrand’s clothing industry, namely Solly Sachs and Sam Jaff. “I think it is true to say that these two men controlled the industry, to the immense benefit of the industry and workers.” He described Solly Sachs as the kingpin of the GWU and Sam Jaff as the equivalent for the clothing manufacturers.430 Chapter two of this study confirmed the prominent role that Solly Sachs played in organising and protecting the rights of workers. On the other hand, there was Sam Jaff who became a giant in the South African clothing industry. This was not purely as a consequence of the expansion of his company or the popularity of his clothing labels, but also because of the prominent and influential role that he played in the clothing industry at national level. Even after about 25 years of service with Jaff and Company, succeeded by
428 Interview with Ken Manning, 23 October 2006. 429 First Interview with Albert Foster, 25 October, 2006. Berzack Brothers was one of the first sewing machine suppliers. 430 Ibid. 95 some 35 years in retirement, the respect and high esteem which Albert Foster retained for Sam Jaff was evident.431
Sam Jaff’s contribution to not only the Witwatersrand, but also the South African clothing industry is quite notable. He served in numerous organisations related to the clothing industry such as President of the National Co-ordinating Council for the Clothing industry, Chairman of the Transvaal Clothing Manufacturers’ Association, Executive Committee Member of the Transvaal Chamber of Industries and was the Presidential Nominee of the Executive Committee of the Federated Chamber of Industries.432 An article in The Buyer, in August 1981, stated:
As one of the founders of the Transvaal Fashion Guild he initiated the concept of the Fashion Fortnight ‘with the idea of giving buyers the opportunity of coming to Johannesburg and seeing ranges at the same time, giving them the chance to compare merchandise’. He started the Fashion Colour Council of South Africa ‘With the desire to co-ordinate fashion colours, in the hope that all the manufacturers and retailers promoting the same colours would give a tremendous stimulus to local fashion. Initially the council was run quietly and cautiously. Now it has evolved into a bigger organisation and is doing a very fine job.’433
His close relationship with the GWU served to improve his relationship with his employees.434 He also became the Chairman of the Clothing Industry’s Medical Aid Society, as he considered the workers to be “the power-producing factor” of the whole “industrial machine”.435 He was very actively involved with the Industrial Council for the Clothing Industry, and played a role in the setting up of a provident fund for the industry. His staff’s welfare was important to him and he encouraged working with the GWU during difficult times. As one of the first companies that recognised Black and Coloured Shop Stewards, he liaised regularly with leaders such as Lucy Mvubelo, even when Black unions were not yet legitimate. His company was often investigated as to why they were employing more Black workers than prescribed under job reservation legislation.436
431 Second Interview with Albert Foster, 26 October, 2006. 432 Sunday Star, Finance, 14 July 1991. 433 JPL: Supplement to The Buyer, August 1981. 434 Ibid. 435 Booklet published by the Industrial Council: “What is the Industrial Council?” December 1952, p. 125. 436 Interview with Stephen Jaff, 4 October 2006. 96 Sam Jaff’s father, Herman Jaff immigrated to South Africa from Lithuania during the 1890s. At first he traded in wool and cattle but during the South African War, while fighting on the Boer side, he was imprisoned on the island of Ceylon. Afterwards, he raised his own stock on a farm in the Harrismith district until 1926.437 Sam Jaff’s son, Stephen Jaff, described the beginning of Jaff and Company (Pty) Ltd. His grandfather started a wholesale company in Johannesburg called Kobe Silk House, which imported silk fabric and blouses from Hong Kong, using his brother-in-law as his contact in Japan. At first the company did well and Sam Jaff who was born in 1911, started a degree in economics at the University of the Witwatersrand. Unfortunately, due to difficulties such as the Great Depression, his grandfather’s company ran into trouble and his father interrupted his studies to help save the company. During later years, his father completed a Bachelor of Economics degree. However, when his grandfather suddenly died, his father was left with an insolvent company and limited clothing background.438 His father decided that he wanted to manufacture clothing rather than to import. Subsequently, he started Jaff and Company on July 1, 1931, with one assistant. The name of the company has remained to date. His father’s brother, Phillip Jaff, had to leave school to start employment at the wholesale company Elephant Trading. A couple of years later he also joined Jaff and Company.439 He was appointed Sales Manager and as Director during 1939.440
Originally, Sam Jaff started his company in Johannesburg at 154 Market Street which was on the corner of Von Wielligh Street. Six months later the factory moved a few blocks away to 104 President Street, a new building which was built by his father-in-law Mr Katzenellenbogen, Sam ultimately bought the building. Currently, the building still displays a large ‘K’ on the cornerstone which is the Katzenellenbogen family logo.441 The entire company fitted into the top floor of the building, about 15 by 30 meters, but later expanded to the whole building. The building became a familiar landmark because of its unique pink colour.442 Albert Foster explained that Sam Jaff saw the Mediterranean pink colour during his many travels to Italy and painted his building the same colour. The many Italian fountains also impressed him and he instructed the building of a fountain in the courtyard
437 M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, p. 253. 438 Interview with Stephen Jaff, 4 October 2006. Stephen Jaff worked at the company during his vacations and on completion of his MBA in America in 1965, he joined Jaff and Company as a permanent employee and in 1980 became the Managing Director. 439 M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, p. 253. 440 Interview with Stephen Jaff, 4 October 2006; JPL: The Buyer, vol. 11 (7), July 1939. 441 Interview with Stephen Jaff, 4 October 2006; E mail correspondence with Stephen Jaff, 30 November 2007. 442 JPL: Supplement to The Buyer, August 1981. 97 of the building.443 A photograph, taken during the 1930s showed a factory staff of 59 White workers.444 By 1967, the company’s workforce consisted of approximately 1,000 workers.445
Stephen Jaff believed that his father might have borrowed a little money from his father-in- law and “certainly a small amount from the bank”, when he initially started the business. He explained that the company started off with Barclays Bank but soon after changed and “Standard Bank have been our bankers for 75 years.” There was no other support from family or the community.446 Jaff and Company’s first balance sheet already showed a profit. In an article that appeared in the Sunday Star in 1991, Sam Jaff explained that the company initially borrowed an amount of £500. Sam Jaff took a monthly salary of £35, paid wages to 100 employees and with a turnover of £1,100 managed a profit at the end of the first year of £235.447
Jaff and Company became the third factory to embark on the mass production of ladies dresses on the Witwatersrand.448 Whilst promoting his new business, Sam Jaff’s factory produced a small quantity of CMT dresses. He received his first significant order after three months for his own tennis dresses, made in silk from the Kobe Silk House, after which he phased out the CMT work.449 Sam Jaff’s persistent business tactics motivated customers to secure their orders. This was already evident in a letter dated July 1932, which he sent to his clients:
In May we wrote to our customers about our Delswa tennis frocks and in June about our Delswa golf shirts. We have been extremely pleased with the number of orders we received from these letters, and even more so on the repeat orders we received on these garments……….If you have not yet taken up either of these lines, we would be very glad if you would give them a trial……We have this month a new line to offer you, namely, our washing Crepe-de-chine frocks in the 12 colours attached. We are making up lots of 15, each in a different style and each lot consisting of 12 colours and 3 white. The price of these is 13/6 each. We can assure you that the frocks are very pretty, both in style and colouring. As we are getting heavily booked up with spring orders, we would be glad, should you
443 Second Interview with Albert Foster, 26 October, 2006. 444 Interview with Stephen Jaff, 4 October 2006. 445 J and Co.: News Check Newspaper, 25 August 1967; Interview with Annie Wolkin, 14 June 2008. 446 Interview with Stephen Jaff, 4 October 2006. 447 Sunday Star, Finance, 14 July 1991. 448 J and Co.: Showroom Brochure, August 1956. It was also in celebration of Jaff and Company’s 25th Birthday. 449 M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots…, pp. 253, 255. 98 desire to take up any of the 3 lines mentioned in this letter, if you would let us have your order as soon as possible.450
Then in November 1932, he offered dresses for the Christmas season in Assam, washing Crepe-de-chine and in Zephyr Crepe-de-chine. He offered dresses in larger sizes ranging from sizes 40 inch to 48 inch hip measurement.451 These larger sizes became an outstanding feature of the Delswa (the name originated from French: del a soie – made of silk) range, as did the half sizes that were offered in the Poplar range. The Delswa brand became Jaff and Company’s most important and well known trademark. Sam Jaff explained to Kaplan that the reason to start production of both the larger and half-sizes was because it was a part of the market overlooked by the importers. He had recognised and pursued this section of the market to the benefit of his company. Another factor that contributed to his success was that, since it was difficult to compete against imports, he had benefited from using Japanese silks which were much cheaper compared than the European fabrics and were well liked by the customers.452 By 1939, other prominent labels registered were: Hickory, Carolina and Delton, Calypso and Crazy Horse. Many others followed and the company also marketed and paid royalties to well known clothing franchises, one such brand was that of Mary Quant during the 1960s.453
By June 1934, in another letter to customers, Sam Jaff offered dresses in 30 different fabrics. Some of these were designed in-house and afforded the customer an absolutely exclusive garment range. By then the company had already had ten selling seasons.454 In another letter to his customers in June 1937, the company advertised their use of silk at cost effective prices to the advantage of the consumer:
Six years ago we released our first summer range. It was not very good. The South African dress industry was in the early stage of its development, in which we were playing our part. We had to train our small group of workers and we had to find out what kind of materials and styles suited the South African market. It took us three months to get our first order but with all these difficulties to contend with we had the advantage of an idea. That idea was to concentrate on sportswear and to produce the best sportswear in South Africa. To-day, that idea has home fruit and we now have the largest
450 J and Co.: Letter to Customers, 28 July 1932. 451 J and Co.: Letter to Customers, 18 November 1932. 452 M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, p. 255. 453 J and Co.: News Check Newspaper, 25 August 1967, p. 3. 454 J and Co.: Letter to Customers, 21 June 1934. 99 individual output in an industry which, altogether, employs over one thousand workers, ‘Delswa’ and ‘Delton’ are known to thousands of women as the guarantee of quality and workmanship. This year we once again draw your attention to our summer range. We are able to offer you styling and workmanship which will compare with the best sportswear you can obtain in Europe. These styles are made up in silk which, if you had to buy them from overseas, would cost at least double.455
The company also had to deal with other problems during the initial years, such as little government encouragement to the manufacturing industry, which potentially could have provided employment to the growing population. During the Second World War the situation changed as the shortage of shipping capacity resulted in a practical solution: import fabrics and provide employment locally, as opposed to importing finished garments.456 Foster explained that during the Second World War, price control on clothing was introduced. The manufacturers had to register their labels and declare their costs to the authorities. A clothing control body issued tickets to attach to the garments. The manufacturer was allowed a 25 percent mark-up which was recorded in code on the back of the ticket, while the shop price inclusive of a 35 percent mark-up was shown on the front. This continued after the war until it was phased out during 1950.457 During the war and as a result of price control and rationing measures, Jaff and Company had to apportion supplies to their customers based on each customer’s pre-war orders. Nonetheless, the company grew gradually during the war.458
Sam Jaff was a founder member of the Transvaal Fashion Guild, a body consisting of 24 of the Witwatersrand leading manufacturers. He also initiated the Fashion Fortnight which started during 1947 and was held annually during March and September.459 The first of these was held in the Aga Khan suite at the old Langham Hotel.460 Stephen Jaff explained that the Fashion Fortnight was an opportunity to customers, especially those from all over the country, to view the manufacturers’ ranges. Prior to this, clothing was generally sold to retail shops by sales people known as travellers, who visited them to show them the ranges and to secure orders. Customers came for three to four days and during that period they were able to see the full range of all the manufacturers, rather than travelling back and forth to Johannesburg. Johannesburg thus became the centre for this pre-show. Most
455 JPL: Supplement to The Buyer, August 1981. 456 Ibid. 457 First Interview with Albert Foster, 25 October, 2006. 458 JPL: Supplement to The Buyer, August 1981. 459 J and Co.: News Check Newspaper, 14 February 1964, 26; M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, p. 275. 460 J and Co.: Zoo Lake Advertiser. 100 of the Cape Town manufacturers would set up a showroom for the two-week event, usually at hotels or at their agent’s offices.461 At the end of such event, Jaff and Company agents would travel to Cape Town and Durban, as well as to the other customers who had not been able to attend to show them the ranges. The benefit of attending these events was that it enabled the customers to consolidate the placing of all their orders at the same time. Stephen Jaff stated that it was a very successful exercise until the chain stores became so dominant that they began to specify their requirements. Ranges became much less important as did the manufacturer’s in-house labels, when the clothing chain stores looking for exclusivity started introducing their own labels. During its popular phase, the showrooms of manufacturers were filled with buyers.462
The shortage of labour, both during and after the war, created considerable problems for the company. It also became difficult to employ Coloured or Black workers because of statutory job reservation, introduced during the early 1950s. Stephen Jaff recollected: “My father read that the munitions factory and the Mint in Kimberley had closed down which resulted in high female unemployment. He went to Kimberley, rented small premises and appointed a few machinists. We cut the fabric here in Johannesburg, sent it to Kimberley for assembly and then back here for finishing.”463 In his opinion, by definition, if a head office remained in a major city and had its factory in another, then his father was a pioneer of decentralisation in South Africa. The decision thus to establish factories in Kroonstad and Kimberley, was because of the difficulty to obtain workers.464
Albert Foster explained that the first small factory that Sam Jaff opened in Kimberley during 1946 was in a hut that belonged to the Salvation Army. During the week ten machines occupied the floor and on Sundays the machines were pushed aside for the church service. Foster was of the opinion that Jaff’s decision to relocate was partly due to the GWU’s radical demand for better wages for White workers who still formed the largest portion of the labour force on the Witwatersrand.465 The small factory seemed to work well
461 Interview with Stephen Jaff, 4 October 2006. 462 Ibid.; M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, p. 275; Interview with Annie Wolkin, 14 June 2008. The event lost its importance from the mid 1980 and ended towards the late 1980s. 463 Interview with Stephen Jaff, 4 October 2006. 464 Ibid. During 1955, the Tomlinson Commission’s investigation made the government aware that “Industrial decentralisation is necessary in order to increase the proportion of the Black population which can be resident in the homelands”. This was due to tempo of the population growth in the homelands. Owing to the fact that Whites could not invest in the homelands, industrial development was encouraged in the border areas. (R. Tomlinson: “Industrial Decentralisation and the Relief of Poverty in the Homelands”, The South African Journal of Economics, vol. 51, 1983, pp. 545 546.) 465 First Interview with Albert Foster, 25 October, 2006. 101 and after a year, Sam Jaff approached the Kimberley municipality for permission to purchase land to build a larger factory. He did not want to rent properties, but rather wanted to own his own land. The municipality did not agree since Kimberley was a mining town and land was reserved for mining purposes. He was permitted to continue to operate his factory but they were not interested in supporting him or establishing the industry.466
Stephen recalled his father telling the story of how he used to travel by train to Kimberley via Kroonstad. Since there was a very large contingent of male workers employed by the railways at Kroonstad, he anticipated the possibility of many unemployed females. He made an application to the Kroonstad municipality and requested to buy land to build a factory, which they accepted. The Kroonstad factory was opened during 1947.467 This was then the only clothing factory in the Free State. Supervision was done by White workers and the machinists were Coloured and Black workers.468 Within a year, the authorities in Kimberley realised that they needed to build up their industry and agreed to sell land to Sam Jaff, which he bought and erected a factory. Jaff borrowed start-up capital from the Industrial Development Corporation for both the Kroonstad and the Kimberley factories, both of which proved successful for many years.469 Delswa Limited as the holding company of Jaff and Company became a listed company in 1948.470 Jaff and Company remained family controlled and held at least 60 percent of Delswa.471
The only negative aspect of Sam Jaff’s business, in Albert Foster’s opinion, was that he did not warn his staff about the imminent closure of the factory in Johannesburg. The factory was closed in 1955, which came as a great shock to the workers. The offices, design, sample and cutting departments all remained in Johannesburg. The cut work was sent to Kroonstad by rail. A few years later the Kroonstad factory was enlarged and the cutting was also moved there. After some time, a more modern factory was built opposite the original one.472
466 Interview with Stephen Jaff, 4 October 2006. 467 Ibid. 468 First Interview with Albert Foster, 25 October, 2006. 469 Interview with Stephen Jaff, 4 October 2006. The factory in Kimberly still exists currently, but the one in Kroonstad was sold during 2001, as part of the restructuring of the company and strategic change to the manufacture of corporate wear. 470 Cape Times, 23 February 1948; J and Co.: Sunday Times: Business Times “Top Hundred Companies of 1969, 1969. 471 E mail correspondence with Stephen Jaff, 22 October 2008. 472 Second Interview with Albert Foster, 26 October, 2006. 102 Albert Foster became the Manager of the Kroonstad factory from 1955 and recalled the insistence by the GWU of the observance of job reservation legislation, which at that time specified that one White worker had to be employed for every four Black workers. This created major problems as skilled White women did not want to work in factories and those who wanted work could not perform the work. Therefore, the company was forced to employ White women with no appropriate skills, just for the sake of meeting the ratio. Machinists of different races were not permitted work on the same bench and the work areas had to be partitioned off, as well as separate tea and rest room facilities had to be provided. The separate work areas were phased out towards the end of the 1950s.473
In order to control import duties on fabrics, all fabrics on arriving by ship were transferred directly to bond stores which were controlled by government officials. Import duties had to be paid first, before a company could receive their fabrics out of those stores. During 1955, Sam Jaff requested the government to build such a bond store at his Kroonstad factory. The company’s imported fabrics were then transported from the harbour directly to this bond store and only released on payment of the relevant import duties. An inspector was tasked to administer the store, but it became a nuisance for him to travel repeatedly to the factory to issue fabrics. He eventually handed the keys of the bond store to one of Jaff and Company supervisors.474
Stephen Jaff admitted that the company went through a very difficult period as a result of government legislation on industrial decentralisation. During the mid-1950s, there were no incentives for decentralising operations when his father moved the Johannesburg factory, but during the 60s government introduced decentralisation benefits. Government initiated this to create employment, principally in the homelands and in decentralised poor areas. The benefits were tax incentives and cash hand-outs which were based on the number of people employed. Kimberley was also declared a decentralised area, where factories were compensated for the number of Coloured employees employed. At that stage the Kimberley factory employed approximately 1,000 people, as it was their main dress division and also produced knitwear and school wear.475
473 Third Interview with Albert Foster, 26 October, 2006. 474 First Interview with Albert Foster, 25 October, 2006. 475 Interview with Stephen Jaff, 4 October 2006. 103 Problems emerged when their Factory Manager in Kimberley, realising the benefits of the government’s new incentive scheme, decided to set up his own factory and lured all their competent Coloured workers. Even though Jaff and Company had spent years to train these workers, there was very little Sam Jaff could do about the situation. They had to employ and train new staff, but could not qualify for any decentralisation benefits with new employees, since the factory had started before the date the benefits became effective. The fact that their employees had decreased in number following the opening up of a competitive enterprise, was Jaff and Company’s loss. Some tension developed when the company started to replace the Coloured workers with Black workers, but this was quickly resolved. No sooner had the company managed to recover and new Black workers had been trained, government changed its policy. Decentralisation incentives were offered for employment of Black workers. The whole situation repeated itself, with the opposition luring away their newly trained Black workers as well.476
Stephen Jaff explained that his father, Sam Jaff, was an entrepreneur, innovator and a visionary with regards to fashion but with little time for administrative tasks. When Sam Jaff started the business, he was the owner and the Managing Director and as the company grew, more formal structures were put in place. Over time, managers were employed to handle the accounting and production functions, “When the company listed in 1948, the accounting and reporting structure would have had to comply with the requirements of the Johannesburg Stock Exchange which were reasonably complicated although nowhere near as strict as what the requirements are today.” Joe Pillemer, who was his father’s equal in terms of administration, joined Jaff and Company as the Sales Director in 1961. Stephen added that, “One of his major contributions was to introduce sophisticated systems into the business and produced system manuals and documentation.”477
To keep up with changes in fashion, Sam Jaff and his wife often travelled to Italy, France, England and America. His contacts overseas assisted him in keeping up with the latest successful trends. They sent him samples of garments, fabrics, photographs and newspaper cuttings. He also travelled quite frequently to Japan to purchase fabrics. Stephen Jaff explained that even though his father always employed designers, “We were followers. The South African industry has never been a leader in fashion and we were fortunate that we were six months behind Europe. So, what was fashionable in Europe for
476 Ibid. 477 E mail correspondence with Stephen Jaff, 22 October 2008. 104 summer became fashionable in South Africa for the summer following the European or American summer.” Even though Jaff and Company also produced sportswear for ladies, dresses were by far the most popular garment during the 1950s into the 1960s, followed steadily by skirts and blouses and later slacks when it became fashionable.478
Jaff and Company explained that the company always had to import fabric, as the local textile industry was never able to meet the demand. Manufacturers had to pay very high duties on fashionable fabrics, not manufactured locally but in great demand by the customers. In addition, much valuable time was wasted in travelling to Pretoria to organise permits to import fabric, for which there was never any guarantee. The problem was that the selling and subsequent production of garments was based on selling from a sample, after which only then could the required amount of fabric be calculated and bought. The danger was that the government did not always grant the permits for the required quantity of fabric. Later, however, as the company expanded and was more familiar to the authorities, they usually got the permits. Stephen Jaff is of the opinion that, at one point 80 percent of the company’s fabric was from local suppliers and this was possibly one of the reasons why they were later able to get whatever quota fabric they needed.479
During the early years Jaff and Company supplied the independent stores and during the 1950s they started supplying the chain stores. At one stage they included what were known as the “Big Seven”, being Edgars, Jet, Sales House, Foschini, Truworths, Milady’s and possibly Greatermans.480 Albert Foster added that it was definitely the era of the dress and if you wanted to be the first to wear the latest fashion, you bought from the “Big Seven” since their orders were the first to be delivered. However, if you waited a bit, you could get the same fashion elsewhere at a lower price. But there were also their more affordable Red Bishop dresses, which were sent to customers in boxes containing 20 dresses of different styles and colours.481
During the 1950s Sam Jaff also ventured into production of ladies underwear with the Sarasheen label, but this was not very successful.482 During the 1960s the company
478 Ibid. 479 Ibid. Today 90 percent of Jaff and Company’s fabrics are imported. 480 Interview with Stephen Jaff, 4 October 2006; E mail correspondence with Stephen Jaff, 30 November 2007. 481 Third Interview with Albert Foster, 26 October, 2006. 482 E mail correspondence with Stephen Jaff, 30 November 2007. 105 exported clothing to Rhodesia and sub-Sahara countries.483 The company built a factory in Salisbury, Rhodesia but Stephen pointed out, “This factory was reasonably successful but eventually ran into financial difficulties because of exchange control and other factors. The Zimbabwe Development Corporation purchased a majority share, but this was not successful and the company no longer exists.”484
In conclusion, the worldwide mass production of clothing initially started with the production of men’s clothing. This marked the beginning of inexpensive clothing which made fashion affordable for women and the popularity of ready-made clothing increased considerably between the two World Wars. In South Africa, by the early 1930s, locally produced men’s clothing had almost completely replaced imported garments. Up until then, ladies clothing was either made at home or by dressmakers and the largest portion of ready-made clothing was imported. Since South Africa’s seasons trailed Europe and America by six months, the country usually trailed the fashion trends of those countries. South African retailers, due to insignificant import protection measures, easily imported the surplus end- of-season ladies clothing from those countries at reduced prices. This effectively disadvantaged the growth of the local ready-made ladies clothing production.
It was Jaff and Company’s production of ladies dresses which made this type of production significant from the early 1930s. The company remained the most important producer of ladies fashion for many years and their well known brand, Delswa, was available in most stores. Sam Jaff’s decision to concentrate on the supply market for larger sizes and half- sizes became the company’s speciality, as this market was neglected by importers. During the period of the Second World War, which interrupted clothing imports, Jaff and Company, like many other companies had the opportunity to prove to the retailers that they could be competitive and reliable.
483 Diamond Fields Advertiser, 27 September 1956. 484 E mail correspondence with Stephen Jaff, 30 November 2007. The Delswa Limited group employed 2,300 workers and consisted of Jaff and Company which produced women’s fashion, Markstan which produced Schoolmaid school dresses, Delton Knitwear for women and MSG Holdings which produced Youngset and Gabstan boyswear. 106
CHAPTER 5
LADIES FASHION PRODUCTION DOMINATES THE WITWATERSRAND CLOTHING INDUSTRY, 1939–1955
5.1 THE GROWTH OF THE LADIES FASHION INDUSTRY During the Second World War, the demands by the Allied Powers sparked rapid development in manufacturing industries.485 The bulk of clothing production was government orders for military clothing, whilst remaining production went towards filling the gap created by decreased imports. After the war, many factories continued with civilian clothing and during the period 1945 to 1948, clothing production increased even though import control on finished clothing was still relaxed. The troops returning from the war added to the demand for civilian clothing.486
The end of the war also raised the possibility of resuming the flow of imported goods to South Africa. However, due to high freight rates and shortages of fabrics, labour problems and political unrest overseas in the aftermath of war, the sizeable volume of civilian clothing required by South Africa was not met by imports. This all contributed to a speedy escalation in the number of establishments, as well as a rapid increase in the workforce and output. The local entrepreneurs were not without their own problems, including the restriction of import permits for fabrics both during and immediately after the war, as well as price control which regulated their profits. It was also difficult to obtain equipment.487 During the war and post-war periods, the South African clothing industry was still totally dependant on imported textiles. In comparison, competitors overseas could obtain a larger variety of textiles more readily and at better prices. The overseas manufacturers could therefore produce cheaper garments which were then also exported to South Africa.488 By 1945, the knitted piece goods industry, used in the manufacture of underwear, also started to expand rapidly in South Africa.489
485 G. Marais: “Structural Changes in Manufacturing Industry, 1916 to 1975”…, p. 35. 486 UW/WCL: DHC: AD1454: Wage Board Report: The Clothing Industry, 1 May 1956, para. 10, pp. 12 13. 487 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, pp. 34 35. 488 NASA: RHN 1615 600/303: Memorandum to The Board of Trade and Industries from The Clothing Industry…, p. 25. 489 Ibid., p. 1. Piece goods refer to fabric produced in a continuous process. 107 After the war, most firms did not have surplus funds available. However, they did expand by reinvesting their profits and where credit was required they made use of personal loans, overdrafts and shippers who offered credit facilities.490 An advantage to the manufacturers was the tightening of import restrictions at the end of 1948, which offered a protective measure against the possible flow of imports into the country. However, despite the increase in import restrictions, the five-year period thereafter reflected the lowest growth in the clothing industry.491
A characteristic of the clothing industry in South Africa by the end of the War was the difference in size of the various factories. The factories on the Witwatersrand were mostly small and produced small quantities of clothing compared to the larger factories in the Cape, which produced larger quantities. By the end of the war, the Witwatersrand clothing industry employed 10,556 workers in 214 factories, of which 80 factories employed on average only 11 to 24 workers. By comparison, there were 7,640 workers in 76 factories in the Cape, of which 14 factories employed the same number of workers. However, most of the factories on the Witwatersrand produced ladies fashion goods, in small runs of more exclusive clothing, hence their being smaller.492
Employment in the retail bespoke section decreased gradually from 3,972 workers during 1938/39 to 3,634 by 1944/45, then almost halved to 1,742 by 1959/60. On the other hand, employment in the factory sector increased by 50 percent from 18,250 workers during 1938/39 to 27,383 by 1944/45, and then by 75 percent to 47,829 by 1959/60. (Refer Tables: 2, 3). In addition, the racial composition of the labour force in the clothing industry on the Witwatersrand changed during the Second World War. In 1936, 88 percent of the workforce was made up of White workers which decreased to 32 percent by 1955. By comparison, Black workers increased from 9 percent in 1936 to 38 percent in 1955, whilst Coloured and Asian workers similarly increased from 2 percent to 29 percent during the same period.493
Competition for labour was a major problem on the Witwatersrand, both during and after the War, and even though there was a closed shop agreement it was very difficult for
490 NASA/RHN 1615 600/303: Raad van Handel en Nywerheid..., para. 307, p. 91. 491 H. A. F. Barker: “The Clothing Industry in S.A.”, The South African Journal of Economics, vol. 29, 1961, pp. 247 248. 492 NASA: RHN 1615 600/303: Memorandum to The Board of Trade and Industries from The Clothing Industry…, p. 29. 493 UW/WCL: DHC: AD1454: Wage Board Report: The Clothing Industry, 1 May 1956, para. 14, p. 18. 108 manufacturers to not entice labour away from each other. One of the reasons for the shortage of labour was that it was particularly easy to become a clothing manufacturer and as a result many small factories sprung up.494 The change in the racial composition created additional problems for manufacturers, since separate facilities had to be provided for the respective races, thus they tended towards a workforce comprising of only one race.495 The transition to a single entity workforce in factories had to be carried out very carefully so as not to spark a walkout by the White workers. In the case of Jaff and Company, the first Coloured workers introduced replaced the pressers, followed by the finishers and then the other sections of the factory. Sam Jaff explained to Kaplan, that it was many years before the different racial groups could be placed in the same workroom.496
From the early 1930s, the number of factories countrywide increased gradually to 280 in 1938/39 and then rapidly during the war to 444 in 1944/45. On the other hand, from the early 1930s, the number of retail bespoke establishments countrywide decreased gradually to 615 in 1938/39 and then to 521 by 1944/45 (Refer Table: 2). The BTI in 1947, explained that it was a worldwide occurrence, that ready-made factory production replaced bespoke tailoring, therefore many outfitters closed their tailoring workshops. The only ones that survived were those who had customers who could afford to pay the more expensive prices for the better made bespoke clothing.497
Source: NASA/RHN 1615 600/303: Raad van Handel en Nywerheid, Verslag No. 303: Die Klerenywerheid, 9 Desember 1947, Table 1, p. 2.
TABLE 2: CLOTHING MANUFACTURING IN SOUTH AFRICA, 1938/39-1944/45
VALUE OF PRODUCTION YEAR MANUFACTURERS WORKERS (GROSS) Retail Retail Retail Bespoke Factories Factories Bespoke Factories Bespoke Establishments Establishments Establishments 1938/39 280 615 18,250 3,972 £6,828,000 £1,332,000 1939/40 268 581 18,920 3,699 £7,497,000 £1,281,000 1940/41 304 576 20,908 3,673 £9,584,000 £1,373,000 1941/42 322 552 21,571 3,693 £11,669,000 £1,616,000 1942/43 338 515 22,074 3,518 £13,981,000 £1,744,000 1943/44 410 524 24,624 3,680 £17,562,000 £2,014,000 1944/45 444 521 27,383 3,634 £20,297,000 £2,255,000
494 M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, p. 274. 495 UW/WCL: DHC: AD1454: Wage Board Report: The Clothing Industry, 1 May 1956, pp. 17 20. 496 M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, p. 283. 497 NASA/RHN 1615 600/303: Raad van Handel en Nywerheid..., para. 12 13, pp. 6 7. 109
The first few years after the war showed a reduced increase in the number of new factories with a higher rate of increase in the value of output and fixed capital, as well as an increase in average number of employees per factory.498
The Witwatersrand and Cape Town remained the two main clothing production centres. The only sector that had not developed was that of children’s clothing and by 1948 there was only one manufacturer which produced such clothing, but even so production was very limited.499 Ladies fashion production grew rapidly and although the production of ladies clothing did increase in the Cape during the war, it became the speciality of the Witwatersrand clothing industry. By 1948, the Witwatersrand was the leader in the production of all clothing, except men’s shirts, pyjamas and underwear.500
During 1952/53, the value of men’s clothing production on the Witwatersrand was 20 percent higher than the Cape Province. More significantly, ladies clothing production on the Witwatersrand was 75 percent higher than the Cape Province. By 1956/57, the Witwatersrand and the Cape Province had similar values for men’s clothing production, whilst the Cape Province had increased the value of its ladies clothing production by 45 percent since 1952/53, but still lagged the Witwatersrand by close to 40 percent. By 1959/60, the value of men’s clothing production by the Cape Province overtook that of the Witwatersrand by 23 percent, whilst the value of its ladies clothing production had increased to a mere three and a half percent less than the Witwatersrand. Similarly, the growing ascendancy of the Cape Province clothing industry over that of the Witwatersrand was reflected by the rapidly decreasing number of factories on the Witwatersrand. In 1954/55, there were 348 factories on the Witwatersrand which decreased to 290 in 1959/60, whereas the Cape increased from 128 to 166 over the same period (Refer Table: 3).
498 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, pp. 87, 592. 499 NASA/HEN 853 125/2: Letter from the Secretary of Trade and Industry explaining the clothing industry’s position to an enquiry from the Netherlands, titled: “Die Klerenywerheid in die Unie”, 14 May 1948. 500 NASA/RHN 1615 600/303: Raad van Handel en Nywerheid..., para. 9, p. 5. 110
TABLE 3: CLOTHING MANUFACTURING IN SOUTH AFRICA, 1952/53-1959/60
Cape Witwatersrand Orange Natal Province (Transvaal) Free State
YEAR Establishments (Bespoke) Establishments Ladies)& (Men’s Factories Value Value of Production (R1,000’s) (Bespoke) Establishments Ladies)& (Men’s Factories Value of Production (R1,000’s) (Bespoke) Establishments Ladies)& (Men’s Factories Value of Production (R1,000’s) (Bespoke) Establishments Ladies)& (Men’s Factories Value of Production (R1,000’s) ValueofGross Production (R1,000’s) Number Workers of 1952/53 Bespoke 206 2,065 119 1,286 200 1,766 20 136 5,254 2,389 Men’s 66 27,865 45 11,370 164 33,479 0 72,714 30,497 Ladies 58 14,015 9 174 24,414 1 39,803 16,212 124 54 338 1 112,517 46,709 1954/55 Bespoke 187 115 187 24 5,420 1,894 Men’s 64 46 160 0 77,988 30,913 Ladies 64 10 188 1 47,586 17,295 128 56 348 1 125,574 48,208 1956/57 Bespoke 155 1,715 106 1,291 195 1,875 18 158 5,040 1,739 Men’s 60 28,106 56 17,398 136 27,943 0 73,447 29,584 Ladies 76 20,405 16 186 28,261 1 51,863 18,880 136 72 322 1 125,310 48,464 1959/60 Bespoke 172 2,117 105 1,196 200 1,835 20 130 5,279 1,742 Men’s 64 30,084 60 119 24,421 2 74,887 28,773 Ladies 102 24,574 27 171 25,446 1 54,429 19,056 166 87 290 3 129,316 47,829
Source: Report No. I.C. 19: Industrial Census, 1951 51 to 1960 61, Table 6 (b), p. 8; Table 15 (a), p. 26; Table 6 (b), p. 33; Table 15 (a), p. 48; Table 6 (b), p. 56; Table 15 (a), p. 74. (Figures based on ladies and girls factories as well as the men’s and boys factories, which included hat, cap and tie factories)
111 In 1934, the value of men’s and boy’s outerwear produced in South Africa was 83 percent of local requirement compared to 17 percent for imports. By 1946, local production had marginally increased to 87 percent and imports decreased to 13 percent. On the other hand, in 1934, the value of ladies and girl’s outerwear produced in South Africa was only 13 percent of local requirement, compared to imports at 87 percent. By 1946, local production had increased massively to 51 percent, compared to imports at 49 percent (Refer Table: 4). By 1955, the significance of general clothing imports had diminished to less than 7 percent.501
TABLE 4: SOUTH AFRICAN DOMESTIC CLOTHING MANUFACTURING COMPARED TO IMPORTS, 1934-1946
YEAR MEN’S AND BOY’S LADIES’ AND GIRLS’ COMBINED GROSS OUTERWEAR OUTERWEAR VALUE Local Local Local Imported Imported Imported Production Production Production 1934 83% 17% 13% 87% £5,246,000 £4,294,000 1939 88% 12% 22% 78% £8,053,000 £6,093,000 1942 93% 7% 49% 51% £12,864,000 £5,226,000 1946 87% 13% 51% 49% £23,152,000 £15,626,000
Source: NASA/RHN 1615 600/303: Raad van Handel en Nywerheid, Verslag No. 303: Die Klerenywerheid, 9 Desember 1947, Annexure to Report: “Klerenywerheid: Vergelyking tussen Ingevoerde en Plaaslike vervaardigde Goedere.
In 1954, export trade by the industry for the year was reported as of over £8.5M for 1954, generating some of the foreign exchange to cover the import of materials and machinery required. It was also reported that the Board had been pleased to observe that some South African ladies outerwear had found their way into London’s fashion houses.502
Of all the clothing that was locally produced, growth and diversification in ladies outerwear was the most significant development by 1956. The general quality of all categories of clothing had improved remarkably, not only in the construction, but also in design and variety and public acceptance of the locally produced clothing improved greatly.503 By
501 UW/WCL: DHC: AD1454: Wage Board Report: The Clothing Industry, 1 May 1956, para. 26, p. 60. 502 Ibid., para. 8, p. 11. 503 UW/WCL: DHC: AD1454: Wage Board Report: The Clothing Industry, 1 May 1956, para. 10, pp. 12 13. 112 1956, competition intensified amongst the local manufacturers and from increased imports, not only from abroad but also from Southern Rhodesia. The “sellers’ market” of the war and post-war was diminishing and many firms were extending credit facilities, working short time and laying off workers.504 This led to the next phase in the history of the clothing industry: take-overs and market restructuring manifested regularly since the early 1960s.505
5.2 THE FASHION ENVIRONMENT OF THE WITWATERSRAND The worldwide tendency was that the most important ladies fashion production centres of a particular country developed in areas characterised by high consumer spending. In South Africa, this development took place on the Witwatersrand. One of the factors that contributed to this was the large number of German and Austrian refugees who came to live on the Witwatersrand during the 1930s.506 Kaplan explained that many of these refugees came to South Africa with some experience in clothing production, while some became clothing entrepreneurs and others their employees.507 Those entrepreneurs who lacked sufficient knowledge in clothing production were forced to recruit workers and designers from overseas. One such newly established company, H. Brown and Brothers (Pty.) Limited, opened its factory in Commissioner Street, Johannesburg in 1934. They brought five “continental experts” to the Witwatersrand, amongst whom were two designers named Albert Porcelli and Madame Helène Hallgarten.508
Alternatively there were immigrants who, without any experience took on the role of designers. One such a person was Evi Collin who immigrated with her husband to South Africa in 1946. Evi Collin is her assumed name, given to her by General Smuts, in view of her and her husband’s participation in the resistance against the Germans. She had been trained as a concert pianist on the island of Crete where she grew up, but on arriving in the country realised that there was much competition in her field. With no work prospects or money, she decided to apply for a job as a designer. She had no experience in design and pattern cutting, but decided to make it her career. During the resistance, she made underwear and even her own wedding dress from parachute material and came to realise that she was rather good with measurements. In 1947, she started to work for a company
504 Ibid., para. 10, pp. 13 14. 505 Interview with Maurice Fluxman, 12 October 2006. 506 UW/WCL: DHC: AD1454: Wage Board Report: The Clothing Industry, 1 May 1956, para. 9, p. 12. 507 M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, p. 272. 508 JPL: “Continental Gowns in Johannesburg”, The Buyer, vol. 2 (7), July 1934, p. 13. 113 called Tailored Dresses, situated on the corner of Pritchard and De Korte Streets, Johannesburg, which was owned by a Messer’s Steinhauer and Heymann. She started as a designer-patternmaker and simultaneously started a two month course at a little dressmaking school called “Mademoiselle”. She explained that even though they were called designers, the designs were copied from overseas magazines or imported garments were reproduced.509
In Europe, the aftermath of the Second World War was one of frequent shortages. Fabrics were in short supply and also rationed, as a result of which prevailing fashion changed to narrow short skirts, padded shoulders and platform shoes.510 However, large hats were the order of the day as milliners, exempt from textile rationing, were able to continue to create bold and decorative hats that were the fashion trend before the War.511
Even though the famous Coco Chanel closed her salon upon the declaration of War, other couturiers continued to present two collections annually. Their favourite fabrics of wool and silks had disappeared, but haute couture could create wonderful garments with second best man-made fabrics such as rayon.512 F. Giround and S. van Dorssen portrayed the advent of the ‘New Look’ in fashion as:
The New Look, appearing from nowhere at a time when the war was still so tangibly close, coincided exactly with a violent desire that had still to find coherent expression. And so it was that a minor event in Paris, the creation of a new line, became an event on a world scale...... 513
It was the very successful textile producer Marcel Boussac, who launched Christian Dior’s career. Dior’s couture operation went large from the beginning with 60 employees, with Boussac’s company assuming financial responsibility over the couture operation.514 When Christian Dior launched his first range in Paris on the 12th February 1947, the editor-in- chief of Harper’s Bazaar fashion magazine made this significant statement: ‘It’s quite a revolution, dear Christian. Your dresses have a new look!’ The New Look resulted in instant fame for Dior, whose dresses became the antidote for the unflattering fashion that
509 Interview with Evi Collin, 13 October 2006. 510 F. Giround and S. van Dorssen: Dior, pp. 9 15. 511 E. Charles Roux: The World of Coco Chanel, Friends, Fashion, Fame, p. 345. 512 Ibid., p. 344. 513 F. Giround and S. van Dorssen: Dior, pp. 9 15. 514 E. Ewing: History of Twentieth Century Fashion, p. 159. 114 prevailed during the 1940s. Dior lowered the hemline to cover the calves and accentuated the shape of the female figure. Femininity was most important, dresses were delicate and feminine, made of large amounts of fabric symbolising the end of wartime rationing. Women all over the world wanted to wear the New Look.515
The drastic changes in fashion spread across the world, as well as to South Africa where the new era in fashion had also commenced. With the dramatic increase in fashion production during and after the war, training schools were established and couturiers as well as semi-couturiers set up studios. Some of them immigrated to South Africa and others were trained locally. The Witwatersrand became the fashion centre of South Africa and some designers who were based in Cape Town, relocated to the Witwatersrand where the fashion trade was both vibrant and expanding.
The first notable schools for the training in fashion design, pattern cutting and the making of clothes were established after the war on the Witwatersrand. The Australian company, McCabe Academy of Fashion Design, established a branch in Johannesburg during 1950 and had many branches throughout Australia as well as a branch in Paris, London and in Canada. Another school that started after the war was that of Ivor Kirsten. Ivor Kirsten worked for a few years prior to the war, as a designer for Horrockses in London, who were famous for their quality fabric.516 Then, as discussed in chapter one, during 1955 the Clothing Institute started training courses which were initiated by the TCMA. These courses offered training in pattern cutting and in aspects of factory management.517
Desmond McMillan, well known in the fashion industry and the training of fashion design students, trained at both the McCabe and Kirsten Academies during the early 1950s. In 1956, Desmond McMillan started a semi-couturier business. He was fortunate to have built up a clientele at Robin Robes, an exclusive dress shop where he worked for a while and who became his customers at his own salon. Desmond explained that designers were treated very well during those years. It was a different era then and a designer would create not only the bridal dresses, but also the outfits for the whole entourage. It was also a period when people specifically dressed for occasions and the designers dictated what the clients wore. Many of his clients were the wives of lawyers and doctors and their social
515 F. Giround and S. van Dorssen: Dior, pp. 9 14. 516 Interview with Desmond McMillan, 3 September 2008. 517 Interview with Annie Wolkin, 14 June 2008. 115 activities revolved around dressing up for occasions. This entailed specific garments for lunches, afternoon teas, cocktails and dinners, as well as formal and social outings. Desmond added that theatre audiences dressed up partly to show respect to the artists and people even dressed up for the cinema.
Desmond McMillan noted that clothes were beautifully made from pure cotton, wool, silk and linen. In addition, garments were interlined with pure silk organza to provide body to the garment, after which they were finished off with either a Fugi or Crepe-de-chine lining. Desmond explained garments of lower quality were interlined with calico or only partially interlined, whilst regular garments were not interlined. Seams had to be zig-zagged since overlockers only started to be used during the late 1950s.
At first the nylon fabrics which became available during the 1950s, were stiff, hot and not very comfortable. Then during the 1960s, synthetics were blended with natural fibres. The combined properties, the absorbency of the natural fibres and the resiliency of the synthetics made these fabrics more comfortable and less ironing was required. The blended synthetics became very popular. In the 1970s, clothing changed drastically with the advent of instant fashion. However, with instant fashion, the clothes not sold in a season mostly had to be disposed of by sales since they would be out of fashion by the next season.
Desmond McMillan recalled some of the well known designers in Johannesburg during the mid-1930. There was the husband and wife team known as Alexander et Annette, who came to South Africa as German refugees and then became one of the grandeur couturiers of Johannesburg. Edna Marshal was seen as the fashion expert and, “if you were anybody you went to her for your clothes”. Edna Marshall and her husband, Otto Stalls, established the well known factory Jays. Other well known designers of that time were Eric Pugin, who later worked for Derbers, Cecil Mckay, Mervin Kilpatrick, Sylvia Abrahams and Joey Spiller.518
5.3 POST-WAR CLOTHING ENTREPENEURS Inspired by the feminine fashion of designers such as Dior, during this post-war period, a truly remarkably stylish woman, Ruth Reed, took on the challenge to open a clothing factory on the Witwatersrand. Although Jewish, her family emigrated from London to South
518 Interview with Desmond McMillan, 3 September 2008. 116 Africa and not from Eastern Europe as did most of the clothing entrepreneurs. Ruth Reed briefly mentioned that her father started out as a newspaper seller at Park Station, Johannesburg but at the age of 26 started the shipping company Fred Cohen, Goldman and Company. Subsequently, he developed the residential area of Northcliff.
Ruth Reed explained that she started sewing at the age of five but never received any formal training in the clothing field, her creativity being a natural flair and her skills self- taught. Ruth recalled that at the age of seventeen in 1946, she established a business which she named Medici Gowns. Cocktail dresses were the emerging fashion then. All women wanted to wear them hence she started to produce a range of such garments and became an instant success. Ruth started her business in Northcliff Corner from a little corner shop belonging to her father. She started with four domestic sewing machines and Portuguese machinists. It had been virtually impossible to obtain business premises, workers, machinery or anything else during those difficult years after the war.
Ruth Reed recalled that obtaining fabric was extremely difficult and although suppliers did have certain quantities available, they would not help her. She was never discriminated against as a woman, but felt that she was in a disadvantaged position because she was new in the field. The ideal fabric most suitable for her styling was moss crepe, but it took years before she was accepted onto the supplier lists and thus was able to purchase the fabric. Ruth utilised parachute silk, which was one of only a few materials that she could get hold of. The silk was first dyed and hung up to dry in the backyard of the shop, thereafter designs were printed onto the dyed silk fabric using potato cuts. Ruth Reed explained that fashion had fortunately been on her side, since in addition to being able to exploit parachute silk, the beautiful pure wool felt which she could obtain, was perfectly suited for the enormous skirts of the time. Biscuit cutters were used to create cut-outs on the hems of the skirts and petticoats were added underneath to push the skirts out at the hem. Subsequently, she was able to obtain Nedick velvet which was suitable for winter, as well as waffle pique which was suitable for summer. Ruth noted that poplin became a popular fabric for day wear but she could only source it from Japan.519
Ruth Reed recalled that the first collection from Northcliff Corner was presented to Sidney Press of Edgars, Shelley Shop and other independent outlets, who between them bought up all the garments. This was her niche market and she very quickly started searching for
519 Interview with Ruth Reed and Mark Kaplan (Ruth Reed’s son), 10 April 2006. 117 more customers and since there was no competition, the business grew rapidly. Ruth Reed noted that apart from her first husband managing the business side, everything else revolved around her, including the modelling. She described her role as, “I was the cutting department and on Friday I’d clear my table and then I was the packing department.” Ruth stated that due to job reservation laws she couldn’t find more white workers but, “…eventually I took no notice of it and just trained up the people that I wanted…” to the point that she later only employed black workers.520
Mark Kaplan, Ruth’s son, recalled that their factory at 13 Betty Street, Jeppe was the first to be built amongst the little railway cottages in the area and then gradually other factories followed. The area was only supplied with single-phase electricity but since their industrial machinery required three-phase, they had to pay a lot of money to have three-phase supplied to the factory. Mark stated that they had installed only Singer machines which they used for approximately 35 years before they changed to German manufactured Pfaff machines and thereafter to the Japanese manufactured Mitsubishi machines.
Ruth Reed recalled that from a financial point of view, the establishment years were hard and because they could not pay for their goods they had to make use of the services of shippers who also added their fees to the cost of the fabric. Ruth explained that the shippers which they later used were Ewing & McDonalds with offices in England and America. After an order had been placed for fabric, the shippers would pay for it abroad and then ship it out to South Africa where Ruth was then charged accordingly. At that time, fabric was imported mainly from England, then from Europe where they could buy from Italy, Holland and Germany. The supply market then moved to America, from America to Japan and then onto Korea. From about 1950, it became easier to acquire fabric from various markets, but the importation of fabric into South Africa was rationed because of the government’s programme to develop the local textile industry. Ruth was always the first to explore new markets for fabric, as she explained, “I was the first into Indonesia where I bought a tremendous amount of fabric. I was one of the first into Japan and one of the first into Korea and that’s how it went.”521
Approximately three years after Ruth Reed started her business she also began exporting. Catalogues with drawings of the garments and fabric swatches were sent throughout
520 Ibid. 521 Ibid. 118 Africa. Her exports eventually covered an enormous footprint throughout Africa, even as far as England and Singapore. Some of the larger African markets were the Belgian Congo, Angola, Kenya and Aden. English passenger cruisers would stop over at Aden which created a supply-market for Reed. The British industry was restricted for a long period after the war, with respect to the amount of fabric that could be used to make up a particular garment, thus their clothing was more of the “utility kind” and very skimpy. The passengers who visited Aden would purchase swim suits and sun dresses which Ruth Reed supplied to the shops.
For inspiration, which could come from anything, Ruth Reed travelled to Europe four times a year. Ruth cited the example of how at one stage, the beautiful print on some silk scarves in Italy, had inspired her to import them to South Africa and turn them into dresses.522 She travelled regularly to the Prèt-á-Porter in Paris and later to the Dusseldorf shows to gather information. Ruth conceded that she had an incredible memory and could remember the details of 30 to 40 garments viewed during the course of shows. Garments were sometimes purchased and used as a reference to be adapted for the South African market.523
Ruth Reed explained that the workforce originally consisted of White workers only, but it became increasing difficult to find White workers. The Apartheid Laws made it even more difficult, especially after the introduction of job reservation. Another problem was that if employers combined Coloured and Black workers, they did not get on with each other and the Black workers who were just entering the market were also not trained. In 1955, Ruth Reed decided to open a factory in Bulawayo, where all the clothing workers were Black men. Ruth explained, “These men had a Singer sewing machine. They sat on the ground and worked the machine by hand. They bought Khaki drill, they cut Khaki pants and shirts and they sat there and worked. There were no women in the trade and those became my first workers in Rhodesia.”
Cut work was sent from Johannesburg, to be made up in Bulawayo and brought back for final checking and distribution. The Rhodesian government had offered land at a reasonable price, but on condition that building work commenced within a certain time period. Then, just as the factory was completed, new legislation came into force which
522 Ibid. 523 Interview with Theodore Egnos, 21 August 2006. 119 favoured trade with Britain. The new legislation introduced duties on the work taken to Rhodesia and similarly on the clothing coming back. It was no longer a worthwhile proposition and the building was sold to a Rhodesian firm, Lange Brothers. By the late 1960s, even though her export market was very large, they had stopped exporting their clothing because of the boycotts that originated in Kenya and theft by customs workers.
Ruth Reed is of the opinion that the clothing industry did contribute to the development of the retail industry, since they supplied clothing to the shops. Ruth confirmed that they supplied clothing to Vanity Stores, Edgars, John Orr’s, Stuttafords, Foschini’s and all the high-class speciality shops such as Glamour Fashions and Splendour in Johannesburg, as well as Levinski’s and Millews which both had stores in Pretoria and in Bloemfontein. Ruth added, “At one stage Edgars was taking up so much of our stock that we reviewed the situation since we were unable to supply the other shops. We just never, ever touched sides. Besides our own factories we had several CMT factories working for us.”524 Ruth identified two of the CMT factories that had done work for her as Concord Clothing, owned by Dennis Clark and Chantal’s Fashions. Ruth pointed out that their own factory at one time employed 250 workers, which was a fair size factory, at that time.525 During the 1970s the company was requested, even threatened, by government to relocate from Jeppe to Mpumalanga, but she had insisted that it would leave too many workers unemployed.526
Ruth is convinced that the clothing industry contributed to the growth of the textile industry, particularly with regards to the production of knitted fabrics. However, it got to the point that fashion started moving away from knits and towards woven fabrics, which they had to obtain elsewhere since knits were not manufactured in South Africa. Ruth used very fashionable local knitted fabric which was printed with in-house prints. She designed the prints and employed four artists to do the artwork which was then sent to Belgium to be made into printing paper. Ruth explained that the print was printed onto paper and then heat transferred on to knitted polyester fabric. Ruth and her son Mark, currently still operate from the same premises and she continues to play an active role in the business.
524 Interview with Ruth Reed and Mark Kaplan (Ruth Reed’s son), 10 April 2006. 525 Ibid. 526 Interview with Theodore Egnos, 21 August 2006. 120 It was only from the mid 1950s that it became acceptable for a well-dressed person to be seen without a hat.527 Despite this new trend, hats continued to be a very important part of both ladies and men’s attire until the early 1960s when the focus was placed on fashionable hair styling.528 Millenary formed an important part of the clothing industry and this sector also started to develop rapidly from the early 1930s.529
A well-known hat manufacturer that developed during the 1940s was that of Simon Pozniak. His son Robert explained that his father’s family immigrated to South Africa from Poland during 1937, where his grandfather had owned a hat business. When his grandfather arrived in Johannesburg, he established Supreme Hat & Cap Manufacturers, in Commissioner Street, where the Carlton Centre stands today. Robert Pozniak described the business as having been very rudimentary and small, selling hats and caps which were either bought or made with a few machines in the shop. Robert explained that his father and his father’s brother both had to go after school and help in the shop. In 1944, his grandfather passed away and the two Pozniak brothers had to run the business.530
The brothers first moved the business to 12 High Road, Fordsburg and then during the early 1950s they moved to the current premises in Heriotdale. Robert Pozniak explained that at first the brothers started off very small, making Chaplan cloth caps and as the business grew bigger they started to produce wool hats. However, the brothers were dependant on raw materials from another factory and in order to have a better control over the quality of the materials, they decided to start their own plant for processing the raw wool. The process entailed raw scouring after which the wool was carbonised to burn away the impurities. The resultant felting was then shaped, dyed and blocked into hat body sections. Robert pointed out, such was the success of the processing plant that the brothers started to export felted products and even supply hat bodies to their competitors who at that stage were Dorian Hats, City Felt and Harrotex.
527 E. Ewing: History of Twentieth Century Fashion, p. 166. 528 Interview with Desmond McMillan, 3 September 2008. 529 UW/WCL: DHC: AD1454: Wage Board Report: The Clothing Industry, 1 May 1956, para. 152, p. 71; para. 2 3, p. 2. The 1935 Report by the Wage Board referenced ‘Garment Making’ as: “For the purpose of this reference ‘garment making’ includes any operation making, alteration, or repairing of hats, caps and all classes of outer and under garments whether (1) new or second hand; (2) for day or night wear or (3) made to the measurements of individual persons or not, but does not include the making of millinery or ladies dresses in establishment that are not subject to the Factory Act, 1918, or any amendments thereof.” The effect of this new reference was to extend the scope of the investigation to include the alteration or repairing or second hand clothing and all work in dressmaking and millinery factories. 530 Interview with Robert Pozniak, 11 October 2006. 121 During the late 1950s or early 1960s, Robert Pozniak’s father Simon Pozniak bought out his brother. Robert added that the business continued to grow larger and larger and that his father then built the current building consisting of the two upper floors and the shopping centre on the ground level. Robert recounted that Dorian Hats and City Felt amalgamated to become Dorian City, but around 1969 went out of business and his father bought Harrotex and became the only manufacturer of woollen hats.
Robert Pozniak is of the opinion that his father, in all probability did receive financial help from family and others, as people did help each other, especially those who came from the same regions in Poland. Robert acknowledges that during later years the company did make use of bank credit facilities. His father’s business was never threatened by imports due to the uniqueness of the products, but it was not all easy going and it took his father a good 20 years of struggle before it became a success. Robert emphasized that for the immigrant groups the family nucleus was very important and therefore businesses tended to be family orientated. If the family was not maintained, the future of the group members and the business was in jeopardy.
Robert Pozniak stressed that he would never take anything away from the achievements of the early entrepreneurs, but in his opinion, they were perhaps fortunate to have been able to establish their businesses at the time when they did. Robert explained that, despite all the difficulties they experienced, they were advantaged by the protected environment due to the political situation and factors created by the war. In all probability, under present conditions, they would not have survived, “Many of them were not educated but had a flair for business and support from the network they operated in.”531
In 1936, one of the ladies’ clothing giants of the Witwatersrand, Weil and Aschheim, had small beginnings as wholesale importers of dresses from Europe. The German refugees who became partners, Sam Weil and Leopold Aschheim, had no clothing background when they arrived in South Africa. At that stage, small shops had to rely on shippers for their imports and Weil and Aschheim started to fulfil this function. Their supply from Europe stopped with the commencement of the Second World War, but despite import control, they managed to import some clothing from the United States. They supplied to small shops and departmental stores, as well as to the chain stores. Although they were very
531 Interview with Robert Pozniak, 11 October 2006. 122 successful up to then, when import duties increased after the war, their type of business became difficult and prompted them to become manufacturers.
In 1945, the company, obtained the franchise to produce Rite-Fit dresses and soon thereafter for Lovable brassieres. In 1952, they became a public company and in 1956 they were considered to be one of the largest ladies clothing manufacturers in the country. By then, the company was situated at their triangular building at 35 Siemert Road, Doornfontein. They exported to other African countries and Britain, employed more than 700 people and had branches in Cape Town, Durban, Port Elizabeth and Salisbury. In 1957, together with the American company, Burlington Industries Inc., they started to manufacture Cameo stockings. The name of the stockings was later changed to Burhose, which they manufactured at their factory in Diep River in the Cape. In 1969, Weil and Aschheim amalgamated with the Moch Group of Companies, which included the previously mentioned Jardine des Modes.532
David Mann stated that as an immigrant from Britain, he was one of the few factory owners who were not Jewish. David explained that after the war, many South African clothing manufacturers lacked knowledge of clothing production and recruited skilled workers from overseas. Therefore, most of the technical know-how of the Witwatersrand clothing industry was imported during those early years. David cited the example that at French Model House where he worked for many years, the factory floor manager was a machinist from England. Many others, particularly from England and Holland, who had been ordinary workers overseas, came over into managerial or supervisory positions.533
David Mann explained that after the Second World War, times were hard and one had to take whatever job could be found. David, thus at the age of 14 had started to work in a clothing factory in the West end of London, where his mother worked. Part of his job was to sweep the floors and to keep the little factory of eight workers busy by fetching cut work from established couturiers such as Arthur Banks and Lane and Nuby. Apprenticeships in those days meant that you swept the floors, delivered garments, fetched cut work, made tea and picked up threads. Only after a year did you “get to sit with a tailor”. In 1947, David Mann and his mother were recruited by Mr Levy of Earl Fashions, a small factory on the Witwatersrand. They jumped at the opportunity to come to South Africa, where his father
532 M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, pp. 273 277. 533 Interview with David Mann, 5 October 2006. 123 had experienced great hospitality during the times when his ship had put in to Cape Town during the war years.
Unfortunately, David Mann’s mother did not get on with Mrs Levy and on leaving Earl Fashions, both a few weeks later started to work for French Model House, situated on the fourth floor at 111 Pritchard Street. David started at French Model House as a tailor and learnt everything about pattern cutting and grading, where he subsequently became the manager. The French Model House produced coats and lined suits and along with Greys, which produced ladies sports clothing such as tennis dresses, were both owned by Greatermans under the managing directorship of a Mr Levine. David Mann pointed out that all the supervisory positions were filled by Whites, primarily immigrants and that all the machinists were White Afrikaner women. The cutting rooms were supervised by White workers and all the other personnel working there were Coloured workers. The pressers were all Black male workers.
The manufacture of ready-made outerwear consisted of two different sections, namely those that produced men’s clothing and those that produced ladies clothing. The manufacture of ready-made ladies clothing was further divided into two sections, those that concentrated on the production of winter clothing and were called winter houses and the others that produced summer clothing and were called summer houses. David emphasized that this resulted in unproductive periods, which was a major problem for both the manufacturers as well as for the workers. Workers employed in the summer houses knew that during the slower periods they had to find work in the winter houses and vice versa. For this reason, French Model House as a winter house, merged with Vega Valery Gay, a summer house situated on the floor below which produced dresses and lightweight ensembles. David noted that although the merger was to ensure work throughout the year, “…due to, too many directors, managers and secretaries they soon divorced again.”534
When the merger between French Model House and Vega Valery Gay was being reversed in the early 1960s, the owners of French Model House took the decision not to continue with the factory. David Mann recognised the business opportunity, but lacked sufficient capital. An agreement was entered into where he could pay off the debt and manufacture CMT work channelled through Greys. David took over the 90 machinists and all the machinery and named his factory Mannettes. During the December holiday period, family
534 Ibid. 124 and friends helped to moved everything to new premises at the corner of End and Pritchard Streets.
During those years verbal agreements were honoured. Such was the case between David Mann and Morri Berzacks, owner of one of the sewing machine supply companies, who supplied him with whatever else was needed to start his factory and which David also paid off monthly. David acknowledged that though it was difficult to pay off the equipment and scrape together the wages, they managed. After a couple of years the orders dwindled and with the permission from Greys, David started to manufacture for Sales House and Edgars. To overcome the unproductive periods due to seasonal changes, David investigated the methods of dress production and started to produce both summer and winter ladies clothing.
David Mann explained that for CMT work from a company such as Edgars, he would receive a sketch or magazine clipping from which he would then replicate a sample. On completion, the sample would be inspected by the designer and sometimes changes would be required, after which an order would be placed for a quantity usually in the order of about 300 garments of a style. David concluded that there was also no delay in being paid and as soon as Edgars’ quality department had checked and approved the delivered orders, settlement would be processed.535
From 1948, Maisie Clark was working as a machinist at Eva Dress, a well known CMT factory owned by the Italian immigrant, Aria Canova. Maisie’s son, Dennis Clark, who is well known in the Witwatersrand clothing industry, explained that when his mother decided to leave Eva Dress and start her own business, she did so with one machine and from a bedroom of their house in Rosettenville. She produced children’s clothing on a CMT basis and she called the business Tiny Teens. Dennis recalls that as a child, his job when he returned from school in the afternoons, was to do the pinking on the seams to prevent them fraying. This was done with a device which operated similar to a tin opener and trimmed the edge of the fabric into a zigzag, as overlocking of seams was not standard practice yet at that time.
By 1952, Maisie Clark, with four to five machinists and a growing business, could no longer work from home and moved the business to rented premises in Clair Road, Fordsburg.
535 Ibid. 125 Then again, in 1954, those premises became too small for the ten workers then employed and the business moved to Mordaunt Street in Jeppe. At that time Maisie Clark’s brother joined the business but immigrated to Rhodesia about two years later. Maisie Clark’s husband then resigned from his employment to join the business and to run the cutting room. Dennis Clark matriculated in 1954 and pursued a career as an underground manager at Crown Mines until 1956 when his mother passed away after a long illness. Dennis explained that although his father tried to manage the business for a while, his father was more of a hands-on person and was not able to manage the administrative side as his mother had done, so he decided to join the business in 1956.536
Dennis Clark remembered putting a pair of kiddies’ shorts in a suitcase and walking around Doornfontein to solicit orders from manufacturers. Most people was of the opinion that a CMT producing children’s clothing, should produce cheaper clothing when in reality the handling of such garments was more difficult. Dennis decided to rather produce ladies clothing on a CMT basis, as the ladies fashion industry was already well established. He changed the name of the business to Concord Clothing, “a very suitable name for a CMT company, as it meant coming to an amicable agreement”.537 The company grew quite substantially. During one of his rounds, around 1957/8, Dennis went to see Lionel Lipkin and his partner Chaim Binder, of Transvaal Clothing Industries (Pty) Ltd. They approved the workmanship of the sample shown to them and gave him a CMT order to manufacture for them. Dennis acknowledges that this was the beginning of a business relationship with them which lasted for many decades. Another such company which placed CMT orders with him was United Purchasing (now Edcon).
Concord Clothing moved to Sasby House in Polly Street, but soon thereafter to bigger premises at Caulfield House in Main Street, Johannesburg.538 Dennis Clark noted that one of the biggest problems which CMT factories were faced with was that the manufacturers would first fill their own factories before passing work on to a CMT. Therefore, the period between March and April was a dallied period for them, since it was the quiet period in the industry. On the other hand, Dennis acknowledged that as a CMT, they were not saddled
536 Interview with Dennis Clark, 4 November 2006. 537 Ibid. 538 Interview with Dennis Clark, 4 November 2006. Dennis Clarke’s father was of the opinion that he was getting out of his league during 1962 since, in his opinion, R4,000 for 1,000 square meters was too expensive. Concord’s workforce grew over a period of 35 years, from the early 1960s to middle 1990s, to 300 and they became the largest ladies clothing CMT factory on the Witwatersrand. 126 with all the difficulties the manufacturers which supplied them with CMT work had surrounding the supply and importation of textiles. Dennis Clark felt that, based on his experiences in the industry, CMT work was the easiest way to get started in clothing manufacture but also the hardest to stay in.
Dennis Clark produced CMT work continuously for Peterjay, Eva Dress, Transvaal Clothing, Jane Lanford and Jane Milano. Dennis pointed out that Peter Jakubowicz, the owner of the ladies wear factory Peterjay, was the most important mentor in as far as his production and business was concerned. Even today, he still implements the knowledge that he was taught then by Peter Jakubowicz. Dennis nostalgically remembered spending many evenings with Peter Jakubowicz, who was always prepared to advise him on business matters.
Dennis is of the opinion that the demise of the Witwatersrand Clothing industry reached its peak during 1967. The government introduced the Physical Planning and Utilisation of Resources Act, which capped the number of Black workers in the Witwatersrand industry. Factories were allocated a predetermined number of Black workers, by means of certificates, irrespective of the fact that by then only Black workers were available. This was a catalyst which stimulated Cape clothing industry, as they employed primarily Coloured workers and were thus not affected by the number of Black workers. Dennis considered the effects of this Act to have been more severe than the job reservation legislation of the 1950s. Another problem was a lack of training and funds, as well as a result of the isolation of the country, which made it difficult to keep up with technology.
Dennis explained that most of the entrepreneurs in the industry started out with no education and no capital, but became very successful. The second generation took over the factories from their families, but the third generation found the clothing industry too demanding and either became professionals or emigrated. In his opinion, the retail industry, which included the fashion chain stores, built their empires out of the local clothing industry.539
In conclusion, the interruption of imported clothing to South Africa, during the period of the Second World War, stimulated a period of high growth in the local clothing industry. The shortage of clothing continued during the period after the war, while the main producing
539 Interview with Dennis Clark, 4 November 2006. 127 countries were rebuilding as a result of the war. The South African clothing manufacturers experienced a shortage in fabrics, also as a result of the war shortages. There was also a shortage of capital equipment and the government introduced price control. During 1948, import control on finished garments was introduced and during 1955 import tariffs were increased to the benefit of the local clothing entrepreneurs.
In Europe, once the realization and optimism had set in that the war was over, fashion there entered a new era with the advent of Christian Dior’s “New Look”. On the Witwatersrand, which by the end of the war had established itself as the fashion centre of the country, the new trend in Europe brought about a new fashion culture. This led to couturiers and semi-couturiers setting up businesses to offer their services to the affluent population of the Witwatersrand.
The number of factories in the country increased rapidly from 280 in 1938/39 to 517 by 1952/53, and then increased gradually to 546 by 1959/60. The Witwatersrand remained the main production centre up to the mid-1950s. By 1959/60, the value of the Cape men’s production had overtaken the Witwatersrand by 23 percent. The production of ladies fashion started on the Witwatersrand and remained its domain. However, by 1956/57 it still produced almost 40 percent more in production value than the Cape. By 1959/60 the Cape ladies production had increased remarkably and was exceeded by the Witwatersrand’s production by only 3.5 percent. Therefore, the Cape industry had started to overtake the Witwatersrand industry (Refer Table: 2 & 3).
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CHAPTER 6
THE ROLE OF THE CLOTHING ENTREPRENEURS IN RELATED INDUSTRIES
6.1 CLOTHING DISTRIBUTION The wholesalers, who initially imported manufactured clothing, were mainly of British origin and dominated the distribution function of ready-made clothing until the Second World War. At first they were established close to the ports of Cape Town and Durban, as well as a few in Port Elizabeth and East London. With the development of larger towns, associated and independent wholesalers were established inland. After the Second World War, the function of the coastal towns as the main distribution centres changed. With the development of the mining industry and secondary industry on the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg became the distribution centre for all locally produced merchandise. This development forced many of the import wholesalers to either establish a branch or move their entire operation to Johannesburg.
As the cities developed country trading stores were replaced by speciality retail shops. It was on the Witwatersrand that the speciality clothing shops developed in size and number due to the high population growth. This was followed by the development of departmental and then chain stores, most of which ultimately became independent from both the wholesalers and manufacturers.540 Shippers played an important role in the development of retail distribution in South Africa. They helped many South African businesses to develop due to their services offered, which was not only the sourcing and shipping of products and raw materials, but also the provision of credit. As the South African retail companies expanded, they established their own buying offices and credit facilities with overseas suppliers and so the services of shippers were dispensed with.541
By the late 1940s, the clothing produced in South Africa was highly diversified and a large percentage of clothing was seasonally produced. The majority of factories were small and limited their activities to manufacture, whilst few had the capability to distribute their goods throughout the country. The general trend was not to build up stock and the choice of supply depended on factors such as the type of garment, the extent of the target market,
540 Statsinform (Pty.) Ltd.: A Survey of the Retail Trade in South Africa, pp. 2 3. 541 M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, p. 312. 129 production scale and competitiveness of the manufacturer. The ready-made factory sector sold mostly to wholesalers and retail outlets.542
The larger factories sold their clothing by presenting a sample range to the retailer or wholesaler, this through the prospective buyer visiting their showroom or a traveller or agent visiting the stores. A sample range consisted of prototypes of the planned production, the production of which greatly depended on a successful selling season.543 The smaller factories were unable to present a sample range and would make only a few garments and hope to get orders to produce them. Eva Dress, in their early years, was one of those smaller factories and was the first factory where Annie Wolkin worked in 1947. They did not produce ranges but would make about three or so sample garments which were then presented to wholesalers. If the wholesaler approved of the styles, an order would be placed and it would be produced immediately.544
6.1.1 Wholesale and Retail Distribution of Clothing Factories became more competitive and increasingly preferred to deal directly with the retail stores. Many brand names and advertised clothing were sold directly to the retailers by the factories, except where the wholesalers had the sole agency to the brand. The largest percentage of manufactured clothing sold to wholesalers by the factories was their cheaper ranges, while wholesalers which specialised in fashion, imported most of their fashion wear.545 Even so, from 1946 to 1952 the quantity of clothing bought by retailers from factories increased by only 0.7 percent, whereas the quantity bought from wholesalers was still larger and increased by 8.7 percent over the same period.546 By 1952, the quantity of men’s wear bought by the retailers from wholesalers was nearly the same as that bought directly from the factories. On the other hand, retailers collectively bought 40.4 percent more ladies wear from the wholesalers. The strength of the wholesalers lay in their trade with the country stores.547 Conversely, for the small country stores, the best way to obtain a variety of products was still from the wholesalers.548
542 NASA/RHN 1615 600/303: Raad van Handel en Nywerheid..., para. 121 122, p. 35. 543 Interview with Stephen Jaff, 4 October 2006. From 1947 the Witwatersrand clothing industry held their Fashion Fortnights. 544 Interview with Annie Wolkin, 14 June 2008. 545 NASA/RHN 1615 600/303: Raad van Handel en Nywerheid..., para. 123, p. 35. 546 Report of the Commission of Inquiry into Trade Licensing and Allied Problems, 9 December 1964, p. 83. 547 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, pp. 495 497. 548 NASA/RHN 1615 600/303: Raad van Handel en Nywerheid..., para. 124, 128, pp. 35 36. 130 By 1948, depending on their size, degree of specialisation and location, many independent speciality shops in the cities sidestepped the wholesaler by importing their clothing or bought direct from the factories. However, when credit facilities were needed or when supplementary stock needed to be purchased, they bought from the wholesalers.549 The wholesalers placed larger orders with the factories in comparison to the individual retailers, which was more profitable for the factories. Longer production runs could be achieved and the amount of deliveries was also reduced. The wholesaler paid for the clothing shortly after delivery, which solved some of the factories’ credit problems.550
Under price control measures during the Second World War, it became profitable for clothing manufacturers to eliminate the wholesalers as the middlemen and the volume of direct sales to the retail outlets increased. The war circumstances made credit easier to obtain and because of the shortage of imports, retail outlets reduced their variety and started to buy larger volumes of specific styles directly from the local factories. After the war, the situation reverted and as credit facilities became more difficult and the public once again demanded variety, the retail outlets were forced to buy more selectively again. A large variety was possible for the retailers only when they bought some of their stock from the wholesalers.551
To compensate for being bypassed and to remain competitive, some wholesalers established their own factories and retail outlets, in addition to buying and selling products from other factories and imports as before. The factories that were operated by the wholesalers concentrated their production on lower end or so called “bread and butter line” garments, for which there was a great demand. For variety and fashion, they still relied on other manufacturers and imports. Some of the wholesalers also made use of CMT factories. Conversely, some retailers also established their own factories and made use of CMT factories.552 On the other hand, some factories also established their own retail outlets mostly to market their own brands.553 Furthermore, the establishment and growth of the departmental and fashion chain stores also affected the wholesalers negatively, since they established their own central buying and distribution centres.554 Greatermans was an
549 Ibid., para. 122, 124, 128, pp. 35 37. 550 Ibid., para. 129, p. 37. 551 Ibid., para. 125, p. 36. 552 Ibid., para. 121 122, 126, pp. 35 36. 553 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, pp. 492 493. 554 NASA/RHN 1615 600/303: Raad van Handel en Nywerheid..., para. 124, p. 35. 131 example of a departmental store which operated its own factories, these being French Model House and Greys.555
The retail distribution of clothing was divided into three main categories, namely the independent speciality shops, departmental stores and the chain stores. The speciality shops were owned and operated as independent units and offered clothing and suitable accessories. The advantages of these stores were the individual services and higher quality that they offered their customers. 556 Desmond McMillan remembered that there were many small speciality dress shops all over Johannesburg and even in the suburbs. In Mayfair and Jeppe, there was a particularly high concentration of speciality shops which sold regular clothing. In the centre of Johannesburg, another group of speciality shops sold superior quality clothing such as Glamour Fashions and Milady.
There were also the exclusive semi-couture shops, many of them in Eloff Street, such as Robin Robes, Romance, Derbers, Putzy and Matz. The clothing sold in these shops was very pricey and it was every girl’s dream, to at least once in their lifetime, wear one of their exclusive dresses. These shops imported clothing from famous designers such as Dior. Desmond McMillan started to work for Robin Robes in 1954 and explained that Robin Robes had a very large showroom and a workroom, behind the actual shop. Since the duplication of the imported dresses was such a general occurrence, there were only a few garments in the shop window and these were displayed in such a way that that they could not be copied by others. An enquiring client would consult with the saleslady, who would then usually ask the client to come back the next day, where after dresses pre-selected from the showroom would be shown to the client. In this way, the client would not be able to see all the garments available and it was only the regular clients who would be taken directly to the showroom.557
The departmental stores could be divided into two groups. The first group consisted of the upmarket departmental stores such as Stuttafords, Cleghorn & Harris, Norman Ansteys and John Orr’s. The clothing sold in these stores catered for the more affluent sector of the market. The second group, such as OK Bazaars and Woolworths, qualified as departmental stores on the basis of also having individual merchandise departments such
555 Interview with David Mann, 5 October 2006. 556 NASA/RHN 1615 600/303: Raad van Handel en Nywerheid..., para. 130, 137 140, pp. 37 38. 557 Interview with Desmond McMillan, 3 September 2008. 132 as the upmarket departmental stores, but catered more for the general market. The clothing departments of the latter also compared more to chain stores, in that they offered clothing at prices, volumes and even similar lines to the chain stores.558
The clothing departments of the upmarket departmental stores offered a wide variety of upmarket clothing, specialised service and even credit facilities. These departmental stores were usually located in the prime areas of the city and preferred by their clients who viewed the areas as part of “status shopping”, even though rentals in suburban areas were much lower.559 The clothes in those stores were sold by specialist salesladies who offered professional services by choosing and showing the clients suitable garments. To be exclusive and to offer variety, the stores would only keep one or two garments of the same style and as a result the customer’s dress size would not be available. The saleslady would then call in the fitters and they would alter the dress accordingly to the required fit. However, after the war the departmental stores bought selectively from local manufacturers and from semi-couturier factories such as Hennie Trump, Hugo Franco, St Lori and Ruth Reed, which did not produce large quantities of a style.560
The advent of chain stores presented new outlets for clothing manufacturers.561 From the 1930s they conducted large scale retailing of clothing. Chain stores limited the services usually rendered by speciality shops and departmental stores and operated on a “self- service” and “cash-and-carry” payment basis. They also did not provide a delivery service.562 The chain stores greatest success was the selling of products where personal service was not a necessity and which was sufficiently standardised to be sold without effort. The type of clothing sold by the chain stores was in such great demand that large volumes could be sold at lower profit margins.563 Larger volumes per style were ordered which allowed the clothing manufacturers to have longer and more profitable production runs, but it simultaneously placed the chain stores in a powerful position to negotiate special prices.564 Ackermans was the first chain store group to be established and the “mass marketing techniques” introduced by Gus Ackerman, were followed by many other
558 NASA/RHN 1615 600/303: Raad van Handel en Nywerheid..., para. 134 136, pp. 37 38. 559 Ibid., para. 134 136, pp. 37 38: Statsinform: A Survey of the Retail Trade in South Africa, p. 20. 560 Interview with Desmond McMillan, 3 September 2008; Interview with Stephen Jaff, 4 October 2006. 561 M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, p. 236. 562 Statsinform (Pty.) Ltd.: A Survey of the Retail Trade in South Africa, pp. 17 19. 563 NASA/RHN 1615 600/303: Raad van Handel en Nywerheid..., para. 130 133, p. 37. 564 Statsinform (Pty.) Ltd.: A Survey of the Retail Trade in South Africa, p. 18. 133 chain-store groups and are still in use today.565 The important ladies fashion chain stores of the period, such as Foschini, Truworths and Edgars were established before the Second World War, when most of their clothing was still imported.566
6.1.2 Harmonisation Between Manufacturers and Retailers At the time that the war started the ladies fashion outlets still imported most of their clothing. When the war resulted in a shortage of imported clothing they had no choice but to source clothing locally. Some of the chain stores established their own factories and made use of CMT factories. During the war, Foschini bought an interest in a clothing factory and started a design centre that supplied the patterns and fabric to eight other CMT factories which produced clothing for them. By then Truworths was also buying from local manufacturers and in 1940 they also started to manufacture their own clothing. Eventually, they had 13 factories called Bonwit, which were based in the Cape. Edgars’ imports were also interrupted and they were forced to source clothing locally. The company also opened a small factory which employed 20 people. The factory was closed after the war but due to the increased import tariffs they reopened the factory and also bought Celrose, a ladies clothing factory. 567 After the war, the chain stores could resume their imports but import control imposed during 1948, as well as the later introduction of higher import tariff and dumping duties drastically increased prices. This was to the advantage of the local clothing industry, as the retail stores in general had to buy from the local manufacturers.568
Although the domestic market in South Africa was limited, consumers were used to the variety which imports offered.569 Consumer and merchant prejudice towards locally made clothing started to improve during the war. Barker explained that even so, some consumers still preferred imported garments which provided satisfaction that had nothing to do with the price or the quality.570 The discriminatory attitude towards local manufacturers, by the wholesalers who had British connections, also started to change when Jewish owned wholesalers established themselves and started to conduct business with the Jewish manufacturers.571
565 R. Ackerman: Hearing Grasshoppers Jump, pp. 20, 29 30. 566 M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, pp. 256, 261, 264. 567 Ibid., pp. 265, 267 270. 568 M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, pp. 258 270. 569 NASA: RHN 1615 600/303: Memorandum to The Board of Trade and Industries from The Clothing Industry…, p. 28. 570 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, p. 557. 571 M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, pp. 235 237. 134
After the war, more South African women became aware of contemporary fashion changes, as well as the improved quality of South African made clothing. This resulted to a large extent from the increased advertising by the fashion chains. The retailers came to realise that imported clothing also had its problems, as most were bought as end-of- season lots which could not be returned and the colours, sizes and quality could not be predicted. By then the local manufacturers could guarantee their quality, styles and sizes. This helped to build relations between the clothing industry and the fashion chains, departmental stores and smaller independent stores.572 The clothing manufacturers also attempted to guide the retailers to be more receptive to standardisation such as styling and sizing.573
During the early years, Jaff and Company supplied primarily to the independent speciality shops, but this changed and in the 1950s they supplied many of the chain stores. A new era had started during the war with clothing producers and the chain stores, as well as the larger independent speciality shops working closely together. They would meet prior to a season and discuss fabrics, colours and styling. The retail sector realised that they could rely on the South African industry to provide them with their merchandise, knowing that they could get reliable service and good quality from the local industry. The high import duties on imported clothing guaranteed a market for the local manufacturer. In addition, most retailers and manufacturers were Jewish, who generally formed close business relationships and supported each other.574 A consequence of the war was that the clothing outlets became dependent on the local clothing industry and for the Witwatersrand; this in particular was to the great advantage of its ladies fashion production.
6.2 TEXTILE PRODUCTION
6.2.1 The Importance of Textiles to the Clothing Industry Fabric forms one of the largest components of the cost in the production of clothing and its selection is based not only on fashion, but also the fitness of purpose. The level of exclusivity and volume of fabric required, serve to drive up the cost of the fabric. Concurrently, when fabric selection is made a forecasting is made to predict the future
572 Ibid., pp. 274 275. 573 NASA: RHN 1615 600/303: Memorandum to The Board of Trade and Industries from The Clothing Industry…, p. 28. 574 Interview with Stephen Jaff, 4 October 2006. 135 requirements of the retailer and ultimately that of the consumers. For the clothing entrepreneur of the period of this study, timing on the purchasing of the bulk fabric was of the utmost importance, so as to be delivered in time for production and still be fashionable when it was delivered to the stores. The manufacturer’s judgement of all these factors determined the success of his production which ultimately reflected in the sales.575
Selling was done from a sample range which consisted of prototypes of the planned production. For the sample making stage, fabric of limited lengths had to be acquired from the fabric supplier and only after the selling season and finalisation of all orders, could the total fabric requirements be calculated and the fabric be ordered in bulk. This was problematic as most fabrics were imported and fabrics had to be ordered long in advance to ensure that production could commence at the correct time. To import the fabric the manufacturer had to obtain an import permit and there was no guarantee that the amount of fabric required by the manufacturer would be granted.576
For the clothing entrepreneur, the greatest competitive challenge was to supply clothing to the retailer equal in styling and fabric to that of the imported garments. Trade journals and fashion magazines assisted to keep them up to date with fashion changes, but there were no local publications and imported magazines only arrived six months after publication.577 Fabric agents also offered guidance and information but to ensure competitiveness the clothing manufacturers regularly visited the main clothing and textile producing countries such as America, Britain, Germany, Italy and Japan. It was during these visits, that they bought most of their fabric requirements which would then be shipped to South Africa. Good relations developed between the manufacturers and the suppliers who supplied the South African manufacturers with information regarding new developments and available fabric. Fabric agents also visited factories and showed samples of the fabrics that were available from the textile companies they represented, which at that stage were all from overseas.578
One such a fabric agent was Theodore Egnos, who explained that he would only be involved in the selling phase of the fabric and not the importing process. For example, a
575 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, p. 433. 576 Interview with Stephen Jaff, 4 October 2006. 577 Interview with Desmond McMillan, 3 September 2008. 578 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, p. 434; Interview with Stephen Jaff, 4 October 2006; Interview with Ruth Reed and Mark Kaplan (Ruth Reed’s son), 10 April 2006; Interview with Rhona Mathews, 14 October 2006. 136 large manufacturer such as Jaff and Company would select various fabrics from his sample ranges after which he would place an order with the textile company overseas. Jaff and Company would be responsible to apply for and obtain the necessary import permits, as well as make all the necessary arrangements with their shipping company to get the goods delivered direct to them. Theodore Egnos’ principal business was with Japan and 40 percent of South African cotton imports went through his company.579
The smaller manufacturers obtained fabric from the wholesalers, since they were not in a position to import their own. However, they were disadvantaged in that they were limited to the variety and quantity the wholesalers had imported. The wholesalers ranged from being British, Jewish and Indian and sold a variety of goods which included textiles. Bree Bulbulia, who still operates as a fabric wholesaler, remembered large wholesalers such as M. Bloch and Company, Mosenthals, Elephant Trading, Jaggers, S. A. Mia, Moosas and Dadabaai.580 Some wholesalers such as M & P Trikam Textile Merchants imported only fabric. They specifically imported wool fabric used for jackets, suits and trousers from England, Germany and Japan. They supplied many factories, one of which was well known Rex Trueform in Cape Town.581 Bulbulia, started his wholesale business during the mid- 1940s and imported fashion fabrics and household textiles. Bree primarily imported from Germany, Japan and America. He was the sole importer of certain qualities of poplin from Japan, which was a very fashionable fabric during the period. This was supplied to factories, as well as departmental stores. Greatermans was one of his larger customers.582
6.2.2 Development of Textile Industry Impedes Clothing Industry By the end of the Second World War, there was a shortage of fabric as well as clothing. Countries such as India and Japan started to supply cotton fabric at reduced prices, due to advanced technology and low labour costs.583 Supply markets had become producers and contributed to the collapse of the leading British cotton industry, with Japan capturing a third of Britain’s supply market. In addition, pressure was increasing from the new development of man-made fibres.584 For the British cotton textile manufacturers, it became
579 Interview with Theodore Egnos, 21 August 2006. 580 Interview with Bree Bulbulia, 30 October 2006. 581 Interview with Manilal Trikam, 27 October 2006; Interview with Manilal and Parshotam Trikam, 30 October 2006. 582 Interview with Bree Bulbulia, 30 October 2006. 583 Report of the Committee of Inquiry into the Textile and Clothing Industries…, para. 46 49, p. 11. 584 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, pp. 435 436; K. Kilvington: “A Second 1820s Settlement: British Textile Manufacturers and South Africa post 1945”, South African Journal of Economic History, vol. 11 (2), September 1996, p. 223. 137 a viable proposition to form a partnership with South Africa, one of its largest post-war markets.585
During the war period the Industrial Development Corporation (hereafter IDC) identified South Africa’s textile industry as one with great potential to be developed. The country’s textile requirements seemed endless due to the fast population growth and increasing living standards. But the most decisive factor was that from 1939 to 1946, the value of textile imports increased from R39m to R117m and appeared large enough to support the expansion.586 By far the largest portion of textile imports was the fabric required by the clothing manufacturers.587 The IDC’s intervention in the textile industry commenced, primarily in partnership with the British cotton textile manufacturers as well as with British bankers.588
The development of the textile industry commenced after the war and was concentrated on the production of “cotton cloth, rayon cloth and knitted goods, and, in a lesser measure, wool cloth”.589 Barker explained that the Board was of the opinion that the textile industry, “would assist greatly in the long run to balance the country’s external payments.”590 The decision to develop South Africa’s textile industry was made despite the fact that a well developed global cotton industry existed, which was supply-thirsty and was already producing large amounts of textiles. These competitive industries constantly developed new fabrics and finishes which offered great variety of advanced qualities at competitive prices. Man-made fibres had also started to replace natural fibres. Unfortunately for many years the South African textile industry based their business on the production of basic fabrics and therefore lacked competitiveness. To stimulate the use of local textiles could only be forced by the implementation of protection.591
585 K. Kilvington: “A Second 1820s Settlement: British Textile Manufacturers and South Africa post 1945”, South African Journal of Economic History, vol. 11 (2), September 1996, pp. 225 227. 586 B. C. Brayshaw: Die NOK: Sy Werk en Invloed, 1940 1965, pp. 1 3. 587 Syfret’s Trust Co. Ltd.: South African Textiles, Clothing and Related Industries, p. 48. 588 K. Kilvington: “A Second 1820s Settlement: British Textile Manufacturers…, p. 221. 589 JPL: Board of Trade and Industries: The Textile Manufacturing Industry, Report No. 323, December 1950, para. 131, 276. 590 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, p. 436. 591 Ibid., pp. 436, 440. 138 By the end of the war, the clothing industry was already well established and until 1950 had no option but to develop with imported fabrics.592 Due to the competitive nature of fashion production, a variety of fabrics were needed and in most cases exclusivity was essential. This was of utmost importance to enable the clothing manufacturers to compete with imports. Fashion production entailed short production runs, which meant that not only were small quantities of fabrics required, but they also needed to be available in different colours. For the local textile industry, production of fashion fabrics in limited quantities and diverse varieties did not constitute a viable proposition. The requirements of the clothing industry were not considered when the decision was taken by the BTI and the IDC to assist the development of the textile industry.593
Due to the worldwide economic recovery and the shortage in textiles products after the war, South Africa’s textile industry started to develop rapidly. By 1950, the industry produced a very limited quantity of textiles suitable for clothing production.594 The earlier attempt to cut down on the quantity of fabrics imported was by implementation of import control during 1948. The opportunity afforded to the textile industry to expand was premature as the first mills had only just commenced with production and no suitable fabric for the production of clothing was manufactured. The textile industry was just not ready to cope with the country’s requirements and the control on some of the fabrics required by the clothing industry had to be relaxed during early 1950.595
To protect the infant textile industry, the BTI enforced increased import tariffs from 1952, to the disadvantage of the well established clothing industry. Extensive protection was given to cotton, wool, rayon and a few other areas of textile manufacture.596 At that stage the tariff on cotton was a general 10 percent tariff and for wool between 20 and 30 percent. The tariff was increased to a general 15 percent but on calico, drill, twill, sateen and gauze (similar to cheese cloth) the duties ranged between 25 to 35 percent.
From 1954, protection was continuously raised and widened in accordance with the growth and increase in variety of the textile industry. From approximately 1958/59, duties similar to
592 Ibid., p. 438. 593 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, pp. 113, 436 437. 594 Report of the Committee of Inquiry into the Textile and Clothing Industries…, para. 46 47, p. 11. 595 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, p. 438. 596 Ibid., pp. 437, 439 440. 139 that on cotton were imposed on rayon and cotton/rayon blends. From the 1960s, the wool tariffs were also applied to wool/rayon blends which included synthetic blends.597 By then, the tariff structure was based on the technical description of fabrics according to the fibre content, yarn count (number of threads per square inch), weight per square meter, colour and fabric construction. The complexity of the system created loopholes for the evasion of duties by minor changes to technical aspects of fabrics. This led to the continuous raising and widening of tariffs as well as attempts to evade them. By the 1960s, textile duties ranged from 20 to 30 percent and on calicos and drills approximately 37 percent.598
For the clothing manufacturer, it was most important to buy fabric which could make their clothing competitive in as far as attractiveness and price was concerned. The tariffs that were implemented to stimulate the growth of the textile industry, affected the fashionable fabrics of that period, which ranged from, “…drills and denims for utility wear up to fine worsted suiting, linen, interlinings, lingerie and dress fabrics. The tariffs increased the fabric costs of clothing manufacturers considerably.” 599
6.2.3 The Use of South African Textiles by the Clothing Industry The early textile mills of South Africa produced mostly low quality blankets. By 1944, 90 percent of the local requirements for blankets, rugs and canvas were met by local production. Unfortunately, the woven fabrics produced were heavy and coarse and unsuited for clothing manufacture.600 By 1947 Britain supplied 64 percent of the local demand of wool fabric and Prato in Italy was also a popular supplier of regenerated wool.601 The South African mill, Fine Wool Products, produced the first wool fabrics from 1947, which were suitable for the production of clothing but were of very basic construction and low quality and mainly used by men’s wear factories.602 By 1951 the wool fabrics produced were still restricted to plain woven with almost no variations. By 1961, the woollen textile mills had the capacity to satisfy 95 percent of local requirements but due to
597 Report of the Committee of Inquiry into the Textile and Clothing Industries…, para. 370 374, 377, 388 389, pp. 64 66, 68. 598 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, pp. 561, 565. 599 Syfret’s Trust Co. Ltd.: South African Textiles, Clothing and Related Industries, p. 48. 600 Report of the Committee of Inquiry into the Textile and Clothing Industries…, para. 31, p. 7. 601 Syfret’s Trust Co. Ltd.: South African Textiles, Clothing and Related Industries, p. 36. Generated wool is recycled wool, where the fibres are reclaimed from rags. The yarns are spun and the fabric constructed. 602 Syfret’s Trust Co. Ltd.: South African Textiles, Clothing and Related Industries, pp. 31 32; Report of the Committee of Inquiry into the Textile and Clothing Industries…, para. 32, p. 7. 140 the limitation in the variety of fabric construction, 27 percent of requirements were still imported. 603
The production of flat and circular knitted fabrics, as well as fashioned jerseys and hosiery were already well developed before the Second World War.604 The new fashion trend was to produce stockings from nylon yarns instead of cotton or wool. In 1957, Weil and Aschheim, in association with the American company Burlington Industries Inc., started to manufacture Cameo nylon stockings at their factory in Diep River.605 By 1960/61, out of the 29.2 million square yards of knitted fabric required by the industry, 59.2 percent was supplied by the local knitters.606 Theodore Egnos recalled that from the mid-1950s the world went mad over polyester. The local knitters used it extensively to knit polyester fabric, known as crimplene, which was very popular for ladies outerwear. Woven polyester fabric, which was equally popular, was not manufactured locally and was mostly imported from Japan.607
When the Second World War commenced, ladies clothing and men’s shirts were predominantly produced in woven cotton and rayon, whereas wool was mainly used for men’s suits and trousers. Of the local requirements for cotton fabric during 1950, 15 percent was South African made. By 1952, the local textile production had the capacity to produce close to 60 percent of the required drill, twill and sateen and 40 percent of calico (plain weave). However, the use of local fabrics had only increased to 20 percent since the variety had not increased and the qualities available were coarse and most were not suitable for clothing.608 Hence, in the beginning, the cotton section of the textile industry was not geared for the production of fabrics for clothing as their products were more
603 Report of the Committee of Inquiry into the Textile and Clothing Industries…, para. 43 44, p. 10; Syfret’s Trust Co. Ltd.: South African Textiles, Clothing and Related Industries, pp. 34 35. By the mid 1960s, 50 percent of the woven wool and wool blend fabrics needed by the clothing industry were produced locally. 604 Syfret’s Trust Co. Ltd.: South African Textiles, Clothing and Related Industries, p. 83. Fully fashioned knitted garments meant that the various sections of the garment were knitted into pre shaped sections and sewn together to make up the garment. 605 NASA/RHN 1615 600/303: Raad van Handel en Nywerheid..., para. 31 35, pp. 11 12; M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, p. 277. 606 Syfret’s Trust Co. Ltd.: South African Textiles, Clothing and Related Industries, pp. 48 49. By the mid 1960s, the knitters had the capacity to supply all of South Africa’s knitted outerwear requirements, including capacity to supply all men’s and ladies hosiery. 607 Interview with Theodore Egnos, 21 August 2006. 608 JPL: Board of Trade and Industries: Protection of the Cotton Textile Industry, Report No. 334, 28 July 1952, para. 41, p. 14; JPL: Board of Trade and Industries: Review of the local Textile Industry and Revision of the Related Duty Structure, Report No. 1294, September 1969, para. 67 69, pp. 16 17; Report of the Committee of Inquiry into the Textile and Clothing Industries…, para. 39, p. 9. Cotton is a natural cellulose fibre and rayon is a man made cellulose fibre and due to similar properties they were grouped together. Rayon is made of a pulp from wood and cotton. 141 suitable for industrial use.609 The balance of the local requirements was still imported from mainly Europe, America, Japan and Hong Kong.610 Of the local requirements of woven cotton and man-made fabric, the use of local textiles had increased to 36 percent by 1958/59 and to some 47 percent by 1961. 611 By then local printing added to the variety, but printing of small quantities as required by the clothing industry, remained a problem as it was considered uneconomic.612
The approximately 50 reports by the BTI, between 1951 and 1961, resulted in frequent tariff changes that confused and discouraged the clothing manufacturers, since they had to pre-plan fabric usage and fabric costs often had to be estimated. In addition and due to import control and import permit requirements, there was no guarantee that they would end up getting any or all of the fabric required, which disrupted production. Possible solutions put forward by the clothing manufacturers such as co-operative market research, which could co-ordinate future production for both the clothing and textile manufacturers, were ignored. Such mutual research could have arrived at the quantities and the varieties needed by the manufacturers, which in turn warranted utilisation of the entire production.
The textile producers relied on customs duties to force the clothing manufacturers to buy the local fabrics which were being produced. However, since the textile manufacturers were even struggling to produce standard fabrics, the application of higher tariffs to prevent importation of finer quality and greater variety fabrics from overseas, did not assist in the clothing manufacturer’s predicament.613 For the clothing manufacturers import permits became difficult to obtain and duties excessive, while the local textile mills were most unreliable as far as quality and delivery dates were concerned, which caused clothing manufacturers to lose many orders.614
609 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, p. 444. 610 Ibid., p. 113. 611 Syfret’s Trust Co. Ltd.: South African Textiles, Clothing and Related Industries, pp. 48 49. The development, that enabled the industry to supply poplin fabrics, increased the use of South African textiles dramatically during the first half of the 1960s. In 1965, a large proportion of fabrics for clothing manufacture still had to be imported, since the types, quality and varieties of fabric needed for high fashion wear such as cocktail and evening wear were not met by local production; JPL: Board of Trade and Industries: Review of the local Textile Industry and Revision of the Related Duty Structure, Report No. 1294, September 1969, para. 70, p. 18. 612 Syfret’s Trust Co. Ltd.: South African Textiles, Clothing and Related Industries, p. 33; Report of the Committee of Inquiry into the Textile and Clothing Industries…, para 40, p. 9. 613 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, pp. 439 440. 614 E mail correspondence with Roy Naturman, 24 March 2007. 142 The import restrictions introduced did increase the use of local fabrics by the clothing manufacturers. However, the quantity produced and diversity of the range did not increase at the tempo that was required and increased tariffs could not solve the problem or enforce the growth of textiles. Barker warned that tariffs might protect the textile industry, but if the importation of garments made in the same fabric were not stopped, the clothing industry would lose its competitive edge and the quantities of local textiles required could decline. Clothing produced in plain fabrics was not easy to sell in both the local and export markets. The use of less suitable fabrics was to the detriment of the clothing and the textile industries, as well as the consumer.615
The 1950s were difficult for both the textile and the clothing manufacturers. The fledgling textile industry was granted protection to develop to the point of adequately meeting both variety and quantity requirements of the clothing manufacturers. However, the textile industry was not able to do so which effectively forced the clothing industry to continue using imported fabrics, but which by virtue of the import tariffs imposed on such materials ultimately increased the clothing manufacturer’s costs. By 1960, the variety produced by the local textile mills was still limited. Finishing processes for textiles, which added variety, such as mercerisation, sanforising, printing and dyeing had also not yet commenced.616 The problem did however improve by the mid-1960s mostly due to the clothing manufacturers’ persistent demand for a variety of novelty fabrics, as well as technical advancement and improved finishes.617 Sam Jaff was one of the clothing manufacturers who insisted that certain fabric qualities should be produced in South Africa. One such a fabric was wool Barathea, which was only locally produced after he committed his company to purchase the entire production.618
615 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, pp. 441, 448 449. 616 Ibid., pp. 438 439. 617 Syfret’s Trust Co. Ltd.: South African Textiles, Clothing and Related Industries, pp. 33, 48. The Report of the Committee of Inquiry into the Textile and Clothing Industries, “The Policy of Protection in Regard to Textiles and Clothing”, explained that by 1980 the cotton/rayon section of the textile industry satisfied 80 to 85 percent of the demand for women’s wear and men’s shirts. 618 J and Co.: Cut, Make and Tell: Delswa’s In house Newsletter, July 1991. 143 CHAPTER 7
CONCLUSION
In comparison to the development of the clothing industry in New York and London, it too was mostly Eastern European Jews who became the clothing industry entrepreneurs of the Witwatersrand. Access to the clothing industry was relatively simple and little start-up capital was needed. Kaplan explained that the popular phrase of the time was that, ‘all you needed were a few sewing machines’. Godley showed that the situation was similar in London and New York. During the inception phase, many of the Jews who immigrated came with some tailoring experience, but of the early group of clothing entrepreneurs it was mostly “sales representatives of soft goods firms” who started up first.619 Waldinger explained that the New York clothing trades also drew neophyte tailors, who recognised possible prosperity in the clothing trades.620
The clothing industry was best suited to the Jewish entrepreneur, as the early trade relied on elementary sewing skills and lent itself to the establishment of small businesses. This entailed an element of risk but was in their favour as they were risk takers. The explanation as to why the clothing industry became predominantly a Jewish trade in Britain, America and South Africa seems to lie in their entrepreneurial nature, essential for survival when entering foreign countries as immigrants. Their well rooted cultural background encouraged characteristics such as, “discipline, hard work and risk taking”. The success of the Jews as entrepreneurs lay in their history, “The Jews had been conditioned to competitive risk taking for a long time. Now, the rules which had governed their conduct under specific circumstances, found wide application.”621
The urbanisation in the cities of the world stimulated the development of national markets which encouraged the production of ready-made clothing. In New York, by 1910, ready- made men’s clothing had almost replaced bespoke clothing and by 1919 ladies ready- made clothing was also well established. Although the move towards the production of ready-made clothing in Britain was already well advanced by the latter half of the
619 A. Godley: Immigrant Entrepreneurship in New York and London 1880 1914, pp. 95 96; M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, pp. 227 228. 620 R. D. Waldinger: Through the Eye of the Needle: Immigrants and Enterprise in New York’s Garment Trades, p. 51. 621 Ibid. pp. 3 7. 144 nineteenth century, modern mass production was a development of the First World War. The drastic changes that took place in ladies fashion from just before the war, benefited mass production considerably, as the garments became increasingly simpler to produce.622
In South Africa and in particular the Witwatersrand, urbanisation only started at the turn of the twentieth century when gold mining became the driving force of the new economy. At first, a few bespoke retail enterprises sprung up in which tailors made men’s outerwear, whilst dresses continued to be made either at home or by dressmakers. Ready-made clothing was imported and was available from merchants and retail outlets. The start of local mass produced ready-made clothing was very slow before the First World War and then during the war gained momentum when the importation of clothing was interrupted.
By 1935, there was a distinct increase in the factory sector and the mass production of ready-made men’s clothing had become well established. Although ladies coats and suits were produced towards the late 1920s, Jaff and Company, which was established in 1931, became the first factory to produce significant supplies of ladies dresses. The most remarkable development of the early 1930s was the rapid growth of CMT factories, as well as the increase in manufacturing quantities of ladies’ dresses and millinery. The mass production of ready-made ladies clothing became well established during the Second World War.623
Until the mid-1920s, the clothing industry developed faster in Cape Town and then due to the mining-based economic prosperity, the Witwatersrand surpassed the Cape industry and entered its high growth phase.624 The number of retail bespoke (custom made clothing) establishments countrywide decreased gradually from 793 in 1933/34 to 615 in 1938/39 and then to 521 by 1944/45. The number of workers increased slightly from 3,932 to 3,972 and then decreased to 3,634 respectively for the same periods (Refer Table: 1 and 2). By the 1960s, the production of the retail sector had become insignificant.625 The BTI explained that it was a worldwide occurrence, that ready-made factory production replaced bespoke tailoring and therefore many outfitters closed their tailoring workshops. The only ones that
622 Ibid., p. 50; E. Ewing: History of Twentieth Century Fashion, pp. 49 51, 88, 119. 623 NASA: ARB 2886 1069/98: Wage Board Report: Garment Making Trades, 1935, para. 12, 28, 152, pp. 5, 12 13, 71; NASA/RHN 1615 600/303: Raad van Handel en Nywerheid..., paras. 23 25, pp. 8 10; Interview with Maurice Fluxman, 12 October 2006. 624 H. L. du Plessis: Die Vakbondwese in Suid Afrika met Spesiale Verwysing na die Klerewerkersunie, pp. 161, 163; G. Saron and L. Hotz: The Jews in South Africa, a History, p. 364. 625 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry of South Africa, 1907 1957, p. 591. 145 survived were those which had customers who could afford to pay the more expensive prices for the better made bespoke clothing.626
The number of factories in the country increased rapidly from 197 in 1933/34 to 280 in 1938/39, then to 517 by 1952/53 and further increased gradually to 546 by 1959/60. The Witwatersrand and Cape Town remained the two main clothing production centres. Although ladies fashion production also grew rapidly in the Cape during the war, it became the speciality of the Witwatersrand clothing industry. By 1948, the Witwatersrand led in the production of all clothing, except men’s shirts, pyjamas and underwear (Refer Table: 1, 2 and 3).
By 1956/57 the production value of ladies clothing on the Witwatersrand had overtaken that of men’s production by approximately one percent. The value of the ladies clothing production was approximately 40 percent more than the production of the Cape. By 1959/60, the value of men’s clothing production in the Cape had overtaken the Witwatersrand by 23 percent. At the same time a noticeable change had taken place in ladies clothing production which had increased remarkably. The value was exceeded by the Witwatersrand by only 3.5 percent. The tempo of development in the Cape industry showed that it was in the process of overtaking the Witwatersrand. The decline of the Witwatersrand industry became noticeable when the number of men’s and ladies factories after having increased to 348 in 1954/55, then decreased to 290 by 1959/60 (Refer Table: 3).
Despite the noticeable decline of the Witwatersrand industry, Johannesburg, with its large- scale market remained the leading fashion centre in South Africa.627 The Witwatersrand clothing industry was still much more fashionable, progressive, production conscious and fiercely competitive compared to its main competitor.628 In comparison the Cape Town factories were larger and concentrated on longer production runs.629 The history of the clothing industry and its environment after the 1960s is a topic that needs to be investigated in a further study.
626 NASA/RHN 1615 600/303: Raad van Handel en Nywerheid..., 12 13, pp. 6 7. 627 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry of South Africa, 1907 1957, p. 120. 628 Interview with Ken Manning, 23 October 2006. 629 NASA: RHN 1615 600/303: Memorandum to The Board of Trade and Industries from The Clothing Industry…, p. 29. 146 It was not an easy environment into which the Witwatersrand clothing industry was established into. Prior to the First World War there was almost no manufacturing industry, the GDP of South Africa showed very little growth and the country’s economy relied on the export and prosperity of mining and agriculture. There was a general shortage of skilled workers which elevated labour costs. To import was relatively cost effective at a general 15 percent import tariff and a large variety of goods were imported. During the First World War, mainly due to the interruption of imports, the rate of the economic development started to increase owing to the need for import replacement. The benefit of the war period was that skills developed and the output of manufacturing more than doubled.630
For the early clothing entrepreneurs the shortage of skilled labour was one of the main problems. The large numbers of White Afrikaner women who came to work in the industry, due to the ‘poor White’ problem, had to be trained by the male immigrant tailors. In 1924, the Pact government identified manufacturing as having the potential to provide more than enough ‘civilised’ work, but in order to do so import tariffs were increased to a general 20 percent, to stimulate the growth of domestic industrial manufacturing.631
Racially discriminating labour legislation had been firmly established by 1911 and many segregation policies followed, which together with party politics became a driving force in South Africa. The early skilled labour force was mostly male immigrants from Europe who were deeply rooted in trade union customs. Up until the 1930s, the South African trade unions were primarily affiliated with the LP and the CP, after which the NP also gradually established loyal support amongst workers. An extraordinary relationship evolved as the socialist inclined GWU, reputed to be highly militant under the leadership of Solly Sachs, played a very important role in the lives of the newly proletarian Afrikaner women, who mostly supported the NP. During 1928 to 1932, the militancy of the GWU led to more than 100 strikes in the clothing industry.632 From 1936, a better relationship had been achieved between the GWU and the TCMA which was partly as a result of improved working conditions.633 Until then racial issues did not play an important part in the industry.634
630 S. Jones and A. Müller: The South African Economy, 1910 90, pp. 13, 70; S. P. Viljoen: “The Industrial Achievement of South Africa”…, p. 30. 631 G. Marais: “Structural Changes in Manufacturing Industry, 1916 to 1975”…, p. 34; S. Jones and A. Müller: The South African Economy, 1910 90, p. 71. 632 E. S. Sachs: Rebels Daughters, p. 210. 633 J. Lewis: “Solly Sachs and the Garment Workers’ Union”…, p. 80. 634 E. S. Sachs: Rebels Daughters, pp. 35, 53, 151. 147 When non-European workers entered the industry, the GWU started to organise them but this and the socialist connections of the GWU sparked fierce opposition from the NP and Afrikaner cultural organisations.
The most significant legislation which affected the non-European workers in the clothing industry was the Wage Act of 1925, which in theory, was intended to compliment the Industrial Conciliation Act of 1924. The White workers, who were covered by the Industrial Agreement, were represented by the GWU and had the power to negotiate with their employers through the Industrial Council for the Clothing Industry. The Wage Act was intended to protect the wages of unorganised Black workers, but unfortunately their wages were unilaterally determined by the Wage Act as unions for Black workers were still illegal.635 In 1944, the working hours under the Industrial Agreement were 44 compared to 46 for those workers covered by the Wage Act, which resulted in discontent amongst the workers.636 The Industrial Conciliation Act, excluded employees who were covered by Black Pass Laws. However, non-European women were not required to carry passes, an ambiguity successfully exploited by the GWU to get the non-European women to be paid the same as the White women.637
This loophole was eliminated in 1953 by the NP government when they passed the Black Labour (Settlements of Disputes) Act, No. 48, which excluded all Black men and women from the Industrial Conciliation Act.638 However, the following year employers agreed to extend coverage to all workers in the clothing industry and for the first time Black men were also included in the Agreement. This would have created substantial and immediate wage increases, had the Industrial Council not granted employers permission to pay certain categories of Black workers wages at a notch lower than prescribed.639 Further restrictive measures such as job reservation and the introduction of separate facilities, as well as prohibition of non-European membership to the GWU were all introduced despite the constant decrease in the number of White workers.640
635 M. Altman: “Labour Regulations and Enterprise Strategies…, p. 395. 636 L. Witz: Servant of the Workers: Solly Sachs and the Garment Workers’ Union, 1928 1952, pp. 169 170. 637 E. S. Sachs: Rebels Daughters, p. 115. 638 Ibid., p. 116. 639 UW/WCL: DHC: AD1454: Wage Board Report: The Clothing Industry, 1 May 1956, pp. 45 46. 640 I Berger: Threads of Solidarity…, pp. 183 184. 148 From the 1950s, government implemented incentives for clothing factories to relocate to decentralised areas.641 The final blow to the Witwatersrand industry came with the Physical Planning and Utilisation of Resources Act, 1967 which limited the number of Black garment workers to the Witwatersrand. This was in support of the effort to motivate the industry to move to decentralised areas. The legislation was to the benefit of the Cape clothing industry which primarily employed Coloured workers and was therefore not affected.642
After the Second World War, clothing manufacturers recruited experienced workers from overseas, many of whom came to fill top positions such as managers and designers. This increased the efficiency of the industry and improved the standard of clothing production and styling. Although the South African clothing industry was not as mechanised as the American industry, it did compare well by the late 1940s with that of the British industry. By 1963, most of the factories had replaced the old bench systems and introduced mobile sewing machines which increased productivity as factory lay-outs could be changed to suit production. Organisations such as the TCMA and the BTI assisted the industry in keeping up to date with overseas developments.643 Training schools had also opened which assisted in the industry becoming more efficient.644
Due to the initial importation of all clothing, the public and the merchants were biased towards locally manufactured clothing. This was also because the quality of the locally produced clothing was initially not of a good standard.645 However, the standard of the locally produced clothing improved and the prejudiced attitude changed.646 The acceptance of the locally produced men’s and boys clothing happened at a much earlier stage. In 1934, 17 percent of the country’s requirement of such clothing was imported and this dropped to 13 percent by 1946. Locally produced ladies clothing on the other hand was 87 percent in 1934 and dropped to 49 percent by 1946 (Refer Table: 4).
By the time the Second World War started, the prominent fashion chain stores were already established and their success was due to the buying of “American end-of-season”
641 Interview with Stephen Jaff, 4 October 2006. 642 Interview with Dennis Clark, 4 November 2006. 643 Interview with David Mann, 5 October 2006; NASA/RHN 1615 600/303: Raad van Handel en Nywerheid..., para. 111 113, pp. 27 34. 644 Interview with Desmond McMillan, 3 September 2008; Interview with Annie Wolkin, 14 June 2008. 645 H. L. du Plessis: Die Vakbondwese in Suid Afrika met Spesiale Verwysing na die Klerewerkersunie, p. 162. 646 M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, pp. 235 237. 149 clothing and later also from the Far East due to their “low wage-cost”.647 It was only with determination and clever marketing strategies that the local manufacturers could grow their businesses. Sam Jaff, for example, started his success story with out-sizes and half-sizes, a niche area that was neglected by the importers.648 During the war period, local factories were able to develop because imports became less accessible and more expensive.649 By the end of the war the local manufacturers could guarantee their quality, styles and sizes. This helped to build relations between the fashion chains, departmental stores and smaller independent stores.650 In 1955, the significance of general clothing imports had diminished to less than 7 percent.651 During the early inception phase the local ladies outerwear production could compete with imports only by using inexpensive Japanese materials to produce sports dresses. The growth of the industry improved the quality of this sector and by 1947 linen dresses, jackets, suits and coats compared well with imported garments.652 By 1960, the Witwatersrand was still the leader in the production of ladies fashion garments (Refer Table: 3).
The Witwatersrand clothing entrepreneurs did not feature in the early establishment of the retail clothing outlets, as most of the outlets such as the chain stores were either already in existence or commenced at the same time as the inception of the clothing industry. Until the Second World War the outlets also imported most of their clothing. However, the clothing industry contributed to the survival of the various clothing outlets during the war, when the importation of clothing became severely restricted. In particular with regards to ladies outerwear, the Witwatersrand as the leaders in such production, contributed to the survival of the ladies clothing outlets during the war and further contributed to their growth after the war.
Before the war, the Witwatersrand clothing manufacturers played a role in supplying clothing to the independent speciality shops. For example, during the early years, Ruth Reed and Jaff and Company supplied primarily to the many independent speciality shops. This changed and in the 1950s both companies also supplied to the chain and departmental stores. As a result of the Second World War, when clothing producers
647 Ibid., p. 256; H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, p. 558. 648 Interview with Stephen Jaff, 4 October 2006. 649 Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, p. 272. 650 Ibid., pp. 274 275. 651 UW/WCL: DHC: AD1454: Wage Board Report: The Clothing Industry, 1 May 1956, para. 26, p. 60. 652 NASA/RHN 1615 600/303: Raad van Handel en Nywerheid..., paras. 23 25, pp. 8 10. 150 started working closely together with retailers, the retail sector realised that they could rely on the South African industry to provide them with much of their merchandise. The increased import tariffs on clothing ensured a captive market for the manufacturer. The retailers continued to build their reputation and business knowing that they could get reliable service and good quality from the local industry.653
For the clothing manufacturer, the greatest competitive challenge was to supply clothing to the retailer equal in styling and fabric to that of the imported garments. Until the mid-1950s, most fabrics for the production of clothing had to be imported as the local textile industry was still in its inception phase. After the Second World War the clothing manufacturers experienced serious problems after the BTI and IDC decided to develop the textile industry. By then the clothing industry was well established with a high demand for fabrics. Unfortunately, the textile industry having tended towards the production of basic fabrics erred in that it lacked competitiveness, especially in fashion fabrics which required variety. The textile industry could though only grow through protection.654
The growth in exports did not balance the increase in imports of general manufactured goods and this led to the implementation of import control measures in 1948, which yet again stimulated manufacturing growth.655 In the case of the clothing industry, although import control on finished clothing benefited the manufacturers, this was offset by the fabrics which they needed to import also being subjected to import control.656 In addition to import control, increased import tariffs from 1947 on finished clothing were also beneficial to the clothing manufacturers. However, this was negated by the raising of import tariffs on fabrics from 1952.657
Import control on fabrics was introduced prematurely in 1948, regardless of the fact that the textile industry was not ready to manufacture fabric suitable for clothing production. From 1952, higher import tariffs on fabrics were enforced to grant further protection to the fledgling textile industry. Frequent tariff changes took place during the subsequent decade
653 Interview with Stephen Jaff, 4 October 2006; Interview with Ruth Reed and Mark Kaplan (Ruth Reed’s son), 10 April 2006. 654 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, pp. 439 440. 655 G. Marais: “Structural Changes in Manufacturing Industry, 1916 to 1975”…, pp. 33 36. 656 Ibid., para. 316, p. 55; H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, pp. 439 440. 657 Report of the Committee of Inquiry into the Textile and Clothing Industries: The Policy of Protection in Regard to Textiles and Clothing, 1981, para. 357 360, pp. 62 63. 151 to the disadvantage of the clothing manufacturers.658 The import restrictions increased the use of local fabrics, but the quantity and diversity did not increase at the required rate. The manufacturers were effectively forced to import fabrics, which by virtue of the import tariffs imposed on them, ultimately increased the clothing manufacturer’s costs. By 1958/59, the use of locally produced textiles had increased to 36 percent and to 47 percent in 1961.659
Barker identified the 1950s as a decade of great conflict between the textile manufacturers and the clothing manufacturers. This was the result of the very young textile industry which could not produce fabric to the requirements of the clothing manufacturers. In addition the protection granted to develop the textile industry increased the prices of the imported fabric and ultimately the manufacturers’ production costs. By 1960 the variety and finishes required were still limited.660 The situation improved significantly by the mid-1960s, primarily due to the clothing manufacturers’ persistent demand for novelty fabrics in cotton, wool and synthetics. The textile industry had no choice but to diversify to meet the demand for such fabrics. Technical advancement had also been made in the dyeing, printing and finishing of fabrics.661 The relationship between the clothing industry entrepreneurs and the retail and textile sectors was briefly explored in chapter 6, but due further study will need to be undertaken to investigate this relationship comprehensively.
The clothing industry was relatively easy to enter as very little start-up capital was required. Sewing machines were bought second-hand or paid off on instalment.662 On setting out the entrepreneurs purchased fabrics from the wholesalers on credit, but as they expanded and needed to import fabrics, shipping companies offered them credit arrangements. Kaplan stated that, “…most South Africans were helped in their business development by this very important service organisation.”663 Some entrepreneurs loaned money from private individuals and others formed partnerships to finance the business.664 As businesses
658 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, pp. 439 440. 659 Syfret’s Trust Co. Ltd.: South African Textiles, Clothing and Related Industries, pp. 48 49. In 1965, a large proportion of fabrics for clothing manufacture still had to be imported, since the types, quality and varieties of fabric needed for high fashion wear such as cocktail and evening wear were not met by local production. 660 H. A. F. Barker: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry…, pp. 438 439 661 Syfret’s Trust Co. Ltd.: South African Textiles, Clothing and Related Industries, pp. 33, 48. The Report of the Committee of Inquiry into the Textile and Clothing Industries, “The Policy of Protection in Regard to Textiles and Clothing”, explained that by 1980 the cotton/rayon section of the textile industry satisfied 80 to 85 percent of the demand for women’s wear and men’s shirts. 662 M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, p. 227; Interview with David Mann, 5 October 2006. 663 M. Kaplan: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy, p. 312. 664 Interview with Stephen Jaff, 4 October 2006; Interview with Maurice Fluxman, 12 October 2006. 152 became more established the entrepreneurs were then able to borrow money from banks.665
David Mann emphasized that in general the industry was run on a shoestring. In production there were busy times and unproductive times, the most unproductive being at the beginning of the year. Therefore, ladies clothing manufacturers could not maintain their worker numbers throughout the course of the year and the workers knew that they would need to find work such as with the men’s factories which were busy at the beginning of the year. These arrangements were opposed by the unions and it became very difficult to employ and thereafter dismiss the worker once the work was done. David Mann is of the opinion that this and many other demands by the unions played a significant role in the demise of the industry. Mann concluded that, on the one hand the unions insisted on pay increases. On the other, the retailers, taking no cognisance of the labour problems or costs, haggled about every price. When it reached the point where they could not source clothing from the local industry, at prices they were prepared to pay, they reverted to imports.666
As to the question of the contribution by the entrepreneurs to the Witwatersrand clothing industry, it is clear that they were in the right place at the right time due to the situation and the environment at the time. They were immigrants with limited clothing skills and limited finances, ideally suited to the business which necessitated an element of risk taking.667 They took on the challenge and grew their businesses to make the Witwatersrand the most important centre in clothing production during the period of this study. By 1956, the clothing industry had become the fourth largest manufacturing industry, employed 45,279 workers and contributed £22,562,000 to the total production of the secondary industry which for that year reached £430,086,000.668
Many of the clothing factories endeavoured to remain family businesses and second generations took over, but unfortunately some of the second generations left the industry. One of reasons for them leaving was that although easy to enter, it was a very tough industry to remain in, and most of the third generations rather choose to become
665 Interview with Ruth Reed and Mark Kaplan, 10 April 2006. 666 Interview with David Mann, 5 October 2006. 667 Interview with Stephen Jaff, 4 October 2006. 668 UW/WCL: DHC: AD1454: Wage Board Report: The Clothing Industry, 1 May 1956, p. 10. 153 professionals.669 Stephen Jaff is of the opinion that even as of today, the entrepreneurial qualities of the past still applies. That is why it is an industry that really needs nurturing and developing for new entrepreneurs to take on the challenge. Jaff believes that an advantage which the early entrepreneurs had was that labour and government regulations were not as hampering as under present conditions and therefore did not prevent them from starting up and build their businesses. Today, it is far more difficult to build a large business than in the early years between the world wars. What is needed is entrepreneurs with a certain capacity of either fashion or production skills, prepared to work hard and to take risk.670
669 Interview with Dennis Clark, 4 November 2006. 670 Interview with Stephen Jaff, 4 October 2006. 154 BIBLIOGRAPHY
ARCHIVAL SOURCES 1. University of the Witwatersrand – William Cullen Library (UW/WCL) Records of the Garment Workers’ Union, 1918-1945 (GWU) Bcf. 1-2: The Garment Worker: Quarterly Bulletin of the Witwatersrand Tailors’ Association, March 1929. Bcf. 1-2: The Garment Worker: Quarterly Bulletin of the Witwatersrand Tailors’ Association, April-June 1929. Bcf. 1-2: The Garment Worker: Quarterly Bulletin of the Garment Workers Union (Transvaal), December 1929. Dc. 8-73: “Problems of the Clothing Industry of South Africa”. Memorandum submitted by E.S. Sachs, General Secretary, Garment Workers’ Union, to the Arbitration Tribunal Clothing Industry, Transvaal, August 1948. Cbb. 1-2: Correspondence between the Clothing Institute Limited and the GWU, 12 May 1955. Cbb. 1-5: Correspondence dealing with complaints concerning enticement, dated 1951, and Minutes of Meeting between GWU and TCMA dated 27 April 1945. Cbb. 1-5: Minutes of Meeting: European and Indian Section of the Bespoke Tailoring Employers’ Association, held at Progress Building, Friday, 9 June 1933.
The Dulcie Hartwell Collection (DHC) AD1454: Report by the Wage Board: The Clothing industry, 1 May 1956. AD1454: Minority Report by Miss A. Scheepers: Annexure to the Report by the Wage Board: The Clothing Industry, 1 May 1956.
Magazines Garment Worker / Klerewerker Editorial: “Losies Plekke”, Garment Worker, November 1936. Editorial: “Dance in Aid of Unemployed Workers”, Garment Worker, August 1938. Editorial: “The Labour Party Conference”, Garment Worker, January 1939. Editorial: “Loonraad Beveel Hongerlone aan vir Klerwerkers”, Klerewerker, September 1938. Editorial: “The Aliens Registration Bill and the Labour Movement”, Garment Worker, June 1939.
155 Editorial: “Living Wages Versus Bosses Profits: Union’s Statement to Wage Board”, Garment Worker, November 1938. Editorial: “Building the Mass Party of the Working Class”, Garment Worker, April 1939. Cornelius, H.: “Ons en die Voortrekker-Eeufees!”, Klerewerker, Oktober 1938. Hartwell, D.: “Conditions of Women Workers in South Africa”, Garment Worker, August 1938. Hartwell, D.: “Conditions of Working Women in South Africa”, Garment Worker, October 1938. Henochsberg H. J.: “A Firm with a History”. Garment Worker, January-February 1950. Sachs, E. S.: “Conditions of Garment Workers in South Africa: The Fight for a Living Wage and Better Conditions Must Continue”, Garment Worker, October 1936. Sachs, E. S.: “Impudence of a Nazi Lickspittle”, Garment Worker, November 1938. Sachs, E. S.: “Can South Africa be Saved from Fascism?”, Garment Worker, January, 1939.
2. National Archives of South Africa (NASA) ARB: Arbeid. ARB 2886 1069/98: Wage Board Report: Garment Making Trades, 12 April 1935. ARB 2886 1069/98: Wage Board Report: Garment Making Trades, 20 August 1935. ARB 2886 1069/98: Wage Board Investigation: Garment Making Trades, 4 September 1935. ARB 2886 1069/98: Wage Board Investigation: Garment Making Trades, 12 September 1935. ARB 2886 1069/98: Memorandum submitted by the National Executive Committee of the South African Trades & Labour Council to the Honourable J. B. M. Hertzog, Prime Minister, and the Right Honourable J. C. Smuts, Minister of Justice, concerning the Wages and Conditions of Labour of Employees engaged in the Garment Making Trades throughout South Africa, 19 November 1935. ARB 2784 1069/21/1: Minutes of First Meeting: Industrial Council for the Bespoke Tailoring Industry, Offices, Progress Buildings, Wednesday 5 February 1930. ARB 2028 1058/100/1: Letter from the Redmekaar Vereeniging to the Secretary of Labour, 4 November 1938.
156 HEN: Handel en Nywerheid. HEN 853 125/2: Letter from the Secretary of Trade and Industry explaining the clothing industry’s position to an enquiry from the Netherland, titled: “Die Klerenywerheid in die Unie”, 14 May 1948.
RHN: Raad van Handel en Nywerheid. RHN 1615 600/303: Raad van Handel en Nywerheid, Verslag No. 303: Die Klerenywerheid, 9 Desember 1947. RHN 1615 600/303: Memorandum submitted by the Garment Workers Union on the Subject of “The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade” (Geneva, April 1947) and on Protection for South African Manufacturing Industries Generally. February 1948. RHN 1615 600/303: Memorandum to the Board of Trade and Industries from The Clothing Industry of the Union of South Africa: for Purposes of the Investigation of the Industry by the Board. 9 August 1945. RHN 1615 600/303: Memorandum to The Board of Trade and Industries from The National Co-ordinating Council of the Clothing Industry of South Africa: in reply to the Board’s Report No. 303 on the Industry. 10 August 1948.
3. Johannesburg Public Library (JPL) The Buyer, vol. 2 (7), July 1934 Supplement to The Buyer: The Women’s Wear Buyer, July 1937. The Buyer, vol. 11 (7), July 1939. Supplement to The Buyer, August 1981 Board of Trade and Industries: The Textile Manufacturing Industry, Report No. 323, December 1950. Board of Trade and Industries: Protection for the Cotton Textile Industry, Report No. 334, 28 July 1952.. Board of Trade and Industries: Review of the Local Textile Industry and Revision of the Related Duty Structure, Report No. 1294, September 1969.
4. JAFF AND COMPANY’S PERSONAL COLLECTION (J and Co.) Sunday Times: Business Times “Top Hundred Companies of 1969” Award, 1969. Cut, Make and Tell: Delswa’s In-house Newsletter, July 1991.
157 Letter to Customers, 28 July 1932. Letter to Customers, 18 November 1932. Letter to Customers, 21 June 1934. Showroom Brochure, August 1956. Zoo Lake Advertiser News Check Newspaper, 14 February 1964. News Check Newspaper, 25 August 1967.
GOVERNMENT PUBLICATIONS Report of the Committee of Inquiry into the Textile and Clothing Industries: The Policy of Protection in Regard to Textiles and Clothing, 1981. Report No. I.C. 19: Industrial Censuses, 1951-51 to 1960-61. Report of the Commission of Inquiry into Trade Licensing and Allied Problems, 9 December 1964.
BOOKS Ackerman, R.: Hearing Grasshoppers Jump, David Philip Publishers, Cape Town, 2001. Arkin, A. J.: The Contribution of the Indians to the South African Economy, 1860 – 1970. Institute for Social and Economic Research, University of Durban-Westville, Durban, 1981. Barker, H. A. F.: The Economics of the Wholesale Clothing Industry of South Africa, 1907-1957. Routledge & Kegan Paul, London, 1962. Berger, I.: Threads of Solidarity: Women in South African Industry 1900-1980. Indiana University Press, Indiana, 1992. Bozzoli, B.: Class, Community and Conflict: South African Perspective. Ravan, Johannesburg, 1987. Brayshaw, B. C.: Die NOK: Sy Werk en Invloed, 1940-1965. Rowan Prince, South Africa, 1965. Calpin, G. H.: Indians in South Africa. City Printing Works, Pietermaritzburg, 1949. Callinicos, L.: People’s History of South Africa, Working Life 1886-1940: Factories, Townships and Popular Culture on the Rand, Vol. 2. Ravan Press, Johannesburg, 1987. Callinicos, L.: People’s History of South Africa, A Place in the City: The Rand on the Eve of Apartheid, Vol. 3. Ravan Press, Johannesburg, 1993.
158 Charles-Roux, E.: The World of Coco Chanel, Friends, Fashion, Fame. Thames and Hudson Ltd, London, 2005. Davenport, T. R. H. and C. Saunders: South Africa: A Modern History, Fifth Edition. Macmillan, London, 2000. Drew, A.: Discordant Comrades: Identities and Loyalties on the South African Left. Unisa Press, Pretoria, 2002. Dunlop, J. T. and W. Galenson: Labor in the Twentieth Century. Academic Press, New York, 1978. Ewing, E.: History of Twentieth Century Fashion. B. T. Batsford Ltd, London, 1986. Forty, A.: Objects of Desire, Design and Society 1750-1980. Thames and Hudson, London, 1986. Freund, B.: The Making of Contemporary Africa. Indiana University Press, Bloomington, 1984. Giliomee, H. and L. Schlemmer: Up Against the Fences: Poverty, Passes and Privileges in South Africa. David Philip, Cape Town, 1985. Ginsburg, M: The Illustrated History of Textiles. Studio Editions Ltd., London, 1991. Giround, F. and S. van Dorssen: Dior. Rizzoli International Publications, New York, 1987. Gitsham, E. and J. F. Trembath: A First Account of Labour Organisation in South Africa. E. P. & Commercial Printing, Durban, 1926. Godley, A.: Jewish Immigrant Entrepreneurship in New York and London 1880-1914. Palgrave Publishers, New York, 2001. Head, C.: Old Sewing Machines. Shire Publications Ltd., England, 1982. Hepple, A.: South Africa: A Political and Economical History. Pall Mall Press, London, 1966. Houghton, D. H.: The South African Economy. Oxford University Press, Cape Town, 1976. Jones, R. A. and H. R. Griffiths: Labour Legislation in South Africa. McGraw-Hill, Johannesburg, 1980. Jones, S. and A. Müller: The South African Economy, 1910-90. Macmillan, London, 1995. Kaplan, M.: Jewish Roots in the South African Economy. C. Struik Publishers, Cape Town, 1986. Leyds, G. A.: A History of Johannesburg: The Early Years. Nationale Boekhandel Bpk, Cape Town, 1964. Meiring, H.: Early Johannesburg: Its Buildings and Its People. Human & Rousseau, Cape Town, 1986.
159 Müller, A. L.: Minority Interests: The Political Economy of the Coloured and Indian Communities in South Africa. SA Institute of Race Relations, Johannesburg, 1968. Nieuwoudt C. F., G. C. Olivier and M. Hough: Die Politieke Stelsel van Suid Afrika. H & R- Academica, Pretoria, 1979. Ramphele, M. and F. Wilson: Uprooting Poverty: The South African Challenge. David Philip, Claremont, 1989. Ross, R.: A Concise History of South Africa. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2002. Sachs, E. S.: Rebels Daughters. (Also published under title: Garment Workers in Action) MacGibbin & Kee, Alva, 1957. Saron G. and L. Hotz: The Jews in South Africa, a History. Oxford University Press, Cape Town, 1955. Scholtz, G. D.: Die Ontwikkeling van die Politieke Denke van die Afrikaner, 1924-1939, Deel V11, Perskor, Johannesburg, 1979. Statsinform (Pty.) Ltd.: A Survey of the Retail Trade in South Africa. Sam Jossel & Co., Cape Town, 1967. Syfret’s Trust Co. Ltd.: South African Textile, Clothing and Related Industries. Syfret’s Investment Research Department, Cape Town, 1965. Van Jaarsveld, F. A.: Die Verstedeliking van die Afrikaner. ʼn Reeks praatjies opgestel vir en uitsaai deur die Afrikaanse Diens van die SAUK vanaf 19 Februarie tot 30 Maart 1972. n Publikasie van die Suid-Afrikaanse Uitsaaikorporasie, Johannesburg, 1972. Waldinger, R. D.: Through the Eye of the Needle: Immigrants and Enterprise in New York’s Garment Trades. New York City Press, New York, 1986. Worsfold, W. B.: A History of South Africa. Turnbull and Spears, Edinburgh, 1900.
ARTICLES Altman, M.: “Labour Regulations and Enterprise Strategies in the South African Clothing Industry”, Regional Studies, vol. 30 (4), July 1996. Barker, H. A. F.: “The Clothing Industry in S.A.”, The South African Journal of Economics, vol. 29, 1961. Callinicos, L.: “Popular History in the Eighties”, Radical History Review, vol. 46 (7), 1990. De Swardt, S. J. J.: “Agricultural Marketing Problems in the Nineteen Thirties”, The South African Journal of Economics, vol. 51, 1983.
160 Emdon, C.: “TUCSA Congress – No Debate!”, South African Labour Bulletin, vol. 3 (4), 1977. Fine, B., F. De Clercq and D. Innes.: “Trade Unions and the State: The Question of Legality”, South African Labour Bulletin, vol. 7 (1- 2), 1981. Kilvington, K.: “A Second 1820s Settlement: British Textile Manufacturers and South Africa post 1945”, South African Journal of Economic History, vol. 11 (2), September 1996. Lewis, J.: “Solly Sachs and the Garment Workers’ Union”, South African Labour Bulletin, vol. 3 (3), October 1976. Mawbey, J.: “Afrikaner Women of the Garment Union during the Thirties and Forties”, South African Labour Bulletin, vol. 2 (4), November 1975. Marais, G.: “Structural Changes in Manufacturing Industry, 1916 to 1975”, The South African Journal of Economics, vol. 49, 1981. Marais, G.: “The Relation between Economic Development and the Location of the Secondary Industry in the Republic of South Africa”, Finance and Trade Review, June 1963. Marais, G.: “The Textile and Clothing Industries in the Republic of South Africa”, Finance and Trade Review, vol. 6 (3), 1964. Nicol, M.: “Riches from Rags: Bosses and Unions in the Cape Clothing Industry 1926- 1937”, Journal of Southern African Studies, vol. 9, 1983. O’Meara, D.: “Analysing Afrikaner Nationalism: The ‘Christian National’ Assault on White Trade Unionism in South Africa, 1934-1948”. African Affairs, vol. 77 (306), January 1978. Pollak, H.: “Women Workers in Witwatersrand Industries”, The South African Journal of Economics, vol. 1 (1), March 1933. S. J. J. De Swardt.: “Agricultural Marketing Problems in the Nineteen Thirties”, The South African Journal of Economics, vol. 51, 1983. Tomlinson, R.: “Industrial Decentralisation and the Relief of Poverty in the Homelands”, The South African Journal of Economics, vol. 51, 1983. Viljoen, S. P.: “The Industrial Achievement of South Africa”, The South African Journal of Economics, vol. 51, 1983.
BARGAINING COUNCIL FOR THE CLOTHING MANUFACTURING INDUSTRY
161 Booklet published by the Industrial Council: “What is the Industrial Council?” December 1952. (Supplied by the Bargaining Council for the Clothing Manufacturing Industry)
UNPUBLISHED DISSERTATIONS AND THESES Brink, E.: The Afrikaner Women of the Garment Workers’ Union, 1918 – 1939. Unpublished MA Dissertation, University of the Witwatersrand, 1984. Du Plessis, H. L.: Die Vakbondwese in Suid-Africa met Spesiale Verwysing na die Klerewerkersunie. Unpublished MA Dissertation, University of Potchefstroom, 1955. Nicol, M.: A History of Garment and Tailoring Workers in Cape Town, 1900-1939. Unpublished PhD. Thesis, University of Cape Town, 1984. Pollak, H.: Women in the Witwatersrand Industries: An Economic and Social Study. Unpublished MA Dissertation, University of the Witwatersrand, 1932. Touyz, B. M.: White Politics and the Garment Workers’ Union: 1930-1953. Unpublished MA Dissertation, University of Cape Town, 1979. Touyz, B. M.: White Labour and the ‘Social Democratic’ Movement in the Transvaal: The South African Trades and Labour Council and the Trade Union Affiliates, 1930-1954. Unpublished PhD. Phil. Thesis, University of Cape Town, 1982. Witz, L.: Servant of the Workers: Solly Sachs and the Garment Workers’ Union, 1928- 1952. Unpublished MA Dissertation, University of the Witwatersrand, 1984.
UNPUBLISHED PAPERS Brink E.: “The Garment Workers and Poverty on the Witwatersrand, 1920-1945”, paper presented at the African Studies Institute, 1986. Brink E.: “Only Decent Girls are Employed: the Respectability, Decency and Virtues of the Garment Workers on the Witwatersrand during the Thirties”, paper presented at a workshop on ‘The Making of Class’, University of the Witwatersrand, 1987.
NEWSPAPER ARTICLES JPL and Private Collections Cape Times, 23 February 1948. Diamond Fields Advertiser, 27 September 1956. Lenasia Times, September 1997. Rand Daily Mail, 5 September 1932.
162 Rand Daily Mail, 24 May 1928. Sunday Star, Finance, 14 July 1991. The Star, 3 November 1931. The Star, 14 April 1937.
INTERVIEWS Albert Foster, 1st interview, Umhlanga, 25 October 2006. Albert Foster, 2nd interview, Umhlanga, 26 October 2006. Albert Foster, 3rd interview, Umhlanga, 26 October 2006. Allan Silver, Johannesburg, 10 October 2006. Annie Wolkin, Johannesburg, 14 June 2008 Bree Bulbulia, Johannesburg, 30 October 2006. Bernard Demby, Johannesburg, 22 July 2008. Chuto Lalloo, Johannesburg, 14 November 2006. David Mann, Johannesburg, 5 October 2006. David Naturman, Johannesburg, April 2003 Dennis Clark, Johannesburg, 4 November 2006. Desmond McMillan, Johannesburg, 3 September 2008 Evi Collin, Johannesburg, 13 October 2006. Ken Manning, Johannesburg, 23 October 2006. Manilal and Parshotam Trikam, Johannesburg, 30 October 2006. Manilal Trikam, Johannesburg, 27 October 2006. Maurice Fluxman, Johannesburg, 12 October 2006. Rhona Mathews, Johannesburg, 14 October 2006. Robert Pozniak, Johannesburg, 11 October 2006. Ruth Reed and Mark Kaplan (Ruth Reed’s son), Johannesburg, 10 April 2006. Stephen Jaff, Johannesburg, 4 October 2006. Theodore Egnos, Johannesburg, 21 August 2006.
E-MAIL CORRESPONDENCE Roy Naturman, 24 March 2007. Stephen Jaff, 30 November 2007. Stephen Jaff, 22 October 2008.
163 ANNEXURE: DIRECTORY OF MANUFACTURERS, 1952.
Source: Booklet published by the Industrial Council: “What is the Industrial Council?” December 1952. (Supplied by the Bargaining Council for the Clothing Manufacturing Industry)
Acme Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. Amazone (Pty.) Ltd. Corner Park & Rand Rds, Germiston 15 Jules Street, Jeppe (S. Sacks, L. Sosnovik, J.H. Dreyer) (I. Averbach, S. K. Weil) Tux. Amazone, Fiesta.
African Hat & Cap Mnfrs. American Clothing Mnfrs. 22 Lovers Walk, Fordsburg 25 Terrace Road, Fordsburg (G. Groer) (R. Rimmer, B. Chait)
Alamein Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. Amsterdam Furriers Corner Main & Nugget Sts, 22 Pritchard Street, Johhanesburg Johannesburg (A. Vischschoenmaker) (L. M. Mintz, A. Sifrin, S. M. Mintz) Traufit, Siftex, Orderlee. Anglo-African Shirt Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. 227 Booysens Road, Johannesburg Alba Clothing Mnfg. Co. (A. Binder, J. Epstein, M. Binder, I. 141 President Street, Johannesburg Salber) (N. Jacobs, J. A. Jacobs, P.D. Harris) Ostree, Paradise, Milton. Alba Spads. Anitas Embroidery Specialists Alexandra Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. 26 Grahamstown Street, Johannesburg Corner Simmer & Simpson Sts, (Mrs A. Viljoen) Germiston (H. Black, R. Katz, S. Katz, C. Bobrow) R. L. Antonis Wulton, Blax, Alexawear. 18 Beelaerts Street, Troyeville (D. Antonis, T. G. Antonis) Allwear Neckware Mnfg. Co. Antonis & Son. Jeppe Street, Johannesburg (S. Serebro, I. W. Osrin) Apollo Clothing Mnfrs. Allwear. 10 Station Street, Braamfontein (J. Gordon) Allwear Gyms (Pty.) Ltd. 124 Main Street, Johannesburg Ark Clothing Mnfrs. (S. Osrin, P. Lazarus, C. Berman) 45 Market street, Johannesburg Allwear. (I. Gacelter)
Alpha Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. Art Fashions 214 Main Street, Johannesburg 171 Market Street, Johannesburg (Mrs S. Datt, S. Datt) (W. Rimer, N. Chiat) Alpha.
164 Ascot fashions (Pty.) Ltd. Barclay Trading Co. (Pty.) Ltd. 129 Pritchard Street, Johannesburg 1-3 Watson Street, Germiston (F. W. Schlag, E. Lewy) (I. Grusd, S. Grusd, N. Grusd, H. Ascot Man-tailored. Davidoff) Barclay Shirt. Associated Gown Agencies Ltd. 90 President Street, Johannesburg Barnard’s Garment Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. (S. Kobrin, N. Kobrin, M. Spiegel) 29 Dawe Street, Troyeville (M. A. Barnard) Ashleigh Models & Specmar Sports. Tilbar Astor Fur Co. (Pty.) Ltd. 49 Joubert Street, Johannesburg Beau Monde (J. Pertz, M. Drobis) 320 Bree Street, Johannesburg (C. E. Klew, S. Klew) Atlantic Clothing Mnfrs. Beau Monde 37 Terrace Road, Johannesburg (S. Bitzik, M. Sharp) Belfast Dress Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. Atlantax Rand Road, Germiston (I. Dunsky, M. Esakov, M. Dunsky, S. Atlas Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. Shamos) Corner Market & Lower Page Sts., Belduna Johannesburg (P. Berman, A. Berman, R. A. Berman) Bell Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. Arday, Burlee, Atlas, Bear & Man. 153 President Street, Johannesburg (J. Cooperman) Atlas Fur House 206 Von Brandis Street, Johannesburg Belts and Trimmings Ltd. (L. Hyman, L. Denter) 78 End Street, Johannesburg (Z. Segal, H. Arbeter, A. E. Ettlinger, M. Avondale Industries Ltd. Edmund, R. Hamilton, F. J. Ridsdale, H. 1-4 Watson Street, Germiston Kessley) (S. Grusd, I. Grusd, N. Grusd, H. Davidoff) Bentank Clothing & Shirt Factory Carlton, Barclay, Franklin. (Pty.) Ltd. 15 Nursery Road, Fordsburg Awlwear Overall, Shirts and Clothing (B. Tanchum, N. Abrams) Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. Ben Product & Tank Brand. 13 Market Street, Johannesburg (H. Grevler,W. Grevler, R. Schlesinger) Ben-Oz (Pty.) Ltd. Awlwear. 240 Main Street, Johannesburg (B. Ozynski, E. Pincus, F. Berkman) Babs Kruger (Pty.) Ltd. Mardi-Gras. Corner Pritchard & Nugget Sts., Johannesburg Berns Clothing Mnfrs. (J. H. C. Kruger, A. E. Vorster) 57 Delvers Street, Johannesburg Babs Kruger (B. Bernstein)
Backerian (Pty.) Ltd. Berzet (Pty.) Ltd. 101 Jeppe Street, Johannesburg 36 Central Road, Fordsburg (M. Bacher) (R. Sonic, L. Stark) A Kerian Garment.
2 Best-Fit Dress Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. Canadian Fur Co. 134 President Street, Johannesburg 7 Kerk Street, Johannesburg (M. Jude, P. Golub) (S. Gottlieb, R. Gottlieb) Joyce Models. Carella (Pty.) Ltd. Bestway Clothing Mnfrs. 86 End Sreet, Johannesburg 108 Kerk Street, Johannesburg (P. Levinsohn, P. Boucher) (E. Jacobson, Erna Jacobson) Eri Model. Carola Fashions (Pty.) Ltd. 320 Bree Street, Johannesburg Lanche’s Fashions & Jewellers (W. Caro, L. Marx) 569 Prince George Ave., Brakpan Carola (G. Jacobs) Eri Model. Carlton Model Mnfg. Co. (Pty.) Ltd. 1-3 Watson Street, Germiston Boston Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. (S. Grusd, I. Grusd, N. Grusd, H. 46 Mint Road, Fordsburg Davidoff) (W. Edel) Carlton Shirt Artist. Caro Creations (Pty.) Ltd. Bristol Clothing Mnfrs President Street, Johannesburg 15 End Street, Johannesburg (H. Frankel) (S. Nayman) Caro Creations Troggs & Edds. Carsten Models (Pty.) Ltd. British Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. Corner Main & Nugget Sts., 26-28 Watson Street, Germiston Johannesburg (A. Russak, L. Silver) (H. Carstens) Britex Castlemont Clothing Mnfrs. Brivik’s Clothing Factory (Pty.) Ltd. 170 President Street, Johannesburg 69-75 Derby Road, Bertrams (M. T. Schlosberg, H. Schlosberg, (R. Brivik, S. H. Brivik, E. L. Brivik) Becade Investments (Pty.) Ltd.) Liberaal, Presies, Meester. Swoogs, Betta, Casteel.
California Productions (Pty.) Ltd. R. Castleton and Co. 83 End Street, Johannesburg 29 Von Weilligh Street, Johannesburg (J. Morris, H. E. Spiegel, O. Stahl) (R. W. Castleton) Betty Barclay, Cole, Lanz & Tabak of Castle Gowns California. Celrose Ltd. California Tie Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. 32 Stevens Road, Stafford Kerk Street, Johannesburg (S. Moshal, C. Sternberg, M. Prusshof, (M. Janks, C. A. Janks, J. M. Janks, B. S. Buirski, L. C. Louenstein, M. Buirski, Burnett, J. J. Stein) P. Nathan) Treasure Ties Celrose
Cambrian Industries (Pty.) Ltd. Central Textiles (Pty.) Ltd. 196 Fox Street, Johannesburg 45 Market Street, Johannesburg (H. Josselyn, J. Perry, L. E. Elder, H. (M. Ravdel, D. Levine, R. Bloch) Rose, M. Rose, D. L. Barron, W. Centrotex Katzen)
3 Charlotte Model Gowns (Pty.) Ltd. Contessa Fashions (Pty.) Ltd. Corner Pritchard & Nugget Sts., 12 Central Road Fordsburg Johannesburg (M. Glickman) (Charlotte Kaniuk) Charlotte & Gay Ladies. Continental Lingerie Mnfg. Co. Ltd. 174 Pritchard Street, Johannesburg Chesler Cap and Clothing Mnfrs. (J. Blumenthal, A. C. Blumenthal, I. (Pty.) Ltd. Blumenthal) 56 Von Weilligh Street, Johannesburg Grisette, Chic. (H. I. Chesler, H. Chesler) Chester Cap. Continental Textiles (Pty.) Ltd. 39 Sivewright Street, Johannesburg Christy’s Dress Mnfrs. (S. Hayman, A. Jacob) 22 High Road, Fordsburg Conti, Lady Hamilton. (D. C. Ramsden) Continental Spinning & Knitting Mills City Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. (Pty.) Ltd. Corner Marshall & Delvers Sts., Stands 97-100, Robertsham Johannesburg (A. Alherghini, B. Jona) (I. Brown, I. Lazarus, B. Black) Bunny Brand & Esquire. Wearra Coquette (Pty.) Ltd. Cladwell (Pty.) Ltd. Corner Nugget & Pritchard Street, 5 Mint Road, Fordsburg Johannesburg (A. Bensaul, Louis Reece) (S. Naturman, N. Naturman, P. Sender) Coquette Climax Clothing Manufacturers (Pty.) Ltd. Corry Wear (Pty.) Ltd. 22 High Road, Fordsburg 213 President Street, Johannesburg (T. Krymolovsky) (I. Leibovitz, M. Osher) Dupa & Monitor Coblo (Pty.) Ltd. 206 Commissioner Street, Johannesburg Crown Tie factory (J. Cohn, C. Cohn) 107 Kerk Street, Johannesburg Coblex. (W. Neumann, A. Wintow) Crown Commercial Mnfg. Co. (Pty.) Ltd. 27 Davies Street, Braamfontein Cute Styles (Pty.) Ltd. (B. P. Loggenberg, J. S. Steinfeld) 36 End Street, Johannesburg Marquis (G. Marx, B. Kuelsheimer) Deana Dean. Continental Dress Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. Corner Betty and Fawcus Sts., Cutrite Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. Johannesburg 220 Fox Street, Johannesburg (D. Zarcin, J. Spitalnik) (J. Weinstein, S. Keidan, S. Aronson, L. Kusman) Cutrite.
4 C.M.T. Dress Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. Drapery Suppliers (Pty.) Ltd. 134 President Street, Johannesburg 55 Gold Street, Johannesburg (C. Friend) (H.H. Emanuel, K. Mayer)
Corman Clothing Mnfrs. Dreyer & Preiss (Pty.) Ltd. 120 Kerk Street, Johannesburg 51 Market Street, Johannesburg (C. Human) (H.R. Dreyer, B. S. Preiss) Albatross. D. & D. Fancy Leatherworks (Pty.) Ltd. Dugson Clothing Mnfrs. (Union) Ltd. 35 Jules Street, Jeppe 205 Main reef Road, Westgate (A. Driman) (S. Wunsh, I. E. Wunsh, W. G. Ireland, Dr. L. Wunsh, E. Freemantle) Dae’s Fashions Dugson, Duggie, Kumfy, Charter, 108 Kerk Street, Johannesburg Leisures, Yankee-cut, Wustex, (D. M. Macleod) Westgate. Daphne Gowns Dunnottar Trading Co. Danal Mnfg. Co. (Pty.) Ltd. Smit Street, Johannesburg 15 Charles Street, Doornfontein (I. Sachar, H. Bernstein) (L. Datnow, J. Witten) Earl Fashions Dee Bee Clothing Mnfrs. 5 Davies Street, Doornfontein 15 Charles Street, Doornfontein (E.E. Levy, M. Levy) (W. Banks) Earl. Maytex East Rand Clothing Mnfrs. Delswa Ltd. Corner Park & Rand Rds., Germiston 104 President Street, Johannesburg (L. Neifeld) (S.L. Jaff, P. Jaff, H. Phillips, A. Max, Sterkstrong. Erclo, Loyal. Immink, W. Aronsohn, L. Hausmann) Delswa. Edem Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. 57 Delvers Street, Johannesburg Delville Clothing Mnfrs. (A. Steiner) 27 Davies Street, Doornfontein Youthtex, Boystown, Juvencloth. (I. Blumenthal, D. Blumenthal) Delwear. Editha Fashions (Pty.) Ltd. 36 Nugget Street, Johannesburg Del Rio Dress Factory (F. Meyer, E. Meyer) 26 Davies Street, Doornfontein Editha. (G. Vida, T. Vida) Derri, Lana Page. Edward Clothing Mnfrs. Corner Main & Gold Sts., Johannesburg Dominion Overall Mnfg. Co. (Pty.) (G. Peranorich, E. Wolski) Ltd. Edwards, Climax. 1-4 Watson Street, Germiston (N. Grusd, S. Grusd, I. Grusd, D. Elite Overall & Tie Mnfrs. Rieback) 15 Charles Street, Doornfontein Manly (J. Schubitz) Elitewear, Sunblind Sportswear.
5 Ellis Park Clothing Mnfrs. E.R.L. Fashions (Pty.) Ltd. 105a Beit Street, Johannesburg 66 Market Street, Johannesburg (S. Chernick) (N. Bukmuz, I. Bukmuz) Diamond Tex Elsam Clothing Mnfrs. 16-17 Eloff Street, Johannesburg Etienne Querido (E. Sament, Ella Sament) 69 Pritchard Street, Johannesburg Masle, Kristal. (E. Querido)
Elizabeth Fashions Eva Dress Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. 56 Carmichaels Street, Ventersdorp Corner Kruis & Main Sts., Johannesburg (Mrs. Olivier) (B. Sarne, A. Canova)
Eluma Excelsior Clothing Mnfrs. 82 Marshall Street, Johannesburg 196 Market Street, Johannesburg (K. K. Heyman) (M. Sall)
Emancy Shirt & Clothing Mnfrs. Express Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. (Pty.) Ltd. 238 Main Street, Johannesburg Corner Marshall & Delvers Sts., (S. Nissenbaum, M. Borchowsky, P. Johannesburg Kalinco) (B. Kopelowitz, A. J. J. Wessels, J. L. Pressex. Enslin) Kingfold, Vasco, Yeka. Exquisite Wear 107 Kerk Street, Johannesburg Embroidery Accessories (A. Sogno) 203 Main Street, Johannesburg (E. Rahmiloff, D. K. Lewis, G. Franco) Fabric Industries Kitty Kent, Waterlily Washables. 130 Jules Street, Johannesburg (D. Schewitz) Embroidery Work Co. Corner Main & Nugget Sts., Fairmyles (Pty.) Ltd. Johannesburg 158 President Street, Johannesburg (Mrs. R. Burghause) (A. A. Tuffin, R. S. Tuffin) Derby Fashions Faimyle.
Empire Clothing Mnfrs. Fashion Trade Suppliers (Pty.) Ltd. 172 Market Street, Johannesburg 61-64 Smal Street, Johannesburg (P. Sack) (H. H. Lindenstadt, A. Weinstock) Yanks, Saxon, Yanks Junior. Uneeda.
Empire Skirts (Pty.) Ltd. Fashioncraft Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) 155 President Street, Johannesburg Ltd. (M. Rosendorff, Mrs. M. Moch) Corner Nugget & Main Sts., Empire Skirts Johannesburg (A. Morris, M. Myers, A. Neumark) Empress Dress Co. (Pty.) Ltd. Fashioncraft, Marilou. 55 Gold Sreet, Johannesburg (R. Krasin, I. Krein) Empress.
6 M. Farber Freda 34 Wolhuter Street, Ferreirastown, 114 Eloff Street, Johannesburg Johannesburg (F. Meyersohn, B. Meyersohn) (M. Farber) Freda. F. Brand Trousers. French Model House Ltd. Fashion House Mnf. Co. (Pty.) Ltd. Corner Pritchard & Polly Sts., 45 May Road, Fordsburg Johannesburg (S. Gottlieb, E. Bernstein) (D. Nathan, J. Levin, M. Rosenbaum, B. Soledy. Nieburg) Fremode & Jewelle. Fay Conquest Originals (Pty.) Ltd. Corner Main & Nugget Sts., Fur Fashions Johannesburg Corner President & Rissik Sts., (I. Stanger, H. Tromp, M. Viljoen) Johannesburg Fay Conquest Models. (E. F. Coggins)
Femina Undergarment Mnfg. Co. Gay-Ru (Pty.) Ltd. 78 End Street, Johannesburg 196 Market Street, Johannesburg (H. Arbeter, Z. Segal, A. E. Ettlinger, M. (L. Ostrowiak) Edmund, R. Hamilton, F. J. Ridsdale, H. Kessley) Fine Art Fashions Ltd. Gay-Ru. 105Pritchard Street, Johannesburg (M. Kessel, G. Jacobson, W. Sulski, M. Geers, Mrs Sulski, A. J. Bruwer, S. Sulski, S. 139 Kerk Street, Johannesburg Kessel) (M. E. Geers) Classique, Vanite. A Gerszt & Co. Finsbury Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. 68 End Street, Johannesburg 217 Commissioner Street, Johannesburg (A. Gerszt) (L. Leon, Mrs. A. Goldberg) Renroy. Finsbury. Glenice Modes Fitwell Clothing Mnfrs. 35 Phillips Street, Johannesburg 278 Main Street, Johannesburg (J. Naifeld) (B. Brainin, S. Segal) Glenice. Fitwell. Gladwynne Fountain Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. 405 Eloff Street, Johannesburg 19 Fountain Road, Fordsburg (D. Doppelt) (H. Grauman, N. C. Grauman) Fonteins. Glaser (Pty.) Ltd. 155 President Street, Johannesburg Franks Dress Co. (Pty.) Ltd. (F. Glaser) 37 Lillian Road, Fordsburg Glastyle. (H. Frank) Roamer.
7 Glenwear (Pty.) Ltd. Gymfrock (Pty.) Ltd. 83 End Street, Johannesburg 217 Commissioner Street, Johannesburg (H. E. Spiegel, O. Stahl, J. Morris) (C. Saenger, M. Zeichner) Glen. Admiralty Gym, Classmate, Sastella.
Globe Overwear Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. Hackers Clothing Factory 105 Market Street, Johannesburg 35 Phillips Street, Johannesburg (I. Rieback, R. Sacks, E. W. Emdin, L. (A. Hacker) Levinsohn) Haclo.
Gloria Fashions (Pty.) Ltd. Halfsize Dress Co. 108 President Street, Johannesburg 39-41 Sievewright Avenue, (H. Lebach, A. Plaat) Doornfontein Gloria (S. Weil, L. Aschheim, D. Rabie) Ritefit. Gloster Gowns (Pty.) Ltd. 196 Market Street, Johannesburg Hammerschlag, E. (S. H. Honsen) Corner Kerk & Gold Streets, Glosta, K-Creations. Johannesburg (E. Hammerschlag) Goldburgh, Hyman B. Nurdoc. Harries Street, Johannesburg (H. B. Goldburgh) Harris Clothing Industries (Pty.) Ltd. Silhouette. Corner Lillian & Claire Rds., Johannesburg Goldfields Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. (J. Harris, E. D. Stern) 261 Meyer Street, Johannesburg Cheryl. (S. Kalmek, A. Kalmek) Fraternity. Harry Jones Ltd. 213 President Street, Johannesburg Gordons Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. (M. Gordon, R. Gordon) 25 Lillian Road, Fordsburg Maurae Garments. (M. Gordon, A. Shkudsky) Gordon Product. Heitner’s Clothing Factory 8 High Road, Fordsburg Grand Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. (M. Heitner) 176 President Street, Johannesburg California Breeze, Regatta, Doyen. (N. Schultz, R. Swerdlow) Nortex. Heidelberg Leather Works Heidelberg Greys Ltd. (J. C. Bezuidenhout) 188 Market Street, Johannesburg Sheepskin Jackets (B. Nieburg, D. Nathan, M. Rosenbaum, J. Levine, H. Nathan) Helena Blouses Greys Slax, Greys. 244 Commissioner Street, Johannesburg (S. Weil, L. Aschheim, D. Rabie) Grosvenor Fashions 8a Plein Street, Johannesburg (S. Blauwol)
8 Henochsberg, H. J. (Pty.) Ltd. Jaff & Co. Ltd. 260 Commissioner Street, Johannesburg 104 President Street, Johannesburg (L. E. Herman, A. Henochsberg, M. H. (S. L. Jaff, P. Jaff, H. Phillips, A. Emdon, A. H. Leon, E. H. Fox) Immink, W. Aronsohn, Mrs. L. Heritage. Hausmann) Delswa. Hope Cap Factory, The 122 Jules Street, Johannesburg Jane Lanford Creations (Pty.) Ltd. (B. Sament) 56 Davies Street, Doornfontein (H. M. Asher, L. Hochstein) Hugo Franco (Pty.) Ltd. 28 Janie Street, Jeppe Jansen Models (H. Franco) Corner End & Albert Sts., Johannesburg Hugo Franco. (E. Jansen)
Hurco & Co. Jardin des Modes (Pty.) Ltd. 195 Main Street, Johannesburg Corner Kerk & End Sts., Johannesburg (C. Horowitz) (W. Aron, H. Fluxman) Jarmode. Ideal Dress Mnfrs. 105 Pritchard Sreet, Johannesburg Jaxly Mnfg. Co. (S.A.) Ltd. (T. Tuch) 154 President Street, Johannesburg Ideala. (J. Tooch, S. Pillemer, Joe Tooch)
Imperial Clothing Mnfrs. Jaxon Juvenile Wear (Pty.) Ltd. 173 President Street, Johannesburg 68 End Street, Johannesburg (H. Zaidel) (J. Berger, L. Copelowitz) Squaretex. Lads & Aywon.
Imperial Fur Co. (Pty.) Ltd. Jerwyls 143 President Street, Johannesburg 14 King George Street, Johannesburg (L. Goodman, F. Gerver) (G. Perkes)
Individual Shirts (Pty.) Ltd. J. & C. Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. 50 Durban Street, Johannesburg Corner Hans & Jules Sts., Jeppe (W. L. Vogts, W. Headon) (S. Jerusalim, H. Jerusalim, M. Gellman, B.V.D. & Individual. S. Cope) Sidson International Furriers 73a Eloff Street, Johannesburg Johannesburg Shirt & Clothing (M. Hess, L. Hess) Mnfrs. Ltd. 29-31 High Road, Fordsburg E. Israel (Pty.) Ltd. (P. Heimann, N. Werksman, S. R. Potter, Pritchard Street, Johannesburg J. Brown, K. Bernstein, E. G. Pratt, A. (E. Stern) Cooper) Ellis. Trims.
J. Israel Jowal Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. Corner Troye & Marshall Sts. 3 Davies Street, Doornfontein Johannesburg (A. Wallheimer, J. Glove, H. Shiell) (J. Israel) Golden Mirror
9 Jumay Clothing Mnfrs. Kaytex Fashions 13 High Road, Fordsburg 35 Commissioner Street, Johannesburg (J. Fogelman) (A. K. Dawood)
Juniors Karl De Jager (Pty.) Ltd. 1 Sauer Street, Johannesburg Durban Street, Johannesburg (R. Benjamin) (K. De Jager, N. Isserow, B. Freedman) Goldilocks. Kelvic Clothing Mnfrs. Juvenile Clothing Co. (Pty.) Ltd. 215 Main Road, Fordsburg 1b Plein Street, Johannesburg (A. Kelvin) (H. Chertkow, B. Perkes) Walstan. Kensey Creations 7 Davies Street, Doornfontein K Fashion Craft (Pty.) Ltd. (H. Rausch) 51 Berea Street, Johannesburg Kersey. (G. Crossland, K. M. Crossland) Kenley Blouses (Pty.) Ltd. K. & C. Originals (Pty.) Ltd. 34 Jules Street, Jeppe 129 Pritchard Street, Johannesburg (L. Krawitz, K. O. Krawitz, A. A. (K. Karliner, C. M. Wedlock) Menning) Originals, Debutante. Kenley.
Kalvin Mnfg. Co. (Pty.) Ltd. Kesmode Ltd. 51 Davies Street, Doornfontein 76-82 End Street, Johannesburg (B. Kalvin, A. Hirsowitz, H. Kulwinsky) (H. Kessly, M. Arbeter, A. E. Ettlinger, Kels. M. Edmund, R. Hamilton)
Karin Blouses (Pty.) Ltd. Kiddies Wear (Pty.) Ltd. 46 Mint Road, Fordsburg 1 Central Road, Fordsburg (K. Lipiner, M. Loewe) (W. Aron, H. E. Fell) Karin. Petite Marianne, Daffodil.
Kay Artley (Pty.) Ltd. King, Johannesburg 139 President Street, Johannesburg 126 Pritchard Street, Johannesburg (A. Gabriel, P. S. Pohl) (A. M. Johnston, J. M. Ewart)
Kaybro Clothing Mnfrs. G. Koch & Co. (Pty.) Ltd. 139 Anderson Street, Johannesburg 244 Commissioner Street, Johannesburg (S. Katz, O. Katz) (G. Koch, M. Koch) G. K. Models. Kay-Cut Foundations 50 Marlborough, Springfield M. Koransky (K. James, A. H. Elton) 31 Ford Street, Jeppe Kay-Bra, Kay-Belle, Curvette. (M. Koransky)
10 Koseff & Co. Lesley & Co. (Pty.) Ltd. 119 President Street, Johannesburg 135 Pritchard Street, Johannesburg (Z. Koseff, I. Padowitz, A. Koseff) (S. Sher, N. Segal) Kayko & Relette. Lesley.
I. Kotler Tie Mnfrs. Lewis Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. 15 Sydenham Road, Fordsburg 141 Anderson Street, Johannesburg (I. Kotler) (L. Chatzkel, J. Chakelowitz) Lewtex. Kretzmers Underwear Mnfg. Co. (Pty.) Ltd. Liberty Dress Mnfrs. 209 President Street, Johannesburg 152 Pritchard Street, Johannesburg (R. Kretzmer, S. Finger, M. H. Finger) (H. Markowitz) Dick King. Liberty.
Kuper Garment Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. London Model Dress Mnfrs. (Pty.) 29 Von Weilligh Street, Johannesburg Ltd. (M. Kuper) 30 Pioneer Road, Fordsburg A Kuper Garment. (J. Blumenthal, A. C. Blumenthal) Carmen & Gero. L. & A. Mnfg. & Inv. Co. !8 Market Street, Johannesburg Lotoma Dress Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. (H. Abromowitz, C. Levin) 98 President Street, Johannesburg (M. Marcus, Mrs. H. Marcus) La Belle Dress Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. Lotoma. 68 End Street, Johannesburg (W. Neugarten, G. Neugarten) Lovable Brassiere Co. (S.A.) (Pty.) La Belle. Ltd. 37 Lillian Road, Fordsburg La Crete Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. (F. Garson, A. Garson, D. Garson, S. 408 President Street, Johannesburg Weil, L. Aschheim, D. Rabie) (J. Zane) Lovable Brassieres. Pettie. Lunn’s Lingerie (Pty.) Ltd. M. Lax Corner Sydenham & Avenue Rds., 98 Market Street, Johannesburg Fordsburg (M. Lax) (D. L. Lunn, S. H. Camisky) Sleek. Leatherman, Ann 116 Pritchard Street, Johannesburg Lynn Dare Models (Pty.) Ltd. (A. Leatherman) 217 Commissioner Street, Johannesburg Anel Sportswear. (I. S. Levy, F. G. Markus) Lynn Darey, Le Marque. Leeds Clothing Mnfrs. 22 Lovers Walk, Fordsburg M. & J. Trading Co. (Pty.) Ltd. (H. Milner, B. Abromowitz) 133 Jeppe Street, Johannesburg (J. Sherman) Leo’s Expert Furrier 74 Eloff Street, Johannesburg (L. Kauber)
11 M. & W. Clothing Mnfrs. Melanie Fashions 217 Commissioner Street, Johannesburg 45a Small Street, Johannesburg (I. J. Meintjies) (H. Glickman) Melanie. Main S.A. Clothing Mnfrs. & Trdg. Co. Medici Gowns (Pty.) Ltd. Corner Mint & Park Rds., Fordsburg 13 Betty Street, Jeppe (M. Salkinder, A. Comaroff) (D. Kaplan, R. Kaplan) Mainwear. Ruth Reed of Fifth Avenue, Susan Small. Manstan Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. 5 Davies Street, Doornfontein Melive (T. Grisham, I. Isaacson) 510 Jules Street, Johannesburg Manstan. (L. Ive, J. Townsend)
Manchester Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Menson’s Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. Ltd. 17 President Street, Johannesburg 28-30 Delvers Street, Johannesburg (P. Cohen, N. Fluxman, J. Epstein) (H. Mankowitz, E. Mankowitz) Mancloma. Mintex Models, 135 Pritchard Street, Johannesburg Manhattan Ladies Coats & Costume (C. H. Cohen, A. Tanchel) Mnfrs. 171 Market Street, Johannesburg Miriam Fashions (P. Palestrant) 71 Rand Road, Germiston (M. Esser, P. J. Esser) Martins Fashions 47 Sasbank Building, Johannesburg Moch’s Clothing Industries (Pty.) Ltd. (P. Martin, N. Martin) 18 High Road, Fordsburg (S. Moch, W. Moch, S. Becker) Martin W. Jacobson Mnfrs. (Pty.) Mobeco. Ltd. 29 Delvers Street, Johannesburg Mode de Paris (Martin W. Jacobson) 172 Market Street, Johannesburg Maweja. (B. Kloner) Mode de Paris. S. H. Matz 195 Main Street, Johannesburg Modern Modes (S. Miedzinski) 126 Leeupoort Street, Boksburg North (C. J. Van Greeunen) Mayfair Mnfg. Co. (S.A.) (Pty.) Ltd. Stylbilt & Betterbilt. 244 Commissioner Street, Johannesburg (H. Herber, J. Levin, M. Rosenbaum, D. Modes De Luxe Nathan) 313 Rissik Street, Johannesburg Truso, Truso Junior. (L. Alberti)
McDonald, Dorothy Modeles Elegant 228 Jeppe Street, Johannesburg 306 Eloff Street, Johannesburg (D. McDonald) (L. Benveniste)
12 Monica Fashions Novelty Embroideries 356 Church Street, Pretoria 26 Grahamstown Street, Johannesburg (Mrs. Field) (R. Bornheim, L. Schrulowicz)
Monopoly Dresses Nudelman & Co. (Pty.) Ltd. 17 Davies Street, Doornfontein 40 Sherwell Street, Doornfontein (H. Seid, H. Daniel) (S. M. Nudelman, R. Nudelman, M. H. Monopoly, Danae of Paris. Nudelman, I. Nudelman) Myru. Morfan Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. 186 Market Street, Johannesburg Nu Fashion House (Pty.) Ltd. (M. Luck) 92 President Street, Johannesburg (E. Rahmiloff, D. K. Lewis, G. Franco) M. Miller & Co. (Pty.) Ltd. Kitty Kent, Waterlilly Washables. 134 Pritchard Street, Johannesburg (R. Miller, F. Miller) O.K. Clothing Mnfrs. Notre Dame. 32 Central Road, Fordsburg (W. Lipschitz) N.B. Clothing Mnfrs. 50 Durban Street, Johannesburg Orking Lingerie Co. (Pty.) Ltd. (Z. Bren, H. Nissenbaum) 49 Lillian Road, Fordsburg (H. W. Orkin, H. Cohen, H. Orkin) Naomi Beauty Form (Pty.) Ltd. Orkin, Wundafit. 207 Marshall Street, Johannesburg (ML. . Rutenberg, S. Sieff, A. Kagan, J. Oro Tie Factory kagan, N. Rutenberg) 88 End Street, Johannesburg Naomi Beauty Form. (O. Rosenbaum) Oro. National Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. 141 Market Street, Johannesburg Overall & Linen Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. (B. Fogelman) 105 Pritchard Street, Johannesburg Goodall. (A. Kruger, M. Katzen) Sentinel, Rams Horn, Pamela, Naturman, D Countess. 68 End Street, Johannesburg (D. Naturman) Oxley Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. Naturman. 47-51 High Road, Germiston (Lazar Golombick, Sonia Golombick) New York Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. Oxford. Corner Park & Garden Sts., Germiston (H. Rosen, P. Fox, C. H. Leon, P. Rosen) Pantz Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. Voltex, Tops, New Yorker, Ocean 33 High Road, Germiston Breeze, Tropical. (I. Wolpert, D. Wolpert) Pantz Clothing. Northern Shirt Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. 1 Central Road, Fordsburg Paramount Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) (W. Aron, H. E. Fell, Dr. R. M. Tren, J. Ltd. R. M. Tulloch) 22 High Road, Fordsburg Senator, Viscount. (I. Berman, M. Saphchenic)
13 Parisiana (Pty.) Ltd. Phil-Modes 27 Hans Street, Jeppe 60a Rand Road, Germiston (L. Sigal, J. Sigal, F. W. Dalzell) (C. J. Moll) Irene. Phil-Modes.
Parisan Dress Mnfrs Piccadilly Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. 108 Kerk Street, Johannesburg 225 Jeppe Street, Johannesburg (P. Victor) (H. Lewy, L. Lewy)
Paul Solnick (Pty.) Ltd. Pillmore Gown Distrs. (Pty.) Ltd. 51 President Street, Johannesburg Corner Pritchard & Nugget Sts., (P. Solnick, R. Solnick) Johannesburg Winnifur, Master Furrier. (R. Pillemer, M. Pillemer) Pillmore Gown. Pax Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. Corner Watson & Simmer Sts., Pioneer Clothing Mnfrs. Ltd. Germiston 207 President Street, Johannesburg (M. Kalmek, A. Kalmek, S. Kalmek, H. (C. M. Taylor, M. Spitz, H. L. Taylor, Hatchuel, N. Werksman) W. S. Peacock) Pax, De Luxe, Gladiator, Thor. Tigrade.
Pearce & Allen, Ltd. G. Poland (Pty.) Ltd. 115 Market Street, Johannesburg 215 Bree Street, Johannesburg (J. M. Tait, W. Rutherford) (G. Poland, E. M. Poland) Panda. Premier Shirt & Clothing Mnfrs. Pearl Motorcoat & Pyjama Mnfrs. 214 Commissioner Street, Johannesburg 60 Delvers Street, Johannesburg (M. Lipschitz) (J. Balkind) President Clothing Mnfrs. Peggy’s Cut & Trim 5-7 First Ave., Germiston 45 Hanover Street, Mayfair (M. Simchowitz, M. Prag) (S. Herzberg) Simprax.
Penn’s Clothing Mnfrs. President Knitting Mills 15 Betty Street, Jeppe Corner Liverpool and Bolton Roads, (S. Penn) Benoni South (A. H. Leon, W. H. Gould, E. H. Fox, C. Peta Merle, Inc. Margo Cronheim C. Tarboton) Corner Pritchard & Polly Streets, Combspun. Johannesburg (M. Cronheim, E. P. Baum) Prestyn Craft Mnfg. Co. (Pty.) Ltd. Peta Merle. 171 Market Street, Johannesburg (S. Press, E. Leon, H. Press, E. Ross, J. Peter Pan Wear Jacoby) 174 Pritchard Street, Johannesburg Prestyn Craft. (C. Apelbaum)
14 Pretoria Shirt & Clothing Mnfrs. Reef Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. 58 John Page Drive, Jeppestown 74 Prinsloo Street, Pretoria (L. Smith) (H. H. Habib, O. A. C. Cassim) Reclo. Preclo, Double Service. Regal Clothing Mnfrs. Primet Mnfg. Co. (Pty.) Ltd. 196 Market Street, Johannesburg 7-9 Height Street, Doornfontein (L. Basslian, B. Basslian ) (D. A. Metz, S. Metz) Benclo.
Progress Clothing Mnfrs. Regent Neckware Mnfg. Co. 68 Park Drive, Mayfair 123 Market Street, Johannesburg (A. Goldsmith, M. Goldsmith, L. E. (J. Kretzmer) Isacov) Regent. Procloma, Proclo. Regent Trading Co. (Pty.) Ltd. Progress Knitting Mills (Pty.) Ltd. 207 President Street, Johannesburg 269 Main Street, Jeppe (F. Peiser, C. Peiser) (D. Aronovsky, A. Aronovsky, N. Bank) Kingswear. Reisch the Furrier Corner Troye & Bree Sts., Johannesburg R. K Modes (Pty.) Ltd. (H. Reisch) Corner Smal & Alberts Sts., Reisch the Furrier. Johannesburg (I. Karnovsky, R. Segal) Remarque Wear (Pty.) Ltd. 42 Diagonal Street, Johannesburg Rainbow Mnfg. Co. (Pty.) Ltd. (S. Stanley, D. Aires) 25 Auret, Jeppe (A. F. Hack, E. S. Hack) Resort Fashions (Pty.) Ltd. 13 Betty Street, Jeppe Rand Hat & Cap Mnfrs. (R. Kaplan, S. Kaplan) 121 Market Street, Johannesburg Mary Nash. (L. Ulman, B. Wilkow) J. O. Resnick Rand Shirt & Clothing Mnfrs. Ltd. 22 Fennell Road, Village Deep Corner Main Rd. & Pine Ave., (J. O. Resnick) Fordsburg (M. Shein, A. Ezra, I. Jacoson) Rink Clothing Mnfrs. Panama Tropic, Matruh, Comfort. 214 Commissioner Street, Johannesburg (J. Nissenbaum, Joel Nissenbaum) Ravic Corner Marshall & Von Weilligh Sts., Robin Robes Johannesburg 260 Bree Street, Johannesburg (L. J. R. Clench, M. Kaufman) (P. Robin, R. Laser) Ravic. Robin Robes.
Ray Fashions Robot Tie Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. 152 Pritchard Street, Johannesburg 240 Jeppe Street, Johannesburg (C. Segal, W. Segal) (B. Epstein, A. Epstein, M. Kapelus) Ray Fashions.
15 Ronald Creations (Pty.) Ltd. S.A. Neckwear (Pty.) Ltd. Corner Main & Nugget Sts., 144 President Street, Johannesburg Johannesburg (S. Kretzmar, D. Feldman) (F. Gerver) Topper. Ronald Creations. S.A. Shirt & Underwear Mnfrs. Ron-Ly Clothes (Pty.) Ltd. Corner Hanay & Hans Sts., Jeppe Corner Delvers & Marshall Sts., (A. Esrock, H. Esrock) Johannesburg Van Dyk. (D.S. Teperson, G. Rubinowitz) Ron-Ly, Four Star. A. Sackville & Co. 114 Pritchard Street, Johannesburg Rosecraft Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. (A. Sackville, S. Miller) 35 Phillips Street, Johannesburg Victory. (L. Wodnitsky, J. Jarzin) Rosecraft. S.A. Leatherwear Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. 105 Main Road, Newlands S. Rosenbaum & Co. (M. Ruthstein) 23 Mcintyre Street, Jeppe Aquamark. (S. Rosenbaum) Saffer Clothing Industries Rosewear Mnfg. Co. 1 Central Road, Fordsburg Durban Street, Johannesburg (L. Saffer) (I. Rosenbaum) Saffer.
Rudma Sasstex Mnfg. Co. (Pty.) Ltd. 108 Kerk Street, Johannesburg 153 Market Street, Johannesburg (A. Amdur) (S. E. Sasson)
Rybson Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. Segal & Regenbaum 16 High Road, Fordsburg 33 Central Road, Fordsburg (C. Rybko, M. Rybko) (B. Segal, I. Regenbaum) Rybsons. Select Fashions Dress Mnfrs. (Pty.) S.A.P.H.I. (Pty.) Ltd. Ltd. Corner Kruger and Michaelson Sts., 189 President Street, Johannesburg Pretoria (S. Mazabow, L. R. Mazabow) (G. L. J. N. Mol, W. L. Du Plessis, D. P. “It’s a Select Fashion”. Lehmann) Selko Mnfrs. S. & S. Wholesalers & Clothing 155 President Street, Johannesburg Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. (L. Kohn) 151 President Street, Johannesburg Selko. (H. Sherman, S. Shalkoff) Sawitsky, J. S.A. Clothing Industries Ltd. 109 Church Street, Pretoria Corner Park & Rand Roads, Germiston (J. Sawitsky) (G. MacKenzie, L. Jacobson, S. Kramer, A. Silver, L. Fineer) Personality, Brads.
16 Selgor Ltd. Sports Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. 82 End Street, Johannesburg Corner Pine Street & Main Road, (H. Arbeter, A. Ettlinger, M. Edmund) Fordsburg (I. Fine, N. Rosenthal) Serene Ladies’ Wear Mnfrs. Sparta,London Pryde. 33 Central Road, Fordsburg (N. Segal, I. H. Rebenbaum) Sportswear Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. Tailored By Serene. Corner Pritchard & Nugget Sts., Johannesburg Sharp Headwear Industries (Pty.) Ltd. (J. Saling, I. Saling) 128 Siemert Road, Doornfontein Ingeborg. (S. Sharp) Springbok Clothing Mnfrs. Shalom Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. 213 President Street, Johannesburg Corner Marshall & Delvers Sts., (C. H. Lubotsky) Johannesburg Gallant. (L. Helman, B. Censor, C. Broude) Springs Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. Shapiro & Steyb (Pty.) Ltd. 116 Second Street, Springs 5 Prince’s Avenue, Benoni (J. J. S. Van Den Berg) (J. Shapiro, L. Stein) Vertex, Trekker. Loujay. Standard Clothing Factory (Pty.) Ltd. Shirley Dress Mnfrs. 45 Market Street, Johannesburg 22 Lovers Walk, Fordsburg (A. Sevel, P. Sevel) (H. Novick, I. Karnovsky) Stanclo.
Simal Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. Standard Tie Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. 28 Delvers Street, Johannesburg 159 President Street, Johannesburg (J. Simon, P. Nohr) (T. Cohen) Sporty. Anchor.
E. Sichel & Co. (Pty.) Ltd. I. Stanger & Co. (Pty.) Ltd. 88 End Street, Johannesburg 123 Market Street, Johannesburg (E. Sichel) (I. Stanger) Strelitzia. Belita.
H. Soldin (Pty.) Ltd. Star Shirt & Clothing Factory 105 Pritchard Street, Johannesburg 33 Commercial Road, Fordsburg (H. Soldin) (M. Glaser, J. Glaser) A Soldin Gown, Desmona. Glax, Raybrand.
Sollesta Mnfg. Co. Sterling Shirt & Clothing Mnfrs. 51 Van Beek Street, New Doornfontein 171 Market Street, Johannesburg (S. Lewinson) (A. Berman, S. Berman) Protex. Sterling, Boxer, Kite, Rainowind.
17 E. H. Sternberg Swimwear S.A. Ltd. 311 Von Brandis Street, Johannesburg 244 Commissioner Street, Johannesburg (E. H. Sternberg) (M. Rosenbaum, B. Nieburg, A. Hendler) Strong Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. Catalina. 141 Anderson Street, Johannesburg (D. Traub, C. M. Abrams) Syl-V-Ronica Smallfry, Cargo. 11th Street, Randfontein (S. E. Blignaut) Stylecraft (Pty.) Ltd. 50 Durban Street, Johannesburg Tailored Dresses (E. Bursyein, L. H. Stanfield, A. M. 129 Pritchard Street, Johannesburg Mol) (H. Steinhauer, M. Heymann) Tropicool, Madison Square, Park Tailored Dresses, Patricia Gowns. Avenue. Tapekins (Pty.) Ltd. Sundy’s (Pty.) Ltd. 40 Turf Club Street, Johannesburg 51 Auret Street, Johannesburg (D. Higgs) (L. Sundy, N. Sundy) Tapekins, Our Darlings. Sundico. Tessa (Pty.) Ltd. Sunrise Clothing Mnfrs. 134 Pritchard Street, Johannesburg 422 Main Road, Johannesburg (L. Jospe, H. Blauwol) (R. Sukha, J. Nana) Tessa.
Supreme Hat & Cap Mnfrs. (Pty.) Thea Huth Co. Ltd. 133 Albert Street, Johannesburg 12 High Road, Fordsburg (G Huth) (H. Neifeld, S. Pozniak, B. Pozniak) Huco-blouse.
H. Sussman D Thomas 121 Market Street, Johannesburg 37 Seventh Street, Bez Valley (S. Cohn, J. Cohn) (D. Thomas) Susy Models. Thorobred Styles (Pty.) Ltd. Swan Modes 144 President Street, Johannesburg 25 First Street, Boksburg (S. Risi, L. Gordon) (J. P. J. Swanepoel, M. J. Swanepoel) Iris, La Tosca, L’Aida, Thorobred. Swan Creation. Tiger Clothing Mnfrs. Ltd. Swisnit Mnfg. Co. (Pty.) Ltd. 207 President Street, Johannesburg 238 Main Street, Johannesburg (C. M. Taylor, H. L. Taylor, M. Spitz, (S. Margolis, J. Smith) W. S. Peacock) Swisnit. Tigrade.
S.A. Kiddies Garments (Pty.) Ltd. Torch Tie Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. 101 Jeppe Street, Johannesburg 147 Commissioner Street, Johannesburg (C. H. Vowles, P. Magnusson, E. (W. Elias, K. Elias) Magnusson) Torch Tie.
18 Transvaal Clothing Industries (Pty.) Truseta S.A. (Pty.) Ltd. Ltd. 244 Commissioner Street, Johannesburg 62 Sivewright Avenue, Doornfontein (M. Rosenbaum, D. K. Duncan, D. (V. Glocer, L. Lipkin) Nathan, F. W. Ury) Constellation, Celesta. Truso, Etam.
Transvaal Clothing Mnfrs. Underwear Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. 98 Fox Street, Johannesburg 48 Lillian Road, Fordsburg (G. Leimen, C. Arluk) (L. Margolis, I. Smith, J. J. Sachs, J. Transco, Glasitex. Smith) Elmar, Tropix,Trafalgar, Sylktex. Transvaal Dress Mnfrs. 111 Pritchard Street, Johannesburg Union Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. (E. Miedzinski, S. Miedzinski) 28 End Street, Johannesburg Famous Wear, Stylefit. (A. Fluxman, G. Fluxman, M. Fluxman, M. D. Fluxman) Transvaal Rubber Co. (Pty.) Ltd. Unex, Kul-r-Wear, Flaxwear. 231 Booysens Road, Booysens (J. Roy Anderson, W. E. McMillan, C. Union Novelty Products G. Kerr, E. L. Lliffe) 20 Joubert Street, Johannesburg Truco. (L. Shainbaum) Rensly. Trans-Terra Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. 196 Fox Street, Johannesburg United Dress Mnfrs. Ltd. (J. Borenstein, R. C. Patel) 78-82 End Street, Johannesburg (H. Arbeter, A. E. Ettlinger, H. Kessly, Tremont Mnfg. Co. F. J. Ridsdale, R. Hamilton, M. Edmund) Corner Staib & Beit Streets, Filnoma. Johannesburg (W. Falk, J. Wolff) Union Overall Mnfrs. Co. (Pty.) Ltd. Tremont Garments, Gardella Suits. 143 Kerk Street, Johannesburg (B. Michaelson, R. Michaelson, I. Tropical Dress Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. Michaelson, R. Rosin) Corner McIntyre & Davies Sts., Jeppe Westend Fashions, Uniewear. (P. Vogelman, M. Sprout) Universal Shirt & Clothing Mnfrs. Trouser House (Pty.) Ltd. 250 Boom Street, Pretoria 264 main Street, Johannesburg (I. M. Keshavjee) (N. Stein, J. Gersham) Cabanas, Moroccos, Super Cabanas. Varnell Shirt & Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. Trumax Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. Corner Pine & Park Roads, Fordsburg 27 Davies Street, Doornfontein (A. Lichter, A. N. Lichter, A. A. (S. Warner, V. Reid) Goosen) Warner-Reid. Varnell, Avalon, Apollo, Counsellor.
Trump Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Ltd. Veeway (Pty.) Ltd. 1 Central Road, Fordsburg 168 President Street, Johannesburg (S. Oken, J. J. Tobias, A. H. Oken) (G. Back, M. Back) Treets, Acrobat. London Tex.
19 Vega Fashions (Pty.) Ltd. Welldone Clothing Mnfrs. 157 President Street, Johannesburg 42 Durban Street, Johannesburg (S. Schatz, M. Marx, K. Caro) (M. Fish) Veganette, Ivanette. Welldone.
Veronica Blouses Wendy Togs (Pty.) Ltd. 318 Marshall Street, Johannesburg Corner Smal & Alberts Streets, (E. Lowenthal) Johannesburg Veronica Blouses. (P. Jakubowicz, H. Perlzweig, K. Bendikowsky) Victoria Shirt & Clothing Mnfrs. Bambino, Peggy O’Neill. 124 Jules Street, Belgravia (I. Wolpe, N. Birger) Westend Clothing Mnfrs. Victoria. 50 Durban Street, Johannesburg (J. Appelbaum) Volkshemde en Klerefabriek Bpk. Corner Commercial & Lillian Roads, Western Styles Fordsburg 8 Van Wyk Street, Roodepoort (S. Van Der Walt, T. Bolok, J. Enslin, J. (E. Samuel) Gous, A. J. J. Wessels, W. B. Coetzer) Veka, Pagel, Kingfold, El Rancho. Wintex (Pty.) Ltd. 26 Grahamstown Street, Johannesburg Walter Lindman (Pty.) Ltd. (R. Sable, G. Sable) 39-41 Sivewright Avenue, Doornfontein Gregory. (W. Lindeman) Lindeman, Santosa, Carters of New Woolcraft (Pty.) Ltd. York. 70 Eloff Street, Johannesburg (A. Bobrow, I. Bobrow) Wedding Gown Mnfg. Co. (Pty.) Ltd. Dad. 29 Market Street, Johannesburg (E. Putzrath, S. Hoenigsberg) Youngwear Clothing Mnfrs. (Pty.) Cherie. Ltd. 27 Angle Road, New Doornfontein Weinberg Bros. (L. J. Sloan, S. S. Comaroff) 26 Swan Street, Johannesburg Tres Bon. (S. Weinberg) Weinberg Youthswear Clothing Mnfrs. 138 Jules Street, Belgravia Wellcut Clothing Mnfrs. (H. E. Ward, E. H. Vallance) 106 Kerk Street, Johannesburg (S. Mandelbaum) Skipper
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