Anew State Must Define Itself, Especially If Its Inherited Shape
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Pacific Leadership and Governance Precinct Booklet
FOREWORD The Pacific Leadership and Governance Precinct will forge a new generation of Papua New Guinean leaders. Its partner institutions will hone the talents of public and private sector executives, and those with the ability to take on senior roles, giving them the ethical, practical and intellectual framework they need to usher in a new era of development for Papua New Guinea’s people. Together, the University of The PNG Institute of Public The Precinct will encourage Papua New Guinea’s School Administration – once known the formation of professional of Business and Public as the Administrative College networks that transcend Policy and the Papua New and home to the famous provincial boundaries and Guinea Institute of Public Bully Beef Club – is being traditional gender roles. It Administration have formed transformed into PNG’s will form linkages with other the Pacific Leadership School of Government. New institutions, professional and Governance Precinct. classrooms and a refurbished associations and the private The Precinct will promote library will complement sector. values-based decision- renewed course offerings. This PNG-led, Australian- making among leaders, Both institutions will supported initiative will drive engendering a culture of provide education and cultural change across Papua accountability and integrity, training to improve public New Guinea’s public and and encouraging the highest policy development and its private sectors. The Precinct standards of professional implementation, promote will - in time - become a truly conduct. national development and regional initiative through the The School of Business and strengthen a culture of participation of students from Public Policy will be housed integrity in the PNG public neighbouring countries. -
Charles Lepani I
Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies AN INITIATIVE OF THE WOODROW WILSON SCHOOL OF PUBLIC AND INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS AND THE BOBST CENTER FOR PEACE AND JUSTICE Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies Series: Governance Traps Interview no.: P2 Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies Interviewee: Charles Lepani Interviewer: Matthew Devlin Date of Interview: 15 March 2009 Location: Canberra, Australia Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies, Bobst Center for Peace and Justice Princeton University, 83 Prospect Avenue, Princeton, New Jersey, 08544, USA www.princeton.edu/successfulsocieties Use of this transcript is governed by ISS Terms of Use, available at www.princeton.edu/successfulsocieties DEVLIN: Today is March 15th, 2010. We’re in Canberra, Australia, with His Excellency Charles Lepani, Papua New Guinea’s high commissioner to Australia. The high commissioner was one of Papua New Guinea’s top public servants during the years we’ll be discussing today and has a rather unique insight into both the political dynamics that shaped those events and the administrative aspects of the implementation of Papua New Guinea’s decentralization. Mr. High Commissioner, thank you for joining us. LEPANI: Thank you. DEVLIN: If you don’t mind, I’d like to begin by first asking you how you came to enter the public service, and what positions you held over the years of your governmental career. LEPANI: I started off as a trained trade unionist. After high school in Queensland, Australia, I spent two years at the University of Papua New Guinea in 1967-68. -
Pol I T Ical Reviews ‡ Melanesia 491 Papua New Guinea
pol i t ical reviews melanesia 491 $LUNR3DSXDKWWSZZZSDSXDEDUDWQHZV swaps in ministerial portfolios, the FRP replacement of two deputy prime min- Pembebasan PapuaKWWSSHPEHEDVDQ isters, and a constitutional blunder in SDSXDEORJVSRWFRP the reelection of the governor-general. In spite of the political rollercoaster, 3ROLWLN,QGRQHVLDKWWSZZZ .politikindonesia.com the Somare government successfully thwarted numerous attempts by the Presiden Republik Indonesia. Opposition to remove Sir Michael KWWSZZZSUHVLGHQULJRLG Somare as prime minister, thus making Radio Republik Indonesia. the government more confident than KWWSZZZUULFRLG ever to assert its grip on power until Rakyat Merdeka. Daily. Jakarta. Online at the national elections in 2012. It was KWWSZZZUDN\DWPHUGHNDFRLG also a year of legal battles and protests on controversial constitutional amend- 5HSXEOLNDFRLGKWWSZZZUHSXEOLND FRLG ments and environmental issues. The concerned public, landowner groups, Sekretariat Kabinet Republik Indonesia. and nongovernmental organizations KWWSZZZVHWNDEJRLG have become a fortified mouthpiece of Suara Pembaruan. Daily. Jakarta. Online the people on issues of human rights, DWKWWSZZZVXDUDSHPEDUXDQFRP equality, environment, and the consti- Survival: The Movement for Tribal tutionality of amendments to laws that 3HRSOHVKWWSZZZVXUYLYDOLQWHUQDWLRQDO seem to favor politicians and multina- RUJ tional companies over people’s rights. Tabloid Jubi Online: An Alternative Media Unlike in previous years, these interest LQ7DQDK3DSXDKWWSWDEORLGMXELFRP groups showed the government -
Papau New Guinea, Soloman Islands, and Vanuatu
PAPUA NEW GUINEA COUNTRY READER TABLE OF CONTENTS Mary Seymour Olmsted 1975-1979 Ambassador, Papua New Guinea Harvey Feldman 1979-1981 Ambassador, Papua New Guinea Morton R. Dworken, Jr. 1983-1985 Deputy Chief of Mission, Port Moresby Paul F. Gardner 1984-1986 Ambassador, Papua New Guinea Robert Pringle 1985-1987 Deputy Chief of Mission, Port Moresby Everett E. Bierman 1986-1989 Ambassador, Papua New Guinea William Farrand 1990-1993 Ambassador, Papua New Guinea Richard W. Teare 1993-1996 Ambassador, Papua New Guinea John Allen Cushing 1997-1998 Consular/Political Officer, Port Moresby Arma Jane Karaer 1997-2000 Ambassador, Papua New Guinea MARY SEYMOUR OLMSTED Ambassador Papua New Guinea (1975-1979) Ambassador Mary Seymour Olmsted was born in Duluth, Minnesota and raised in Florida. She received a bachelor's degree in economics from Mount Holyoke College and a master's degree from Columbia University. Ambassador Olmsted's Foreign Service career included positions in India, Iceland, Austria, Washington, DC, and an ambassadorship to Papua New Guinea. Ambassador Olmsted was interviewed by Charles Stuart Kennedy in 1992. Q: That's an awful lot of responsibility, I would think. Now you went out to Port Moresby. That was in June of '74? OLMSTED: Yes. Q: As principal officer. So in other words, you were made Consul General. Sworn in and so forth. 1 OLMSTED: Yes. Q: At that time, did you know that was going to become an Embassy? OLMSTED: It seemed quite likely. Papua New Guinea, in the beginning, was obviously on the road to independence, and no one knew exactly when it would take place. -
A Trial Separation: Australia and the Decolonisation of Papua New Guinea
A TRIAL SEPARATION A TRIAL SEPARATION Australia and the Decolonisation of Papua New Guinea DONALD DENOON Published by ANU E Press The Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at http://epress.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Author: Denoon, Donald. Title: A trial separation : Australia and the decolonisation of Papua New Guinea / Donald Denoon. ISBN: 9781921862915 (pbk.) 9781921862922 (ebook) Notes: Includes bibliographical references and index. Subjects: Decolonization--Papua New Guinea. Papua New Guinea--Politics and government Dewey Number: 325.953 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover: Barbara Brash, Red Bird of Paradise, Print Printed by Griffin Press First published by Pandanus Books, 2005 This edition © 2012 ANU E Press For the many students who taught me so much about Papua New Guinea, and for Christina Goode, John Greenwell and Alan Kerr, who explained so much about Australia. vi ST MATTHIAS MANUS GROUP MANUS I BIS MARCK ARCH IPEL AGO WEST SEPIK Wewak EAST SSEPIKEPIK River Sepik MADANG NEW GUINEA ENGA W.H. Mt Hagen M Goroka a INDONESIA S.H. rk ha E.H. m R Lae WEST MOROBEMOR PAPUA NEW BRITAIN WESTERN F ly Ri ver GULF NORTHERNOR N Gulf of Papua Daru Port Torres Strait Moresby CENTRAL AUSTRALIA CORAL SEA Map 1: The provinces of Papua New Guinea vii 0 300 kilometres 0 150 miles NEW IRELAND PACIFIC OCEAN NEW IRELAND Rabaul BOUGAINVILLE I EAST Arawa NEW BRITAIN Panguna SOLOMON SEA SOLOMON ISLANDS D ’EN N TR E C A S T E A U X MILNE BAY I S LOUISIADE ARCHIPELAGO © Carto ANU 05-031 viii W ALLAC E'S LINE SUNDALAND WALLACEA SAHULLAND 0 500 km © Carto ANU 05-031b Map 2: The prehistoric continent of Sahul consisted of the continent of Australia and the islands of New Guinea and Tasmania. -
Nonviolent Struggle in West Papua: “We Have a Hope” - Jason Macleod
NONVIOLENT ALTERNATIVES FOR SOCIAL CHANGE – Nonviolent Struggle in West Papua: “We Have a Hope” - Jason MacLeod NONVIOLENT STRUGGLE IN WEST PAPUA: “WE HAVE A HOPE” Jason MacLeod Australian Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, University of Queensland, Brisbane, Australia Keywords: West Papua, nonviolent action, strategic nonviolent action, strategy, pillars of support, self-determination movements, and oppositional consciousness. Contents 1. Introduction 2. Historical background 3. Root causes of the conflict in West Papua 4. The sources of the Indonesian Government’s power in West Papua 5. Armed resistance to Indonesian rule in West Papua 6. Contemporary nonviolent struggle in West Papua 7. Ways forward 8. Conclusion Acknowledgements Glossary Bibliography Biographical Sketch Summary A nonviolent struggle for self-determination has been occurring in West Papua, an Indonesian colony located on the Western rim of the Pacific. A previous Dutch colonial outpost that Indonesia took control of in 1963, West Papua has been the scene of one of the most protracted, complex, and volatile conflicts in the Pacific. The nonviolent struggle in West Papua has rarely been noticed or analyzed in depth by West Papuan scholars whose inquiries have focused on conventional politicking and armed resistance. Nor has nonviolent struggle in West Papua been investigated by those conducting research into the dynamics of nonviolent action. The nonviolent struggle for self- determination in West Papua has also received little sustained analytical attention from domesticUNESCO Indonesia media outlets adding – to widespreadEOLSS Indonesian ignorance about the causes of West Papuan grievances. A banning on foreign journalists traveling to West Papua has further contributed to West Papua’s marginalization in the international press. -
The Bougainville Referendum: James Marape's Biggest Challenge Or Biggest Opportunity?
Published on July 26, 2019 (Credit: DFAT/Flickr CC BY 2.0) The Bougainville referendum: James Marape’s biggest challenge or biggest opportunity? By Kylie McKenna After weeks of political upheaval, Papua New Guinea (PNG) appointed James Marape as the nation’s eighth Prime Minister on 30 May 2019. The leadership change occurs at a pivotal moment in PNG’s history, coinciding with a referendum to decide on Bougainville’s future political status, set for 17 October 2019. The Bougainville referendum is a key milestone contained in a political settlement, the Bougainville Peace Agreement, which sought to reconcile a violent Link: Page 1 of 5 https://devpolicy.org/the-bougainville-referendum-james-marapes-biggest-challenge-or-biggest-oppo rtunity-20190726/ Date downloaded: October 3, 2021 Published on July 26, 2019 conflict from 1988-1997. Voters will be asked: Do you agree for Bougainville to have, (i) greater autonomy or (ii) independence? The outcome of the Bougainville referendum is subject to ratification of the PNG parliament, and although this may have been considered a win for the national government during the Bougainville peace negotiations, it now presents a twin dilemma for the new Marape Government to navigate. This blog reports on Prime Minister Marape’s early moves on the Bougainville referendum reported in the media, and Autonomous Bougainville President (ABG), John Momis’ response to the leadership change. Some commentators have already dubbed the Bougainville referendum as Marape’s biggest challenge. Marape’s appointment followed what could have been a bizarre twist in the Bougainville-National Government relationship. Upon resigning from the position of Prime Minister, Peter O’Neill announced plans to hand over leadership to former Prime Minister, Sir Julius Chan, whom was forced to resign in 1997 on the back ofa secret contract with private military consultancy, Sandline, in a bid to suppress the Bougainville conflict. -
Chapter 4: the Peace Negotiations and the Prospects for a Permanent
4 7KH3HDFH1HJRWLDWLRQVDQGWKH3URVSHFWV IRUD3HUPDQHQW3HDFH Introduction 4.1 In a statement to Parliament on 9 June 1999, the Minister for Foreign Affairs drew attention to the progress that had been made since the formal Bougainville peace process began in mid 1997: Although there will always be day-to-day problems and crises along the path towards a lasting peace, it is worth reflecting just how far the parties have come in barely two years since the peace process started. There has been no fighting during that time. Bougainvilleans are now going about their daily lives without fear and are travelling more widely on the island. The Bougainville economy is showing the first tentative signs of activity. That such considerable progress has been made is in large part a tribute to the commitment and flexibility personally demonstrated by Papua New Guinea's [then] Prime Minister, Bill Skate, as well as his government, most notably the [then] Minister for State, Sam Akoitai. It is also a tribute to all the leaders of Bougainville and, most particularly, to all Bougainvilleans. It is their peace process.1 4.2 Material in this chapter sets out the landmarks in the peace process since the first Burnham meeting, the successes and setbacks in the peace negotiations, and examines the issues still to be resolved by the parties. 1 Hon Alexander Downer MP, Minister for Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives Hansard, p. 5157. 64 Australia's role as a neutral observer of the process and significant contributor in the form of substantial official aid and facilitator of the dialogue, is also discussed. -
Melanesia a Matrix Game of Great Power Competition in the South Pacific
Trouble in Paradise II: Melanesia A Matrix Game of Great Power Competition in the South Pacific Special thanks to Mr. Deon Canyon of the Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies (APCSS) and Major William Duncan of U.S. Army Pacific (USARPAC) for their design input. Thanks to the following consultants and playtesters: Dr. Dawn Alexandrea Berry; Lieutenant Colonel Masashi Kagiwada, Japanese Army LNO to USARPAC; Major Kellie Landauer, USARPAC; Mr. Kinsey McFadden, USARPAC; Mrs. Sally Timbs, Australia Consul, Defence Policy, Honolulu; Major Daniel Young, USARPAC. The opinions and assertions expressed herein are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Department of Defense. The relations between China and Pacific island countries are now better than ever and face important opportunities of development. China will work with Pacific island countries to brave the wind and waves and set sail for a brighter future of our relations. -Chinese President Xi, November 2018 Overview Melanesia is a Matrix Game designed to introduce players to the Melanesia region, its major actors and its most important dynamics. It is the second title in a series of Matrix Games on Oceania using the same core rules as the previous title, Micronesia. An overview of the Melanesia region follows in the next section (references to the game Melanesia will be italicized). The major actors represented in the game (either as player countries or through game design) are the Melanesian minor powers: the Autonomous Region of Bougainville, Fiji, New Caledonia, Papua New Guinea (PNG), the Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, and West Papua; and the major regional powers: Australia, China, Indonesia, New Zealand, Taiwan, and the United States. -
The Canadian Arctic Expedition of 1913 to 1918 Author(S): Vilhjalmur Stefansson Source: the Geographical Journal, Vol
The Canadian Arctic Expedition of 1913 to 1918 Author(s): Vilhjalmur Stefansson Source: The Geographical Journal, Vol. 58, No. 4 (Oct., 1921), pp. 283-305 Published by: geographicalj Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1781040 Accessed: 26-06-2016 17:05 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Wiley, The Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of British Geographers) are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Geographical Journal This content downloaded from 131.232.13.6 on Sun, 26 Jun 2016 17:05:15 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms THE CANADIAN ARCTIC EXPEDITION OF 1913 TO 1918 283 east of Mount Everest. There we must hope that they may have found some route less formidable than the others have shown themselves on first acquaintance. The idea that the slopes of the mountain towards the Tibetan plateau might, as elsewhere, be much less steep than towards the south is evidently wrong; they could not be much steeper than they are. The difficulties are indeed formidable ; but the " Fading Hopes " of the Times9 poster on September 10 are not yet those of the Mount Everest Committee, still less of the expedition in the field, whose duty this year was to reconnoitre all the approaches to the mountain, but not to spend time early in the season on any one route until they had satisfied themselves that there was none easier that had been overlooked. -
Emerging Scholars 2011-2012
EMERGING SCHOLARS 2011-2012 Edited by Melissa H. Conley Tyler Review Panel: Chad J. Mitcham and Sue Thompson Editorial Assistance: Hayley Channer, Pablo Andrade Coloma, Margherita Crippa, Katherine Flynn, Ingram Niblock, Kiona Bolt and Sung Min Yoo. Cover Design: Thu Lam Australian Institute of International Affairs June 2012 i Copyright © The Australian Institute of International Affairs 2012 This publication may be distributed on the condition that it is attributed to the Australian Institute of International Affairs. Use for educational purposes is not allowed without the prior written consent of the Australian Institute of International Affairs. Any views or opinions expressed in this publication are not necessarily shared by the Australian Institute of International Affairs or any of its members or affiliates. Cover design copyright © Thu Lam 2012 Australian Institute of International Affairs 32 Thesiger Court, Deakin ACT 2600, Australia Phone: 02 6282 2133 Facsimile: 02 6285 2334 Website: www.aiia.asn.au Email: [email protected] ISBN: 978-0-909992-94-1 ii CONTENTS Foreword 1 Acronyms and Abbreviations 3 Jessica Glover 5 Food Security: The Geopolitical Realities Hayley Channer 25 The ABC of WMD: Banning Atomic, Biological and Chemical Weapons Christian Dietrich 41 Africa and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Regime: Milestones, Challenges and the Way Forward Cameron Bruce 61 Decision Making in the United Nations Security Council on Libya and Syria: The Influence of the P-5 Nations Emily Dale 77 ‘Sinking States’ in the South Pacific: Legal Ambiguity, Protection Gaps and Ways Forward Abbas Abbasov 95 State-Building in the Fifth Dimension: Current Trends in Digital Diplomacy Elizabeth Buchanan 109 Russia and the New Geopolitics of Energy Nathaniel Jones 121 Australia’s Human Security Policy and the Pursuit of Peace in West Papua Joshua D. -
West Papua, Defusing the Minefield. a ‘Failing Papuan State’?
West Papua, defusing the minefield. A ‘failing Papuan State’? BY BONNY KAIYO Introduction West Papua is a colony settled by two alien administrations, namely the Dutch for 300 years and later Indonesia for 60 years. It is by definition a UN Trust Territory that shows all the signs to follow Timor-Leste and South Sudan into statehood at the right time, but its success as a new Melanesian state is shadowed by the so-called 'failing state', tag like its closest neighbours Papua New Guinea (PNG), Timor-Leste and the Solomon Islands. It is possible West Papua would face similar difficulties affecting its neighbouring tribal Melanesian countries post-independence, and there are challenges an independent West Papua could likely face. Despite the cannibalized decolonization process, if given freedom there are also prospects for a better future for ordinary Papuans, whether through independence or genuine autonomy within Indonesia. Background History repeats itself as truth and falsehood converge, and in an endless process, the dialectics of the different historical epochs have a tendency to probe suspect conclusions and insinuate preferences to bring back merit to a vile human civilization. Indeed, historical account of the failure by the international community or society, and especially the US, to come good on the doctrine of responsibility to protect the world and the colonized subjects in the non – European world, is contentious. It points to blanks which exist in the writing of possible histories for Non – Self Governing Territories including West New Guinea or West Papua in the endeavour towards a comparison of conferment of statehood on colonial peoples who fought for their emancipation.