Métropoles, 8 | 2010 Culture Et Régénération Urbaine : Les Exemples Du Grand Manchester Et De La V

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Métropoles, 8 | 2010 Culture Et Régénération Urbaine : Les Exemples Du Grand Manchester Et De La V Métropoles 8 | 2010 Varia Culture et régénération urbaine : les exemples du Grand Manchester et de la vallée de l’Emscher Bruno Lusso Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/metropoles/4357 DOI : 10.4000/metropoles.4357 ISSN : 1957-7788 Éditeur ENS Éditions Référence électronique Bruno Lusso, « Culture et régénération urbaine : les exemples du Grand Manchester et de la vallée de l’Emscher », Métropoles [En ligne], 8 | 2010, mis en ligne le 30 novembre 2010, consulté le 04 novembre 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/metropoles/4357 ; DOI : 10.4000/metropoles. 4357 Ce document a été généré automatiquement le 4 novembre 2019. Métropoles est mis à disposition selon les termes de la licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modification 4.0 International. Culture et régénération urbaine : les exemples du Grand Manchester et de la v... 1 Culture et régénération urbaine : les exemples du Grand Manchester et de la vallée de l’Emscher Bruno Lusso Introduction 1 Les deux conurbations du Grand Manchester (2,5 millions d’habitants au nord-ouest de l’Angleterre) et de la Ruhr (5,2 millions d’habitants en Allemagne) ont pour point commun d’être deux régions anciennement industrialisées. La Ruhr a développé dans la deuxième moitié du XIXe siècle, à une grande échelle, la production charbonnière, métallurgique et sidérurgique. La conurbation de Manchester, quant à elle, est un ancien foyer textile, dont le décollage date du début même de la Révolution industrielle. Le développement industriel a entraîné une importante concentration des populations marquant profondément le paysage urbain. Or, dès les années 1960, les activités industrielles traditionnelles connaissent un recul rapide entraînant la disparition massive des emplois, le départ des investisseurs, la hausse du taux de chômage, de la pauvreté et une forte émigration. La difficulté pour ces régions à solutionner leurs problèmes entraîne la nécessaire intervention des pouvoirs publics qui, par des aides injectées dans l’économie régionale, vont appuyer les politiques de reconversion. Métropoles, 8 | 2010 Culture et régénération urbaine : les exemples du Grand Manchester et de la v... 2 Carte 1 : Les dix districts du Grand Manchester Réalisation : Bruno Lusso (source : www.visitmanchester.com) Carte 2 : La Ruhr et la vallée de l’Emscher Source : L’IBA Emscher Park : Une démarche innovante de réhabilitation industrielle et urbaine, Recherche et prospective, 2008 2 Par ailleurs, les pouvoirs publics vont mettre en place de vastes programmes urbains qui s’appuient sur la régénération urbaine. Chronologiquement, la régénération urbaine, dans l’acception anglophone du terme (urban regeneration), est passée d’une simple rénovation, réhabilitation d’équipements et de tissus bâtis obsolètes, à une restructuration de la forme urbaine, puis au renouvellement des bases économiques de Métropoles, 8 | 2010 Culture et régénération urbaine : les exemples du Grand Manchester et de la v... 3 la ville, de son image, tout en recherchant une plus grande mixité et équité sociale, la participation des habitants et leur intégration socioprofessionnelle dans un contexte multifonctionnel (Chaline, 1999). La régénération urbaine est devenue un outil largement employé pour résoudre les problèmes urbains. Si elle englobe dans les pays anglophones sous une seule dénomination les aspects économiques et sociaux (Masboungi, 1999), en revanche, en France et en Allemagne, différents termes sont employés pour évoquer les différents aspects de la régénération urbaine. En effet, la dimension physique et urbanistique est regroupée sous les termes de « régénération urbaine » et de « Stadterneuerung », alors que les concepts de « renouvellement urbain » et de « Stadtumbau » renvoient à des politiques urbaines menées à l’échelle du quartier et prenant en compte les dimensions économique et sociale. La vision globale de cette politique à l’échelle de la ville entière peut se traduire par les termes respectifs de « ville renouvelée » et de « Stadtenwicklung » (Masboungi, 1999 ; Krüger, 2008). 3 Malgré tout, ces régions demeurent victimes d’une image particulièrement dépréciée en raison de la dégradation du cadre de vie et de l’environnement provoquée par plusieurs décennies d’activité industrielle intensive. L’amélioration de l’image de marque de ces territoires va donc devenir un véritable enjeu politique. A partir des années 1980, la problématique du rôle de la culture dans le développement économique évolue profondément. La culture, originellement considérée comme un luxe subordonné à une croissance urbaine forte, est devenue un outil de développement territorial. La culture sert désormais de levier à nombre de projets de requalification urbaine (Andres, Ambrosino, 2008). Considérée comme motrice dans les processus de transformation physique et sociale des espaces déprimés, la régénération culturelle (Bianchini et Parkinson, 1993) s’est imposée dans l’esprit des pouvoirs publics comme une des stratégies de développement urbain, notamment dans les anciens quartiers industriels et ce, dans une optique de redynamisation territoriale et de marketing urbain (Ingallina, Park, 2005). 4 C’est donc dans ce contexte que les pouvoirs publics du Grand Manchester ou de la vallée de l’Emscher, secteur le plus sinistré de la Ruhr, vont progressivement instrumentaliser la culture dans le cadre de leur stratégie territoriale. Une comparaison entre la vallée de l’Emscher et le Grand Manchester semble assez délicate, dans la mesure où le contexte institutionnel, les systèmes d’acteurs, les politiques urbaines, les outils et les périmètres d’action sont extrêmement différents. Toutefois, la confrontation nous permettra de mettre en évidence les résultats contrastés de ces deux politiques qui ont finalement pour objectif commun d’améliorer le cadre de vie, l’image de marque et donc d’impulser une nouvelle dynamique territoriale. 1. Principes, politiques et outils de l’aménagement du territoire 5 Les pouvoirs publics des deux conurbations ont progressivement inséré la culture dans leurs programmes de régénération urbaine. Dans la mesure où ces politiques culturelles sont fortement influencées par des contextes institutionnels radicalement différents, il apparaît donc très important de présenter dès cette première section les acteurs, les principales orientations stratégiques, les outils ainsi que les modes de financement de ces politiques urbaines. Métropoles, 8 | 2010 Culture et régénération urbaine : les exemples du Grand Manchester et de la v... 4 1.1 Des difficultés communes aux vieilles régions industrielles 6 Les deux ensembles urbains étudiés ont pour point commun d’avoir connu un déclin industriel et économique accéléré après la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Les progrès du transport maritime mettent directement en concurrence la production charbonnière et industrielle peu compétitive de la Ruhr avec celle de pays comme les Etats-Unis, la Chine ou l’Australie. La région va connaître dès la fin des années 1960 une récession de la production désormais concentrée sur quelques puits rentables situés au nord de la région industrielle. Quant à la conurbation du Grand Manchester, la modernisation des processus de fabrication des matières textiles entraîne une forte automatisation de l’appareil de production, nécessitant de moins en moins de main d’oeuvre. Par ailleurs, la concurrence des productions textiles originaires des pays en développement provoque une récession industrielle rapide à Manchester, qui s’effectue là aussi dès les années 1960. A cela s’ajoute la quasi-disparition au début des années 1980 des activités portuaires de l’agglomération. 7 Face à ce processus inéluctable de désindustrialisation, les pouvoirs publics ont cherché à assurer le plus rapidement possible un redéploiement économique dans les secteurs tertiaire (services aux entreprises, formation, culture…), mais aussi industriel (implantation d’unités de fabrication dans le secteur des constructions mécaniques) (Battiau, 1998). En effet, l’agglomération de Manchester, en s’appuyant sur la capacité d’entreprise de ses grandes familles capitalistes, s’est réorientée vers une économie majoritairement tertiaire : banques, sociétés d’assurance, agents de change, publicité, production télévisuelle, enseignement supérieur et recherche. Depuis les années 1970, la plus grande région industrielle et urbaine d’Allemagne, par le biais d’un important transfert de ressources budgétaires, a gardé une base industrielle forte, notamment dans le domaine de la sidérurgie et a développé la filière automobile (usine Opel à Bochum). Toutefois, le secteur tertiaire, en dépit de la création de structures de formation comme l’université de Bochum, se développe moins bien qu’ailleurs en Allemagne. En fait, dans une région dominée par de très grandes entreprises pendant longtemps peu concernées par la concurrence, le milieu entrepreneurial est demeuré clairement hostile à toute forme d’innovation (Ganser, 1996). 8 Néanmoins, les nouvelles activités n’ont pas réussi à compenser la forte hémorragie de l’emploi provoquée par ce vaste processus de désindustrialisation. En effet, dans le Grand Manchester, le nombre d’emplois entre 1965 et 1995 a diminué de 24,3 %, touchant pas moins de 982 100 personnes. Or, même si depuis 1997 le chômage a reculé, il avoisine toujours actuellement les 10 %, démontrant ainsi que le tissu économique n’est pas totalement reconstitué. La Ruhr, qui a perdu 200 000 emplois entre 1961 et 1981, est marquée par un
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