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Making Sense of Rapprochement Between Argentina and Brazil, 1979-1982

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Making Sense of Rapprochement Between Argentina and Brazil, 1979-1982 Revista Europea de Estudios Latinoamericanos y del Caribe 80, abril de 2006 | 57 Making Sense of Rapprochement between Argentina and Brazil, 1979-1982 Gian Luca Gardini Leading Argentine and Brazilian scholars in the international relations of the South American Cone have recently complained about the excessive insistence on the essentially conflictive nature of Argentine-Brazilian relations, suggesting that such a view is not historically accurate (Cervo and Rapoport 2001; Cervo 2001). Con- flict was certainly a salient aspect but it was not the only one. A pattern of attempts at cooperation is strongly present throughout the history of Brazil and Argentina. It should be sufficient to mention here the attempts by Rio Branco in the early twen- tieth century, by Aranha and Pinedo in 1941, the understanding for an ABC Pact between Vargas and Perón in the 1950s, the agreements of Uruguayana in 1961 and the proposal for a sectoral customs union under Castello Branco in 1967. In- deed, it is arguable that attempts at cooperation have even outnumbered occasions of direct confrontation. Professor Lafer, former Foreign Minister of Brazil, identi- fied the attempt to diminish rivalry and explore possible constructive relations with Argentina as one of the recurrent themes in Brazilian foreign policy in the twenti- eth century.1 Professor Moniz Bandeira indicates conflict and integration as the main forces in the Southern Cone international politics from 1870 to 2003, and he sees the trend toward integration between Argentina and Brazil as constantly in- forming their rivalry (Moniz Bandeira 2003). A second misperception about Argentine-Brazilian relations concerns the sup- posed turn to improved relations following the settlement of the Itaipú dam conflict in 1979. In this respect, discussion hinges on one main general question: whether or not one single event, no matter how salient, can reverse the political, economic, legal and cultural legacy of many decades. The 1979 Tripartite Agreement that solved the quarrel over the use of water resources between Argentina and Brazil can certainly be regarded as the starting point of a new course of relations between the two countries. But it cannot, on its own, be regarded as decisive, unless one accepts that the dispute over the dam of Itaipú was the one and only significant reason for friction between Argentina and Brazil, so that, once this was eliminated, no further obstacle remained for the development of friendly and cooperative rela- tions. If, on the contrary, one takes the view that the reasons for friction were many and complex, then it may be more appropriate to say that the agreement on the use of the river Paraná, rather than prompting a new course in Argentine-Brazilian re- lations, was the first manifestation of it, and that a ‘long turn approach’ has to be preferred to a ‘turning point vision’. The argument proceeds in three sections. The first outlines the diplomatic steps that led to the signature of the Tripartite Agreement. In particular, it asks whether deeper reasons (other than the desire to solve the quarrel over the water resources) at the national, regional, and international level, contributed to the Argentine- Brazilian rapprochement. The second describes the significance of the presidential 58 | European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies 80, April 2006 visit of General Figueiredo of Brazil to Buenos Aires in May 1980 as a confirma- tion and consolidation of the new friendly course of bilateral relations. The third demonstrates how the Falkland/Malvinas war, potentially disruptive of the newly friendly relations between the two countries, resulted not in the collapse of Argen- tine-Brazilian understanding but its reinvigoration. Each of the three episodes, the Tripartite Agreement, the presidential visit and the war in the South Atlantic, will be concisely compared to the most significant bilateral rapprochement up to that moment: the 1961 agreements of Uruguayana, in order to show how the late 1970s and very early 1980s were distinguished from earlier periods by the unusual and unprecedented strength of political will in both countries to pursue good relations. The paper finally attempts to clarify the relation between the Tripartite Agreement (and the sequence of events occurred between 1979 and 1982) and the Argentine- Brazilian integration process formalised in 1986. The Tripartite Agreement of 1979 The quarrel over Itaipú was only one aspect, although an important one, of Argen- tine-Brazilian rivalry through the 1970s. The roots of this tension were deeper and concerned political, economic and security issues. Correspondingly, the combina- tion of a complex set of international, regional and domestic factors was required to pave the way for convergence between Buenos Aires and Brasilia. Nor could any single event be sufficient to establish the endurance of a bilateral shift from ambivalence to cooperation. Too often in the past, single moments of good under- standing had been greeted as decisive turning points in Argentine-Brazilian rela- tions. A consistent and self-reinforcing sequence would be required. New attitudes had to be established, confirmed and tested against adverse conditions and poten- tial reversal. At the international level, in the wake of détente, the Carter presidency de- creased its level of support for authoritarian governments and promoted democracy and the protection of human rights. Furthermore, in order to limit access of other countries to nuclear power, the North American administration intensified its non- proliferation policy. This included the severing of diplomatic and economic rela- tions with, and the termination of military aid to non-compliant states. The military regimes in Argentina and Brazil were significantly affected. U.S. tolerance towards abuses of human rights in the name of the fight to communism came to an end. The nuclear programmes of Argentina and Brazil were censured in Washington. In par- ticular, the U.S. opposed the agreement for nuclear technological transfer Brazil had signed with West Germany. The Argentine ambassador to Brasilia, Oscar Camilión, clearly understood that Brazil was only the first target and that Argen- tina was to come next, therefore he expressed his solidarity with Brazil. The right of any country to develop nuclear programmes for peaceful ends was a claim common to Argentina and Brazil. The international oil crisis of 1974 had shown the vulnerability of Brazil to energy supply shocks. Brazilian interest in alternative sources of energy supply became pressing. In particular, hydroelectric plants in the Plata basin seemed an excellent solution. Disputes with Argentina could jeopardize the Brazilian energy strategy, and this consideration increased Brazilian determination to find a negoti- ated solution. Moreover, the growing protectionism practised by the United States and the European Economic Community in the mid-to late-1970s compelled Ar- Revista Europea de Estudios Latinoamericanos y del Caribe 80, abril de 2006 | 59 gentina and Brazil to redirect exports towards alternative markets, whether regional or more distant. The increase of common interests and claims towards the interna- tional system was highly significant. This materialised, for instance, in the steady convergence of Brazilian voting in international forums with the Non-Aligned Movement, of which Argentina was a member. At the regional level, Brazilian relations with Paraguay and Argentine relations with Chile seem to have played a role in the search for a solution to the Itaipú question. The ‘policy of pendulum’ (Fraga 1999, 373) practised by Paraguay to- wards Argentina and Brazil for the use of the rivers contributed to the Brazilian decision to look for a negotiated solution with Argentina. In the absence of such an agreement, any problem that might have arisen between Brazil and Paraguay would prompt the latter to align with the Argentines, to the detriment of Brazilian security. Where clashes between Paraguay and Brazil remained in the field of geo- political speculation, Argentina and Chile came close to war. In April 1977, Queen Elizabeth II of United Kingdom ratified the arbitrator’s award for the dispute over the Beagle Channel between Argentina and Chile. Three strategic islands were allocated to Chile, providing direct access to both the Atlantic and the Pacific Ocean. This was unacceptable to Argentina as Chile would have appropriated fish and oil resources at that time under Argentine control and increased its influence over Antarctica. In the light of this risk, Argentina could not afford to keep open two fronts of tensions and was willing to compromise on the Itaipú question, re- garded as a less important and urgent geo-strategic problem than the Beagle Chan- nel. Internally, Argentina was facing an increasingly aggressive campaign of sub- version. This made it highly inconvenient to maintain a conflictual stance towards its most powerful neighbour. It has also been suggested that ideological affinity between the regimes in Buenos Aires and Brasilia contributed to the solution of the quarrel (Fraga 1999; Motta Pinto Coelho 2000). Yet, while this explanation may have some validity, its actual effectiveness should not be overestimated. Ideologi- cal affinity had not prevented the conflict over the water resources from escalating under the administrations of Castello Branco, Costa e Silva and Medici in Brazil, and Ongania and Lanusse in Argentina. The initial moves of the Videla administra-
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