Immigrant Resistance in the Age of Trump
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NLFXXX10.1177/1095796017744778New Labor ForumGleeson and Sampat 744778research-article2017 New Labor Forum 2018, Vol. 27(1) 86 –95 Immigrant Resistance in the Copyright © 2017, The Murphy Institute, City University of New York Age of Trump Reprints and permissions: sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI:https://doi.org/10.1177/1095796017744778 10.1177/1095796017744778 journals.sagepub.com/home/nlf Shannon Gleeson1 and Prerna Sampat2 Keywords democracy, immigrant workers, labor, politics, racism When Donald J. Trump ran for, and won, the administration has been a solidification of U.S. presidency, a key part of his platform was the enforcement first policies, based on a racist and constant vilification of immigrant, and espe- xenophobic platform that frequently invokes cially undocumented, communities. His cam- long-held narratives about migrant criminality paign speeches often featured racist tirades, and economic burden. including his insistence that Mexico is sending The rise of Trump has provoked unprece- “bad hombres,” and his call for “a total and dented mobilizations across social movements complete shutdown of Muslims entering the in response to the vile rhetoric that often accom- United States.” Nearly a year after his election, panies Trump’s justification for his bigotry. Yet, changes in immigration policy under the Trump in this response, many advocates have failed to administration have been profound, even in tie the current era to previous decades of anti- light of the devastation that the Obama admin- immigrant policies, and are often complicit istration wrought for immigrants and their fam- with simplistic narratives of American identity, ilies. The most repressive of these changes too often a flattening of immigrant life into one- include a vast expansion of the groups priori- dimensional narratives that seldom reflect its tized for deportation,1 a more aggressive arrest complex and dynamic realities. As immigrants strategy at places previously considered safe,2 a face a dramatic escalation of repression, an plan to hire fifteen thousand more immigration immigrant rights movement finds itself at a agents,3 a broad ban on refugees and even basic crossroads with regard to both a struggle for travel (including from several majority-Muslim internal unity and the need to strengthen coali- countries),4 and the creation of an office of tions with allied organizations. Victims of Immigrant Crime Enforcement.5 Immigrant Rights Organizations’ As immigrants face a dramatic Disparate Roles and Tendencies escalation of repression, an immigrant rights movement finds To speak of a single immigrant rights movement itself at a crossroads . is to ignore the many diverging experiences and interests within immigrant communities in the United States—even among undocumented immi- Most recently, Trump directed his Attorney grants. Some organizations, such as the National General Jeff Sessions to rescind the Deferred Immigration Law Center, American Immigration Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) pro- Lawyers Association, and the Immigrant Legal gram, initiated under President Obama in 2012. With that announcement, eight hundred thou- sand young people who had received short- 1Cornell University, Ithaca, NY, USA term deportation relief and work authorization 2Cornell University, New York, NY, USA now face a return to their lives as undocumented Corresponding Author: individuals. In sum, the trajectory of the Trump Shannon Gleeson, [email protected] 88 New Labor Forum 27(1) Resource Center, play an important role in program, which had been stalled in the courts, defending migrants in detention. And at the many in the immigrant rights movement helm of litigation to challenge Trump’s policy resumed a call for legalization for all. When are groups like the Mexican American Legal DACA was rescinded in September 2017, immi- Defense and Educational Fund, and the grant student groups such as United We Dream American Civil Liberties Union.6 Policy balanced a nuanced message between calling reformers, too, such as the Migration Policy for the passage of a renewed DREAM Act and a Institute and the Center for American Progress, rejection of racist enforcement-first provisions, have challenged Trump’s policies, most often while continuing to push for a solution that by providing demographic and legal analyses to would benefit their families, too.9 For example, confront dominant narratives of criminality and in a statement to this end, the Orange County fiscal drain. Immigrant Youth United group issued a call to Meanwhile, thousands of formal nonprofits “fight to keep the (DACA) program alive” but and informal networks provide the bedrock of also “continue to fight for the community mem- immigrant resistance to Trump. This work is bers that are not covered under DACA.” They carried out by advocacy organizations, such as resolved, “We will continue to fight for our the New York Immigration Coalition and the community members with criminal convictions various rapid response networks in communi- and will not throw our parents under the bus to ties across the country, poised to respond to make ourselves more deserving.”10 immigration enforcement activity. In addition, Beyond calls for federal reform, immigrant there are decentralized volunteer-run organiz- rights activists in the Trump era have had to ing networks that rely on digital communica- contend with the long-standing role of local tion, such as Movimiento Cosecha, launched in police in facilitating enforcement actions. The the summer of 2015 and aiming to create a sanctuary city debate, which had been belea- “nonviolent movement fighting for permanent guered even during the Obama era in the wake protection, dignity, and respect for the 11 mil- of several high-profile crimes by undocumented lion undocumented immigrants in the United individuals, became front and center once again States,” while leveraging “the power of immi- when the Trump administration began threaten- grant labor and consumption.”7 Student groups, ing to pull funding from cities that refused to too, have taken the lead, particularly United We cooperate. Meanwhile, New York City Mayor Dream, made up of over one hundred thousand de Blasio announced local funding to provide immigrant youth and allies, and fifty-five affili- legal support to those immigrants caught in the ate organizations in twenty-six states. Trump immigration dragnet, while also refus- Transnational immigrant rights groups have ing to extend this public support to those con- also started to connect the concerns of multiple victed of 170 different crimes.11 constituents. For example, Alianza Americas led the Save TPS (Temporary Protected Status) . [D]espite Mayor de Blasio’s campaign after it was announced that the ardent statements in support of Department of Homeland Security would reduce the allotted time in the United States for DACA, dozens were arrested for Haitian TPS holders down to six months—and blocking traffic in protest of the was considering the elimination of the TPS pro- program’s termination. gram altogether. As the security of DACA became more uncertain, the group issued calls Activists responded critically to the legacy to both Save TPS and Save DACA.8 The impor- of local broken windows policing efforts that tance of this shift was to reject the exceptional- made immigrants more vulnerable to detention ity of “DREAMers” while also embracing the and deportation, despite declarations of sanctu- rights of immigrants such as their parents. ary city status from several jurisdictions such as Similarly, when the Trump administration for- New York City.12 Similarly, despite Mayor de mally and predictably sidelined the beleaguered Blasio’s ardent statements in support of DACA, Deferred Action for Parental Accountability dozens were arrested for blocking traffic in Gleeson and Sampat 89 protest of the program’s termination.13 Immigration campaign by groups, including the National enforcement efforts targeting Central American Education Association.18 That same month, schoolchildren considered a deportable threat DACA recipient Daniela Vargas was detained have also received the full cooperation of exist- after speaking at an event organized by the ing school police presence, to the indignation of Mississippi Immigrant Rights Alliance.19 She, civil rights groups.14 These actions raise critical too, was released, with a deportation order still questions regarding the role of the police in in place, after an ultimately successful commu- sanctuary cities. nity and social media action campaign. These advocacy organizations have Immigrant organizations seeking to respond employed a wide array of tactics including a to the increased demonization of immigrants and now routinized, even predictable, series of augmented threats to their daily lives have found annual May Day rallies demanding congressio- themselves diverging in the following ways: nal action. These rallies—albeit smaller than in 2006 when the proposed Sensenbrenner bill, 1. Some groups continue to count on well- which would have criminalized efforts to assist worn appeals to immigration as central to undocumented immigrants in need of food, the country’s founding, while others argue housing, and medical services—turned out an that this perspective erases America’s rac- unprecedented number of advocates to the ist history of African enslavement and streets, took on a new sense of urgency in 2017 Native American genocide.20 These crit- following Trump’s election. As the Trump pres- ics also