DOCSLIB.ORG

Roinn Cosanta. Bureau of Military

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

ROINN COSANTA. BUREAU OF MILITARY HISTORY, 1913-21. STATEMENT BY WITNESS DOCUMENT NO. 1526 W.S. Witness Dr. Albert Thomas Dryer, Polding St., Bossley Park, New South Wales, Australia Identity. Founder Secretary, Irish Nat. Association 1915 1925. Subject. History of the Movement in Australia. for the Independence of Ireland 1915 1925. Conditions, if any, Stipulated by Witness. Nil. File No S.2250. FormB.S.M.2 OF THE INDEPENDENCE IRELAND SOURCE MATERIAL For The MVEMENT HISTORY OF THE In AUSTRALIA Compiled by: Albert Thomas Dryer Bossley Pary New South Wales Your reference S.2250. With the Compliments of The freland Emlassy of Canlerra A.C.T. TEL.WETHERILLPARK.L474 ALBERTT. DRYER POLDING STREET, BOSSLEYPARK 21st. August 1956. To/ The Director, Buro Staire Mileata 1913-21, 26 Raedh na nIartharach, BAlLE ATHA CLIATH, EIRE Per favour of the Embassy of Ireland, Canberra. CHRONOLOGY. 19l5 21st. July. Irish National Association founded in Sydney. 1916 24th. April. Easter-week Rising. 7th. March. Resolution "Home Rule" adopted House 1917 favouring by of Representatives and the Senate of the Common-wealth Parliament. 1918 28th. March. Regulations under the War Precautions Act gazetted to control Sinn Fein and to prohibit the advocacy of the dismembership of the British Empire. 1918 17th. June. Internment of seven members of the Irish National Association. 1918 28th. November. Rev. Dr. (later Monsignor) Patrick Tuomey prose-cuted for seditious utterance. l9l9 3rd. November. Irish Race Convention in Melbourne. 1920 3rd. March. Mr. OsmondThomas Grattan Esmonde deported after being prohibited from landing. 1920 13th. November. Mr. Hugh Mahon, M.P. expelled from Federal Parila-ment for disloyal utterance. 1912 26th. February. Irish Self-determination League of Australia launched in Sydney. 1923 Rev. Fr. M. O'Flannagan and Mr. J.J. O'Kelly de-ported. 1925 l6th February. Misses Kathleen Barry and Linda Kearns for Republican funds. THE INDEPENDENCEOF IRELAND. THE M0VEMENTIN AUSTRALIA. The of the Irish to ratio the non-Irish portion of the Australian popula-tion during the period under review (1913-1921) was as one to three. Since then Irish blood has been more and more dispersed and the Australian population as a whole has been diluted by the influx of just over a million migrants since 1945. a small Only relatively proportion of the migrants were of Irish origin. intil at least the Up second decade of this century Irish blood was in purer form than it subsequently became and consequently there was a more vivid consciousness of relationship to the Motherland. Prior to 1916, and for some little time after the Rising, the national policy for Ireland in Australia, as in other parts of the world, was "Home Rule." That policy had been quite warmly championed in Australia, nat. only by Irish people, but also by many of their friends. It secured the support of even some Australian governments and of non-Irish public men (as indicated in the within account). The Irish independence movement was initiated by the Irish National Asso-ciation, which was founded in Sydney on 21st. July, 1915. In the following two years branches were established in Brisbane and Melbourne. As will be apparent in the following account, "Home Rule" continued to be advocated by many until well into the year 1919 and even later. The Irish elections of December, 1918, may be said to have hastened the ultimate disin-tegration of the "Home Rule" policy in Australia, as elsewhere. The names of the various Irish organisations in Australia during the period under consideration may here be listed:- Sydney: The Irish National Association, founded 1915; still (1956) in existence, was the only Irish organisation Sydney with the exception of Cumann na mBan set up as a ladies' auxiliary to the Irish Nation-al Association in 1919 by Mr. Liam MacGuinness. It was active until about 1921; and The Irish Self-determination League set up in Sydney and in other Australian centres by Miss Kathryn Hughes on 26th. February, 1921. Meetings were called in a large number of cities and towns. It did not survive for more than a year or so. Melbourne: The Irish National Association, founded by Messrs. Francis J. Mzz MacKeown and Maurice Dalton on 14th. September, 1917. It did not survive after 1920. (It has been revived this year 1956). Young Ireland Society set up at the end of 1916 (exact date not now ascertainable) to promote ideals of Irish-Ireland and independence. It also did nat survive after 1920. The United Irish League, a constitutional organisation which had been in existence for years. It exhibited active hostility to the ideal of independence and ceased to function when that ideal was vindicated. St. Patrick's Society, which was largely a social organisation, endeavoured also to foster Irish culture. (No information is available re-garding the date of its foundation or its duration, but it has not func-tioned for many years). The Gaelic League, founded by Mr. Francis J. MacKeown in April, 1912. It carried on for only a relatively brief period. The Shamrock Club. This was a small club mainly of a social character. The Celtic Club was in existence for many years prior to 1916. It was constitutionalist in character and during the critical period failed to associate itself with the separatist movement. It had its own premises with a liquor licence. Its membership was Pairly extensive. It still flourishes. At the instigation of Dr. Thomas J. Kiernan, during his am-bassadorship in Australia, it is supporting financially the establishment of a Chair of Gaelic Studies in Melbourne. The Irish-Ireland League of Victoria. The multiplicity of Irish organisations in Melbourne led to disunity. This League represented an at-tempt to rectify the position. It comprised the following organisations:- St. Patrick's Society, Irish National Association, Young Ireland Society, Shamrock Club, Hibernian A.C.B. Society, Irish National Foresters, Catholic Young Men's Society, Australian Catholic Federation and the Catholic Workers. It was not successful. (Brisoane. (The Movement 2). Brisbane The Irish National Association. This was established by Messrs. George McKitterick, T. Fitzgerald and W.J. Fegan on10thSeptember 1916. Its objects were identical with those of the Sydney branch. It ceased to operate after the death of Mr. Fitzgerald about 1921. The Queensland Irish Association is the. counterpart in Bris-bane of the Celtic Club in Melbourne. Adelaide. The Irish National Society was founded in 1918. There is no in-formation to indicate the period of its existence. In its first annual report (30th June. 1919) it stated "The Society has completed its first year of existence. It came into being as the result of onslaughts made upon the freedom of Irishmen and their descendants in the Commonwealth. We are pleased that the Irish section of the citizens of South Australia were not subjected to such fanatical treatthent as was meted out to the mebers of their race in the othet States." Throughout the whole period of the war a rigorous cenship was exercised and it was directod as rabidly against Ireland as against England's overt and active enemy, Germany. In 1916, when a Gaelic sports carnival was held in Sydney on 2nd. August, 1916, the handbill issued said: "Piease contribute to the Irish Relief Fund initiated by the Irish National Association for the re-lief of those who so gallantly fought freedom's fight in Ireland recently." The Censor thereupon issued a peremptory warning with a threat of prosecution for any repetition of such an offence. After the internment of the seven members of the Association on 17th June, 1918, the Victorian Censor interdicted any press reference to the inci-dent and forbade any public criticism of the Government's action. About 1917 (exact date uncertain) Senator Pearce, minister for Defence, censored a photo-play, "Ireland a Nation," on the ground that "it was not wise to resurrect the times of Robert Emmet in these days of stress, as it might cause disaffection among His Majesty's subjects.". The anti-Irish animis Was manifest as ear1y as 14th. January, 1916, when the "Sydney Morning Herald" said: At the close of the play, in response to recalls, he (Mr. Gerald Griffin) sang "The Wearing of the Green," which in present circumstances was scardely tactful." During the pariod under review (exact date not known), Rev. Fr. J.A. Roche, a Sydney priest, was fined 5 at Auckland New Zealand, for saying that the Germans were better civilised than the English In Dacember 1918, Rev. Dr. P. Tuomey was fined 30 in Sydney for ad-vocating independence for Ireland. (Details later in this recoid). In December, 1917, Mr. William J. Fegan, of Brisbane, was arrested and interned. in Darlingurst Gaol, Sydney, after he had been found guilty of "a seditious utterance" in a letter, addressed to the press. He was released on 19th. December, 1918. In June, 1918, Mr. Michael Kiely, of Warrnambool, Victoria, was also ar-rested rested and interned in Darlinghurst Gaol, Sydney. He was in a state of ill-health and had, been holidaying in Tasmania. He was denounced by one, John Luck, a hotel-keeper in a northern Tasmanian town where Mr. Kiely was tempor-arily quartered. He stated that the only pretext that could have been employed against him was that he had warmly defended Archbishop Mannix. Other incidents, which are referred to. in greater detail later on in this account and which are illustrative of the temper. of the times were the internments on l7th June, 1918, the deportation of Mr. OsmondThomas Grattan Esmonde on 3rd. March, 1920, the expulsion of Mr. Hugh Mahon from the Federal Parliament on 13th. November, 1920 and the deportation of Rev.
Recommended publications
  • Museums and Australia's Greek Textile Heritage

    Museums and Australia's Greek Textile Heritage

    Museums and Australia’s Greek textile heritage: the desirability and ability of State museums to be inclusive of diverse cultures through the reconciliation of public cultural policies with private and community concerns. Ann Coward Bachelor of General Studies (BGenStud) Master of Letters, Visual Arts & Design (MLitt) A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy School of Art History and Theory College of Fine Arts University of New South Wales December, 2006 ORIGINALITY STATEMENT ‘I hereby declare that this submission is my own work and to the best of my knowledge it contains no materials previously published or written by another person, or substantial proportions of material which have been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma at UNSW or any other educational institution, except where due acknowledgement is made in the thesis. Any contribution made to the research by others, with whom I have worked at UNSW or elsewhere, is explicitly acknowledged in the thesis. I also declare that the intellectual content of this thesis is the product of my own work, except to the extent that assistance from others in the project’s design and conception or in style, presentation and linguistic expression is acknowledged.’ Signed .................................................................. ABSTRACT This thesis explores the desirability of Australia’s State museums to be inclusive of diverse cultures. In keeping with a cultural studies approach, and a commitment to social action, emphasis is placed upon enhancing the ability of State museums to fulfil obligations and expectations imposed upon them as modern collecting institutions in a culturally diverse nation.
  • Vietnamese Family Reunion in Australia 1983 – 2007 Bianca Lowe

    Vietnamese Family Reunion in Australia 1983 – 2007 Bianca Lowe

    Vietnamese Family Reunion in Australia 1983 – 2007 Bianca Lowe Submitted in total fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy March 2016 Graduate School of Historical and Philosophical Studies The University of Melbourne ABSTRACT This thesis explores the reunification of Vietnamese families in Australia through the family reunion program from 1983 to 2007. Focusing upon these key years in the program, and building upon substantial existing research into the settlement of Vietnamese refugees in Australia, this dissertation adds to the knowledge of Vietnamese-Australian migration by focusing on the hitherto neglected story of family reunion. It offers an account of the process and circumstances by which Vietnamese families attempted to reunite and establish new lives in Australia, following the Vietnam War. Drawing upon analysis of political debate and interviews with Vietnamese families, this thesis provides an overview of years that challenged traditional narratives of national identity and of the composition and character of the ‘family of the nation’. During this period, the Australian Government facilitated the entry of large numbers of Asian migrants, which represented a fundamental shift in the composition of the national community. Analysis of political commentary on Vietnamese family reunion reveals tensions between the desire to retain traditional conceptions of Australian national identity and the drive to present Australia as an adaptable and modern country. The early chapters of this thesis examine political debate in the Australian Parliament about the family reunion program. They note differing emphases across the Hawke-Keating Labor Government (1983-1996) and Howard Liberal-National Coalition Government (1996-2007), but also similarities that underline the growing adherence to economic rationalism and the effect this had on the broad design of the program.
  • Going Against the Flow: Sinn Féin´S Unusual Hungarian `Roots´

    Going Against the Flow: Sinn Féin´S Unusual Hungarian `Roots´

    The International History Review, 2015 Vol. 37, No. 1, 41–58, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2013.879913 Going Against the Flow: Sinn Fein’s Unusual Hungarian ‘Roots’ David G. Haglund* and Umut Korkut Can states as well as non-state political ‘actors’ learn from the history of cognate entities elsewhere in time and space, and if so how and when does this policy knowledge get ‘transferred’ across international borders? This article deals with this question, addressing a short-lived Hungarian ‘tutorial’ that, during the early twentieth century, certain policy elites in Ireland imagined might have great applicability to the political transformation of the Emerald Isle, in effect ushering in an era of political autonomy from the United Kingdom, and doing so via a ‘third way’ that skirted both the Scylla of parliamentary formulations aimed at securing ‘home rule’ for Ireland and the Charybdis of revolutionary violence. In the political agenda of Sinn Fein during its first decade of existence, Hungary loomed as a desirable political model for Ireland, with the party’s leading intellectual, Arthur Griffith, insisting that the means by which Hungary had achieved autonomy within the Hapsburg Empire in 1867 could also serve as the means for securing Ireland’s own autonomy in the first decades of the twentieth century. This article explores what policy initiatives Arthur Griffith thought he saw in the Hungarian experience that were worthy of being ‘transferred’ to the Irish situation. Keywords: Ireland; Hungary; Sinn Fein; home rule; Ausgleich of 1867; policy transfer; Arthur Griffith I. Introduction: the Hungarian tutorial To those who have followed the fortunes and misfortunes of Sinn Fein in recent dec- ades, it must seem the strangest of all pairings, our linking of a party associated now- adays mainly, if not exclusively, with the Northern Ireland question to a small country in the centre of Europe, Hungary.
  • The Making of White Australia

    The Making of White Australia

    The making of White Australia: Ruling class agendas, 1876-1888 Philip Gavin Griffiths A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of The Australian National University December 2006 I declare that the material contained in this thesis is entirely my own work, except where due and accurate acknowledgement of another source has been made. Philip Gavin Griffiths Page v Contents Acknowledgements ix Abbreviations xiii Abstract xv Chapter 1 Introduction 1 A review of the literature 4 A ruling class policy? 27 Methodology 35 Summary of thesis argument 41 Organisation of the thesis 47 A note on words and comparisons 50 Chapter 2 Class analysis and colonial Australia 53 Marxism and class analysis 54 An Australian ruling class? 61 Challenges to Marxism 76 A Marxist theory of racism 87 Chapter 3 Chinese people as a strategic threat 97 Gold as a lever for colonisation 105 The Queensland anti-Chinese laws of 1876-77 110 The ‘dangers’ of a relatively unsettled colonial settler state 126 The Queensland ruling class galvanised behind restrictive legislation 131 Conclusion 135 Page vi Chapter 4 The spectre of slavery, or, who will do ‘our’ work in the tropics? 137 The political economy of anti-slavery 142 Indentured labour: The new slavery? 149 The controversy over Pacific Islander ‘slavery’ 152 A racially-divided working class: The real spectre of slavery 166 Chinese people as carriers of slavery 171 The ruling class dilemma: Who will do ‘our’ work in the tropics? 176 A divided continent? Parkes proposes to unite the south 183 Conclusion
  • Secret Societies and the Easter Rising

    Secret Societies and the Easter Rising

    Dominican Scholar Senior Theses Student Scholarship 5-2016 The Power of a Secret: Secret Societies and the Easter Rising Sierra M. Harlan Dominican University of California https://doi.org/10.33015/dominican.edu/2016.HIST.ST.01 Survey: Let us know how this paper benefits you. Recommended Citation Harlan, Sierra M., "The Power of a Secret: Secret Societies and the Easter Rising" (2016). Senior Theses. 49. https://doi.org/10.33015/dominican.edu/2016.HIST.ST.01 This Senior Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Scholarship at Dominican Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of Dominican Scholar. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE POWER OF A SECRET: SECRET SOCIETIES AND THE EASTER RISING A senior thesis submitted to the History Faculty of Dominican University of California in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Bachelor of Arts in History by Sierra Harlan San Rafael, California May 2016 Harlan ii © 2016 Sierra Harlan All Rights Reserved. Harlan iii Acknowledgments This paper would not have been possible without the amazing support and at times prodding of my family and friends. I specifically would like to thank my father, without him it would not have been possible for me to attend this school or accomplish this paper. He is an amazing man and an entire page could be written about the ways he has helped me, not only this year but my entire life. As a historian I am indebted to a number of librarians and researchers, first and foremost is Michael Pujals, who helped me expedite many problems and was consistently reachable to answer my questions.
  • Robert John Lynch-24072009.Pdf

    Robert John Lynch-24072009.Pdf

    THE NORTHERN IRA AND THE EARY YEARS OF PARTITION 1920-22 Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the University of Stirling. ROBERT JOHN LYNCH DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY DECEMBER 2003 CONTENTS Abstract 2 Declaration 3 Acknowledgements 4 Abbreviations 5 Chronology 6 Maps 8 Introduction 11 PART I: THE WAR COMES NORTH 23 1 Finding the Fight 2 North and South 65 3 Belfast and the Truce 105 PART ll: OFFENSIVE 146 4 The Opening of the Border Campaign 167 5 The Crisis of Spring 1922 6 The Joint-IRA policy 204 PART ILL: DEFEAT 257 7 The Army of the North 8 New Policies, New Enemies 278 Conclusion 330 Bibliography 336 ABSTRACT The years i 920-22 constituted a period of unprecedented conflct and political change in Ireland. It began with the onset of the most brutal phase of the War of Independence and culminated in the effective miltary defeat of the Republican IRA in the Civil War. Occurring alongside these dramatic changes in the south and west of Ireland was a far more fundamental conflict in the north-east; a period of brutal sectarian violence which marked the early years of partition and the establishment of Northern Ireland. Almost uniquely the IRA in the six counties were involved in every one of these conflcts and yet it can be argued was on the fringes of all of them. The period i 920-22 saw the evolution of the organisation from a peripheral curiosity during the War of independence to an idealistic symbol for those wishing to resolve the fundamental divisions within the Sinn Fein movement which developed in the first six months of i 922.
  • Yet We Are Told That Australians Do Not Sympathise with Ireland’

    Yet We Are Told That Australians Do Not Sympathise with Ireland’

    UNIVERSITY OF ADELAIDE ‘Yet we are told that Australians do not sympathise with Ireland’ A study of South Australian support for Irish Home Rule, 1883 to 1912 Fidelma E. M. Breen This thesis was submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy by Research in the Faculty of Humanities & Social Sciences, University of Adelaide. September 2013. 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES .......................................................................................................... 3 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS .............................................................................................. 3 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS .............................................................................................. 4 Declaration ........................................................................................................... 5 Acknowledgements .............................................................................................. 6 ABSTRACT ........................................................................................................................ 7 CHAPTER 1 ........................................................................................................................ 9 INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................... 9 WHAT WAS THE HOME RULE MOVEMENT? ................................................................. 17 REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ....................................................................................
  • Palestine in Irish Politics a History

    Palestine in Irish Politics a History

    Palestine in Irish Politics A History The Irish State and the ‘Question of Palestine’ 1918-2011 Sadaka Paper No. 8 (Revised edition 2011) Compiled by Philip O’Connor July 2011 Sadaka – The Ireland Palestine Alliance, 7 Red Cow Lane, Smithfield, Dublin 7, Ireland. email: [email protected] web: www.sadaka.ie Bank account: Permanent TSB, Henry St., Dublin 1. NSC 990619 A/c 16595221 Contents Introduction – A record that stands ..................................................................... 3 The ‘Irish Model’ of anti-colonialism .................................................................... 3 The Irish Free State in the World ........................................................................ 4 The British Empire and the Zionist project........................................................... 5 De Valera and the Palestine question ................................................................. 6 Ireland and its Jewish population in the fascist era ............................................. 8 De Valera and Zionism ........................................................................................ 9 Post-war Ireland and the State of Israel ............................................................ 10 The UN: Frank Aiken’s “3-Point Plan for the Middle East” ................................ 12 Ireland and the 1967 War .................................................................................. 13 The EEC and Garret Fitzgerald’s promotion of Palestinian rights ..................... 14 Brian Lenihan and the Irish
  • By Richard English O'malley, Ernest Bernard

    By Richard English O'malley, Ernest Bernard

    O'Malley, Ernest Bernard (‘Ernie’) by Richard English O'Malley, Ernest Bernard (‘Ernie’) (1897–1957), revolutionary and writer, was born 26 May 1897 in Ellison St., Castlebar, Co. Mayo, second child among nine sons and two daughters of Luke Malley, solicitor's clerk, of Co. Mayo, and Marion Malley (née Kearney) of Co. Roscommon. Christened Ernest Bernard Malley, his adoption of variations on this name (Earnán O Máille, Earnán O'Malley, and, most commonly, Ernie O'Malley), reflected his enthusiasm for a distinctively Irish identity – an enthusiasm that lay at the heart of his republican career and outlook. In 1906 his family moved to Dublin, where O'Malley attended the CBS, North Richmond St. In 1915 he began to study medicine at UCD. Having initially intended to follow his older brother into the British army, O'Malley in fact joined the Irish Volunteers in the wake of the 1916 Easter rising (as a member of F Company, 1st Battalion, Dublin Brigade). The latter had a profound impact upon his thinking; O'Malley was to become a leading figure in the Irish Republican Army during the Irish revolution which that rebellion helped to occasion. In 1918, having twice failed his second-year university examination, O'Malley left home to commit himself to the republican cause. He was initially a Volunteer organiser with the rank of second lieutenant (under the instruction of Richard Mulcahy (qv)), operating in Counties Tyrone, Offaly, Roscommon, and Donegal. His work in 1918 involved the reorganisation, or new establishment, of Volunteer groups in the localities. Then in August 1918 he was sent to London by Michael Collins (qv) to buy arms.
  • BMH.WS0687.Pdf

    BMH.WS0687.Pdf

    ROINN COSANTA. BUREAU OF MILITARY HISTORY, 1913-21. STATEMENT BY WITNESS DOCUMENT NO. W.S. 687 (section 1) Witness Right Rev. Monsignor M. Curran, P.P., The Presbytery, Aughrim St., Dublin. Identity. Secretary to Archbishop Walsh, 1906-1919; Vice-Rector Irish college, Rome, 1920; Later Rector do. Subject. His recollections of Irish national affairs, 1912-1922. Conditions, if any, Stipulated by Witness. 1952 Extract from witness' letter of 17th June attached to statement: "It is my wish that the statement be accessible for public reference only after twenty years, it say I Jan. 1972. By mutual agreement may be accessible to special competent, sympathetic and responsible investigators that the Bureau with me". may agree upon S.1305 File No Form B.S.M.2 TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE 1. Why my Statement appears disjointed. 1 2. My opportunities, as Secretary to Archbishop Walsh, of frank discussion on public affairs. 1 3. The Archbishop's position in regard to the Labour Troubles of 1913. 1 4. The Labour Troubles' responsibility for the Rising was small. 5 5. The Larne Gun Running and the Curragh Mutiny. 7 6. Establishment of the Volunteers. 7 7. James Collins 7 8. The Archbishop had lost faith in the Irish Party. 8 9. The Archbishop's attitude towards the Volunteers. 9 10. Archbishop's indignation at Redmond's manoeuvres to control Volunteers. 10 11. Archbishop deplores Irish Party's recruiting campaign. 11 12. Archbishop refuses to sign Anti-German Declaration and to allow Church precincts to be used for recruiting. 12 13. why Archbishop refused to subscribe to Denis Gwynn's paper, 'New Ireland".
  • Volunteer Women: Militarized Femininity in the 1916 Easter Rising

    Volunteer Women: Militarized Femininity in the 1916 Easter Rising

    Chapman University Chapman University Digital Commons War and Society (MA) Theses Dissertations and Theses Spring 5-20-2019 Volunteer Women: Militarized Femininity in the 1916 Easter Rising Sasha Conaway Chapman University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.chapman.edu/war_and_society_theses Part of the Women's History Commons, and the Women's Studies Commons Recommended Citation Conaway, Sasha. Volunteer Women: Militarized Femininity in the 1916 Easter Rising. 2019. Chapman University, MA Thesis. Chapman University Digital Commons, https://doi.org/10.36837/chapman.000079 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Dissertations and Theses at Chapman University Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in War and Society (MA) Theses by an authorized administrator of Chapman University Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Volunteer Women: Militarized Femininity in the 1916 Easter Rising A Thesis by Sasha Conaway Chapman University Orange, CA Wilkinson College of Arts, Humanities, and Social Sciences Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in War and Society May 2019 Committee in Charge Jennifer Keene, Ph.D., Chair Charissa Threat, Ph.D. John Emery, Ph. D. May 2019 Volunteer Women: Militarized Femininity in the 1916 Easter Rising Copyright © 2019 by Sasha Conaway iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my parents, Elda and Adam Conaway, for supporting me in pursuit of my master’s degree. They provided useful advice when tackling such a large project and I am forever grateful. I would also like to thank my advisor, Dr.
  • From Gunmen to Statesmen: the Irish Republican Army and Sinn Fein

    From Gunmen to Statesmen: the Irish Republican Army and Sinn Fein

    From Gunmen to Politicians: The Impact of Terrorism and Political Violence on Twentieth-Century Ireland by Robert W. White Abstract Many terrorist groups, it would seem, cause great turmoil but no lasting impact. This might include radical student groups of the 1960s and terrorist organizations of the 1970s. Yet, we know that in some instances political violence, or revolution, does lead to great social change. Consider Cuba as an example. This might suggest that terrorists and revolutionaries face a zero-sum game: total failure or total victory. There is a middle ground, however. The PLO, as an example, has not achieved an independent Palestine, but who in the 1970s would have imagined a Palestinian Authority led by Yasir Arafat. This case study of the Irish Republican Army and its political wing, Sinn Fein, examines this middle ground in Ireland in the 1916-1948 time period. INTRODUCTION On the surface, it would appear that most terrorist groups flash violently onto the scene and then fade away, without a lasting impact. Whither the Symbionese Liberation Army, the Red Army Faction, and so forth? Yet, a very small number of such organizations, including the African National Congress, seemingly won their war and have brought about massive social change in their respective countries. There is also a middle ground. Some groups, the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), for example, exist for decades and bring about significant change, but (as of yet) have not won their war. It is this middle ground that is examined here, in a case study of the effects of the paramilitary and political campaigns of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and its political arm, Sinn Fein, in Ireland between 1916 and 1948.