DOCSLIB.ORG

HISTORICAL REVIEW Downloaded From

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
HISTORICAL REVIEW Downloaded From THE ENGLISH HISTORICAL REVIEW Downloaded from No. VIIL—OCTOBER 1887 http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/ The Movements of the Roman Legions from Augustus to Severus riTHK, civil wars between 49 and 29 B.C. form a period of trans- J. ition between the military arrangements of the republic and at University of California, Santa Barbara on July 2, 2015 those of the empire, although they have otherwise no important bearing of their own upon the system which the empire was to in- troduce. They must, however, have, proved with sufficient clear- ness to Augustus that henceforward a military support must under- lie whatever supreme authority was to exist at Some. But it was one thing to recognise thin necessity, quite another to proclaim it openly. To be permanent and effectual the support of the army must be unobtrusive. For years both in Italy and the provinces the legions had been a sight far too familiar, and the rest and peace which all hoped for, even if they hardly dared expect it, would have been manifestly a delusion if the vast armies of the last few years were to be kept up.1 This was the problem which Augustus had to face after Actium. Six years before, indeed, he had had to decide on a similar though less important question. He had then taken from Lepidus no less than twenty legions,1 including eight which had served under Sextus Pompeius. This had placed at least forty-four legions* at his disposal; but even with the final struggle against Antonius stOl to come, he had de- cided that so large an army was neither necessary nor consistent with considerations either of prudence or finance. He accordingly dismissed twenty thousand of his own veterans, who had seen ten • After the battle of Matins Octavian had seventeen legions. Ante Lepidus ten, Bnrtus and Cassias aerenteen. Marqusidt, StoattvmoaUtmg, n. 444. » Sort. Aug. 16. Appian, BM. Civ. v. 123, giTes twentj-two as the number. * Appian, loc.dt.-7.127. 40 Vol.! 626 MOVEMENTS OF THE ROMAN LEGIONS Oct. years' service, all those of Pompeius,4 and probably many which had belonged to Lepidus, leaving himself perhaps twenty-four or twenty- five for the conflict which could not long be avoided. The army of Antonius, as the evidence of coins with tolerable certainty * proves, consisted of thirty legions, and therefore, after the battle of Actium, Augustus found himself in possession of at least fifty. That this number must be diminished, and largely diminished, there could be no question; but the position of affairs on the eastern frontier was certainly such as called for careful consideration before letting slip the Downloaded from opportunity which the presence of so large an army offered for striking a decisive blow in the direction of Parthia. For a genera- tion Armenia had been practically a client of Borne, though an oriental kingdom alike in its history, tendencies, and geographical position.6 It seemed evident that conditions so anomalous must be http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/ provocative of continual ruptures with Parthia, and Augustus with his strong will and unfaltering resolution might have put an end perhaps once for all by a decided blow to a state of tension which the vague schemes of Antonius, so ill carried through, had only made more dangerous. But the policy of the empire was to be peace, and Augustus, possibly with regret, let the opportunity pass, and though he did not renounce the Bom an pretensions to interfere at University of California, Santa Barbara on July 2, 2015 with Armenia, he left an army in Syria quite inadequate to take a commanding position in case of need.7 Nor was this absence of a forward policy confined to the east. On the Danube, it is true the undefined and precarious frontier of Ulyricum had to be re- placed by one more capable of defence against the Dacian and Sarmatian tribes; * but, the frontier once regulated, the attitude of the empire was to be everywhere passive and defensive. The TniyriTn which he handed on to Tiberius, Augustus practised frfmnplf from the commencement. The legions, henceforth to constitute a regular standing army with definite winter-quarters or standing- camps, were placed at the extremities of the empire out of sight of the city and Italy, out of sight even, except perhaps in Syria, of the chief provincial towns, but obviously not out of reach should the authority of the principate need support. Accordingly Augustus determined to reduce his army to the smallest size consistent with the safety of the frontiers and the possible need of an armed main- tenance of his own position. Of the number and disposition of the legions which were maintained our chief knowledge is gained from the passage in Tacitus9 referring to the year 23 AJ>., in which he 4 Dion CMS. TUT 12-14. .* rvihyn, L 26-65. M"™""**", B*a Oota Dm. Aug. 75. 1 On position of Amnmia see the admirable ™nth chAptex in the fifth volume of Mommsen's Bonan History. ' Under Qointiliufl Virus there were only three legions in Syria. Joseph. BeU. Jud. n. iii L , Bet Outa Dis. Aug. eh. xxx. * Ana. iv. 5. 1887 FROM AUGUSTUS TO SEVERUS 627 informs us that Tiberius 'then had twenty-five legions, and of these he gives the numerical distribution among the provinces, though without mention of their distinguishing number or cognomina. These, however, from other sources,10 we know to have been the— I Gennanica,11 II Augusta, m Augusta, HI Gallica,11 m Cyrenaica,11 IV Macedonica,14 IV Scythica,1* V Alauda,16 V Macedonica, VI Victrix, VI Ferrata, VII (afterwards) Claudia, Vm Augusta, IX 17 18 Hispana, X Fretensis, X Gemina, XI (afterwards) Claudia, XII Downloaded from Fulminata, XTTT Gemina, XIV Gemina, XV Apollinaris, XVI GaDica, XX Valeria Victrix,19 XXI Bapax, XXII Deiotariana.10 A little further examination of these legions, however, throws some additional light upon the military arrangements during the time of Augustus himself- In the first place it is almost certain that http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/ legions "K^T and TnCTT -were created after the disaster to Varua in 9 A.D. We know from Dion Cassius*1 and Suetonius a that fresh troops were enrolled then, partly from freedmen,13 while Tacitus in describing the mutiny of the lower German army, con- sisting of legions I, V, XX, XXI, says that the impulse was given by the vernacvla muUitudou lately enrolled in the city. Now the V,54 XX,18 Is7 certainly existed before, and therefore the XXIrt nd must have been the one newly created. The XXII was certainly at University of California, Santa Barbara on July 2, 2015 not created before the XXIrt, and its name Deiotariana seems to show that it was formed from what had formerly been the army of Deiotarus, some of whose troops were probably employed by the Eomans after his death, though not formed into a regular legion u In most cases they are identified by other passages in the Annals. The cogna- mina, if nowhere stated by Tacitus, are known from inscriptions. For the eight German legions »ee Ann. L 31, 37, and Henzen, 6463. The three in Spain rest mainly on the eridence of coins. See Floras, Medullas dt las Colonias de EspaHa, i. tab. vi. i. viii. 8 ; also Tac Hist, ii. 58, and WQlmann, 1017. For the two in Aft-i**, see Ann. iv. 23, and Orelli 3057. For the two in Egypt, see Henzen, 6158, and Orelli, 519 ; conf. also Tac Hist v. 1. For the four in Syria, see Tac Ann. ii 79, ii. 57, IT. 6, and Hist. iii 24. For the two in Pannonia, Ann. i 16, the two in Mossia, Hen- zen, 6938, and C. I. L. iii. 1698, and the two in Dalmatia from Dion Cassias, lz. 15. 11 This cognomen is found in only one inscription. " Probably levied originally in GauL 1J Belonging to Lepidus's African army. 14 Mommsen tMnVa that the legions called MiMH^onin were present at the battle of Fhilippi. u Perhaps levied by Julius Caesar for his intended campaign against Burebistas. " Saet Ccaar, 24. " OriginaUy levied from Spain. " Perhaps so called from being present against Sext. Pompeins in the battle fought in the straits of Messina. " VelL Paterc ii. 112. M Consisting originally of soldiers of Deiotarus. a Dion Cass. Ivi. 23, and lvii. 5. a Suet. Aug. 25. ' a 4<rrucii Sx>">*. -' Ann. L 31. Compare also orto ab rmetvicesimanis quinianisqu4 iniiio. =» Suet. Cos. 24. =• VeE. Paterc ii. 112. "" The first legion was evidently reconstituted by Tiberius after the defeat of Varus, as Tac Ann. i. 42, proves, tignis a Tiberio aeceptia; but we cannot suppose that the first legion was wanting in the original army of Augustus, nor would its raw recruits naturally be sent from the city. 628 MOVEMENTS OF THE ROMAN LEGIONS Oct. till this emergency." Next, there seems good ground for believing that the eight legions XIH-XX were created at a later time than those from I to XII.*9 For (1) no trace is found of any of these earlier than 6 AJ>., (2) none of them are mentioned-among the legions whose veterans Augustus settled in colonies, (3) no duplicate numbers are found among them as among many of those below "KTT, and (4) while the latter are scattered indiscriminately throughout the empire, these eight are all posted either in Germany or LUyri- cum. It is therefore probable that Augustus at first retained only Downloaded from the legions numbered up to TvTT, and that it was the unexpected need of troops in the wars on the Bhine and in Ulyricum, and especially the formidable rising in Pannonia in the year 6 A.D., which compelled him to create eight fresh legions.80 Three of these, X.YIL, i.Viii, XIX, were those destroyed with Yarns, and http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/ accordingly these numbers, as ill-omened, never occur again.31 Deducting then from Tacitus's list all those over XII, we find that the original number of legions maintained by Augustus was eighteen, though by the retention of several duplicate numbers drafted from the armies of Antonius or Lepidus he was enabled to give his army the appearance of consisting only of twelve legions.1* Thus the HI Gallica was probably a legion of Antonius which had at University of California, Santa Barbara on July 2, 2015 served under him against the Parthians,33 while HI Cyrenaica be- longed to the army of Lepidus from Africa.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Xerox University Microfilms 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106 74-10,982
    INFORMATION TO USERS This material was produced from a microfilm copy of the original document. White the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the original submitted. The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand markings or patterns which may appear on this reproduction. 1.The sign or "target" for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is "Missing Page(s)". If it was possible to obtain the missing page(s) or section, they are spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting thru an image and duplicating adjacent pages to insure you complete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a large round black mark, it is an indication that the photographer suspected that the copy may have moved during exposure and thus cause a blurred image. You will find a good image of the page in the adjacent frame. 3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., was part of the material being photographed the photographer followed a definite method in "sectioning" the material. It is customary to begin photoing at the upper left hand corner of a large sheet and to continue photoing from left to right in equal sections with a small overlap. If necessary, sectioning is continued again — beginning below the first row and continuing on until complete. 4. The majority of users indicate that the textual content is of greatest value, however, a somewhat higher quality reproduction could be made from "photographs" if essential to the understanding of the dissertation.
    [Show full text]
  • Read Book Romes Executioner Pdf Free Download
    ROMES EXECUTIONER PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Robert Fabbri | 384 pages | 01 May 2014 | ATLANTIC BOOKS | 9781848879140 | English | London, United Kingdom Romes Executioner PDF Book We are already horny for more DLC and it hasn't even been a full month since the Twisted and the Twilight. He worked his blade harder and faster as he contemplated the futility of the situation. Before this, capital punishment was meted by the judges themselves, or the prosecutors or relatives of the condemned, or other persons as suited. Categories :. Fascinating details, CM, about some of the bloodthirsty habits of ancient Romans. If you opposed them, it sounds like you also opposed living. For most poor souls who were crucified, nobody cared enough or their relatives were not wealthy or influential enough to get them a decent burial. There is an amazing variety of different religious beliefs and customs on this planet of ours and people are entitled to believe what they want to with no fear of persecution. Hi Wesman, big thanks for dropping in. A monkey was seen as a lesser, inferior version of a human being and cockerels were thought to have no family feelings at all. All content related issues will be solved right here. Magnus sat on a horse, twenty paces away, grinning as he levelled his hunting bow at him. Computer Science. Vespasian started and spun round, cutting his thumb on the knife in the process. The animal reared up, whinnying piercingly, knocking Vespasian to the ground; another shaft slammed into its shoulder quickly followed by one into its exposed chest, felling it.
    [Show full text]
  • Romans and Barbarians in Tacitus' Battle Narratives
    ROMANS AND BARBARIANS IN TACITUS’ BATTLE NARRATIVES by RYAN MICHAEL SEEGER (Under the direction of Dr. Susan Mattern-Parkes) ABSTRACT The purpose of the study is to examine how Tacitus constructs ethnic stereotypes, namely those of the Romans and of the barbarians, in his battle narratives. The first section of the study explores his descriptions of technical aspects of the battle narrative, such as topography, use of weaponry, battle formations, and sieges. The second section examines the value judgments that Tacitus makes about the combatants and their actions, discussing the themes of discipline and virtus, as well as the leaders’ ability to lead by example and stifle dissent. In his descriptions of both the technical and the “moral” aspects of battle, Tacitus shapes his Romans quite differently from his barbarians. Tacitus constructs identities in his battle narratives possibly to satisfy his audience’s expectations or to make the scenes more understandable. Such constructions indicate that ethnocentrism plays an important role in Latin historiography, revealing racial prejudice in Roman society. INDEX WORDS: Tacitus, battle narratives, Roman army, barbarians, ethnicity. ROMANS AND BARBARIANS IN TACITUS’ BATTLE NARRATIVES by RYAN MICHAEL SEEGER B. A., Appalachian State University, 1998 A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of The University of Georgia in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree MASTER OF ARTS ATHENS, GEORGIA 2002 © 2002 Ryan Michael Seeger All Rights Reserved ROMANS AND BARBARIANS IN TACITUS’ BATTLE NARRATIVES by RYAN MICHAEL SEEGER Approved: Major Professor: Susan Mattern-Parkes Committee: James Anderson Erika Thorgerson-Hermanowicz Electronic Version Approved: Gordhan L. Patel Dean of the Graduate School The University of Georgia August 2002 iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Several people were instrumental in the completion of this thesis.
    [Show full text]
  • ROMA SURRECTA: Portrait of a Counterinsurgent Power, 216 BC - AD 72
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons CUREJ - College Undergraduate Research Electronic Journal College of Arts and Sciences 5-2011 ROMA SURRECTA: Portrait of a Counterinsurgent Power, 216 BC - AD 72 Emerson T. Brooking University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/curej Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons, Comparative Politics Commons, Military History Commons, and the Other Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Brooking, Emerson T., "ROMA SURRECTA: Portrait of a Counterinsurgent Power, 216 BC - AD 72" 01 May 2011. CUREJ: College Undergraduate Research Electronic Journal, University of Pennsylvania, https://repository.upenn.edu/curej/145. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/curej/145 For more information, please contact [email protected]. ROMA SURRECTA: Portrait of a Counterinsurgent Power, 216 BC - AD 72 Abstract This study evaluates the military history and practice of the Roman Empire in the context of contemporary counterinsurgency theory. It purports that the majority of Rome’s security challenges fulfill the criteria of insurgency, and that Rome’s responses demonstrate counterinsurgency proficiency. These assertions are proven by means of an extensive investigation of the grand strategic, military, and cultural aspects of the Roman state. Fourteen instances of likely insurgency are identified and examined, permitting the application of broad theoretical precepts
    [Show full text]
  • The Portrayal of the Generals and the Armies in Tacitus' Annals
    THE PORTRAYAL OF THE GENERALS AND THE ARMIES IN TACITUS’ ANNALS. Elizabeth Mary Boldy Bachelor of Arts (Hons.1) A thesis submitted for the degree of Master of Philosophy at The University of Queensland in 2014 School of History, Philosophy, Religion and Classics. ABSTRACT Tacitus began the Annals with the death of Augustus in order to emphasize the moment when the autocratic system of government he had established became a permanent fixture in the Roman state when it was passed on to his successors, the Julio-Claudian Emperors.1 Tacitus chose the annalistic form to present his history in order to record the major events of political, military and constitutional importance within these formative years of the empire.2 This thesis offers a historiographical study of Tacitus‟ Annals in order to demonstrate how he utilises the Roman army and its generals as a means of emphasising the political environment in these embryonic years of the empire. This study is valuable in that it shows how, by use of various literary devices, Tacitus gives his opinions of the emperors by contrasting their actions and behaviours with their generals and armies. His descriptions of res externae, the actions of the armies, is designed to counterbalance what he claimed was sorrowful res internae within the Roman state itself. Scholars‟ views on Tacitus qualities as an historian range from the belief that he was truthful and reliable to the view that the Annals was mostly a work of literature and of little value for historical fact. Woodman, Kajanto and Haynes argue that Tacitus‟ work was more a work of rhetorical invention, like that of the poets.3 Mellor likens him to such historical novelists as Tolstoy and George Eliot.4 Syme, Mendell and Martin express their belief that Tacitus was a reliable and honest historian.5 In this thesis, I examine Tacitus‟ style and language in order to show how his method of writing plays a crucial role in developing the themes of the Annals.
    [Show full text]
  • The Annals of Imperial Rome
    The Annals of Imperial Rome 321 The Annals of Imperial Rome Tacitus (A.D. c.56-c.120), the greatest of the Roman historians, chronicles the early Roman Empire, from the death of the first emperor Augustus (in A.D. 14) up to the years of the First Jewish-Roman War (A.D. 63-73). The Annals is his final work. It portrays the pathological souls of tyrants, the psychology of power politics, and the preciousness and precariousness of liberty. 323 Tacitus Book I The city of Rome was originally in the hands of kings; liberty and the consulship were instituted by Lucius Brutus. Dictatorships were as- sumed temporarily. The Board of Ten did not exercise control beyond a two-year period, nor was the military tribunes’ consular authority long prevalent. Neither Cinna’s regime nor Sulla’s was lengthy. The power of Pompey and Crassus quickly gave way to Caesar, likewise the armies of Lepidus and Antony to Augustus, who as ‘first citizen’ re- ceived everything, weary as it was from civil strife, into his command. For the Roman people of old – their successes and misfortunes – writ- ers of renown produced a record, and the tale of Augustus’ times did not lack reputable talents until the spread of flattery proved a deter- rent. The affairs of Tiberius and Gaius, Claudius and Nero, in their prosperity, were falsified through fear and after their fall were written with hatreds still fresh. Thus my plan is to report a few final things about Augustus, then Tiberius’ principate and the rest, without anger or favour, from whose causes I consider myself distant.
    [Show full text]
  • A Roman Town in Africa
    A ROMAN TOWN IN AFRICA It is no doubt a truism to say that the ancient civilizations of Greece and Rome were based on the idea of the city state. Everyone would probably agree that it is possible to define the Roman Empire as a complex of municipalities, each one with its own government which administered the municipal property, had the right of jurisdiction over the citizens, and served as the agent of the central government for the collection of taxes and for various other purposes. Above these local units was the government of Rome, itself a municipality that had sur- rendered many of its sovereign rights to one man, the Emperor, and whose duty it was to protect the peace of the whole empire. It is this superstructure, the government of Rome, that has always engaged the special attention of students of ancient history. The lesser units, the municipalities, have never been studied as closely as they deserve to be. This is, indeed, a fact that is easily understood. Our chief sources of information, the writings of the Romans themselves, give heed only to what happened to the Roman state. The affairs of the provinces, when they did not directly affect the fortunes of Rome, were beneath notice. Yet the life of the provinces, and even the life of individual municipalities, is :certainly important for one who wishes to understand the social conditions of the Roman Empire. The affairs of these smaller units touched the lives of ordinary men infinitely more closely than did the affairs of Rome. If the central government saw to it that the inhabitants of the Empire were safe from the attacks of barbarians from without and of pirates and brigands from within, the life of the municipalities influenced all the more intimate relations of life, one's method of gaining a livelihood, one's social intercourse, one's pleasures.
    [Show full text]
  • From the Gracchi to Nero: a History of Rome 133 BC to AD 68
    From the Gracchi to Nero ‘Still the best introduction to Roman history’ Miriam Griffin, University of Oxford, UK ‘For a concise, factual narrative of the Roman world’s trau- matic transformation from Republic to Empire, [it] remains unsurpassed. As a foundation for university and college courses, it is invaluable.’ Richard Talbert, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, USA ‘Without a rival as a guide to the intricacies of Republican politics.’ Greg Woolf, University of St. Andrews, UK ‘A classic textbook: clear, authoritative and balanced in its judgements . it has established itself as the fundamental modern work of reference for teachers, sixth-formers and university students . it is still the best and most reliable modern account of the period.’ Tim Cornell, University of Manchester, UK ‘This book is a modern classic. It provides a clear narrative of the two centuries from 133 B.C. to 68 A.D., but it is espe- cially valuable for Scullard’s extensive footnotes which pro- vide undergraduates with both the ancient sources and the most important scholarly contributions.’ Ronald Mellor, University of California at Los Angeles, USA H. H. Scullard From the Gracchi to Nero A history of Rome from 133 b.c. to a.d. 68 With a new foreword by Dominic Rathbone London and New York First published 1959 by Methuen & Co. First published in Routledge Classics 2011 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 270 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2010.
    [Show full text]
  • {Dоwnlоаd/Rеаd PDF Bооk} Germanica Ebook, Epub
    GERMANICA PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Robert Conroy | 512 pages | 30 Aug 2016 | Baen Books | 9781476781709 | English | Riverdale, United States Germanica by Robert Conroy Avoid overhead watering. Deadhead individual spent flowers and remove flowering stems to the ground after bloom. Divide plants immediately after flowering when overcrowding occurs every years. Iris germanica , commonly called common flag or German iris, is the presumed father of most modern bearded iris cultivars. Origin is uncertain, but species plants are probably native to southern Europe and the Mediterranean area. This iris has become established over time throughout the world, with naturalization having occurred in many parts of Europe and the U. It is difficult to specifically describe German iris as a species because it appears in so many different forms. Thousands of bearded iris cultivars have been introduced into commerce over time. Iris germanica as a species is simply not sold in commerce today. In general terms, plants grow ' tall with sword-shaped linear leaves and large usually fragrant blooms on stalks that branch below their mid points. Each flower has six perianth segments: three falls are purple with brown veins, white bases and yellow beards and three standards are lilac. Each stalk to 3' tall typically produces up to 6 flowers in spring. Sword shaped leaves are mostly basal, in two ranks, and about 2' long. German iris has no bulb. It spreads by creeping rhizomes which form large clumps over time. Thousands of bearded iris cultivars in a rainbow of different colors have been introduced over the years, with cultivars now classified into several different types: miniature dwarf 8" or less , standard dwarf inches , intermediate inches , miniature tall inches but with small flowers , border inches and tall inches.
    [Show full text]
  • 2013.06.03W Joseph on Ash, Oxford Readings in Tacitus
    CJ -Online, 2013.06.03 BOOK REVIEW Tacitus . Edited by RHIANNON ASH . Oxford Readings in Classical Studies. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2012. Pp. x + 475. Hardcover, £100.00/$185.00. ISBN 978-0-19-928508-2. Paper, £40.00/$75.00. ISBN 978- 0-19-928509-9. n his 1950 essay “Tacitus Now,” the literary critic Lionel Trilling describes the experience of reading Books 1–6 of the Annals in this way: “We are ir- Iresistibly reminded of Proust when Tacitus sets about creating the wonderful figure of Tiberius and, using a hundred uncertainties and contradictions, tries to solve this great enigma of a man, yet always avoids the solution because the enigma is the character.” Trilling’s assessment of Tacitus’ Tiberius can be said of the author himself, whose writings about the early Roman Empire (the mono- graphs Agricola and Germania , the Dialogue on Orators , and the historical works the Histories and Annals ) continually present the reader with inconsistencies, contradictions, and unresolved tensions—a reflection of the political and cultur- al atmosphere of Tacitus’ time. The eighteen essays in this volume, chosen by Rhiannon Ash to stand as “a representative sample of some of the most im- portant articles on Tacitus” (v), turn again and again to the tensions, enigmas, and richly “unfixed” characteristics of the author’s writing. The volume’s selections span over fifty years (from 1950 to 2002), with representative essays by the leading lights of Tacitean scholarship from this peri- od (Syme, Martin, Goodyear, Woodman); in this regard the collection stands as a sort of history of Tacitean scholarship in the second half of the twentieth centu- ry.
    [Show full text]
  • Kerr, John Latimer (1991) the Role and Character of the Praetorian Guard and the Praetorian Prefecture Until the Accession of Vespasian
    Kerr, John Latimer (1991) The role and character of the praetorian guard and the praetorian prefecture until the accession of Vespasian. PhD thesis. https://theses.gla.ac.uk/875/ Copyright and moral rights for this work are retained by the author A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge This work cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Enlighten: Theses https://theses.gla.ac.uk/ [email protected] THE ROLE AND CHARACTER OF THE PRAETORIAN GUARD AND THE PRAETORIAN PREFECTURE UNTIL THE ACCESSION OF VESPASIAN JOHN LATIMER KERR PH. D. THESIS DEPARTMENT OF CLASSICS 1991 Lý k\) e" vc %0 t-0 Cn JOHN LATIMER KERR 1991 C0NTENTS. Page Acknowledgements. List of Illustrations. Summary. I The Augustan Guard and its Predecessors. 1 II The Praetorian Guard of Tiberius - AD. 14 to AD. 31. 15 III The Praetorian Guard from the Death of Seianus to the Assassination of Gaius. 41 IV The Praetorian Guard of Claudius. 60 V The Praetorian Guard of Nero. 84 VI The Praetorian Guard from the Death of Nero to the Accession of Vespasian. 116 VII The Praetorian Guard as a Political Force. 141 VIII The Praetorian Guard as a Military Force.
    [Show full text]
  • Assessing Paternity in Statius, Silvae 2.1
    The Father's Tragedy: Assessing Paternity in Statius, Silvae 2.1 Micaela Janan TAPA, Volume 150, Number 1, Spring 2020, pp. 181-230 (Article) Published by Johns Hopkins University Press DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/apa.2020.0002 For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/754341 [ Access provided at 24 Jul 2020 01:37 GMT from Duke University Libraries ] TAPA 150 (2020) 181–230 The Father’s Tragedy: Assessing Paternity in Statius, Silvae 2.1 Duke University : Silvae 2.1 mourns Glaucias, libertus-foster child of Atedius Melior. Statius’s allusions to Vergil’s Aeneid examine fatherhood as a model for under- standing other hierarchical relationships. Statius probes Vergil’s implied justi- fication of Augustus’s rule as patria potestas via the princeps’ mythical descent from Rome’s founding father, Aeneas. Writing under Domitian—no Julio-Clau- dian—Statius scrutinizes an imperial authority still conceptualized as patriar- chy. By substituting a freed slave-child, a bereaved old man and possibly an as- sassin’s victim for Vergil’s heroic vessels of Rome’s future, Aeneas and Anchises, Silvae 2.1 traces how the Aeneid’s logic of patrilineal superiority infantilizes and imperils even élite imperial subjects. : Statius, Silvae, Glaucias, Atedius Melior, fatherhood, patria potestas ’ the joys, and console the sorrows, of private life. The domestic sphere of Statius’s wealthy, élite patrons appears in his poetry as a safe realm in which to pursue family intimacy, affording delights preferable to the uncertainty of Rome’s public, political life under Domitian.1 At first glance, therefore, these occasional poems contrast strongly with the fraught arenas of post-Augustan epic and tragedy, where family is a game of hazard: fathers weak, tyrannical, or vindictive; mothers grieving and embittered;2 sons at each other’s throats; daughters with divided loyalties.3 Yet in the Silvae, too, fatherhood does not 1 Myers 2000; Nauta 2002: 308–23; Newlands 2002, 2011 (e.g., 8–9).
    [Show full text]