Rural Change in the Dutch Province of Drenthe in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries I By J BIELEMAN

URING the Republic the state of about :tooo inhabitants, Coevorden even Drenthe extended as far as the fewer. The Landschap had thirty-six par- D modern province of Drenthe does ishes and about ~rSO villages and hamlets, (an area of 266,278 hectares). At that time it most of which had between ten and twenty was more or less a sovereign entity, and a farms. In 163o Drenthe had about 22,0oo member of the confederation of states inhabitants; no more than 8.3 people per which formed the Republic. The Land- km'-. Its population was about r per cent of schap, as it was called, lay in the north-east the Dutch population at that time.'- When of the Netherlands against the German studying aspects of its social-economic border, and was surrounded by Groningen history we always have to keep these to the north, Friesland to the west, and figures in the back of our mind. In Overijssel to the south (see map I). It was a seventeenth-century Drenthe there were rather isolated region, surrounded by vast three main types of settlement- the esdorp blanket bogs. Its geological structure had or open-field settlement, the streekdorp or mainly been formed during the penul- linear settlement (found on the low-lying timate Ice Age when it was covered with land at the edge of the plateau) and the an ice sheet stretching south from Scandi- veenkolonie or fen settlement. This paper is navia. It consisted mainly of a boulder clay concerned mainly with open-field settle- plateau which was later on partly eroded ment, although some contrast with the by melting streams and then covered with linear settlements is made. an infertile layer of sand. During the The main components of the esdorp Holocene, blanket bogs started growing settlements as can be seen on a detail of the and formed an important component of the first topographical map (1851/2) were: natural landscape. I. the open fields or essen, 2. the meadows, In the early seventeenth century the on the silty and peaty soils beside the Landschap must have been an almost empty streams in the eroded parts of the plateau, steppe of heath and blanket bogs over 3. waste-lands. Then of course there were which small villages and hamlets were villages themselves (see map 2). The cadas- scattered like islands in an ocean. It is tral map for 1832 of the hamlets of Garm- important to realize that it was a very inge and Balinge in the parish of Wester- sparsely populated area. There were no bork clearly shows the typical pattern of towns except the small town of Meppel in the open field with its fields and furlongs. the south-west and the fortress of Coevor- The holdings of one farm were spread den in the south-east. Meppel had only evenly over all the fields. This article is an adapted version of a paper given at the Spring Conference of the British Agricultural History Society held from I I " Faber a M (196 5) estimated that the totahmna ber ofinhabitants must to I3 April, 1983. More on this subject will be published as a thesis have been about 1.4 to 1.6 million in 1600. A Faber, H K Rocssingh, called 'Agrarische ontwikkelingcn op de Drentsc zandgronden, B H Slichcr van Bath, A M van dcr Woude and H J van Xantcn, 16oo.--t 9t o. Ecn nicuwe visie op de oude landbouw' (Rural Change 'Population changes and economic development in the in Drcnthe, x6oo-I9/O: a new outlook on 'traditional' agriculture) Netherlands; a historical survey', A A G Bijdral!en, 12, Wageningen, which is in course of preparation. t965, pp 47-x t3.

IO5 106 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEW

~ "Essen"or open-fields ~ Stream valleys GRONINGEN [~ Peat-moor

;...,' I

f,"

/ I , ,,I

~"L 0 10 20 km

MAP I Province of Drenthe. The map shows tile most dominant features of the physical landscape of Drenthe. Tile open fields (indicated by black spots) are situated in close relation to the stream valleys. The places mentioned in the text are indicated by number , Garmingc--Balinge 4 Ruinerwold 2 Beilen 5 Nijeveen 3 Peize 6 Rolde RURAL CHANGE IN THE DUTCH PROVINCE OF DRENTHE '1o7

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• ..~ • . %, ~ ~' ,7~;~ '' • \, 108 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEW

0 250 500m I

BALINGE

MAP 3 Small essen (open field)of the hamletsof Balingeand Garmingeaccording to the first cadastral maps (1832). The holdings of each farm are equallyscattered over the open field

I shepherd with his flock of sheep on the Until recently there has been very little heath (horned cattle played hardly any role systematic research done on early farming according to the traditional view) and the or on the agricultural economy as a whole continuous rye cultivation based on an on the sandy soils of the Netherlands. intensive system of turf manuring Authors simply contented themselves with (pla~enbemestil~). There was supposed to projecting some of the external aspects of be a stringent division between contin- the late nineteenth- and early twentieth- uously cultivated arable land and pasture. century farming back into former centur- The rural economy of Drenthe was presen- ies. They assumed that what they saw as a ted as an ahnost closed, self-sufficient primitive way of farming had been the subsistence economy hardly related to any same for centuries. Implicitly or explicitly market. Recently however some authors they ignored the existence of dynamism in like Roessingh have queried this traditional the old rural community, and so a picture outlook. -~ Examination of the records in emerged which was in fact no more than a the State Archives in Assen, the province's caricature of the historical truth; a picture present capital, gave us a far more realistic often painted in romantic colours. In the '~ H K Roessingh, 'l)e vcctdling val~ ~5~-6in her k',vartier va~ Vduwe' traditional view of agriculture in Drenthe, (The Cattle Census o( 1526 in the Veluwe Quarter of Gclderland). important features were that of the A A G B(idraqen, 22. Wageningen, 1979, pp 3-57. RURAL CHANGE IN THE DUTCH PROVINCE OF DRENTHE ro9 view on farming and the rural community contemporary notice tells us that a typical as it was in the seventeenth and eighteenth Farm in the early seventeenth century con- centuries. Much of our knowledge of sisted of 32 mudde (r mudde = o.27 ha) of agriculture in that period stems from arable land and twenty-Four cows (includ- sources which were put together for other ing the young cattle). However tax-records than statistical reasons. Nevertheless they show that around I65o only about 22 per have proved to be useful and have helped cent of farms were that size. The records us unveil a far more differentiated, and in also show that remarkable differences many ways, a completely different picture could exist between villages and hamlets in of farming in Drenthe in the past. The one and the same parish. The small farmers research enabled us to solve problems like: were often to be Found in the churchvil- the extent of agricultural land; the size and lages. Those who had hardly any land and number of farms; the ratio between only one or no horse were called keuters or freeholders and tenants; the characteristics cottagers. The shopkeepers and artisans of the farming system; and the relation were also found in these villages. In the between cattle, sheep and field system. satellite-like hamlets around the main vil- In 1642 at the insistence of the States lages the farms were mostly about 32 General of the Republic, the government mudde. They had four horses and were of Drenthe started to make arrangements usually described as een vol bedriy'f, a com- for a new system of taxation based on plete farm. immovables, in addition to existing taxes. Of course not all the farmers were All over the Landschap surveyors were sent freeholders. But herein lay the remarkable out to make records of everyone's prop- character of Drenthe compared to the erty. These records give us a splendid view neighbouring provinces Overijssel and of agricultural land, and the size of the Friesland. Drenthe had comparatively farms in every village and hamlet. By speaking many freeholders. A tax record of studying this material, we were able to 163o shows that in the esdorpen about 55 per calculate that by about I65o Drenthe had cent of the farmers were freeholders. approximately 15,46o ha or 5.8 per cent (Slicher van Bath found that in the arable land. Besides this, there was a adjoining province of Overijssel this was certain amount of land registered as pri- only about IO per cent.) 4 Of the remainder, vately owned meadow land. This was as 7 per cent of the farms were owned by the much as three-quarters of the area of the nobility and 5 per cent by the stewards' arable land. But there must have been more office of the government. These had meadow land still in common use. Many formerly belonged to the monasteries and of the private meadows had been divided clergy. But these are only general figures. among the share-holding farmers during There were considerable differences the first half of the seventeenth century due between parishes and between the villages to improvement of the agrarian economy and hamlets within them. In the of Drenthe. Not all of the arable land streekdorpen, in south-west Drenthe, the however was actually ploughed. Some of it percentage of freeholders was even higher we find registered as fallow land. From a than in the esdorpen. special record dated I643 we deduced that Apart from the early seventeenth- over all the Landsdzap about 16 per cent of century notice indicating that twenty-four the arable land lay fallow. But there were cows were held on a 32 mudde farm, we of course important local differences. In hardly have any information about live- some hamlets this percentage was as high 4B H Slichcr van Bath, Een samenlevin2 onderspanning, Assert, 1957, or higher than 3o per cent or even more. A pp 612-41. IIO THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEW stock on farms. It seemed almost open-field region must have consisted of impossible at first to reconstruct the re- young bullocks. These were sold at the age lation between livestock and arable. But of two or three years and driven to Holland what we did have were records of revenues or elsewhere where they were fattened on of about seven imposts paid in each parish the better pastures around the towns and over a period of about two centuries, and sold for slaughter. some of these were taxes on livestock. We Although cattle was mainly grazed on decided to use the yield from these imposts heathland the open fields were also used. as reflection of the data we most needed. It What was the open-field system in Drenthe seemed to us that the important imposts during the seventeenth century like? Not were those on cattle, on sheep and on the all the arable land on the open fields was exportation of bullocks, the so-called actually ploughed. By about 1643, 16 per uitdrifi. From the revenues of the impost on cent of the open field lay fallow and in horned cattle, we deduced that during the some parishes this was 3o per cent or first half of the seventeenth century the higher. On the maps drawn by surveyors, stock .of horned cattle kept in the open field we can see that these fallow lands were area must have been considerably larger often to be found along the fringes of the that it was in the nineteenth century. When open fields. It is obvious that in these cases we calculated the yield of this impost per a period of fallow was used to improve the household, it was much higher in the open quality of these marginal fields. In some field villages than in the linear villages. other cases the fallow land is found on parts This was rather remarkable as in the late of the open fields which were enclosed. nineteenth century the latter were by far Here it was possible to keep cattle for the most important dairying regions. The grazing. In the codified law of Drenthe and seventeenth-century figure of twenty-four in some local by-laws we find regulations cows on a 32 mudde farm must have been a concerning the enclosing arable land in the rather good example of the average open field. The individual profit to one number of cattle kept on a farm of that farmer enclosing some of his land was not type. allowed to hinder other farn:ers in But it was not only the revenues from ploughing their furlongs nor in:pair the the impost on horned cattle that were interest of the whole con:mul:ity. There- comparatively high in the open-field fore it must not be forgotten that the open regions. The revenues from the impost on fields may have been less open than we the exportation of cattle, the uitdrift, were thought. also higher, and much higher than they But there were other ways in which were in some of the parishes on the lower farmers could graze their cattle on the open fringes of the Landschap. This meant that fields. In a number of local by-laws we find cattle husbandry must have played a much regulations concerning common grazing more important role in the open-field o1: the stubble. From these by-laws and farming in Drenthe than has until recently other sources we tried to reconstruct how been assumed. But it was of a completely this common grazing worked and how it different nature from what we are used to was linked with crop rotation. We came to nowadays or from what we know of the the conclusion that apart from those sec- early twentieth century when the area of tions of the open fields that were enclosed, sandy soils had become an important dairy they must have been divided into two parts farming region. It appeared that in the first of roughly equal size in which the arable half of the seventeenth century, an import- strips of each holding were more or less ant part of the horned cattle stock on the equally apportioned. One year, one part RURAL CHANGE IN THE DUTCH PROVINCE OF DRENTHE III was meant for winter cropping and the Drenthe can also be seen from a graph other half for a spring crop, the next year showing the revenues from the impost on they changed. This system allowed for sheep (see Fig I). This shows how often common grazing on at least one half of the and to what extent the flocks were deci- open fields after the winter crop had been mated by diseases like liver rot. In 162o and harvested, that is from August to March. 1621 for instance farmers were hit by bad Apart from this we also know from other harvests and wet weather and large num- by-laws that pigs were allowed on the bers of their livestock died. In the eight- newly-sown winter crops if the ground eenth century there were the three succes- was frozen and if they were properly sive cattle-plague epidemics which threw cramped. In the seventeenth and eighteenth the agrarian community out of its balance. centuries, the winter crop was rye. Although the main spring crop was also rye, some buckwheat was also grown II though probably not on a large scale. It is What developments took place in the rural likely that the arable land on the open field community and in farming during the was manured mainly by this method of seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and crop rotation and common grazing. More- what were their possible causes? To answer over, we are inclined to assume that the this it is useful to separate endogenous system of turf manuring (which in general factors from exogenous ones. One of the is believed to have been introduced during main endogenous factors we took into the later Middle Ages) 5 played only a account was the growth of the population minor role in this period. But we will and its consequences for the structure of return to this later on. Common grazing, the rural communities. In I63o Drenthe ahhough it had undeniable advantages, on had about 22,000 inhabitants. By 183o this the other hand must have been one of the number had grown to 63,868. But this was causes why average yields were very low. not linear growth. From I63o until about The farmers could not plough and harrow I74o we found a regular increase, but after their lands just after the harvest. So weeds that it remained static. It was not until the could not be fought adequately. In fact beginning of the nineteenth century that farmers chose to let these grow and spread, there was a rise of the annual growth rate. just for the benefit of comnaon grazing. In the nineteenth century Drenthe was the According to a contemporary notice in the fastest growing province in the Nether- early seventeenth century the yield ratio on lands. It seems that the increase of popu- the open fields in Drenthe must have been lation in the seventeenth and eighteenth no more than 1:3. Only in very good years centuries, slow as it was, was mainly due did it go up to 1:4. And we must remember to a growth outside agriculture. We can that every fourth harvest was a bad har- demonstrate this trend with the help of the vest. So one can imagine that the farmer's records of a tax that was based on the income was dependent to a large extent on number of horses per household. In the selling some of his cattle every year in the seventeenth century the four-horse farm early spring. was the most common type of farm in the The unsteadiness and vulnerability of open field region. By the early nineteenth farming in those days in a poor region like century the number of this type of farm had decreased considerably, the two-horse sJ (" Papc, 'Plaggensoils in the Netherlands', (;eoderma; ,In farm being more usual, many of the tra- international iour, al of s,,il science, 4 Amsterdam, 1970, pp 229-~. H de Bakkcr A'hql,s; soils and soil regions in the Netherlands, "~lle ditional large farms had been divided and Hague, t979, pp 39-54. those farmers whose land remained whole I I2 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEW

5000 Guildem

4000

3000

2000

1000

1650 1700 1750 " " ' 1800 '

FIGURE I Revenues of the impost on sheep (162 I-I 8o2). The graph shows to what extent the nu mbcr of sheep dcpcn dcd on the loss of animals caused by diseases like liver rot

were a small minority amidst a great TABLE I number of small farmers, shopkeepers and Social structure of fourteen villages and artisans. We also found that the population hamlets in the parish of Rolde growth between I67~ and I742 was mainly A Nmnber of la~:~erfarms classed b), 1n,nber of horses caused by the growth of the group com- 1672 18o4 prising cottagers (keuters), shopkeepers and artisans. The figures in Table I, based on four-horse farms 7I 29 three-horse fhrms 9 [ 3 these tax-records, show this growth in two-horse farms 18 52 fourteen villages and hamlets in the parish of Rolde in the central parts of the open- total 98 (Ioo%) 94 (96%) field region. When we looked at the size of the farms B Number of holtseholds (excluding lal~e farmer~) in terms of their area, we found that the classed b), occnpation number of traditional 32 mudde farms in 1672 1804 Drenthe had declined from 22 per cent to shopkcepers and about 5 per cent in 1807, while the number artisans 21 46 of small farmers with half or less of this small farmers 9 72 area had increased from 47 per cent to 62 poor 4 l I per cent. Beside the population growth total 34 (Ioo%) 129 (397%) there were of course other factors that influenced the rural community, such as Total A + B 132 (1oo%) 223 (I69%) RURAL CHANGE IN THE DUTCH PROVINCE OF DRENTHE If3

8.00 Guilders

6.00

\/i 4.00

A V CLA/ I IL 2.00

i I i i i i I i 1 i i i i i i i 1600 1650 1700 1750 1800

FIGURE 2 Annual prices of rye in Drenthe (1598-I 8o7) in guilders per mudde (~ mudde = o.9I hl) and the ten-year moving average prices of agricultural products. We were Unfortunately we do not have reliable lucky to find a series of rye prices in the price series for meat or cattle; the ones we accounts of the stewards' office of the do have are not complete or are not usable government (see Fig 2). It was quite for other reasons. amazing to find how closely the prices in But farming results depend not only on Drenthe followed those of Prussian rye oll prices but also on costs. And in the period the corn exchange in Amsterdam. Farmers we are talking about these costs of produc- were indeed very dependent oll the prices tion were not constant. After the real-estate reached oll this important international tax had been introduced in I643, and market. It also became clear how the especially after I67o, the government was period of depression between 165o and forced to raise its rate. New taxes were 175o affected the farmers. This long period introduced and others were doubled. All was only interrupted by two short periods this happened because Drenthe had to of recovery around the turn of the century contribute its share to the wars the Repub- during the Nine Years War (1688-97) and lic was fighting. But all these taxes placed a the War of the Spanish Succession heavy burden on the farmers. Just after the (I7O1-I4). When prices were at their turn of the century the tax burden became lowest the difference between the two price extremely heavy because of the very low series was the greatest. This price lag was corn prices. probably mainly caused by the cost of Fig 3 shows the yield of five imposts and transport and the amount of grain that four other taxes, calculated in the regions like Drenthe could produce. equivalent quantity of rye according to THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEW stubble was abolished or limited. The folding of sheep behind hurdles for some 3OOO "Lasten- nights after the harvest was the only thing that remained of the common grazing of all livestock. Farmers were now able to cultivate their arable land much better. 2000 They could plough and harrow their land more often and in doing so they could better control weeds. As a result yields increased. In the early seventeenth century 1000 nf the average yield ratio was about I:3, but by the early nineteenth century we find ltll yield ratios mentioned of about I:6 or even I:8 in good years. So within the frame- 1650 1700 1750 work of traditional farming, farmers had FIGURE 3 managed to double their average yields. Increase of the tax burden in Drenthe in the period This was also achieved by more intensive 16Io-1759. Total yield offiveimposts and four taxes expressed in lasten (I last = 3o hl); five-year moving turf-manuring. Sods were cut from the averagc waste and brought into byres as litter where they became mixed with the animal market prices. It shows that just after 17oo droppings. It was then taken to the fields. the actual tax burden was about three to In the course of time, more and more sods four times higher than it had been during were mixed with the manure. The farmers the first half of the seventeenth century. hoped that by bringing more vegetable After ~75o the almost constant tax burden humus to their fields they would get a in money was compensated by increasing better yield. By-laws of the hamlet of corn prices. Although it is still rather Anloo support this theory. In 17oo a hypothetical we have reason to believe that farmer was allowed to cut two cartloads of the extreme burden of taxation was one of sods per quarter share in the common land. the forces that gradually changed the farm- Some thirty years later this number was ing system in the open field region. We do raised to six, while in 18IO we hear com- not know exactly to what extent these plaints of farmers cutting twenty cartloads taxes were a part of the total costs a farmer or more per quarter share. had to meet, but it seems plausible to During this process of intensification, assume that in order to cope with this farmers in the open-field region gradually heavy burden of taxes during a period of managed to enlarge the comparative area low prices, farmers were forced to increase under winter rye, which was their cash the productivity of their farms. This could crop. At the same time buckwheat became not be done by enlarging their farms. more important, and they tentatively start- Between I65o and I75O the area of arable ed growing spurry and turnips. In the early land increased by less than 4 per cent. The nineteenth century the main crops and their only way left to them to increase produc- relative area were: winter rye 6 4 per cent; tion was to intensify their farming system. summer rye TO per cent; barley 1 per cent; As a result the number of cattle in the open buckwheat (sand) I4 per cent; oats 5 per field region slowly decreased while arable cent; potatoes 6 per cent. farming increased. By I8OO there were How large was the cultivation of buck- hardly any farms left that had twenty-four wheat on the moorlands within the total or more cows. Common grazing on the framework of the agriculture in Drenthe?

I: ¢

RURAL CHANGE 1N THE DUTCH PROVINCE OF DRENTHE II 5

Beilen Rulnerwold ...... \ 200 Guilders r I

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= = = = = L i = 1620 1650 1700 1750 1800 FIGURE 4 Export of cattle (mainly bullocks) and pigs based on the annual yield of the impost on the uytdrifi van ossen en verckem (: 624-: 8o2) from the parishes of Beilen (open-field region) and Ruinerwold (linear village) Although the method of cultivating moor- lower fringes of the plateau however, land by draining, burning of the top layer especially in some of the linear villages, and sowing buckwheat immediately after farmers were forced to intensify their was already known by the beginning of the pasture. By the beginning of the nineteenth seventeenth century, it was probably not century these regions had become import- until the middle of the eighteenth century ant centres for dairy farming. In parishes that this crop was sown on a larger scale. like Ruinerwold and Nijeveen -- both The culture of moorland buckwheat linear villages -- the area of arable reached its peak in I877. In I85O the decreased between I65O and I832 , while at moorland buckwheat cultivation was I8.5 the same time the number of horned cattle per cent of the total sown area compared to increased. In Nijeveen, the only village of other main crops. which we have an early seventeenth- So far we have tried to show how the century record showing the number of rural community in the open field region horned cattle, this number increased from changed in the seventeenth and eighteenth 3571/2 (younger cattle counted as half) in centuries and how the farming system :6i5 to 58ol/2 in I8oo; an increase of 62 per gradually changed at the same time. These cent. At the same time the percentage of changes were caused to a great extent by a farms with six or more cows rose from 24 rise in production costs due to increased to 4o (see Table 2). taxes. As a result, more emphasis was The different ways in which farming placed on the arable farming. Along the evolved in the open-field region on the one I16 THE AGRICULTURALHISTORY REVIEW TABLE 2 Number of farms in the linear village of Beilen, in the open-field region, and in the Nijeveen in south-west Drenthe in 1615 linear village of Ruinerwold. It shows in and 18oo, classed by number of cattle what way the significance of the uitdrifi (younger cattle counting as halt') decreased dramatically after 166o in Beilen while in Ruinerwold it increased. Number of cattle Number offarras Fig 5 shows the decrease and increase of the impost on horned cattle and the total 1615 1800 number of cattle in the same parishes. This I 3 I3 2.1/2 II :8 last graph also shows the three periods 3-51/2 48 27 when the cattle-plague infested the country 6-101/2 19 23 to a great extent. Unfortunately we do not 1>151/2 i2 have any exact records showing the 16-201/2 3 damage done by these epidemics in Total 82 (I0o%) 96 (II7%) Drenthe. But by examining data concern- ing the neighbouring provinces we can Total number of cattle 3571/2 (Ioo%) 58ol/2 (I62%) assume that mortality among cattle must have been very high in the Landschap too. 4 hand and in the lower parts along the plateau on the other, can be seen in the. figures. Fig 4 shows the yield of the impost III on the exportation of cattle in the parish of Although we have already mentioned the

Beilen

500 Guilders

400 ,' /' J W-s%, i 300

200

100

, , , I , , mm=B , i,Cattle-plague , 1620 1650 1700 1750 1800 FIGURE 5 Horned cattle population ix: the parishes of Bdlen (open-field region) and Ruincrwold (linear village) based o,1 yield from the impost o11 horned cattle (I625-I 8o2)

i: RURAL CHANGE IN THE DUTCH PROVINCE OF DRENTHE II7 TABLE 3 Number of farms classed by number of cattle in March I8OO

Number of cattle Total number 1-3 4-6 7-9 1o--12 13-15 15 offarras

Open-field villages -- churchvillages 868 360 166 I3i 84 86 I695 -- other than churchvillages 456 36o 19o 263 252 287 I8O8 Subtotal 1324 720 356 394 336 373 3503 Linear villages Group I 37 35 17 24 25 1ii 249 Group II io2 84 53 44 36 49 368 Drenthe 1827 IO27 525 530 454 634 4997 differences in the social structure that could differentiation in agricultural pattern exist between the villages and hamlets in developed by the beginning of the nine- one and the same parish, we have been teenth century can be seen from the figures suggesting that the farming economy in of the cattle census held in March : 800. the open-field region had an almost uni- These figures show the distribution of form character. However, in the north of farms in classes according to the number of Drenthe there were four parishes which cattle that were kept. First it clearly shows deviated from this. the difference between the main villages in I1: these parishes the growing of hops the parishes and the remaining hamlets in was important. The parish of Peize, which the open-field region. It shows to what had about eighty-seven households in :63o extent the small farmers and cottagers was socio-economically almost completely dominated the social structure of these dependent on the hop culture. More than churchvillages. In these villages more than half of the hop hills in north Drenthe were 50 per cent of those who kept cattle had no to be found in this village. Around the more than three cows (including calves and middle of the seventeelath century eighty- heifers). I have already mentioned that seven hop growers cultivated an average of there were hardly any farms left in the IO5O hop hills per household. The four open-field region with the traditional num- parishes together had about I61,4oo hop ber of twenty-four cows. The other figures hills. I1a Peize hops employed I4 per cent of show to what extent cattle husbandry had arable land. Because of a decrease in beer developed in some of the linear villages like consumption in the seventeenth and Ruinerwold (Group I). Other linear eighteenth centuries the cultivation of hops villages (Group II) show an almost similar had almost vanished by the beginning of pattern to that of the open field region as a the nineteenth century. whole. Finally the way in which the process of II8 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEW

ETUDES RURALES

Sommair~, dun ° 95.96 - juillet-d6cembre 1984 ETHNOGRAPHIE DE LA VIOLENCE J.-F. Bard. - Fantbmes de la violence : dnigmes tahitiennes. S. Amunugama et E. Meyer. - Remarques sur la violence darts I'iddologie bouddhique et la pratique sociale/t Sri Lanka (Ceylan). P. Bonnafd et M. Fidloux. - Le dddain de la mort et la force du cadavre, Souillure et purifi- cation d'un meurtrier lobi (Burkina/Haute-Volta). C. Aids.- Violence et ordre social dans une soci6t6 amazonienne. Les Yanomami du Venezuela. J. Robert-Lamblin. - L'expression de la violence darts la socidtd ammassalimiut (cbte orien- tale du Groenland). I~. Claverie. - De la difficultd de faire un citoyen : les ~acquittements scandaleux>~ du jury darts la France provinciale du ddbut du XIXe sidcle. Y. Pourcher. - Des ~assises de gr~iee~ ? Le jury de la cour d'assises de la LozAre au XIXe sidcle. A. Morel. - Une socidtd sous tension. La grande ferme picarde. M. P. Di Bella. - La ~violence~ du silence dans la tradition sicilienne. M. Segalen et B. Le Wita. - ~

Notes critiques et comptes rendus

LES SCIENCES SOCIALES ET LE PAYSAGE J. Cloarec. - Des paysages.

ETUDES ET RECHERCHES F. Chauvaud. - L'usure au XIXe sidelc : le fldau des eampagnes. G. Lutz. - Techniques pastorales d'hier et d'aujourd'hui : chiens de conduite et chiens de ddfense dans les Amdriques.

CHRONIQUE SCIENTIFIQUE Le systdme alimcntaire mexicain ~ la lumidre de la crise agrieole de l'Amdrique latine (R. Bareelo, R. Martner, A. Rivas-Espejo).

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