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Secret History of the Mongols“ 元朝秘史: Section 6D

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Secret History of the Mongols“ 元朝秘史: Section 6D The Language of the Chinese “Secret History of the Mongols” 元朝秘史: Section 6D 6 GRAMMAR 6D EXAMPLES 1. Exemplification 6D.1 The present section contains examples of the grammatical categories. Each category is represented as such; in some cases additional examples of special interest are quoted. Each example is given in Chinese transcription followed by a translation, with textual reference. A diagonal stroke in the transcription represents a piece division. In some instances a short note is added to the example referring to the description in Section 6C; sometimes an example is followed by a reference to other passages in the text where further examples of the same category may be found. The examples have been subdivided in such a way as to correspond with the divisions of 6C. 2. Sentence and clause 6D.2.1 Sentence classes: compound/simple. 1. Meŋlik yi7 Yesugei kiu duei Deisečen šuo./Yesugei siaŋ2 Temujin/haušeŋ simteŋ/giau wuo lai xiu./Deisečen šuo./Gi2ši siaŋ2 ŋa giau kiu gian liau bian huei./Suei yin2 ziaŋ hueilai liau. Meŋlik, 倚 Yesugei 去對 Deisečen 說./ “Yesugei 想 Temujin/ 好生甚疼/ 教我來 取./ Deisečen 說./ 既時想呵教去見了便回./ 誰引將回來了 Meŋlik, as Yesugei (had asked), went and said to Deisečen: “Yesugei is thinking of Temujin; he is in great anguish, and has told me to come and fetch him”. Deisečen said: “Since he is thinking (of him), let him go and see (his father) and then return”. And so he took him back with him. (i) simple; (ii) compound, three free clauses, second and third no pre-verbal noun; (iii) simple, followed by direct speech; (iv) compound, bound clause followed by two free clauses (the first perfective, the second with conjunctive adverb); (v) simple, free (with conjunctive adverb following direct speech). (II. 1b; 69.1-6). 2. Čiŋgis ziaŋ Taiyičwu-di Awuču-baatur deŋ zsun ša zin ziaŋ baisiŋ ki lai/ji Qubaqaya di2mian ju2 duŋ3 liau. Čiŋgis 將 Taiyičwu-di Awuču-baatur 等子孫殺盡將百姓起來/ 至 Qubaqaya 地面 住冬了. Having exterminated the children grandchildren of the Taiyičiwut, Čiŋgis (Genghis) took their folk on the move and went to Qubaqaya and spent the winter there. Compound sentence: three free clauses, second and third having no pre-verbal noun. (V. 1b; 148.1-3.) 3. Xeŋ je2ban šuo lai/za Dadamui da3yiŋ5 liau di hua/bian ši dam yiban./Řuo bu yi7jo ŋa/tuŋban4 li yie bu řuŋ. 曾這般說來/ 咱大大每答應了的話/ 便是擔一般./ 若不倚着呵/ 同伴裏也不容. Once we have spoken in this way, the word which we Tatars give is as our bond. Those who do not keep it we do not admit among our comrades. (i) compound, first clause is bound (conditional: xeŋ here is pre-verbal adverb), second bound (genitival), third free (with conjunctive adverb); (ii) compound, first clause bound, pre-verbal noun in second, free clause. (III. 13a (113a); 108.17-21.) 6D.2.2 Clause classes: free/bound. 1. Řugim giau wuo s3 ŋa bian s3/ŋenx4 giau huo3 ŋa ču ki3li5 je. 如今教我死呵便死/ 恩賜活呵出氣力者. Now if you order me to die I shall die; if you show kindness and let me live I shall put my strength (to your service). Four clauses, order BFBF; second clause has conjunctive adverb. (Fourth clause is second person imperative where first expected, only instance; possibly due to collocation with giau: see imperative mood 6D.2.6.) (VI. 53b; 185.23-24.) 2. Yesugei anda/xeŋ yi x2 ziaŋ wuo yi3 šu3 liau di baisiŋ gieu yiu liau. Yesugei anda / 曾一次將我已輸了的百姓救與了. My sworn brother Yesugei once rescued for me the folk that I had lost. Two clauses, order F(B) (=bound clause internal to free clause). Bound clause is genitival. (V. 38a; 164.2-3.) 3. Qabul yin ki3 zuei jaŋ/yiu2 baisiŋ nei siuan2gian5 yieu dam2liaŋ2/yieu ki9li5/gaŋyiuŋ2 neŋ še2 guŋ di řin suei4xuŋ ta. Qabul 因其最長/ 引百姓內選揀有膽量/ 有氣力/ 剛勇能射弓的人隨從他. Because he (Okin-baraqaq) was the eldest, Qabul chose from among his folk those who were the bravest, the strongest and the stoutest archers, (and told them) to follow him. Seven clauses, order F(B) (B(F) (F)(F))F. The three clauses yieu ki9li5, gaŋyiuŋ2 and neŋ še2 guŋ are considered to be free clauses bound by position internal to the bound (genitival) clause yieu dam2liaŋ2 (…) di. (IV. 26b; 139.4-7 (as amended).) 4. Zieu čai juŋ yi7jaŋ4 řin Yiturgen/tuŋ Qaliwuder-deŋ kiu. 就差中倚仗人 Yiturgen/ 同 Qaliwuder 等去. And he sent Yiturgen, who was trustworthy, to go with Qaliwuder and the others. Two clauses, order F(F). juŋ yi7jaŋ4 is a free clause (yi7jaŋ4 cannot be verb attributive because of presence of auxiliary verb juŋ). (VI. 50a; 184.9-10.) 6D.2.3 Clause classes: verbal/nominal. 1. Tianki9 šu4ře/ko lai yiu wuo siaŋ3ho2. 天氣暑熱/ 可來與我相合. The weather is very hot; you might come and join me. Two clauses, both verbal; first has intransitive verb, second transitive, with two auxiliary verbs in prepositive complex group. (XI. 44a; 259.6-7.) 2. Nim ču3 yiŋ4z wuai wu ban4daŋ/wuei9z wuai wu bian5z. 您除影子外無伴當/ 尾子外無鞭子. You have no comrade but your shadows, no whip but your tails. Two free (parallel) nominal clauses. (II. 13a; 78.20-21.) 3. Ki3 z Gučuluk yin bu zai yi ču2/de tuo šin liŋ2 sie řinmui zeu ču. 其子 Gučuluk 因不在一處/ 得脫身領些人每走出. His son Gučuluk, because he was in a different place, was able to escape, and fled with some followers. Nominal (bound conditional) clause internal to a free verbal clause. (VII. 44b; 196.15-16.) 4. Ziaŋ Činas di2mian yieu di dawuaŋ3mui/giau xiši3 guo4 du ju6 liau. 將 Činas 地面有的大王每/ 教七十鍋都煮了. And had all the princes who were at the place Činas boiled in seventy cauldrons. Nominal (bound genitival) clause internal to a free verbal clause. (IV. 5b; 130.17-18.) 5. Wunšuo. Šimma řin? 問說, 甚麼人? Asked: “Who (is there)?” (II. 45b; 100.11.) 6. Gia ŋa bu yiuan4. 家呵不遠. It is not far, our house. (II. 45b; 100.18.) 7. Wuo fu3xin ji4 wuo yi go řz. 我父親只我一箇兒子. I am my father’s only son. (II. 34b; 92.11.) Šimma řin in (5), gia ŋa in (6), and (7) are nominal clauses without pro-verb. 6D.2.4 Clause classes: voice. 1. Šuo liau/ta ziaŋ Temujin ki5 di ma3 faŋ2 liau. 說了/ 他將 Temujin 騎的馬放了. With these words, he unharnessed the horse Temujin was riding. Ergative; N(b) (ma3) given (90.13), V new. (II. 31a; 90.28-29.) 2. Huei lai liau/ziaŋ na fu4řin guo3 ziaŋkiu. 回來了/ 將那婦人裏將去. So they came back and bundled the woman away. Ergative: N(b) (fu4řin) given (54.6), V new. (I. 38b; 56.5-6.) 3. Bu xuŋ ta kiuan2/ki liau/yieu2 ziaŋ Čaraqa lau řin zi2bui2 šaŋ laliau yi xiaŋ. 不從他勸/ 起了/ 又將 Čaraqa 老人脊背上刺了一槍. And they took no notice of his admonishing, but as they set out they slashed the old man Čaraqa across the back with a lance. Ergative; N(b) (Čaraqa lau řin) given (72.9), V. new. (II. 4a; 72.13-15.) 4. Ban4daŋ/ni je2li li3jo wuo kiu ba je2 ma3 gan2 čulai. 伴當/ 你這裏立着我去把這馬趕出來 “Comrade, you stand here while I go and drive out the horses”. (II. 31b; 90.44-45.) 5. Řugim Sorqan-šira ziaŋ wuo gian liau/yie bu ken duei řin šuo. 如今 Sorqan-šira 將我見了/ 也不肯對人說. Now Sorqan-šira has seen me, and did not tell anyone. (II. 22b; 84.9.) 6. Mobuši ta šeŋ di madau3? 莫不是他生的麼道? It must be he that is the father? Passive; V (šeŋ) given (18.8), N(a) (ta) new in relation to this context. (I. 11b; 18.10.) 7. Nim liaŋ go řz yi6huo2 wuo je2 sam go řz/ši šuei šeŋ di. 您兩箇兒子疑惑我這三箇兒子/ 是誰生的. You two, my sons, are suspicious about who is the father of these three (other) sons of mine. Passive; V (šeŋ), N(a) (řz) given, N(a) (šyei) new. (I. 12b; 20.3-4.) 8. Ta ši Merki juŋ2 dai2 lai di. 他是 Merki 種帶來的. The Merkit people brought him. (XI. 27b; 254.22.) Other examples of passive: (I. 14b: 22.3), (VII. 12b; 189.21). 6D.2.5 Clause classes: aspect. 1. Woŋqan deliau ŋauz/da huan4hi2jo šuodau3. Woŋqan 得了襖子/ 大歡喜着說道. Woŋqan received the cloak and said in delight. Perfective (non-final) followed by imperfective; same context throughout. (II. 40b-41a; 96.23-24.) 2. Taizu ziaŋ x juŋ2 řin yie fu3 liau/yieu2 ziaŋ ta baisiŋ zuo z2gi4di baisiŋ liau. 太將此種人也服了/ 又將他百姓做自己的百姓了. The Emperor subdued this clan and made their folk his own folk. Perfective (unmarked) followed by perfective (final). (IV. 26b; 139.12-13.) 3. Koyi2 zuo xi2 di zuoliau xi2/zuo nubei3 di zuoliau nubei3. 可以做妻的做了妻/ 做奴婢的做了奴婢. Those who were fitted to be wives were taken as wives, and those who were fitted to be servants were taken as servants. Perfective, parallel clauses, both non-final, though second contextually final. (III. 22a; 112.26-27.) 4. Juŋ3 Dada baisiŋ hi2huan4/řau je2 šu5 tiau2yiue2/ziaŋ di2 zian2ta2 čiŋ šim3 geu3 liau. 眾大大百姓喜歡/ 繞這樹跳躍/ 將地踐踏成深溝了. The whole Tatar folk rejoiced, and danced round the tree, until they had trampled a deep ditch in the ground. Perfective (final), no following related context. (I. 39b; 57.6-8.) 5. Yieu3 řu gan2 bu duŋ řz ziaŋ řz či4 liau di yiuan6yiaŋ5 ban 又如趕不動兒子將兒子喫了的鴛鴦般. And like the mandarin duck that bites the ducklings that it cannot make to move. This is the most striking of many examples suggesting a correlation between (verbally) marked aspect and monosyllabic free verbs in clause-final position. Out of 26 clauses in the sentence (Hoelun’s curse on her sons), only this one – which is right in the middle – has marked aspect; it is also the only clause of the 26 having a final monosyllabic verb.
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