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Racial Residential Segregation and Exclusion in

34 1 Douglas Massey and Nancy Denton. Racial Residential Segregation and Exclusion American : Segregation and the in Illinois Making of the Under - class (Cambridge: By Maria Krysan Press, 1998).Under - class. Cambridge: Harvard University etropolitan remains one of the levels of segregation and exclusion Press. the most residentially segregated throughout the state, we take up the ques - 2 We use the Census Mareas in the . According to the tion of what causes these patterns, what geographical desig - 2000 census, black- segregation in the some of the consequences are and, finally, of“place” throughout this Chicago metropolitan area was the fifth what policy steps might be taken to ad - report. Roughly 86 highest in the nation and Latino-white seg - dress them. percent of Illinois regation, although much lower than black- residents live in one Data and Methods of the 1,315“places” white segregation, was relatively high as identified by the well, ranking 11th . 2000 Census. Those not living in places To measure the level of segregation in a are generally charac - In the case of black-white segregation, the location, researchers often rely on some - terized as people levels in Chicago are what two prominent thing called the index of dissimilarity, living in,“small - tlements, in the sociologists call “hyper-segregated” and which gauges the degree to which two open countryside, or 1 indicative of an “American Apartheid.” groups are evenly distributed throughout in the densely set - tled fringe of large While there is little debate that the levels of an area. Suppose, for example, that a par - cities in areas that segregation in the Chicago metropolitan ticular city had an overall population that were built-up, but area are high, there is considerable debate was 80 percent white and 20 percent not identifiable as places.” (U.S. Bureau about its causes. And there is virtual si - African American. A dissimilarity score of of the Census, Geo - lence about how much segregation there is 75 would mean that 75 percent of graphic Areas Refer - ence Manual, p. 9-1). in Illinois places outside the Chicago met - (or African ) would have to ropolitan area . move to a different neighborhood in the 3 We rely on OMB and city in order to have all neighborhoods be Census designations to determine what The purpose of this chapter is to provide a 80 percent white and 20 percent black. constitutes a“metro - portrait of racial residential patterns of The dissimilarity index has a theoretical politan statistical area” and note that whites, blacks, and Latinos, throughout range from 0 (no segregation) to 100 its definition means the state of Illinois. We find: (1) there are (complete segregation). In the following that some section, we provide the dissimilarity communities that rather few communities with racially/eth - are classified as met - nically diverse populations that can be index scores for black-white and Latino- ropolitan are quite considered integrated; (2) black-white seg - white segregation for three different kinds small and rural. Ac - 2 cording to the Office regation levels are more severe than are of Illinois places: (1) metropolitan places of Management and Latino-white levels; and (3) there are large within the Chicago metropolitan area; (2) Budget, a Metropoli - 3 tan Statistical Area swaths of the state of Illinois that lack metropolitan places falling outside “ha[s] at least one racial/ethnic of any kind, inte - the Chicago metropolitan area; and (3) urbanized area of grated or segregated. non-metropolitan places in the state of 50,000 or more pop - ulation, plus adja - Illinois. Because is not possible to calcu - cent that Thus, inequality among whites, blacks, late meaningful dissimilarity scores in has a high degree of social and economic and Latinos on the dimension of places that lack diversity, we further re - integration with the is not just a problem in the city of Chicago, strict our report of segregation scores to core as measured by but throughout Illinois – in cities and small include only those places that, according commuting ties.” (OMB Bulletin No. towns alike. And is to the 2000 census, had (1) at least 500 res - 07-01: Update of marked not only by a question of segrega - idents; (2) at least 10 percent white popu - Statistical Area Defi - nitions and Guid - tion within diverse communities, but also lation; and (3) either at least a 10 percent ance on Their Uses ). by the near-complete lack of diversity in African American population or at least a 35 many communities. After a discussion of 10 percent Latino population. The calcula - The Illinois Report 2009

Figure 1 Chicago Metropolitan Communities: There is virtual Percent Distribution of Low, Moderate and High Segregation silence about Levels how much Table 1 segregation Chicago Metro Places: 70 Black-White Segregation there is in 60 Illinois places Place Name Dissimilarity Index, 50 48 outside the 2000 44 39 40 Chicago Hillside 29.3 34 metropolitan Willowbrook 31.1 30 Berkeley 33.1 area. Bolingbrook 33.3 20 18 17 Dolton 34.0 Forest Park 38.3 10 South Holland 38.5 Riverdale 39.1 0 Low Moderate High Preston Heights 41.8 Segregation Segregation Segregation Olympia Fields 42.7 University Park 42.8 Park Forest 42.9 Black-White Segregation Sauk Village 43.8 Oak Park 45.1 Latino-White Segregation Hazel Crest 46.1 Richton Park 46.2 Burnham 48.2 Source: Figures derived from calculations based on the 2000 48.6 census and provided by Professor Domenico Parisi, State University. Waukegan 50.2 Glenwood 50.7 Flossmoor 50.9 Country Club Hills 50.9 Aurora 50.9 Broadview 52.1 tions are based on the 2000 census and Lynwood 52.4 use data at the block level, thus providing Homewood 53.4 a finer grained measure of segregation Crete 55.7 Calumet City 56.2 than is typical (most studies of metropoli - North Chicago 58.8 tan areas use the larger geographical unit 4 East Hazel Crest 60.9 of the census tract). Blue Island 66.9 What Is Segregation Like in the Chicago Alsip 67.9 Chicago Heights 68.2 Metropolitan Area? Matteson 70.7 Evanston 70.8 Crest Hill 72.6 In Table 1, we show a rank order of the Fairmont 73.0 Joliet 75.0 black-white dissimilarity scores for all Lansing 76.5 places within the Chicago metropolitan Markham 79.3 area that meet the criteria outlined above. Chicago 88.3 Summit 89.3 As a rule of thumb for interpreting the dis - Justice 91.0 similarity scores, researchers typically clas - 4 All index of dissimi - Dixmoor 92.5 larity calculations sify places with scores below 40 as “low,” reported in this Low Segregation between 40-60 as “moderate,” and 60 or chapter were gra - Medium Segregation above as “high.” The table has been color- ciously provided to High Segregation the author by Pro - coded as tan, blue and pink, respectively, fessor Domenico Source: Figures derived from calculations based on the 2000 to reflect these three levels of segregation. Parisi, Mississippi census and provided by Professor Domenico Parisi, Mississippi State University. State University. There are quite a range of segregation levels in metropolitan Chicago, from a low of 29 36 in Hillside to a high of 92 in Dixmoor. The city of Chicago itself is among the most seg - Institute of Government & Public Affairs

Table 2 Chicago Metro Places: Latino-White Segregation

Place Name Dissimilarity Place Name Dissimilarity regated of the Chicago metropolitan area Index, 2000 Index, 2000 places, with a score of 88. Eighty-two per - Lyons 27.6 Hainesville 42.2 cent of communities are either highly (34 Berwyn 27.6 Round Lake Beach 42.3 percent) or moderately (48 percent) segre - Elmwood P ark 27.7 Highwood 42.8 gated; with 18 percent falling into the “low” Romeoville 28.7 Bensenville 44.0 Stone Park 28.8 Burnham 45.2 category. Figure 1 shows the distribution of Round Lake Heights 29.5 Melrose Park 45.7 communities across these three categories. Schiller Park 29.8 Hanover Park 45.8 Boulder Hill 30.6 Wood Dale 46.1 Ingalls Park 30.8 Carol Stream 47.2 The levels of segregation for whites and Berkeley 31.1 Woodstock 47.4 Latinos in the Chicago metropolitan area Cicero 31.6 Harvard 48.1 Sauk Village 32.0 Marengo 49.3 are quite different from the overall pat - River Grove 32.6 North Aurora 49.6 terns reported for segregation between Park City 33.0 Waukegan 50.4 blacks and whites. Table 2 shows that Bridgeview 33.0 Des Plaines 50.7 Burbank 33.4 Addison 50.8 Latino-white segregation levels range from Glendale Heights 33.5 Genoa 51.0 28 in Lyons, Berwyn and Elmwood Park to Dixmoor 33.6 Fairmont 51.1 80 in Hodgkins. Although the range is Posen 34.5 Warrenville 52.3 Beach Park 34.8 Wheeling 52.3 somewhat similar to that observed for Summit 35.9 Hoffman Estates 53.7 blacks and whites, the distribution of South Elgin 36.0 Elgin 53.9 Forest View 36.1 Wauconda 53.9 places across the three categories of low, Hillside 36.3 Long Lake 55.8 moderate and high are strikingly different. Blue Island 36.4 North Chicago 58.4 Figure 1 illustrates this quite clearly. For Streamwood 36.8 Bolingbrook 36.9 Villa Park 61.0 example, there are twice as many commu - Rockdale 37.8 West Chicago 61.3 nities where black-white segregation falls Round Lake 38.1 Mundelein 61.5 into the “high” category (34 percent) as Northlake 39.7 Joliet 62.0 Aurora 63.0 compared to communities where Latino- Franklin Park 40.0 Chicago Heights 63.3 white segregation is classified as “high” South Chicago Heights 40.2 Chicago 63.5 Plano 40.9 Rolling Meadows 65.1 (17 percent). At the other extreme, about Round Lake Park 41.4 Prospect Heights 66.0 two in 10 communities had black-white Stickney 41.6 Palatine 67.8 segregation levels that were considered Montgomery 41.7 Mount Prospect 68.8 Carpentersville 41.9 Rosemont 72.9 “low,” while almost four in 10 communi - Zion 42.0 Hodgkins 80.4 ties had Latino-white segregation levels Calumet City 42.1 that were considered low. Low Medium High What Is Segregation Like in Metropolitan Segregation Segregation Segregation Areas Outside of Chicagoland? Source: Figures derived from calculations based on the 2000 census and provided by Professor Domenico Parisi, Mississippi State University.

For metropolitan areas that lie outside the Chicago metropolitan area, the story is not much different from that inside the Chicago metropolitan area. First, the black- munities (90 percent) have black-white lev - white segregation levels shown in Table 3 els of segregation that are either “high” (40 (pg. 38) reveal that there are far fewer (just percent) or “moderate” (50 percent). And, 20) communities that meet the criteria for as was the case in metropolitan Chicago, as calculating segregation scores. Table 4 (pg. 38) shows, the 10 places where white-Latino segregation levels could be But in terms of the distribution of commu - calculated have generally lower levels of nities across the three levels of segregation, segregation – just two of the 10 fall into the they are quite similar to those in the “highly” segregated level, with one Chicago metropolitan area. As Figure 2 (Momence) just barely making it into this (pg. 38) shows, the vast majority of com - category with a segregation score of 60. 37 The Illinois Report 2009

Table 3 Metro Places Outside Chicago Metro Area: Black-White Segregation

Place Name Dissimilarity Figure 2 Index, 2000 Non-Chicago Metropolitan Cahokia 33.2 Communities: Percent Distribution of Fairview Heights 37.9 Low, Moderate and High Segregation Levels O'Fallon 41.6 Rantoul 43.0 70 Shiloh 51.6 Belleville 52.8 60 60 Madison 57.7 Urbana 58.0 50 50 Champaign 58.2 40 Lebanon 58.9 40 Peoria 59.8 Danville 59.9 30 20 20 Decatur 61.2 20 Springfield 64.2 10 Rockford 66.1 10 Rock Island 66.2 Kankakee 66.5 0 Alton 67.0 Low Moderate High Pontoon Beach 72.2 Segregation Segregation Segregation Centralia 74.0

Low Segregation Black-White Segregation Medium Segregation Latino-White Segregation High Segregation

Source: Figures derived from calculations based on the 2000 census and provided by Professor Domenico Parisi, Mississippi Source: Figures derived from calculations based on the 2000 State University. census and provided by Professor Domenico Parisi, Mississippi State University.

5 Daniel T. Lichter et al.“National Esti - Table 4 Figure 2 shows further evidence that mates of Racial Seg - Metro places outside Chicago Metro black-white segregation levels are high, regation in Rural relative to Latino-white segregation levels. and Small-Town Area: Latino-White Segregation America ,” Demogra - What is Segregation Like In Non- phy 44(3) (2007): Place Name Dissimilarity 563-581. Index, 2000 Metropolitan Areas?

Fairmont City 33.0 Silvis 39.8 There has been very little analysis of rural East Moline 47.9 and small-town America’s residential seg - St. Anne 48.0 regation patterns. In a 2007 study of na - Belvidere 48.3 Capron 52.5 tional levels of segregation in non-metro- Moline 54.2 politan areas, demographer Daniel Lichter 5 Rockford 57.0 and his colleagues concluded that, de - Momence 60.4 spite very different , the patterns Rankin 81.4 of segregation in small-town America were surprisingly similar to those in met - Low Segregation ropolitan areas. The results for Illinois lead Medium Segregation High Segregation to a similar conclusion. Table 5 shows the 12 non-metropolitan places in the state Source: Figures derived from calculations based on the 2000 census and provided by Professor Domenico Parisi, Mississippi where there were sufficient African Ameri - State University. cans for black-white segregation scores to 38 be meaningfully calculated. Well over half Institute of Government & Public Affairs

Table 5 Nonmetropolitan Places: Black-White Segregation There has been Table 6 Place Name Dissimilarity Nonmetropolitan Places: very little Index, 2000 Latino-White Segregation analysis of Baldwin 34.9 rural and Place Name Dissimilarity Mounds 49.7 Index, 2000 small-town Ullin 52.7 America’s Carbondale 53.9 Hillcrest 31.1 Tamms 56.4 De Pue 38.4 residential Cobden 38.5 segregation Sparta 60.9 Cairo 61.0 Rock Falls 41.2 patterns. Carrier Mills 61.8 Onarga 44.6 Freeport 62.3 Sterling 44.7 Mount Vernon 65.7 Mendota 49.4 Mound City 70.0 Rochelle 49.7 Clayton 88.6 Arcola 54.6 Beardstown 59.4

Low Segregation Medium Segregation Low Segregation High Segregation Medium Segregation High Segregation Source: Figures derived from calculations based on the 2000 census and provided by Professor Domenico Parisi, Mississippi Source: Figures derived from calculations based on the 2000 State University. census and provided by Professor Domenico Parisi, Mississippi State University.

of these communities score “high” in their segregation levels; and just one – Baldwin Figure 3 – scores in the “low” category. And the Non-Metropolitan Communities: pattern that Lichter calls “black exception - Percent Distribution of Low, alism” pertains to non-metropolitan segre - Moderate and High Segregation gation scores as well: of the 10 non- Levels metropolitan places for which we could 70 70 calculate Latino-white segregation scores, shown in Table 6, there are none that are 60 58 “highly” segregated, seven that are “mod - 50 erately” segregated, and three that fall in the “low” segregation category. Figure 3 40 33 30 shows this pattern quite clearly. 30

In summary, across the state we find that 20 in all three types of places – Chicago met - 10 8 ropolitan, non-Chicago metropolitan, and 0 0 non-metropolitan areas – the vast majority Low Moderate High of communities are segregated at moder - Segregation Segregation Segregation ate to high levels. This is particularly the case for black-white segregation; roughly Black-White Segregation twice as many communities, across all Latino-White Segregation three types, have “low” levels of Latino- white segregation as compared to black- Source: Figures derived from calculations based on the 2000 white segregation. Segregation is not just a census and provided by Professor Domenico Parisi, Mississippi problem in the state’s largest metropolitan State University. region of Chicago. 39 The Illinois Report 2009

Figure 4 Percent of Persons Who Are Black/African American Alone in Illinois by tion of Figures 4 and 5, which provide the percentage black and percentage Latino by county, reveals that and Latinos are not evenly distributed throughout the state of Illinois. Indeed, there are large swaths of the state where blacks and Latinos simply do not reside.

Looked at another way, we can calculate the percentage of Illinois residents who live in places with more than 500 residents and are either 10 percent or more African American or 10 percent or more Latino and are at least 10 percent white (the set of places for which we present dissimilarity scores in Tables 1 through 6). Approxi - mately 40 percent of Illinoisans who live in census-defined places live in communities that do not meet these criteria. In other words, they live in places with very little racial/ethnic diversity. To a great extent, these are white Illinois residents living in 0 - 1.0% overwhelmingly white communities.

1.1 - 8.0% The absence of African Americans from many places throughout Illinois is the 8.1 - 18.2% topic of a recent major study by sociologist 6 James Loewen (2005). He argues that the 18.3 - 34.9% reason there are few, if any, African Ameri - cans in any particular community is often Source: Census 2000 Summary File 1 (SF 1) 100-Percent Data not due to “natural” causes of demogra - phy, migration, or market forces. Rather, in many cases, the absence of African Ameri - cans in a community is the result of formal 6 This chapter does and informal policies, particularly during not discuss exclu - Equally striking, though, is that there are sionary policies ap - few non-metropolitan places that are at the nadir of relations: 1890-1940. plied to Latinos These practices and policies drove out ex - because Loewen’s least 10 percent African American or 10 analysis focuses on percent Latino. This highlights an impor - isting black residents and/or kept others the more common tant observation about housing patterns in from moving into the town. Sundown kind of Sundown Towns, as Loewen defines them, are “any Town in the State of Illinois: there are many communities (met - Illinois – those tar - organized jurisdiction that for decades ropolitan and non-metropolitan alike) that 7 geted specifically at kept out African Americans (or others)” African Americans. have so few African American and Latino residents that it makes little sense to calcu - and are so-named for the policy of such 7 James W. Loewen. late levels of segregation within them. communities: “No after dark.” In Sundown Towns: A his meticulous research, Loewen used his - Hidden Dimension of What About Places That Are Not Diverse? American torical census data to identify suspected (: Simon Sundown Towns, based on the presence and Schuster , 2005): 213-214. Overall, according to the 2000 census, the and then absence of African Americans state of Illinois is about 15 percent African among their residents, and then conducted 40 American and 12 percent Latino. Inspec - additional research through oral , Institute of Government & Public Affairs

Figure 5 Percent of Persons Who Are Latino (of Any Race): 2000 newspapers of the past and present, local histories, and other sources. This was done to determine if towns with an all-white past were all-white on purpose. Loewen estimates that roughly 75 percent of Illinois towns were “Sundown” at some point in their history.

Based on census-data research, Loewen identified about 500 communities in Illi - nois as probable Sundown Towns. To date, he has done more detailed research into 219 of these 500 and concluded that 218 could be confirmed as Sundown Towns. Sundown Towns, he finds, used a variety of tactics to secure their status as a white- only community. Perhaps the most visible of these tactics was violence.

The 1908 in Springfield is one such ex - ample. Ultimately this riot was unsuccess - 0.2 - 1.0% ful at expelling its black population, likely owing to at least three factors: the large 1.1 - 8.0% black population; Springfield’s status as the state capital; and that it was Abraham 8.1 - 18.1% Lincoln’s hometown. But the riot neverthe - less had an effect on other communities in 18.2 - 23.7% Illinois. As Loewen explains,

Source: Census 2000 Summary File 1 (SF 1) “The Springfield riot stands as a proto - 100-Percent Data type for the many smaller that left communities all-white between 1890 and 1940, most of which have never 8 James W. Loewen. been written about by any historian. In - whites in Buffalo posted the following Sundown Towns: A deed, the Springfield riot itself spawned ultimatum at the train station: ‘All Hidden Dimension of American Racism a host of imitators: whites shouted N ------are warned out of town by (New York: Simon “Give ‘em Springfield!” during attacks Monday, 12m, sharp. Buffalo Sharp and Schuster , 2005): 8 on African Americans…the Illinois State Shooters.’” 94-95. Register reported, ‘At Auburn, Thayer, Virden, Girard, Pawnee, Spaulding, Buf - Springfield itself remained highly segre - falo, Riverton, Pana, Edinburg, Tay - gated as of 2000. With an index of dissimi - lorville, Pleasant Plains and a score of larity score of 64, it ranked seventh highest other places in central Illinois a is among non-Chicago area metropolitan an unwelcome visitor and is soon in - communities. formed he must not remain in the town.’ Buffalo, a little town twelve miles Some Sundown Towns that used violence east of Springfield, became all-white on to remain all-white have overcome their , 1908, two days after the Na - past. To take one example, Oak Park was a tional Guard ended the Springfield riot. Sundown in 1950, as is clear from Not to be outdone by Springfield, the response to the arrival of the renowned 41 The Illinois Report 2009

chemist Percy Julian and his wife, Anna Loewen’s detailed analysis gives countless Roselle Johnson, the first African American examples of these tactics used throughout woman to earn a PhD in . The Sundown Towns in Illinois and the rest of water commissioner refused to turn on the the nation. water in their newly purchased 15-room , they received threatening phone While explicit policies calls, and there was an attempt to burn have faded into the past, informal policies 9 9 James W. Loewen. their house down. Today, Oak Park is a and persistent reputations of communities Sundown Towns: A stably integrated community with a repu - as unwelcoming of African Americans Hidden Dimension of tation for its commitment to diversity and mean that the consequences of these ear - American Racism (New York: Simon a range of housing-related programs insti - lier policies and practices continue. Al - and Schuster , 2005): tuted to ensure its openness. In 2000, it though it is difficult to know for sure, 128. was 22 percent African American and its Loewen estimates that about one-half of 10 James W. Loewen. index of dissimilarity reveals that it is confirmed Sundown Towns are no longer Sundown Towns: A “moderately” segregated; as of the 2000 so, based on census data analysis and Hidden Dimension of American Racism census, it ranked 33rd out of the 44 other research indicating that the commu - 10 (New York: Simon Chicago metropolitan communities in - nities have shed their past status. This and Schuster , 2005): 410. cluded in Table 1. means, of course, that about one-half of them still are. 11 James W. Loewen. Violence was not the only strategy for cre - Personal communi - A Side Note cation with the au - ating and then maintaining Sundown thor , 2008. Towns. It is perhaps just the most visible – but no more or less successful than a myr - We take a brief detour at this point to iden - iad of other tactics that communities un - tify a particularly troubling kind of resi - dertook to keep their towns white. dential segregation; a situation where the Communities threatened violence on an black population in a community is liter - entire group by one of its mem - ally confined. Loewen has identified a bers, thus encouraging the departure of the number of communities in Illinois that group. Local ordinances were passed pro - have Sundown Town pasts (and perhaps hibiting African Americans from being in presents) that now house state correctional 11 town after sundown and whistles blew . There are many instances from places like the town’s water tower where the census reports a sizeable black each day at 6 p.m. to warn blacks out of population in a particular community, but town. chiefs escorted the wayward closer inspection reveals that only a small black traveler or would-be resident out of number of householders are black. Instead, town. Citizens used “freeze out” tactics, the vast majority of the black population such as refusing service to blacks in public enumerated in the census is actually settings, not allowing their children to play housed in a prison. For example, the town with black children, and not hiring blacks of Ina, according to the 2000 census, had as employees. African Americans who 1,027 black residents; but all except two were living in Sundown Towns would be were living in the Big Muddy River Cor - bought out, or wishing to de - rectional Facility. According to Loewen, velop new would buy out black there are nine federal or state correctional property owners in rural areas where they facilities in confirmed Sundown Towns were locating their new – all white by de - and Counties in Illinois, and another four sign – communities. Suburbs in particular in suspected Sundown Towns. As Loewen used restrictive deed covenants prohibit - argues, the kind of black-white contact cre - ing the sale of property to blacks and es - ated in such settings is hardly conducive to tablished private associations to permit building trust between blacks and whites, 42 exclusion of certain group members. and the geographic and sociological dis - Institute of Government & Public Affairs

tance between and the prison makes acerbated the private actions of white resi - it hard for prisoners to maintain ties with dents, neighborhood associations, and the their and makes it harder for fami - real estate industry who engaged in tactics lies to visit. Loewen describes the thoughts ranging from intimidation to to re - 13 of a resident of a Sundown Town that got a strictive covenants. prison in 1970, as an illustration of how such a situation fosters and Set against this historical backdrop, there negative racial attitudes: “Since that time, are generally three explanations offered for The best you get constant remarks about black peo - the persistence of racial residential segre - ple and how bad they are. Of course, [pris - gation: , , and evidence oners] are the only they preferences. The first is that despite being available know.” made illegal in 1968, indicates that discrimination Contemporary Causes of Racial Residential in housing continues to exist, and has the Segregation effect of barring racial minorities from ac - in the housing cessing some neighborhoods. The best evi - market dence available indicates that persists, The very existence of Sundown Towns, as discrimination in the housing market per - although often Loewen notes, is a feature of Illinois and sists, although often in more subtle and in more subtle American history that is “hidden in plain complex ways than in the past. In the cur - and complex sight.” Citizens and researchers often fail rent era, it may often be the case that vic - ways than in to recognize how and why all-white com - tims are not even aware that they have munities have come to pass. If they notice been discriminated against. It is less that the past. them at all, they are often viewed as a the door is slammed in the face of minority “natural” outcome of market forces and homeseekers and more that phone calls are personal choices about where different not returned, fewer options are offered, racial groups “prefer” to live. Loewen’s less help is given, less enthusiastic follow- analysis is a reminder of how this history up is provided, more hurdles are placed in of creating all-white communities sets the their path, they are given fewer options, stage for patterns of segregation across the and they are steered to communities where 14 state of Illinois. It is against this historical their own group dominates. In the most 15 backdrop that we turn now to the question recent nationwide audit-study of housing of how and why racial residential segrega - discrimination, the U.S. Department of tion persists into the contemporary era – Housing and Urban Development found 40 years after the 1968 Fair Housing Act that African Americans and Latinos face declared discrimination on the basis of significant discrimination in housing, race in the sale and rental of housing to be illegal. 12 James H. Carr and Nandinee K. Kutty, eds. Segregation: The Rising Costs for America (New York: Routledge , 2008). Much of the scholarly research on segrega - 13 Stephen Grant Meyer. As Long as They Don’t Move Next Door: Segregation and Racial tion until recently has focused on metro - Conflict in American Neighborhoods (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield , 2000). politan areas – places where blacks and Latinos are not excluded from so much as 14 Margery Turner and Stephen L. Ross.“How Racial Discrimination Affects the Search for Housing ,” in Xavier de Souza Briggs, ed., The of Opportunity: Race and they are segregated within. The historical Housing Choice in Metropolitan America (Washington, DC: Brookings , role of local, state and federal governments 2005). in creating segregation within any particu - 15 An audit study is conducted by matching two homeseekers on a range of charac - lar community or region is undeniable – teristics, with the only difference being their race/ethnicity. Each of the homeseek - from restrictive ordinances to the ers approaches a real estate agent/landlord, expressing an interest in renting/ purchasing a home. Detailed records are taken on how the auditors are treated by federal government’s policies on public the real estate professionals. In cases where the white auditor is treated more favor - housing, transportation, and in ably than the black and/or Latino auditor, discrimination on the basis of race/eth - 12 nicity is in evidence. home loan programs – public policies ex - 43 16 Kathleen C. Engel The Illinois Report 2009 and Patricia McCoy. “From Credit Denial to Predatory Lend - ing: The Challenge of Sustaining Minor - ity Homeowner - ship ,” in James H. Carr and Nandinee although levels had declined somewhat cent of whites who searched in a commu - K. Kutty, eds., Segre - since 1989. But they also reported that nity where whites were in the minority. gation: The Rising – the act of showing minor - And, by asking why African Americans Costs for America (New York: Rout - ity clients neighborhoods where their hold the preferences they do, we discover ledge, 2008); Gre - group predominates, while showing white that it is less because of a “neutral” in- gory D. Squires and Charis E. Kubrin. clients only predominately white neigh - group preference and more because of a Privileged Places: borhoods – had increased. Studies of the desire to avoid discrimination in largely Race, Residence, and mortgage industry also suggest that mi - white communities. Furthermore, white the Structure of Op - portunity (Boulder, norities are more likely to be denied a preferences for white communities are not CO: Lynne Reimer home loan and also more likely to be of - shaped by neutral forces but instead by Publishers , 2006). fered only sub-prime loan products, to be racial stereotypes about blacks and neigh - 17 Tyrone Forman and the victims of practices, borhoods that have black residents in 18 Maria Krysan. and to face more difficulties and more ex - them. “ 16 in Metropolitan pense in securing property . Chicago Housing.” The third explanation for segregation is ar - Policy Forum 20(3), (Institute of Govern - A second explanation for the persistence of guably the one that most citizens prescribe ment and Public racial residential segregation is that people to: money talks and so the reason blacks, Affairs , 2008). prefer it that way; put simply, if blacks, whites and Latinos live in different neigh - 18 Ingrid Gould Ellen. whites and Latinos live in different areas, it borhoods is because people live where Sharing America’s is because they want it that way. Studies they can afford to live. Owing to the eco - Neighborhoods: The Prospects for Stable generally show that whites and African nomic segregation of many American Americans hold incompatible preferences cities, it is “natural” that we have racial (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University about the racial composition of the neigh - residential segregation so long as we con - Press, 2000); Camille borhoods they would like to live in. tinue to have racial . Zubrinsky Charles . Whites want relatively few African Ameri - But despite the intuitive appeal of this ar - Won’t You Be My Neighbor? Race, cans in their neighborhood while African gument, as Ingrid Ellen concludes, “virtu - Class, and Residence Americans prefer a more even mix of ally every study that has examined the role in (New York: Russell Sage whites and blacks. But it is problematic to of differences in driving segrega - Foundation, 2006); construe these kinds of preferences as re - tion has found that income differences be - and Reynolds Farley flections of “personal choices” that are be - tween blacks and whites account for only a et al.“Stereotypes 19 and Segregation: nign and neutral. Indeed, much research modest share of segregation patterns.” Neighborhoods in demonstrates that preferences are not the Area.” American Journal of “neutral” and “unproblematic” but rather Apart from these three main explanations Sociology 100(3) constrained and complicated. For example, for segregation, we also include in this dis - (1994): 750-780. one study shows that to describe African cussion some attempt to understand why 19 Ingrid Gould Ellen. American racial residential preferences as Sundown Towns continue to be all white – Sharing America’s for “50-50” or majority-minority neighbor - even in those cases where the policies, prac - Neighborhoods: The Prospects for Stable hoods and to then conclude, as some have, tices and tactics are a thing of the past. Racial Integration that segregation is caused by minority Loewen suggests that the persistence of (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University preferences, is problematic. Indeed, if we racial exclusion in these communities Press , 2000). look more in-depth at African American comes from the “upstream” and the “down - 20 preferences using different methods, we stream.” From the upstream, while there 20 James W. Loewen. Personal communi - find that they are far from “segregation may be willingness on the part of a commu - cation with the au - promoting.” In a recent study in the nity to rent or sell to African Americans, thor , 2008. 17 Chicago metropolitan area, we find that 81 percent of African Americans who have “… precisely owing to that racial past, searched for housing in the last 10 years few African Americans may seek hous - had among their search locations at least ing in the community. The town or one community where blacks were in the county has built a reputation as an en - 44 minority. This is compared to just 25 per - tity, based on policies and incidents Institute of Government & Public Affairs

stretching back for decades. It is not what is troubling for the encouragement of easy for acts by individuals to undo this integration is that whites’ blind spots also corporate character. Indeed, the town’s include communities that are racially actions as an entity, along with the repu - mixed (either with Latinos or African tations that have built up, may preclude Americans) – even those where whites are the possibility of nondiscriminatory acts in the majority. by individual would-be sellers or

renters.” From the “downstream,” once a minority 21 Maria Krysan. person decides to make a home in a former “Racial Blind Spots: In other words, communities have reputa - Sundown Town, there may be acts of ha - A Barrier to Inte - grated Communi - tions, and the degree to which the reputa - rassment and unwelcoming behavior that ties in Chicago.” tion – and possibly the – of a make life difficult; and again, owing to its Critical Issues Paper, (Institute of Govern - community is unwelcoming to certain past, there may be unstated policies that ment and Public groups of people raises a barrier to mem - black newcomers should be challenged by Affairs, 2008). 22 bers of that group even attempting to authorities because they “don’t belong.” 22 James W. Loewen. search for housing. Related to this, com - This kind of may result in the Personal communi - munities may simply be unknown among first black pioneers not staying in the com - cation with the au - thor , 2008. certain racial/ethnic groups. If the knowl - munity. Thus discrimination and prefer - edge residents of different backgrounds ences are inextricably linked: blacks’ 23 Ingrid Gould Ellen. have about a community is shaped by the reluctance to enter communities or neigh - “Continuing Isola - tion: Segregation in composition of that community, then these borhoods that have a reputation for hostil - America Today” in patterns of knowledge – or the lack of ity toward blacks can hardly be constructed James H. Carr and Nandinee K. Kutty, knowledge – may constitute an important as a free choice. And it is the choices of eds., Segregation: barrier to integrated living. It is difficult to whites to continue to move into all-white The Rising Costs for America (New York: move into a neighborhood if you don’t communities that must be equally under - Routledge , 2008). know anything about it. stood as problematic. The most recent re - search shows that it is less the case that In a survey of Chicago residents, we found whites move out of neighborhoods that be - that whites, blacks and Latinos all tend to come diverse, which was more common in know more about communities in which the heyday of “,” but it is the 21 their co-ethnics live. But African Ameri - case that when they choose where to move, cans and Latinos, relative to whites, know they choose to move into whiter neighbor - 23 about a broader range of communities – hoods. Given the regularly high levels of racially mixed and racially segregated mobility, these individual choices, in the alike. For African Americans and Latinos, aggregate, mean that whites do little to the few “blind spots” are communities that overcome the persistence of overwhelm - are both predominately white and geo - ingly white communities. graphically distant from the city, thus cre - ating a barrier to the possible integration Finally, as noted previously, there has been of communities like this. But there are little research that examines the causes of plenty of predominately white communi - segregation in rural and small-town Amer - ties about which African Americans do not ica. In the most detailed analysis on this have a blind spot relative to whites; as topic, Daniel Lichter and his colleagues such, there are clearly other barriers, per - conclude that there are substantial paral - haps discrimination or perhaps “negative” lels between patterns in metropolitan and knowledge about how African Americans nonmetropolitan areas: are treated in these communities. For their “Racial residential segregation in rural part, whites are far less likely than Latinos places increases with growing minority or African Americans to know about heav - percentage shares and is typically lower ily African American communities. And in “newer” places (as measured by 45 The Illinois Report 2009

growth in the housing stock), while gration; from the standpoint of whites, racially selective annexation and the im - blacks are the least desirable neighbors fol - 26 plied “racial threat” at the periphery ex - lowed by Latinos and then Asians. acerbate racial segregation in rural 24 Consequences of Segregation places.”

We focus our discussion on the causes and Racial residential segregation has been de - consequences of segregation more heavily scribed as the “structural lynchpin” of racial Segregation on African Americans than Latinos because inequality in America. Because so much of also takes its there is substantially less research that ex - what happens to a person is driven by toll on the amines Latino-white segregation. A few where they live – things like where they go political, patterns are noteworthy. First, although to school, what services they receive, and economic, and there is some evidence that Latino-white their access to transportation, medical serv - social vitality segregation may be increasing, it is still the ices and employment opportunities – racial of entire case that Latino-white segregation is far residential segregation is implicated in per - regions. lower than black-white segregation. Sec - sistent racial inequalities. Numerous stud - ond, while racial/ethnic differences in eco - ies have documented the deleterious nomic background explain only a small consequences of residential segregation for fraction of black-white segregation pat - outcomes among blacks including infant terns, the same is not true for Latino-white and adult mortality, educational attainment, segregation. As Latinos climb the economic employment, death rates from , ladder they become more residentially inte - rates of single motherhood, and the accu - grated with whites, to a much greater de - mulation of equity in . Others have gree than is true of blacks. It is also the case pointed out the effects of segregation on the that the longer Latinos have been in the quality of schools, employment opportuni - United States, the less segregated they ties, health and personal networks, and ac - 25 27 are. From the standpoint of preferences, it cess to social resources. is generally reported that white attitudes toward living with African Americans are Recently, attention has been paid not only more negative than toward living with to how economics influence where people Latinos. In other words, black “exceptional - live, but also how where people live shapes ism” holds for preferences for racial inte - their economic outcome. Researchers Melvin Oliver and Thomas Shapiro make the point that while income inequality be - 24 Daniel T. Lichter et al.“National Estimates of Racial Segregation in Rural and Small- tween blacks and whites may have reduced Town America.” Demography 44(3) (2007): 563. somewhat, there are tremendous disparities

25 Richard Alba, John R. Logan, and Brian Stults.“The Changing Neighborhood in black-white : for every $1 in Context of the Immigrant Metropolis,” Social Forces 79 (2000): 587-621. wealth held by a black household, white 28 households have $12. Because homeown - 26 Camille Zubrinsky Charles . Won’t You Be My Neighbor? Race, Class, and Residence in Los Angeles (New York: Russell Sage Foundation (2006). ership is the most common form of wealth accumulation in the United States, the dis - 27 For examples of many of these, see the recent edited volume, Segregation: The Rising Costs for America (Carr and Kutty, 2008) . crimination faced by blacks in terms of ac - cess to homeownership and the 28 Melvin L. Oliver and Thomas M. Shapiro. Black Wealth/White Wealth: A New consequences of segregation on the value of Perspective on Racial Inequality (New York: Routledge, 1995). properties that blacks do own, there have 29 James H. Carr and Nandinee K. Kutty, eds. Segregation: The Rising Costs for America been deep inequities in the accumulation of (New York: Routledge, 2008); Melvin L. Oliver and Thomas M. Shapiro. Black Wealth/White Wealth: A New Perspective on Racial Inequality (New York: Routledge, wealth between whites and blacks. Wealth, 1995). in turn, affects a range of outcomes for mi - norities, for example, a ’s ability to 29 46 fund their children’s college . Institute of Government & Public Affairs

From the standpoint of , seg - regated neighborhoods do little to help break down racial tensions and negative at - 30 titudes. Social scientists have shown that contact between groups is an important way to reduce negative inter-group atti - tudes. But this contact must feature (1) equal group status; (2) common goals; (3) 30 Camille Zubrinsky inter-group cooperation; (4) authority sup - Charles . Won’t You 31 port; and (5) friendship potential. Living Be My Neighbor? Race, Class, and Resi - side-by-side and working to solve neigh - dence in Los Angeles borhood problems and build community is Maria Krysan is a member of the (New York: Russell Sage Foundation one context in which these conditions IGPA faculty and an associate pro - fessor of sociology at the Univer - (2006). could be met. And failure to do so means sity of Illinois at Chicago. Her 31 that there are few opportunities for people Gordon W. Allport. research focuses on racial residen - 1954. The Nature of of all races and ethnicities to interact in a tial segregation and racial atti - (New York: way that breaks down negative stereo - tudes. She is co-author (with H. Doubleday Anchor, 32 1954); Thomas F. types. By living in segregated neighbor - Schuman, L. Bobo and C. Steeh) of the book Racial Attitudes in Amer - Pettigrew .“Inter - group Contact The - hoods and Sundown Towns, we are ica: Trends and Interpretations missing an opportunity to cultivate more ory ,” Annual Review (Harvard University Press, Revised of Psychology 49 positive race/ethnic relations. Segregation Edition, 1997), and is responsible (1998): 65-85. also takes its toll on the political, economic, for a website that updates the data 33 from that book (http://www.igpa. 32 James W. Loewen. and social vitality of entire regions . uillinois.edu/programs/racial Sundown Towns: A attitudes). In addition to a recent Hidden Dimension of Dismantling Patterns of Segregation and American Racism Exclusion edited volume with Amanda Lewis, (New York: Simon called The Changing Terrain of Race and Schuster , 2005). and Ethnicity , her most recent work 33 There is no panacea for reducing the levels has appeared in the Annual Review Gregory D. Squires. of Sociology, Demography, Social “Prospects and Pit - of segregation and exclusion that exist Problems, Social Forces, Social falls of Fair Housing Enforcement Ef - throughout communities in Illinois. The Science Research , and The DuBois forts” in James H. causes of segregation, as outlined above, Review . She is a principal investiga - Carr and Nandinee are complex and inter-related, making it tor on an NIH-funded grant,“How K. Kutty, eds., Segre - Does Race Matter in Housing? gation: The Rising difficult to point a finger at one cause and Search Strategies, Experiences and Costs for America imagine solving the problem with a single Preferences,” a project that contin - (New York: Rout - remedy. Based on the discussion above, ues her interest in racial attitudes ledge , 2008). however, several areas are worthy of and residential segregation. attention. Krysan received her Ph.D. from the University of Michigan in 1995.

Despite the passage of the Fair Housing Act of 1968, there remains substantial evi - dence of persistent . As Carr and Kutty observe, “HUD’s en - forcement powers have for various reasons and property insurance are necessary tools largely remained underutilized. In 2003, for addressing inequities in the housing HUD brought only four racial discrimina - system. tion cases, although it had received more than 2,700 complaints that year.” Support Altering preferences that work against inte - for testing and prosecuting cases of dis - gration is a far more complicated policy crimination in the buying and renting of goal. In the abstract, individuals of all races housing and in the securing of mortgages generally profess an interest in more inte - 47 The Illinois Report 2009

grated neighborhoods than those where ket their communities in a way that makes they actually live. The challenge is to create them attractive and accessible to people of situations where those abstract preferences all races and ethnicities would speak to this can be translated into behavior. The affir - issue. mative marketing component of fair hous - ing legislation is consistent with this need. For Sundown Towns in particular, Loewen Affirmative marketing refers to the active identifies three things a community can promotion of racially diverse, majority do: “(a) Admit it (‘We did this’); (b) Apolo - black, and majority Latino neighborhoods gize for it (‘We did this, and it was wrong’) to whites and the encouraging of Asians, and (c) Proclaim they now welcome resi - blacks, and Latinos to consider moving into dents of all races (‘We did this, it was majority-white neighborhoods. Programs wrong, and we don’t do it anymore’).” But that seek to overcome the informational he also argues that there are state and fed - that lead people to avoid certain eral responses that can be taken to penalize neighborhoods, or to have little knowledge Sundown Towns – in the form of denying of them, should be supported. Policies that federal and state tax dollars for programs provide resources to community-based or - and projects until they take action to make ganizations that work with real estate up for their past practices. agents, landlords and civic leaders to mar -

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