Volume 2009 Article 25

2009

Comments on Caddo Origins in Northwest Louisiana

Jeffery S. Girard Northwestern State University of Louisiana, [email protected]

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Jeffrey S. Girard

INTRODUCTION culture traits in order to determine their place of origin and direction of diffusion. Alex Krieger, based This paper presents some of my thoughts on the on his analysis of the George C. Davis site, initially issue of Caddo origins from the perspective of the Red suggested that the Caddo tradition first developed at River drainage in northwest Louisiana. These ideas a time level contemporary with the Middle Woodland were assembled prior to the Caddo discussion group period Marksville and Hopewell cultures (Newell and meeting held in December 2008 and have been only Krieger 1949: 219-224). It followed from this idea that slightly modified here. The paper was not given as a Mississippian traits may have diffused from Mexico formal presentation, but I attempted to introduce the through the Caddo area, and into the Mississippi valley: main points during the group discussion. James Ford's views were different. To Ford, the Caddo Development of better chronological controls area represented a late diffusion of Mississippian traits is crucial for addressing problems of Caddo origins, to the west. He disagreed with Krieger's chronology by and I discuss this issue first. Although much has been a:guing that: (1) the Davis site actually shows relatively settled since the early Krieger-Ford discussions, a httle ceramic variation and is not likely to represent a finer-grained chronology is necessary to answer long occupation; and (2) Caddo ceramic traits do not questions that are now of interest. We remain largely occur in the lower Red River region until after the dependent on our understanding of changes in ceramic Coles Creek period (Ford 1951: 127). In his summary assemblages and how we can tie these to chronometric in the Belcher site report, Clarence Webb (1959:207) scales based primarily on radiocarbon dating. shortened Krieger's chronology but argued for more I next review the cultural taxonomic units that time depth than suggested by Ford: have been used to classify the pre-Caddo archaeo­ logical record in the Trans-Mississippi South. Rather than taking the view that one or more of these cul­ Looking at the entire picture of 1he lower tural entities transformed into Caddo culture, I sug­ Mississippi Valley sequence and 1he gest that Caddo origins might be better viewed as the Caddoan sequence, it seems reasonable development of social and economic behaviors that to think 1hat Caddoan beginnings in Alto, linked relatively small-scale social units previously Spiro, and Gahagan were approximately only loosely and sporadically associated. I then dis­ coincidental wi1h the introduction in 1he lower valley of temple mounds, small cuss the possible importance of the development of projectiles and French Fork-Coles Creek ceremonial centers, the appearance of elite mortuary Incised-Mazique Incised and Rhinehart traits, and the circulation of finely engraved ceramic Punctated pottery types, whether one vessels for understanding changes in social and calls 1his Troyville or Coles Creek. Coles economic integration that took place in the Trans­ Creek was apparently contemporaneous Mississippi South between approximately A.D. 900 with Gibson aspect, Plaquemine with and A.D. 1050. Finally, I offer a list of some basic Bossier and Belcher foci, and Natchez questions that I feel are important for furthering our wi1h late Belcher, Mid-Ouachita and understanding of Caddo origins. Glendora foci. These alignments may be shifted slightly one way or the CHRONOLOGICAL ISSUES other at some particular point, but this sequence seems to best fit traits held in Early research on the issue of Caddo origins common, various suggested movements focused on establishing temporal priority to certain or influences, and actual trade objects.

Journal of Northeast Texas Archaeology, Volume 31, 2009 52 Journal of Northeast Texas Archaeology 31 (2009)

By the early 1960s, there seems to have been (Kidder 1990), the Greenhouse phase of the lower a general consensus that Caddo beginnings were Red River (Belmont 1967), and the Balmoral phase contemporary with the Coles Creek culture in in the Tensas River basin (Kidder 1992), all of which the Lower Mississippi Valley. Radiocarbon dates date approximately to the A.D. 900 to A.D. 1050 were sparse, however, and the timing and nature interval (Kidder 1990, 1992; Weinstein et al. 2003). of Coles Creek-Caddo relationships were poorly As noted by Schambach (1982), however, ceramic understood. Phillips' (1970) synthesis clarified some fabrics in the Trans-Mississippi South tend to differ issues, but problems with dating the Baytown and from Coles Creek contexts to the east and there often Early Coles Creek periods resulted in continued dif­ are subtle design variations. ficulties for understanding how the earliest Caddo There is some evidence, however, that distinc­ occupations correlated with the Lower Mississippi tively Caddo ceramics date earlier than A.D. 900. Valley sequence. The James Pace site (16DS268) in the middle Sabine There appears to have been a gradual increase in River drainage, like Mound 3 at Mounds Plantation, distinctive Caddo ceramics during the 1Oth and early has many Coles Creek Incised var. Hardy sherds, as 11th centuries A.D. along the Red River in northwest well as a few engraved specimens (Jensen 1968; Sto­ Louisiana and southwest Arkansas. The ceramic ry 1990:317-319; Girard 1994). Pace also contains characteristics considered "Caddo" that came into a significant number of sherds with one or two in­ use during this time are: cised lines that appear to relate to Early Coles Creek varieties. Only two radiocarbon dates have been 1. decorative bands cons1stmg of multiple, obtained from the site, and these suggest that occu­ close-spaced horizontal lines, on deep bowls pation may have begun there as early as A.D. 700, and jars-similar to the later Hardy variety of and then lasted until shortly after A.D. 1000 (Girard Coles Creek Incised in the Lower Mississippi 1994). Insufficient work has been done at the Pace Valley; many vessels apparently had unzoned site to isolate early and late contexts. No Early Coles punctations on vessel bodies (Kiam Incised) Creek types were identified in or beneath Mound 3 marking the beginning of the Caddo tradition at Mounds Plantation, suggesting that occupation of of treating vessel rims and bodies as distinct that portion of the site began after A.D. 900. How­ design fields (cf. Schambach 1982). ever, Early Coles Creek sherds have been recovered 2. carinated bowls with zoned punctated decora­ in surface collections and initial occupation of the tions. Contemporary zoned punctated vessels site likely dates at least as early as the 9th century. were made in the Lower Mississippi Valley However, it is not clear whether or not Caddo types (Avoyelles Punctated), but rarely on carinated also were in use at that time. Early varieties of Coles bowls. Creek Incised were recovered from the deep midden at the Festervan site (16B0327) in Bossier Parish 3. polished vessels with engraved designs, most where a radiocarbon date that calibrates in the AD. of which were serving vessels (bowls, cari­ 686-878 range was obtained, fitting well with the nated bowls, bottles) and may have had special Lower Mississippi Valley chronology (Girard 1995). significance beyond their utilitarian functions No distinctly Caddo materials were present in the (see below). lower levels of the midden. Festervan has a Late Caddo period component as well, however, and a Although these traits differentiate Caddo assem­ few later sherds were mixed in the upper portion of blages from those in the Lower Mississippi Valley the midden. Thus, current data from northwest Loui­ and mark the beginnings of a Caddo ceramic tradi­ siana indicate that, in the A.D. 900 to 1050 interval, tion, sites dating to the middle 11th century also in­ early Caddo pottery was mixed in assemblages that clude, and often are dominated by, vessels similar to also contained substantial amounts of Middle Coles Middle Coles Creek phases in the Lower Mississippi Creek types. The full range of Early Caddo period Valley, especially the Coles Creek, Greenhouse, and ceramics was in use by the late 11th century. Blakely varieties of Coles Creek Incised; with lesser From the Crenshaw site in southwest Arkansas, amounts of French Fork Incised, Beldeau Incised, Schambach (1982: 152) reported one radiocarbon and Hollyknowe Pinched/Ridged. These Coles age from a Crenshaw phase (Late Fourche Maline) Creek ceramics pertain primarily to the Pritchards context and five from Lost Prairie phase (Early Landing phase in the lower Ouachita River valley Caddo period) contexts. Estimating the C12/C13 Girard-Comments on Caddo Origins in Northwest Louisiana 53 correction on these ages and calibrating the results Coles Creek manifestation, or whether an influx of indicate that the Crenshaw phase dates prior to A.D. new peoples is represented. He seemed to favor the 1050 and the Lost Prairie phase dates in the A.D. former (Webb and McKinney 1975:120-121) and 1050 to 1250 range. As at Mounds Plantation, the followed Krieger's early arguments suggesting that presence of Early Coles Creek ceramics at Crenshaw Mesoamerican influences are linked to early Caddo suggests that the earliest occupations might be in developments, particularly certain ceramic traits the A.D. 700 to A.D. 900 range. Troyville types (carinated bow1 and bottle forms, polished/smudged have not been identified, however, perhaps indicat­ surfaces, engraving/excising, curvilinear motifs) and ing that little or no significant activity took place at mortuary practices (multiple burials of elites in deep, Crenshaw or Mounds Plantation prior to that time. shaft graves). No contexts have been reported where distinctively Based on information from southwestern Ar­ Caddo ceramics are mixed with these Early Coles kansas, a different point of view has been expressed Creek types. by Frank Schambach (1982, 2002). Schambach In eastern Texas, however, radiocarbon dates argues that long-term local cultural continuity is from the George C. Davis site suggest that Caddo represented in the Red River drainage with only ceramics began to appear by the 9th century A.D. minimal influences from the Lower Mississippi (Story and Valastro 1977; Story 1981, 1990). Story Valley. He classifies all pre-Caddo developments (2000:Figure 3) places the earliest Caddo occupa­ in the woodlands west of the Lower Mississippi tions at the George C. Davis site in the middle 9th Valley (the Trans-Mississippi South) within the century, but the largest number of radiocarbon dates Fourche Maline culture concept. Fourche Maline from the village area fall in the A.D. 950 to A.D. sites are identified by the presence of distinctive, 1200 range (Story 1997:96). Perttula (2008) recently thick-walled ceramic jars, usually flowerpot or reported Caddo-like decorations on Mossy Grove beaker-shaped. The jars were tempered with grog, sandy paste ceramics in the Lake Naconiche area grit, and sometimes crushed bone. Most abundant (Attoyac Bayou drainage) in eastern Texas. Contexts and widespread is the grog-tempered type Williams from the Boyette site (41NA285) appear to date as Plain. Other traits include contracting stem (Gary) early as the 7th and 8th centuries A.D. dart points, double-bitted axes, boats tones, platform pipes, and abundant ground stone tools (Schambach 2002:91-3). Fourche Maline houses have proven CULTURAL CONTEXTS difficult to detect-postholes, wall trenches, and other evidence of structural remains have not been Although ceramics with decorations similar identified. In southwestern Arkansas, floodplain to Middle Coles Creek types in the Lower Missis­ settlement on natural levees in the then active Red sippi Valley were abundant in the middle Red River River meander belt and along crevasse displays is drainage between A.D. 900 and 1050, the meaning evident (Kelley and Coxe 1998:204). Small villages, of this connection is of considerable dispute. The 2-10 acres in size, may be represented (Schambach issue is particularly important as it pertains directly and Early 1982:72). Similar sites have been recorded to discussions of the beginnings of the Caddo cul­ in northwest Louisiana, north of the Shreveport tural tradition. area. The Fourche Maline subsistence economy is The prevailing view in Louisiana has been based not well understood. Schambach (2002: 103-1 08) on the ideas of Clarence Webb who saw Caddo discusses the possibility that cultivation of starch/ origins as resulting from expansion of Coles Creek oily seed crops took place. Abundant grinding stones culture from the Lower Mississippi Valley, and con­ and double-bitted axes might reflect gardening and tact with Mesoamerican groups. Webb argued that seed processing. However, no plant food remains Coles Creek hamlets and villages were scattered in have been recovered. the Red River floodplain and along upland streams. Schambach sees Fourche Maline culture as The Coles Creek groups constructed a small num­ an adaptation to the environments of the Trans­ ber of civic-ceremonial centers including Mounds Mississippi South. Unfortunately, possible differ­ Plantation, the Gahagan site in Red River Parish, and ences between Woodland period economies of the the Crenshaw site in southwestern Arkansas (Webb Trans-Mississippi South and those in the Lower and Gregory 1986:3-4). Webb left open the question Mississippi Valley have never been explored in more of whether Caddo culture is a locally transformed than a cursory manner. Given the differences in the 54 Journal of Northeast Texas Archaeology 31 (2009) landscape, an overall greater focus on bottomland, sites to the east (Girard 2000), and the slightly later riverine resources in the Lower Mississippi Valley Lemoine phase (Black Lake Bayou, Lemoine, Ed­ (cf. Kidder and Fritz 1993:294), in contrast with a wards, and MacNeely sites) with ceramics similar to focus on upland resource exploitation in the Trans­ Early Coles Creek sites (Girard 2001). Similar sites Mississippi South, might be expected. Several are present to the south into the Red River floodplain major traits attributed to Fourche Maline culture by between the present cities of Natchitoches and Al­ Schambach may be linked to subsistence practices­ exandria, where three major channels were active in specifically, large thick-walled vessels, black-earth late prehistoric and historic times. middens, and abundant grinding equipment. It is Schambach argues that Fourche Maline is the possible that these traits relate to an emphasis on single cultural antecedent to Caddo culture. The nut processing, particularly hickory nuts, which transition was linked to initial participation of Late are abundant in the oak-hickory-pine vegetation Fourche Maline peoples in the developing Mississip­ regime within which the sites appear to cluster. It pian interaction sphere. Strongest connections were also is possible that the Fourche Maline inhabitants to the north, with ornamental trade goods and a dis­ adopted oily/starchy seed crop horticulture and that tinctive mortuary program resulting from contacts double-bitted axes are cultivating tools, as suggested with Cahokia (Schambach 2002: 112). In contrast by Schambach (2002:104-105). to Webb, Schambach (1982: 190) sees little evidence The Fourche Maline economy may have con­ that Coles Creek peoples of the lower Red and trasted with subsistence economies in the Piney Ouachita River drainages influenced developments Woods region to the south, and with those in the farther upstream on the Red River at this time. Lower Mississippi Valley where bottomland, river­ Like Schambach, Story (1990:323) argued ine resources were of primary subsistence impor­ that migration hypotheses for Caddo origins are tance at least since the Middle Archaic period (e.g., unsupported by archaeological evidence. However, Jackson and Scott 2001; Gibson 2000; Kidder and like Webb, she suggested that influences from the Fritz 1993). The Woodland period archaeological Lower Mississippi Valley are likely to have played record in the segment of the Red River floodplain an important role. Story argued that several different between the mouth of Loggy Bayou and the Natchi­ cultural traditions, probably with roots deep in the toches area is poorly known. The hills adjoining the Woodland period, are direct ancestors to the Caddos. floodplain in this region are covered by the Piney One of these, the Mossy Grove culture, is distin­ Woods where few Woodland period contexts have guished by distinctive sandy paste ceramics, and been identified. Fourche Maline black-earth mid­ existed in the Neches and Angelina River drainages dens with Williams Plain pottery do not seem to in East Texas. Perttula and Nelson (2004) proposed occur here. Although it is possible that the paucity that a culture designated Mill Creek was situated of sites is due to poor sampling, there also may have in the upper Sabine River drainage, portions of the been no distinct local population that inhabited the Big Cypress Creek drainage, and upper Angelina area. Rather, sporadic use by groups from the north­ River basin, between the Mossy Grove and Fourche west and southeast might be represented. Maline peoples. In the Natchitoches area, two major tributaries Differences in interpretations regarding Caddo on the east side of the Red River floodplain, Black cultural antecedents relate, in part, to the lack of Lake Bayou and Saline Bayou, converge to produce distinct ceramic stylistic criteria on which to for­ a swampy, lowland environment, major portions of mulate taxonomies. It is possible that, prior to about which are now continually inundated by a series of A.D. 900, the fluid nature of social and territorial lakes (Black Lake, Clear Lake, Saline Lake, and boundaries minimized group stylistic behavior. Lo­ Chee Chee Bay). In many respects, this area mim­ cal ceramic types are defined on the basis of general ics environments in the Lower Mississippi Valley. technological traits, not on the basis of decorative The area also has been long noted for archaeologi­ styles which, when present in the Trans-Mississippi cal similarities to the Lower Mississippi Valley for South, mimic those in the Lower Mississippi Val­ periods pre-dating about A.D. 1000. Best known are ley. Archaeological "phases" with distinct spatial sites of the Fredericks phase (Fredericks and Mon­ boundaries are difficult to define under these cir­ trose sites) with ceramics similar to Troyville culture cumstances. Girard- Comments on Caddo Origins in Northwest Louisiana 55

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC If integration of multiple communities is INTEG RATION represented by the presence of ceremonial centers, in portions of the Lower Mississippi Valley, and The phenomena that archaeologists have consid­ to a lesser degree up the Red River as far as the ered to represent the beginnings of Caddo culture in Natchitoches area, this phenomenon had been northwest Louisiana clearly relate to broader patterns ongoing during the Late Woodland period, and of social and economic integration that took place in perhaps earlier. The Fredericks site in Natchitoches the Trans-Mississippi South after about A.D. 900, Parish is the northernmost example of such a center and are linked to early "Mississippian" developments during the Late Woodland period (Girard 2000). in general in the Southeast. Throughout most of the However, most of the Trans-Mississippi South was Trans-Mississippi South, Late Woodland social and isolated from these trends until the period between economic relationships between local groups prob­ approximately A.D. 900 and A.D. 1050 when the first ably were poorly defined and ephemeral. North of the ceremonial centers (multiple mounds surrounding Fredericks site in the Natchitoches area, no popula­ plazas) appeared in the Red River floodplain. tion centers or ceremonial areas are known that would Development of these centers was accompanied by suggest the existence of an over-arching political (1) the beginnings of a distinctive mound mortuary structure or ideology that bound groups together. If program; (2) the first evidence of dispersed floodplain archaeological constructs such as Fourche Maline, villages; and (3) dramatic changes in ceramic vessel Mossy Grove, or Mill Creek had cultural reality in forms and decorations, including the initial presence the past, they were entities only in the most generic of fine engraved pottery, a form of decoration that did sense. These "cultures" cover vast expanses of the not exist in the Lower Mississippi Valley or elsewhere landscape and are defined on the basis of general in the Southeast at that time. A major research issue technological, rather than stylistic, criteria. As noted for the region is establishing the chronological order above, such large-scale, generic cultural constructs that these traits were developed or adopted. With might be useful as analytic units for addressing ques­ present chronological resolution, all appear roughly tions concerning variation in widespread ecological simultaneously and, thus, seem to be closely linked. adaptations. However, understanding Caddo begin­ nings might be better viewed as the integration of multiple, relatively autonomous social units, rather THE ESTABLISHMENT AND than as the transformation, and subsequent diffusion, DEVELOPMENT OF CEREMONIAL of existing large-scale "cultural" entities. CENTERS Although the archaeological record for the 8th through lOth centuries is poorly known, it does seem Inter-community integration is visible in the clear that by the early 11th century, relatively highly archaeological record by the presence of ceremonial integrated social units had formed and persisted in centers. Several recent studies in the Southeast areas where smaller, more autonomous groups once attempt to identify and understand the significance existed. From a functional perspective, communities of the ceremonies likely to have been conducted linked by close social and economic ties may have at these centers, stressing the role of feasting in had advantages over smaller, isolated communities the establishment of regional polities and social because these bonds: (1) minimized social barriers hierarchies (e.g., Knight 1986; Blitz 1993; Jackson for exchange of resources from varying portions of and Scott 1995; Kelly 1997; Pauketat et al. 2002). In the landscape; (2) facilitated intensification of food these studies, ethnographic and historic information production in the form of agriculture, and conse­ is used to demonstrate that connections between quent generation of surpluses and re-distribution in communities are created when some groups host times of need; (3) enabled aggression against less feasts that cross-cut existing social barriers (such integrated neighbors for resources or labor; and (4) as kinship ties) and institute new links between provided protection from other groups undergo­ formerly unaffiliated or even hostile groups. ing similar changes. As some groups adopted this Means of communication and cooperation often course, others were compelled to do likewise or be are established whereby decisions beneficial to eliminated as separate systems of organization (or security and prosperity are made on regional, rather at least their residues would not be recognized as than local, scales. Dietler and Herbich (2001 :243) distinct entities in the archaeological record). note that feasts may involve the mobilization of 56 Journal of Northeast Texas Archaeology 31 (2009) labor, including land clearing and field preparation. ELITE MORTUARY PATTERNS Such "work feasts" enabled hosts to produce food Despite having a complex social hierarchy as surpluses both to sponsor additional feasts and to evidenced by the settlement patterns, late Baytown re-distribute food in times of need. and early Coles Creek community or regional lead­ Kidder (1998a: 132-133) argued that a major ers in the Lower Mississippi Valley were not distin­ difference existed between Coles Creek culture guished through special mortuary treatments. Mass settlements in the Lower Mississippi Valley and burials on platforms or in shallow pits later covered Early Caddo settlements along the Red River. Early by earth to form low mounds were present at sites Coles Creek ceremonial centers consisting of two such as Greenhouse (16AV2), Gold Mine (16RI13), or three mounds arranged around a central plaza Mt. Nebo (16MA18), and Old Creek (16LA77) were present by the 9th century. Such sites became (Ford 1951; Jones 1979; McGimsey 2004; Giardino increasingly numerous through time, eventually 1984; Gibson 1984). The Gold Mine site (16RI13), forming a social landscape consisting of multiple which has radiocarbon dates in the A.D. 775-875 small scale "petty chiefdoms" not dominated by interval, probably was used by multiple small com­ any single center (Kidder 1992:154, 1998b:140). munities. As is the case with the other burial sites, In contrast to the Lower Mississippi Valley, Kidder numerous individuals were buried together with (1998a: 133) sees evidence that the Early Caddo no evidence of status differentiation (McGimsey landscape consisted of a few paramount centers, 2004:214). Individuals do not appear to have been roughly evenly spaced across the region, without carefully placed and many bones are missing. The smaller, secondary centers. Ceremonial centers in lack of highly decorated ceramic vessels or goods both areas were used both for public rituals and of exotic stone, marine shell, or copper in burials as mortuary facilities for elites. Elite burials at the continued in the subsequent Coles Creek periods, Caddo centers, however, exhibit greater evidence and this pattern contrasts markedly with the 11th of concentration of wealth and power in the hands century shaft tombs at Early Caddo period sites of a limited number of individuals, and Kidder such as Crenshaw, Mounds Plantation, Gahagan, (1998a: 133) suggests the existence of "a vertically and George C. Davis. ranked society with territorially distinct authority Mound 5, the major mortuary facility at the over large areas." Mounds Plantation site, was constructed in two Unfortunately, few Early Caddo period cer­ stages. Seven burial pits were dug prior to the final emonial centers in the Red River drainage are capping of the primary mound. Grave goods were actually known. Only the Mounds Plantation site, limited to arrow points. Six burial pits were made located north of Shreveport, is documented in during construction of the secondary mound. Holly northwest Louisiana. The Crenshaw and Bowman and Hickory Fine Engraved vessels, along with nu­ sites in Southwest Arkansas also were major Early merous elaborate burial goods, were placed in four Caddo ceremonial centers, but none of the Caddo of these pits. Webb saw changes in Mound 5 burial sites are particularly large compared to their Coles traits as evidence of a transition from the earliest Creek contemporaries. Although the dynamic na­ occupation of the site by Coles Creek peoples, to the ture of the Red River undoubtedly has destroyed later Early Caddo occupation. Because the burials some mounds (Schambach 1982: 11), relative to made from levels above the primary mound did not the Lower Mississippi Valley, mound construction intrude on the earlier burials, and multiple individu­ appears to have been an infrequent activity along als laid out in rows were present in both primary the Red River prior to A.D. 1200. The number of and secondary mound burial pits, Webb argued that: ceremonial centers is so few that it makes little "There is evidence in Mounds 3 and 5 of a progres­ sense to interpret their spacing except to note that sive and rapid shift from Coles Creek to Caddoan they are at considerable distances from one another. (Alto) culture with little evidence of time lag and It seems more reasonable to view the centers as no indication of desertion and reoccupation" (Webb disconnected attempts at local social integration, and McKinney 1975:120). Unfortunately there are rather than as representing the sudden emergence no radiocarbon dates from the early Mound 5 buri­ of a hierarchically structured political entity in als , and the absence of ceramic vessels precludes control of a vast region. comparisons with other areas. Girard-Comments on Caddo Origins in Northwest Louisiana 57

Perhaps the earliest burials at a mound center in walls, fine paste, and designs are exceptionally the Trans-Mississippi South are present at the Cren­ finely executed. These traits suggest manufacture by shaw site in southwest Arkansas. In Mound Cat least a limited number of highly skilled artisans. four large clusters of human burials were made on In northwest Louisiana during the Early Caddo top of a low earthen platform that subsequently was period, finely engraved sherds appear only in small buried by mound deposits. As in the Lower Missis­ amounts in village debris. However, they are the sippi Valley sites, numerous individuals were placed exclusive vessel forms placed in the mound burials in mass graves. However, in contrast to the Lower at both the Mounds Plantation and Gahagan sites. Mississippi Valley pattern, individuals were placed Such vessels may have been displayed in rituals and in neat rows and multiple burials goods (Coles Creek were sources of community pride, but access and Incised ceramic vessels, ceramic pipes, arrow points, use probably were limited to specific groups within bone awls) were included in the graves (Durham and communities. The dominance of serving vessels Davis 1975). Although these contexts have not been (bowls, bottles) suggests that they were displayed radiocarbon dated, the Early Coles Creek pottery in ceremonial contexts, probably involving feasts strongly suggests that the burials date prior to A.D. or ritual consumption of food. 1000. The linear mass burials at Crenshaw resemble Importantly, regardless of where they were man­ those in Mound 72 at Cahokia, but may pre-date the ufactured, similar attributes (paste, vessel forms, and Cahokia burials by two centuries or more. general decorative patterns) occur on Early Caddo The later burials in Mound C at Crenshaw were period engraved vessels throughout the Caddo area sunk deeply into the mound fill that capped the low as represented by the types Hickory Engraved, Holly platform. These graves contain fewer individuals, Fine Engraved, and Spiro Engraved. Apparently Early Caddo period ceramic vessels and other grave these vessels served as accoutrements of wealth, goods, and likely date to the 11th century or later based power, and status. They may have been involved on dates from similar burials at Mounds Plantation, in exchanges between emerging elites within the Gahagan, and George C. Davis. Better chronological Caddo area, as well as outlying areas, particularly control and more detailed comparisons of mortuary Cahokia and the American Bottom region during patterns at ceremonial centers between the Fourche the late 11th and early 12th centuries. The engraved Maline-Early Caddo sequence in the Trans-Mississippi pottery seems to signify emerging Caddo culture South and the Early to Middle Coles Creek sequence as distinct from cultures in the Lower Mississippi in the Lower Mississippi Valley would greatly enhance Valley. Although it is unlikely that the Caddo area our understanding of Caddo origins. was unified in any social or political sense during the Early Caddo period (or anytime thereafter prior to the middle 19th century, see Story 1978), a wide­ FINE WARE CERAMICS spread sense of singular cultural or perhaps even ethnic identity may have begun to materialize. The widespread distribution of engraved ce­ The context of production for early engraved ramics by the Early Caddo period might be a con­ pottery is not known. If the ceramics were produced sequence of regional interaction between diverse at a single location and traded to outlying communi­ social groups that were in the process of forming ties, one possible center for production is the George sedentary communities with incipient social hier­ C. Davis site located along the Neches River in East archies. The interaction consisted of exchange or Texas. Holly Fine Engraved was the most numerous emulation of prestige goods displayed in community decorated type among the estimated 1101 vessels social contexts, most likely rituals involving feast­ represented in the materials recovered from the ing. It is possible that highly polished, finely en­ Mound A excavations. No collections from north­ graved ceramic bowls and bottles were among such west Louisiana even remotely approach the quan­ prestige items in the Early Caddo period. Two basic tities represented at Davis. However, no contexts forms of decoration are represented-vessels with have been excavated that are comparable to Mound simple lines around vessel rims (Hickory Engraved), A-an "inner precinct" area (Story 1997) possibly and highly elaborate rectilinear and curvilinear pat­ confined to elite habitation and ritual. Polished and terns, often with excised zones and pigment rubbed engraved pottery has been recovered in the Huaste­ into both lines and zones (Holly Fine Engraved and can area along the Gulf Coast of Mexico (Newell Spiro Engraved). Vessels tend to have thin vessel and Krieger 1949:224-232; Webb and Gregory 58 Journal of Northeast Texas Archaeology 31 (2009)

1986:5), and it is possible that ceramics from this 4 How important are changes in ecological adap­ distant region provided the initial inspiration for the tations, particularly subsistence practices, for Caddo pottery. understanding Caddo origins? Although initially difficult to produce and 5 Does the appearance of ceremonial centers and acquire, by A.D. 1200 in northwest Louisiana en­ elite mortuary ceremonialism in the archaeo­ graved pottery appears to have become part of stan­ logical record reflect the initial appearance dard household ceramic assemblages. However, the of social hierarchies in the Trans-Mississippi elaborate patterns of Holly Fine Engraved dropped South? Did the region become divided into out of use and were replaced by simpler patterns multiple Caddo "chiefdoms" by A.D. 1200? often with hatched or cross-hatched bands or zones (Maddox Banded Engraved, Glassell Engraved, 6 Finally, should we regard the problem of Hempstead Engraved). Engraved pottery with rela­ Caddo origins as an example of "ethnogenesis" tively crudely executed, hatched elements began to as developed in anthropological studies? appear in village contexts during the Early Caddo period (prior to A.D. 1200). These often thick and unpolished vessels likely represent local attempts to REFERENCES CITED emulate the fine wares. General skill levels improved by the Middle Caddo period, and engraved vessels of Belmont, John varying quality apparently were part of every house­ 1967 The Cultural Sequence at the Greenhouse Site, hold. Finer examples may have continued to be Louisiana. Southeastern Archaeological Conference sources of pride and status. At the Davis site in East Bulletin 6:27-34. Texas, Krieger noted that, through time, execution of design elements on engraved vessels became slop­ Blitz, John pier and paste appeared to become coarser (Newell 1993 Big Pots for Big Shots: Feasting and Storage in a Mississippian Community. American Antiquity and Krieger 1949:83-84). Localization of produc­ 58(1 ):80-96. tion of engraved ceramics was a phenomenon that appears to have taken place throughout the Caddo Dietler, Michael and Ingrid Herbich area~a proliferation of types and regional variation 2001 Feasts and Labor Mobilization: Dissecting a Funda­ is widely recognized after about A.D. 1200. mental Economic Practice. In Feasts, Archaeological and Ethnographic Perspectives on Food, Politics, and Power, edited by Michael Dietler and Brian Hayden, pp. 240-264. Smithsonian Institution Press, RESEARCH QUESTIONS Washington, D.C.

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