DOCSLIB.ORG

RACIAL SEGREGATION and the ORIGINS of APARTHEID, 1919--36 Racial Segregation and the Origins of Apartheid in South Africa, 1919-36

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
RACIAL SEGREGATION and the ORIGINS of APARTHEID, 1919--36 Racial Segregation and the Origins of Apartheid in South Africa, 1919-36 RACIAL SEGREGATION AND THE ORIGINS OF APARTHEID, 1919--36 Racial Segregation and the Origins of Apartheid in South Africa, 1919-36 Saul Dubow, 1989 Palgrave Macmillan ISBN 978-1-349-20043-6 ISBN 978-1-349-20041-2 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-1-349-20041-2 © Saul Dubow, 1989 Softcover reprint ofthe hardcover Ist edition 1989 All rights reserved. For information, write: Scholarly and Reference Division, St. Martin's Press, Inc., 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 First published in the United States of America in 1989 ISBN 978-0-312-02774-2 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Racial segregation and the origins of apartheid in South Africa. 1919-36/ Sau1 Dubow. p. cm. Bibliography: p. Includes index. ISBN 978-0-312-02774-2 1. Apartheid-South Africa-History-20th century. I. Dubow, Saul. DT763.R34 1989 88-39594 968.05'3--dc19 CIP Contents Pre/ace vii List 0/ Abbreviations x Introduction 1 PART I 1 The Elaboration of Segregationist Ideology, c. 1900-36 21 1 Early Exponents of Segregation 21 2 'Cultural Adaptation' 29 3 Segregation after the First World War 39 4 The Liberal Break with Segregation 45 2 Segregation and Cheap Labour 51 1 The Cheap-Iabour Thesis 51 2 The Mines 53 3 White Labour 56 4 Agriculture 60 5 The Reserves 66 6 An Emergent Proletariat 69 PART 11 3 Structure and Conßict in the Native Affairs Department 77 1 The Native Affairs Department (NAD) 77 2 Restructuring the NAD: the Public Service Commission, 1922-3 81 3 Conftict within the State and the Native Administration Bill ~ 4 'Efficiency', 'Economy' and 'Flexibility' 93 v VI Contents 4 The Ideology of Native Administration 99 1 The Transkeian Administration 99 2 The Administrative Ethic in Other Provinces 103 3 The 1920 Native Affairs Act and Its Demise 107 4 'Retribalisation' and Customary Law 111 5 The Legacy of 'Protection' 119 6 Conclusion 125 PART III 5 The Passage of Hertzog's Native Bills, Part One 131 1 Introduction 131 2 Smuts and Hertzog, 1925-9 136 3 The Joint Select Committee and Fusion, 1930--5 142 6 The Passage of Hertzog's Native Bills, Part Two 149 1 Reactions to the Segregation Bills, 1926-36 149 2 The 1936 'Compromise' and the Enactment of the Native B~ 1~ 3 Conclusion 171 Conclusion 177 Notes and References 181 Bibliography 220 Index 242 Preface South Africa has undergone enormous political upheaval since 1982, when I began to research the history of segregation. At that time the economy was still relatively buoyant and the Nationalist government, together with large business corporations, were confidently under­ taking a significant range of reformist initiatives. In view of these developments the response of the forces of opposition was uncertain, and those who, in 1983, daimed that the state was in deep crisis, seemed to be engaged in a measure of wishful thinking. There have been dramatic changes since then. Towards the end of 1984 it became evident that the new constitution (which at one point seemed set to enlarge the state's mandate by incorporating significant elements of the coloured and Indian middle dass) was rebounding on the government. In the months that followed a wave of popular militancy led to mass insurrection in black townships throughout the country. The state responded in the way it knew best; with an unprecedented level of brutality and repression un­ leashed both within the country and beyond its borders. The impo­ sition of anational state of emergency in June 1986 was followed by a massive crackdown on political organisations and a sustained attempt by the state to crush all forms of dissent. Those who, at the height of the 1984-6 insurrection, predicted that the state was about to yield to the forces of popular opposition, have since been forced to reassess their position in more sober terms. The speed of events and the volatility of the current situation make nonsense of any prognosis about the future of apartheid. For the historian, one of the key questions which requires answering is not just how long the present regime will survive, but also how apartheid has been able to endure for so long. In addressing this problem a thorough understanding of apartheid's historical predecessor - segregation - is vital. This study therefore considers how segregation became the organising ideology of white supremacy during the interwar years, how it gained the effective consent of those it exduded from power, and how it sought to legitimise a system of government based on domination and exploitation. Many writers have addressed the question of segregation, though few have done so in any systematic fashion. Marian Lacey's important book, Working for Boroko, comes dosest to satisfying the vii viii Preface need for a comprehensive treatment of the topic, though I am critical of her approach and conclusions. Martin Legassick's provisionally titled work, Capitalism and Segregation, might have been a brilliant contribution to the debate, but it was never completed. Nevertheless, my own work has been greatly stimulated by his lead. The insights of other writers have also had an important impact on the direction of my research. In particular, I think of Shula Marks's suggestive work on Natal, William Beinart's writings on the Transkei, John Cell's comparative study of segregation in South Africa and the American South, and Paul Rich's treatment of liberalism between the wars. In the course of researching and writing this book, which began life as an Oxford doctoral thesis, I have been helped by many people. The librarians and staff of Rhodes House, Oxford, Jagger Library at the University of Cape Town, the Witwatersrand University Department of Historical Papers, and the Institute of Common­ wealth Studies, London, all saw a great deal of me. They were generous with their time, patience and interest. Throughout my research I have been supported by bursaries and scholarships administered by the University of Cape Town. In my final year as a student I was awarded the Beit Senior Research Scholarship by Oxford University. I am indebted to both universities for this support, without which it would have been impqssible either to begin or complete this study. It was as a British Academy post­ doctoral research fellow at the Institute of Commonwealth Studies, London, that the task of transforming an unwieldy thesis into book form was accomplished. The support of both these institutions has likewise been invaluable. There are many friends both in England and South Africa who helped me a great deal; some by sharing their houses and meals, others by simply reminding me of the world outside my work. I learned much from extended talks with William Beinart, who read various drafts of the thesis and helped me to sharpen up some of my inchoate ideas. Shula Marks read both the thesis and the final manuscript. Her penetrating criticisms led me to make important revisions at a late stage and I am grateful for her encouragement over the past year. I have always been able to trust the careful judgement of my supervisor, Stanley Trapido, who allowed me freedom to explore and never sought to impose his views. His mastery and intuitive understanding of South Mrican history is special. Stanley and Barbara have also shown me exceptional hospi- Preface IX tality and friendship: their dOOf has always been (literally) open. In Oxford and in London lohn Lazar traded ideas, commented on draft chapters and advised on the finer points of apartheid ideology. Susan Rosenberg conceived the cover of this book and executed it with imagination and enthusiasm. I have benefited from the informed (and critical) interest of my parents, their sustained encouragement and support. It is difficult to record my thanks to them adequately. Bryony's rigorous editorial skills were indispens­ able during the final stages of the thesis. In encouraging me to reconsider passages which I would have preferred to forget about, she helped me to overcome my inertia and to improve the coherence of the manuscript as a whole. To her, I am more than grateful. Finally, a note on language. For the purposes of contextual accu­ racy I have repeatedly used words which, in today's parlance, would offend many. I have therefore employed single inverted commas to indicate where words (like 'native') are used in their historical context. If I have not stuck rigidly to this rule, it is only in order to avoid pedantry. SAUL DUBOW List of Abbreviations AAC All-African Convention ANC African National Congress CNC Chief Native Commissioner CPSA Church of the Province Archives, University of the Witwatersrand DRC Dutch Reformed Church GG Archives of the Governor General, Pretoria ICU Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union JAH Journal of African History JSAS Journal of Southern African Studies JSC Joint Select Committee JUS Archives of the Justice Department, Pretoria KCM Killie Campbell Library Manuscript MP Member of Parliament NA Archives of the Native Affairs Department (pre-Union) Pretoria NAC Native Affairs Commission NAD Native Affairs Department NEC Native Economic Commission NEC Report of the Native Economic Commission (1930-32) NRFA Non-Racial Franchise Association NTS Archives of the Native Affairs Department (post­ Union), Pretoria OFS Orange Free State OUP Oxford University Press PM Archives of the Prime Minister's Office, Pretoria PSC Public Service Commission SACP South African Communist Party SAIRR South African Institute of Race Relations SAJE South African Journal of Economics SAJS South African Journal of Science SANAC South African Native Affairs Commission SAP South African Party SC Select Committee SDK Archives of the Public Service Commission, Pretoria SNA Secretary of Native Affairs SNC Sub-Native Commissioner x List 0/ Abbreviations xi TES Archives of the Treasury, Pretoria UCT University of Cape Town UG Union Government UNISA University of South Africa Wits University of the Witwatersrand .
Load more

Recommended publications
  • What Anti-Miscegenation Laws Can Tell Us About the Meaning of Race, Sex, and Marriage," Hofstra Law Review: Vol
    Hofstra Law Review Volume 32 | Issue 4 Article 22 2004 Love with a Proper Stranger: What Anti- Miscegenation Laws Can Tell Us About the Meaning of Race, Sex, and Marriage Rachel F. Moran Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/hlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Moran, Rachel F. (2004) "Love with a Proper Stranger: What Anti-Miscegenation Laws Can Tell Us About the Meaning of Race, Sex, and Marriage," Hofstra Law Review: Vol. 32: Iss. 4, Article 22. Available at: http://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/hlr/vol32/iss4/22 This document is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hofstra Law Review by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Moran: Love with a Proper Stranger: What Anti-Miscegenation Laws Can Tel LOVE WITH A PROPER STRANGER: WHAT ANTI-MISCEGENATION LAWS CAN TELL US ABOUT THE MEANING OF RACE, SEX, AND MARRIAGE Rachel F. Moran* True love. Is it really necessary? Tact and common sense tell us to pass over it in silence, like a scandal in Life's highest circles. Perfectly good children are born without its help. It couldn't populate the planet in a million years, it comes along so rarely. -Wislawa Szymborskal If true love is for the lucky few, then for the rest of us there is the far more mundane institution of marriage. Traditionally, love has sat in an uneasy relationship to marriage, and only in the last century has romantic love emerged as the primary, if not exclusive, justification for a wedding in the United States.
    [Show full text]
  • Apartheid and Jim Crow: Drawing Lessons from South Africaâ•Žs
    Journal of Dispute Resolution Volume 2019 Issue 1 Article 16 2019 Apartheid and Jim Crow: Drawing Lessons from South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Benjamin Zinkel Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.missouri.edu/jdr Part of the Dispute Resolution and Arbitration Commons Recommended Citation Benjamin Zinkel, Apartheid and Jim Crow: Drawing Lessons from South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation, 2019 J. Disp. Resol. (2019) Available at: https://scholarship.law.missouri.edu/jdr/vol2019/iss1/16 This Comment is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at University of Missouri School of Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Dispute Resolution by an authorized editor of University of Missouri School of Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Zinkel: Apartheid and Jim Crow: Drawing Lessons from South Africa’s Truth Apartheid and Jim Crow: Drawing Lessons from South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Benjamin Zinkel* I. INTRODUCTION South Africa and the United States are separated geographically, ethnically, and culturally. On the surface, these two nations appear very different. Both na- tions are separated by nearly 9,000 miles1, South Africa is a new democracy, while the United States was established over two hundred years2 ago, the two nations have very different climates, and the United States is much larger both in population and geography.3 However, South Africa and the United States share similar origins and histories. Both nations have culturally and ethnically diverse populations. Both South Africa and the United States were founded by colonists, and both nations instituted slavery.4 In the twentieth century, both nations discriminated against non- white citizens.
    [Show full text]
  • Before and After Segregation and Apartheid: a Comparative Analysis
    NEW CITIES NEW ECONOMIES Before and After Segregation and Apartheid: A Comparative Analysis By Leland Ware | Peer Review Introduction This article compares conditions in South Africa elimination of apartheid in South Africa, significant before and after apartheid to the circumstances in improvements have been made, but most poor Black America during and after segregation. During the eras people still reside in impoverished communities in of segregation and apartheid, conditions for Black townships and the countryside. people in America and South Africa were oppressive in the extreme. The two systems had some differences, The broad-based, grass roots, Civil Rights movement but the overall impact was the same. Black people started in America in the 1950s. Over the next decade, were physically separated and treated differently, marches, boycotts, and other forms of nonviolent and less favourably, than their white counterparts. protests were organised and executed. These activities The progress made by African Americans during culminated with the enactment of the Civil Rights the 50 years since the end of segregation has been Act of 1964, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and the Fair substantial, but significant disparities between Black Housing Act of 1968. In the years that followed, African and white people still linger. In the 25 years since the Americans made significant advances in educational Volume 85 / 2020 63 NEW CITIES NEW ECONOMIES attainment levels, employment opportunities, family income, home ownership, and wealth. The South African government In South Africa, Black people and other non-white is in danger of becoming the groups stepped up their opposition to apartheid in political stereotype of what is the 1950s.
    [Show full text]
  • Racial and Class Segregation Patterns in the United States
    e.polis Volume V, Fall/Winter 2012 76 Racial and Class Segregation Patterns in the United States: Comparing Atlanta and Chicago Neal Andrew Johnson Urban Studies Undergraduate Capstone Research Project Proposal Dr. Jamie Harris, Professor University of Wisconsin – Milwaukee Spring 2012 e.polis Volume V, Fall/Winter 2012 77 Introduction Segregation is not a new phenomenon. Its roots can be traced back to places such as ancient China in the 6th Century (Kiang, 1994). Here, during the Sui and early Tang dynasties, ‘functional segregation’ was the rule where “the strict social hierarchy of society had been reflected and reinforced by the rigid segregation of populations in their respective wards” (Kiang, 1994; 48). Nobility and highly ranked officials were segregated in separate wards from the craftsmen and merchants. Similarly, Lubeck, Germany was segregated with separate quarters for merchants and craftsmen throughout much of the 12th-16th centuries (Parker, 1986). Furthermore, Jews and other religious groups were excluded from living in the city altogether based on their religious backgrounds (Cowan, 1978). So this is nothing new, and has created a serious challenge for cities throughout the centuries. Segregation patterns throughout the twentieth century vary in their scope and implementation. Most American’s are aware of the racial segregation that is apparent in many cities throughout the country. The past century has proven to be a decisive time in the study of these patterns. However, what can be said about segregation along class and economic lines? Does the racial discrimination, particularly between blacks and whites, have any correlation with class segregation? How did these patterns change throughout the twentieth century? Was there any difference between cities of the north versus the cities of the south? These are the questions I seek to answer as I study the segregation patterns of the United States.
    [Show full text]
  • A Complete List of the Definitions Found in the Dictionary of Race, Ethnicity and Culture
    A complete list of the definitions found in The Dictionary of Race, Ethnicity and Culture A Aborigine \ Acculturation Group \ Adaptation \ Adjustment \ Affirmative \ Afrocentrism \ Aggression \ Alien \ Alienation \ Altruism \ Amnesty \ Anticipated \ Anti-Racism \ Anti-Semitism \ Apartheid \ Art \ Assimilation \ Asylum \ Ausländer B Bilingualism \ Bioethics \ Black \ Boat People \ Border C Caste \ Chauvinism \ Circumcision \ Citizenship \ Civilization \ Colonialism \ Colour Bar \ Colour- Blind Society \ Coloured \ Commission for Racial Equality \ Community \ Complementarism \ Concentration Camp or Death Camp \ Conformism \ Cosmopolitism \ Creole \ Cross-Cultural \ Cross-Cultural Medicine \ Cultural Areas \ Cultural Determinism \ Cultural Evolutionism \ Cultural Imperialism \ Cultural Relativism \ Culture \ Cybernazis D Dance \ Denizen \ Deportation \ Developing Countries \ Diaspora \ Differentialism \ Discrimination \ Diversity-Similarity \ Double Consciousness \ Dual Citizenship E Ebonics \ Eco-Racism \ Emancipation \ Emigration \ Empowerment - Disempowerment \ Enculturation \ Equality \ Ethnic \ Ethnic Cleansing \ Ethnic Enterprises \ Ethnic Minority \ Ethnic Politics \ Ethnicity \ Ethnicity and Race \ Ethnicization \ Ethnocentrism \ Ethnocide \ Ethno-Nationalism \ Ethnopsychiatry \ Evolution \ Exclusion \ Exile \ Exoticism \ Extracomunitario F Family \ Family Reunification \ Flows \ Folklore \ Foreigner \ Fortress \ Free Movement \ Frontier \ Fundamentalism G Gastarbeiter \ Genocide \ Genome \ Genotype \ Ghetto \ Globalization \ Gypsy
    [Show full text]
  • Systematic Inequality: Displacement, Exclusion, and Segregation How America’S Housing System Undermines Wealth Building in Communities of Color
    GETTY/BASTIAAN SLABBERS Systematic Inequality: Displacement, Exclusion, and Segregation How America’s Housing System Undermines Wealth Building in Communities of Color By Danyelle Solomon, Connor Maxwell, and Abril Castro August 2019 WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.ORG Systematic Inequality: Displacement, Exclusion, and Segregation How America’s Housing System Undermines Wealth Building in Communities of Color By Danyelle Solomon, Connor Maxwell, and Abril Castro August 2019 Contents 1 Introduction and summary 2 American public policy systematically removes people of color from their homes and communities 6 Federal, state, and local policies have fortified housing discrimination 13 Conclusion 14 About the authors 15 Methodology 16 Appendix 18 Endnotes Authors’ note: CAP uses “Black” and “African American” interchangeably throughout many of our products. We chose to capitalize “Black” in order to reflect that we are discussing a group of people and to be consistent with the capitalization of “African American.” Introduction and summary Homeownership and high-quality affordable rental housing are critical tools for wealth building and financial well-being in the United States.1 Knowing this, American lawmakers have long sought to secure land for, reduce barriers to, and expand the wealth-building capacity of property ownership and affordable rental housing. But these efforts have almost exclusively benefited white households; often, they have removed people of color from their homes, denied them access to wealth- building opportunities, and relocated them to isolated communities. Across the country, historic and ongoing displacement, exclusion, and segregation continue to prevent people of color from obtaining and retaining their own homes and accessing safe, affordable housing. For centuries, structural racism in the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Occupation, Not Apartheid | the Washington Institute
    MENU Policy Analysis / Fikra Forum Occupation, Not Apartheid by Mohammed Dajani Apr 7, 2017 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Mohammed Dajani Mohammed S. Dajani Daoudi is the former Weston Fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy and is Director of the Wasatia Academic Institute in Jerusalem. Brief Analysis n 2014, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry warned that Israel risked becoming an apartheid state if a two-state I solution could not be reached. In March 2017, a UN report titled "Israeli Practices toward the Palestinian People and the Question of Apartheid," published by the Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia (ESCWA), accused Israel of being an "apartheid state" over its treatment of Palestinians. The authors of the report, Richard Falk and Virginia Tilley, based their definition of apartheid primarily on Article II of the 1973 International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid and the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. The Rome Statute states: "The term 'the crime of apartheid,' which shall include similar policies and practices of racial segregation and discrimination as practiced in southern Africa, shall apply to...inhuman acts committed for the purpose of establishing and maintaining domination by one racial group of persons over any other racial group of persons and systematically oppressing them." The Apartheid Convention sets forth that the "crime of apartheid" consists of "discrete inhuman acts that acquire the status of crimes against humanity
    [Show full text]
  • Apartheid Baltimore Style: the Residential Segregation Ordinances of 1910-1913 Garrett Op Wer
    Maryland Law Review Volume 42 | Issue 2 Article 4 Apartheid Baltimore Style: the Residential Segregation Ordinances of 1910-1913 Garrett oP wer Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/mlr Part of the Property Law and Real Estate Commons Recommended Citation Garrett oP wer, Apartheid Baltimore Style: the Residential Segregation Ordinances of 1910-1913, 42 Md. L. Rev. 289 (1983) Available at: http://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/mlr/vol42/iss2/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Academic Journals at DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Maryland Law Review by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. APARTHEID BALTIMORE STYLE: THE RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION ORDINANCES OF 1910-1913* GARRETT POWER** On May 15, 1911, Baltimore Mayor J. Barry Mahool, who was known as an earnest advocate of good government, women's sufferage, and social justice, signed into law "lain ordinance for preserving peace, preventing conflict and ill feeling between the white and colored races in Baltimore city, and promoting the general welfare of the city by pro- viding, so far as practicable, for the use of separate blocks by white and colored people for residences, churches and schools."' Baltimore's seg- regation law was the first such law to be aimed at blacks in the United States, but it was not the last. Various southern cities in Georgia, South Carolina, Virginia, North Carolina, and Kentucky enacted similar laws.2 The legal significance of housing segregation laws in the United States was shortlived.
    [Show full text]
  • Segregation and Apartheid in Twentieth-Century South Africa
    SEGREGATION AND APARTHEID IN TWENTIETH-CENTURY SOUTH AFRICA ‘This is an outstanding collection…gathering the harvest of twenty years of intense scholarly and political debate. Jim Campbell, Northwestern University, Illinois ‘Well-known to South Africanists as individual contributions, this collection of seminal essays deserves, and will now find, a wider and more multidisciplinary audience.’ C.R.D.Halisi, Indiana University Beinart and Dubow’s selection of some of the most important essays on racial segregation and apartheid in twentieth-century South Africa provides an unparalleled introduction to this contentious and absorbing subject. The volume includes: • a specially written introduction by the editors which contextualizes the historiographical controversy, taking into account the 1994 election and associated changes; • explanatory notes and article summaries to improve the accessibility of the material; • a glossary of unusual terms to facilitate understanding. William Beinart is Reader in History at the University of Bristol. Saul Dubow is Lecturer in History at the School of African and Asian Studies, University of Sussex. Rewriting Histories Rewriting Histories focuses on historical themes where standard conclusions are facing a major challenge. Each book presents 8 to 10 papers (edited and annotated where necessary) at the forefront of current research and interpretation, offering students an accessible way to engage with contemporary debates. Series editor Jack R.Censer is Professor of History at George Mason University REWRITING
    [Show full text]
  • Israel Is an Apartheid State
    Allegation: Israel is an Apartheid State It is not uncommon today to see critics of Israel accusing it of being an apartheid state. Whether such a description is being used to describe Israeli policies towards Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, or towards Arab citizens of Israel, the label is inaccurate, offensive, and often used to delegitimize and denigrate Israel as a whole. Moreover, the use of this inaccurate and highly charged label is also counterproductive to resolving issues related to injustices within Israeli society or the complex Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Apartheid usually refers to the guiding policy of racial segregation in pre-1990s South Africa. Apartheid was a racist, repressive system, by which South Africa’s white minority enforced its domination, through a systematic framework of racist legislation, over black and other non-white racial groups who made up more than 90 percent of the country’s population. The accusation of apartheid fundamentally distorts what Israel is. While there is no doubt that Israel, like every country, has tremendous societal challenges and must do better in dealing with issues of institutionalized bias, discrimination, inequity and racism, choosing to apply the apartheid label would seem to question the legitimacy of the world’s only Jewish state and its continued existence. Within Israel, there are safeguards aimed at ensuring the equal treatment of all citizens, Jewish or Arab, and Israeli laws and democratic institutions, including the independent courts and robust free press, assigned to uphold and speak out for these rights. Representing over 20% of Israel’s population, Israeli Arab citizens 1 / 3 serve as judges, ambassadors, legislators, journalists, professors, artists and play prominent roles in all aspects of Israeli society.
    [Show full text]
  • World Conference Against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance
    1 World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance Declaration Having met in Durban, South Africa, from 31 August to 8 September 2001, Expressing deep appreciation to the Government of South Africa for hosting this World Conference, Drawing inspiration from the heroic struggle of the people of South Africa against the institutionalized system of apartheid, as well as for equality and justice under democracy, development, the rule of law and respect for human rights, recalling in this context the important contribution to that struggle of the international community and, in particular, the pivotal role of the people and Governments of Africa, and noting the important role that different actors of civil society, including non-governmental organizations, played in that struggle and in ongoing efforts to combat racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance, Recalling that the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action, adopted by the World Conference on Human Rights in June 1993, calls for the speedy and comprehensive elimination of all forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance, Recalling Commission on Human Rights resolution 1997/74 of 18 April 1997, General Assembly resolution 52/111 of 12 December 1997 and subsequent resolutions of those bodies concerning the convening of the World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance and recalling also the two World Conferences to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination,
    [Show full text]
  • Residential Segregation a Transatlantic Analysis
    RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION A TRANSATLANTIC ANALYSIS By John Iceland TRANSATLANTIC COUNCIL ON MIGRATION RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION A Transatlantic Analysis John Iceland September 2014 Acknowledgments The author thanks Prof. Dr. Sako Musterd of the University of Amsterdam for providing data on population evenness in Europe. This research was commissioned by the Transatlantic Council on Migration, an initiative of the Migration Policy Institute (MPI), for its eleventh plenary meeting, held during November 2013 in London. The meeting’s theme was “Cities and Regions: Reaping Migration’s Local Dividends” and this paper was one of the reports that informed the Council’s discussions. The Council is a unique deliberative body that examines vital policy issues and informs migration policymaking processes in North America and Europe. The Council’s work is generously supported by the following foundations and governments: Open Society Foundations, Carnegie Corporation of New York, the Barrow Cadbury Trust (UK policy partner), the Luso-American Development Foundation, the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, and the governments of Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, Spain, and Sweden. For more on the Transatlantic Council on Migration, please visit: www.migrationpolicy.org/transatlantic. © 2014 Migration Policy Institute. All Rights Reserved. Cover Design: Danielle Tinker, MPI Typesetting: Marissa Esthimer, MPI No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission from the Migration Policy Institute. A full-text PDF of this document is available for free download from www.migrationpolicy.org. Information for reproducing excerpts from this report can be found at www.migrationpolicy.org/about/copyright-policy.
    [Show full text]