DOCSLIB.ORG

The Sources of Plutarch's Life of Cicéro

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Sources of Plutarch's Life of Cicéro STUDIA HISTOR IC A 86 ALFRED GUDEMAN THE SOURCES OF PLUTARCH'S LIFE OF CICÉRO EDIZIONE ANASTATICA "L'ERMA" di B RETSCHN E I DER - ROMA 1971 THE SOURCES OF FLUTARCH'S LIFE ΟF CICERO 1_ L The results of source investigations have but rarely met with an acqulescextce at all commensurate with the labor, the acumen, and the learning so often expended upon them. This is due to several causes. In the first place, the entire or partial loss of the original or earlier authorities naturally gives a more of less wide latitude to the constructive imagi- nation, and, in consequence, different conclusions are often drawn from the same concrete material. In the second place, any_ one who haq even superficially examined the contributions in the field of source research must needs have observed that, . scholars have, with few laudable exceptions, failed to ascertain at the very outset, as far as this is still possible, 1 BIBLIOGRAPHY: Heeren, De fontibus etc. Plutarchi, Göttingen, τ82ο, pg. 184-187; J. G. Lagus, Plutarchus vitae Ciceronis scriptor, Helsiagfors, 1846; Linker, Emendationen zu Sallust in Wiener .4kad ‚rol. XΙΙΙ (1854) pρ. 266 ff.; H. Klapp, De vitarum Plutarchi auctoribus Romanis, Bonn, 1862 ; G. S. Sibínga, De Ρlutzrcki in vita Citerons fontibus etc. (c. 1 -23), Leiden Dies. /863; H. Ρeter', Die Quellen Plutarchs in den Biographien der Römer, π µνηµα Haile, ι865, ρρ. 129— Χ 35; WPPt7Säcker, Cicero's b ó u. Plut. in Fleck. Jahrb. CXI (1875) pp. 417 ff.; Ditλ i, Die jiingeren Quellen der Catil. Verschwörung, ibid. CXIII (1876) ρρ. 851 fi.; G. Thouret, De Cic., Asin., ... rerum Caesar. scriptoribus, Leipz. Diss. ι877 (= Leipχ. Stud. I pp. 313 ff.); Schliephacke, Ueber die griech. Quellen der Catit. Verschwörung, Goslar; 1877 ; J. Besser, De Coniurat. Catit., Leípz. Dies. 1880; Ch. Graux, fntrod. to his edition of Dem. and Cic., Paris, 1881; E. Schmidt, De Cie. commentario ... a Plutarcho ... expresso, Jena Dise. 1884; id. Plut. 's Bericht liber die Cati'. Verschwörung, Lϋbeck, 1885 ;; Thiaucourt, Étude sur la Conjuration de Cat. de Sa11., Paris, 1887; K. B11resch, Dié Quellen zu den vorhand. Ber. über die Cati'. Ver- acT wörung in Comment, in honorer Ribbeckü, 1888, pp. 217 if.; Gudeman, 4 hew Source in Plutarch's Life of Cicero ín Transactions Elmer. Philo'. Assoc. voL XX (1889) pp. 139-.158 (cited as Transact.); Willrich, De Coniurat. Catit. σ ι894 ; f ntόinr, Göttingen Dies. 1893; Felke, De Sallustii Catilina, Illuster Diss. B, Sshavaxtz, Bericht über die Catilin. Verschwörung in Hermes vol. XXXII (• 897) pp 534-609; F. Leo, .Die Griech. Rom. Biographie etc., 1901, pp. 162-163. τ 2 SOURCES OF PLUTARCH'S LIFE OF CICÉRO what authorities were accessible to the later writer, as well as the extent to which he would be likely to have utilized all the available ώ terial — a problem which can only be solved, if soluble at all, by a thorough examination of the working method, as it is revealed in the writings of the particular author under investigation. But even where these conditions have been complied with, a practice has been all but univer- sally followed which in my judgment must be held primarily responsible for the many failures met with in this field of philological study. I refer to the constant practice of at once assuming direct indebtedness on the score of more or less striking coincidences, whether in form or substance or both, the very probable contingency being tod often lost sight of that such parallelisms may have been unavoidable, the, similarity of the subject-matter naturally leading to simi- larity in its stylistic presentation, or that they had passed more or less intact through intermediary channels, or, finally, that two writers were independently indebted to a third source common to both. Unfortunately we are rarely in a position to determine with anything like satisfactory accuracy the real condition of affairs, but there is, at least, one criterion which almost invariably enables us to state dogmatically, if not what actually did happen, at all events what did not. - It is a principle which, so. far as my observation goes, has hitherto been ignored in source investigations. I have elsewhere had occasion to dwell upon this, 2 but its prime importance for the present study may justify Ιfty formulating it again: Mere coincidence or similitude of statement with some earlier author, be it never so striking when taken by itself, not only affords no reliable clue to direct indebted- ness, but actually renders such an assumption frequently impossible, in case there be found to exist side by side squally noteworthy divergences or contradictions. ΧΧΧ 2 Cp. Transact. Amer. Philo'. Assoc. vol. Έ (1900) P. 95 f.; Introd. to Tac. Germ.. p. L. SOURCES OF PLUTARCH'S LIFE OF CICERO 3 It will thus be apparent that the only method that can yield acceptable results will consist in a process of elimination, i.e. we must endeavor to determine what predecessors, from out the list possibly accessible, an author could not, for one reason or another, have consulted. It will then be, in many cases, comparatively easy to decide to what extent he probably util- ized the authorities still remaining, provided, of course,that their character, purpose, and scope are satisfactorily ascertainable. II. If we apply these general methodological principles to an investigation into the Sources of Plutarch's Life of Cicero, our first task would naturally be to acquire an adequate conception of his biographical method i in regard to the faithfulness or freedom with which he followed still extant authorities 2 and to his habits of citing or suppressing his sources of information. Finally, as we are here dealing with the biography of a Roman, the question also arises whether Plutarch was sufficiently conversant with Latin to enable him to make an intelligent use of the Latin works, so indispensable to a satisfactory treatment of the career of the great orator. That the answer ca'n only be a strong affirmative has been shown elsewhere. 3 As regards the other problems a careful and unbiased examination yields the following conclusions : The extent of Plutarch's indebtedness to his Roman prede- cessors is largely conditioned by their number, their char- acter, their exhaustiveness, and their accessibility. It must, 1 Cp. H. Peter, Die Quellen Plutarchs etc. pp. 1-4 ; Wachsmuth, Ejnlejt. in das Stud. d. alt. Gesch. s.u. : B. Perrin, Plutareh's T/,emistocles and Aristides, New York, 1901, ρρ. 1-±o ; Leo 1.c. pp. 155 ff. 2 Especially instructive in this connection is his life of Coriolanus, for which the narrative of Dionysius of Halicarnassus constituted almost the only source. Cf. Peter, Die Quellen etc. pp. 7-17. 8 Cp. Transact. p. 140 ff. and the useful but far from exhaustive discussion of Sickinger, De linguae Latínae aped Plutarchuron religuiis et vestigiίs, Freiburg Diss. 1883. W. Vornefeld, De scrt torυm Latinorurn lacis a . lutarcho citatis, Munster Diss. 1901, is superficial and worthless. The famous statement in Plut. Dem. c. 3 (see Appendix III) merely sigιιífies that he did not feel οm- petent to institute a comparison between Demosthenes and Cicero as orators. Cp. Klapp 1.c. p. 3 and Peter, Die Quellen etc. p. 61. 4 SOURCES OF PLUTARCH'S LIFE OF CICÉRO therefore, be determined for each biography independently. On the other hand, Plutarch, following the all but universal prac- tice·of ancient historians, did not feel galled upon to ransack the primary and often widely scattered sources, in case this laborious task had already been satisfactorily performed by others.¢ That this had been done for the life and career of Cicero before Plutarch became his biographer can admit of no doubt. He was, therefore, relieved of the necessity of con- sulting a great variety of authors who wrote in what was to him after all a foreign, albeit not an unfamiliar language. But quite apart from this consideration, an extensive Latin library was certainly not accessible to him in his small native town which, as he tells us with touching local pride, he did not care to desert,, lest it grow less by even one inhabitant. This assumption is, indeed, confirmed by his own words in Dem. 2,6 which must have been written with special reference to the biography of Cicero, for the following reasons: In the first place, this complaint would have been unjustified, if he had taken advantage of his residence in Rome to acquaint himself fully with the extensive literature on Cicero at his disposal or had taken pains to collect such traditions con- cerning him as still survived in the imperial city. In the second place, in composing the life of Demosthenes he was not in the predicament of which he speaks, for all the sources were written in Greek, and the orations, in particular, must have long been familiar to him. The proximity of Athens, moreover, rendered these sources easy of access, and his opportunities for acquiring hearsay information were, to judge from his associations, unquestionably abundant . 6 Again, Plutarch conforms to the usage of ancient historiog- raphy in habitually suppressing the authorities whom he most 4 Cp. H. Peter, Die geschichtl. Literat. etc. II, pp. 191 f.; Leo 1.c. p. 162. 6 See Appendix III. 6 It will not therefore appear accidental that the biography of Cicero contains ν µν ∆ηλ θ&&ον Σ στ β ο: no such phrases as Dem. c. 31, 1' i` oli e& r 8&Yxsis, ό we, ί ω Εν διηκοισαµν. w *ge?s έ:έy: ή e SOURCES OF PLUTARCH'S LIFE OF CICÉRO 5 extensively followed? Where he does cite them, it is gener- ally with reference to minor details, or because of discrepan- cies in the traditional records which he did not care or was unable to reconcile.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Citations in Classics and Ancient History
    Citations in Classics and Ancient History The most common style in use in the field of Classical Studies is the author-date style, also known as Chicago 2, but MLA is also quite common and perfectly acceptable. Quick guides for each of MLA and Chicago 2 are readily available as PDF downloads. The Chicago Manual of Style Online offers a guide on their web-page: http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html The Modern Language Association (MLA) does not, but many educational institutions post an MLA guide for free access. While a specific citation style should be followed carefully, none take into account the specific practices of Classical Studies. They are all (Chicago, MLA and others) perfectly suitable for citing most resources, but should not be followed for citing ancient Greek and Latin primary source material, including primary sources in translation. Citing Primary Sources: Every ancient text has its own unique system for locating content by numbers. For example, Homer's Iliad is divided into 24 Books (what we might now call chapters) and the lines of each Book are numbered from line 1. Herodotus' Histories is divided into nine Books and each of these Books is divided into Chapters and each chapter into line numbers. The purpose of such a system is that the Iliad, or any primary source, can be cited in any language and from any publication and always refer to the same passage. That is why we do not cite Herodotus page 66. Page 66 in what publication, in what edition? Very early in your textbook, Apodexis Historia, a passage from Herodotus is reproduced.
    [Show full text]
  • 'The Supreme Principle of Morality'? in the Preface to His Best
    The Supreme Principle of Morality Allen W. Wood 1. What is ‘The Supreme Principle of Morality’? In the Preface to his best known work on moral philosophy, Kant states his purpose very clearly and succinctly: “The present groundwork is, however, nothing more than the search for and establishment of the supreme principle of morality, which already constitutes an enterprise whole in its aim and to be separated from every other moral investigation” (Groundwork 4:392). This paper will deal with the outcome of the first part of this task, namely, Kant’s attempt to formulate the supreme principle of morality, which is the intended outcome of the search. It will consider this formulation in light of Kant’s conception of the historical antecedents of his attempt. Our first task, however, must be to say a little about the meaning of the term ‘supreme principle of morality’. For it is not nearly as evident to many as it was to Kant that there is such a thing at all. And it is extremely common for people, whatever position they may take on this issue, to misunderstand what a ‘supreme principle of morality’ is, what it is for, and what role it is supposed to play in moral theorizing and moral reasoning. Kant never directly presents any argument that there must be such a principle, but he does articulate several considerations that would seem to justify supposing that there is. Kant holds that moral questions are to be decided by reason. Reason, according to Kant, always seeks unity under principles, and ultimately, systematic unity under the fewest possible number of principles (Pure Reason A298-302/B355-359, A645- 650/B673-678).
    [Show full text]
  • Cicero and St. Augustine's Just War Theory: Classical Influences on a Christian Idea Berit Van Neste University of South Florida
    University of South Florida Scholar Commons Graduate Theses and Dissertations Graduate School 4-12-2006 Cicero and St. Augustine's Just War Theory: Classical Influences on a Christian Idea Berit Van Neste University of South Florida Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd Part of the American Studies Commons, and the Religion Commons Scholar Commons Citation Neste, Berit Van, "Cicero and St. Augustine's Just War Theory: Classical Influences on a Christian Idea" (2006). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/3782 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Cicero and St. Augustine's Just War Theory: Classical Influences on a Christian Idea by Berit Van Neste A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Religious Studies College of Arts and Sciences University of South Florida Major Professor: James F. Strange, Ph.D. Paul G. Schneider, Ph.D. Michael J. Decker, Ph.D. Date of Approval: April 12, 2006 Keywords: theology, philosophy, politics, patristic, medieval © Copyright 2006 , Berit Van Neste For Elizabeth and Calista Table of Contents Abstract ii Chapter 1 1 Introduction 1 Cicero’s Influence on Augustine 7 Chapter 2 13 Justice 13 Natural and Temporal Law 19 Commonwealth 34 Chapter 3 49 Just War 49 Chapter 4 60 Conclusion 60 References 64 i Cicero and St.
    [Show full text]
  • On Unitarian Universalist Moral Duties: Looking Forward with Cicero and Kant
    On Unitarian Universalist Moral Duties: Looking Forward with Cicero and Kant Myriam Renaud I. Why Moral Duties? Aren‟t We Done With That Conversation? For the purposes of this paper, I will rely on the following definition of moral duty (or obligation): an action which is required (imperative) and which is guided by certain moral rules and principles. In every day language, we capture the concept of duty or obligation when we say things like, “I should [or „ought‟] to do this because it‟s the right thing to do,” or “I want to do right by so and so.” These ordinary expressions reflect the view that awareness of the rightness of an action may be enough to provide the impetus to carry through that action—namely, that “in acting from a motive attached to a moral principle,”—in acting on what we take to be the right thing to do—“the moral rightness of the action gives the agent reason for action” [Herman, 30]. Admittedly, the word alone—duty—is likely to cause unpleasant shivers to course down the spines of most Unitarian Universalists. It brings to mind something we have to do, something we‟d rather not do, something we‟re made to do, probably at the expense of some activity we would actually enjoy. But, if we push past the unpleasant shiver, we recognize that duty, or obligation, is tied to the moral structure which governs our lives and which we try to impart to our children both at home and in the religious education classes offered in our congregations.
    [Show full text]
  • Ciceronian Business Ethics Owen Goldin Marquette University, [email protected]
    Marquette University e-Publications@Marquette Philosophy Faculty Research and Publications Philosophy, Department of 11-1-2006 Ciceronian Business Ethics Owen Goldin Marquette University, [email protected] Published version. Studies in the History of Ethics (November 2006). Publisher link. © 2006 HistoryofEthics.org. Used with permission. Studies in the History of Ethics Ciceronian Bu siness Ethics Owen Goldin (Mar quette University) The teaching and practice of business must resist ethical compartmentalization. One engaged in business ought not check moral principles at the door and say “business is business,” for this is to pretend that when one is engaged in business, one is no longer a human being, with the rational nature, emotional constitution, and social bonds that are at the root of our ethical nature. Ethical standards apply to business as they do all aspects of human life. Nonetheless, making money is the goal of business, and more often than not, one is trying to take money from another, at the least possible cost. Such action is necessarily self-centered, if not selfish, and requires acting in a way that we would not want to see people act in all of their dealings with others, especially in regard to family, friends, and others with whom they have special social bonds. Granting that business practices are not compartmentalized against all ethical considerations, the fact that business demands maximization of profit entails that special rules apply. Determining what these are, in what circumstances they are less demanding than the ethical principles of everyday life, and in what circumstances they are more demanding, is the domain of business ethics, as a special domain of ethical philosophy.
    [Show full text]
  • Ancient Authors 297
    T Ancient authors 297 is unknown. His Attic Nights is a speeches for the law courts, collection of essays on a variety political speeches, philosophical ANCIENT AUTHORS of topics, based on his reading of essays, and personal letters to Apicius: (fourth century AD) is the Greek and Roman writers and the friends and family. name traditionally given to the lectures and conversations he had Columella: Lucius Iunius author of a collection of recipes, heard. The title Attic Nights refers Moderatus Columella (wrote c.AD de Re Coquinaria (On the Art of to Attica, the district in Greece 60–65) was born at Gades (modern Cooking). Marcus Gavius Apicius around Athens, where Gellius was Cadiz) in Spain and served in the was a gourmet who lived in the living when he wrote the book. Roman army in Syria. He wrote a early first centuryAD and wrote Cassius Dio (also Dio Cassius): treatise on farming, de Re Rustica about sauces. Seneca says that he Cassius Dio Cocceianus (c.AD (On Farming). claimed to have created a scientia 150–235) was born in Bithynia. He popīnae (snack bar cuisine). Diodorus Siculus: Diodorus had a political career as a consul (wrote c.60–30 BC) was a Greek Appian: Appianos (late first in Rome and governor of the from Sicily who wrote a history of century AD–AD 160s) was born in provinces of Africa and Dalmatia. the world centered on Rome, from Alexandria, in Egypt, and practiced His history of Rome, written in legendary beginnings to 54 BC. as a lawyer in Rome.
    [Show full text]
  • The Stoics and the Practical: a Roman Reply to Aristotle
    DePaul University Via Sapientiae College of Liberal Arts & Social Sciences Theses and Dissertations College of Liberal Arts and Social Sciences 8-2013 The Stoics and the practical: a Roman reply to Aristotle Robin Weiss DePaul University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://via.library.depaul.edu/etd Recommended Citation Weiss, Robin, "The Stoics and the practical: a Roman reply to Aristotle" (2013). College of Liberal Arts & Social Sciences Theses and Dissertations. 143. https://via.library.depaul.edu/etd/143 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Liberal Arts and Social Sciences at Via Sapientiae. It has been accepted for inclusion in College of Liberal Arts & Social Sciences Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Via Sapientiae. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE STOICS AND THE PRACTICAL: A ROMAN REPLY TO ARISTOTLE A Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy August, 2013 BY Robin Weiss Department of Philosophy College of Liberal Arts and Social Sciences DePaul University Chicago, IL - TABLE OF CONTENTS - Introduction……………………..............................................................................................................p.i Chapter One: Practical Knowledge and its Others Technê and Natural Philosophy…………………………….....……..……………………………….....p. 1 Virtue and technical expertise conflated – subsequently distinguished in Plato – ethical knowledge contrasted with that of nature in
    [Show full text]
  • Thales of Miletus Sources and Interpretations Miletli Thales Kaynaklar Ve Yorumlar
    Thales of Miletus Sources and Interpretations Miletli Thales Kaynaklar ve Yorumlar David Pierce October , Matematics Department Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University Istanbul http://mat.msgsu.edu.tr/~dpierce/ Preface Here are notes of what I have been able to find or figure out about Thales of Miletus. They may be useful for anybody interested in Thales. They are not an essay, though they may lead to one. I focus mainly on the ancient sources that we have, and on the mathematics of Thales. I began this work in preparation to give one of several - minute talks at the Thales Meeting (Thales Buluşması) at the ruins of Miletus, now Milet, September , . The talks were in Turkish; the audience were from the general popu- lation. I chose for my title “Thales as the originator of the concept of proof” (Kanıt kavramının öncüsü olarak Thales). An English draft is in an appendix. The Thales Meeting was arranged by the Tourism Research Society (Turizm Araştırmaları Derneği, TURAD) and the office of the mayor of Didim. Part of Aydın province, the district of Didim encompasses the ancient cities of Priene and Miletus, along with the temple of Didyma. The temple was linked to Miletus, and Herodotus refers to it under the name of the family of priests, the Branchidae. I first visited Priene, Didyma, and Miletus in , when teaching at the Nesin Mathematics Village in Şirince, Selçuk, İzmir. The district of Selçuk contains also the ruins of Eph- esus, home town of Heraclitus. In , I drafted my Miletus talk in the Math Village. Since then, I have edited and added to these notes.
    [Show full text]
  • Vitruvius on Architecture
    107390 THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY FOUNDED BY JAMES LOEB, LL.D. EDITED BY fT. E. PAGE, C.H., LITT.D. LL.D. H. D. LITT.D. j-E. CAPPS, PH.D., fW. KOUSE, L. A. POST, M.A. E. H. WARMINGTON, M.A.. F.E.HIST.SOC. VITRUVIUS ON ARCHITECTURE I uzaJt yiTKUVIUS ON ARCHITECTURE EDITED FROM THE HARLEIAN MANUSCRIPT 2767 AI TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH BY FRANK GRANGER, D.Lrr., AJLLB.A. PROFESSOR IN UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, NOTTINGHAM IN TWO VOLUMES I CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON WILLIAM HEINEMANN LTD MCMLV First printed 1931 Reprinted 1944,1955 To JESSB LORD TRBXT Printed in Great Britain CONTENTS PAQK PREFACE vii INTRODUCTION : VITRUVIUS AND THE ARCHITECTURE OF THE WEST ...... ix HISTORY OF THE MSS. OF VITRUVIUS . X\'i THE EARLIEST EDITIONS OF VITRUVIUS . XXi THE SCHOLIA OF THE MSS. XXV - THE ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE MSS. XXVli THE LANGUAGE OF VITRUVIUS . XXViii BIBLIOGRAPHY: THE MSS. XXXli EDITIONS ...... xxxiii TRANSLATIONS XXXiii THE CHIEF CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE STUDY OF VITRUVIUS ..... xxxiv BOOKS OF GENERAL REFERENCE . XXXVi TEXT AND ENGLISH TRANSLATION: BOOK I. ARCHITECTURAL PRINCIPLES . 1 BOOK II. EVOLUTION OF BUILDING : USE OF MATERIALS . 71 BOOK III. IONIC TEMPLES . 151 BOOK IV. DORIC AND CORINTHIAN TEMPLES 199 BOOK V. PUBLIC BUILDINGS I THEATRES (AND MUSIC), BATHS, HARBOURS . 249 INDEX OF ARCHITECTURAL TERMS 319 CONTENTS ILLUSTRATIONS: THE CAPITOL DOUGGA . (Frontispiece) PLATE A. WINDS AND DIRECTION OF STREETS (at end) PLATE B. PLANS OF TEMPLES . PLATE C. IONIC ORDER . PLATE 0. CORINTHIAN ORDER (see Frontispiece) PLATE E. DORIC ORDER . (at end] PLATE F. MUSICAL SCALES . , . , PLATE O. THEATRE .
    [Show full text]
  • Passionate Platonism: Plutarch on the Positive Role of Non-Rational Affects in the Good Life
    Passionate Platonism: Plutarch on the Positive Role of Non-Rational Affects in the Good Life by David Ryan Morphew A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Classical Studies) in The University of Michigan 2018 Doctoral Committee: Professor Victor Caston, Chair Professor Sara Ahbel-Rappe Professor Richard Janko Professor Arlene Saxonhouse David Ryan Morphew [email protected] ORCID iD: 0000-0003-4773-4952 ©David Ryan Morphew 2018 DEDICATION To my wife, Renae, whom I met as I began this project, and who has supported me throughout its development. ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First and foremost, I am grateful to my advisors and dissertation committee for their encouragement, support, challenges, and constructive feedback. I am chiefly indebted to Victor Caston for his comments on successive versions of chapters, for his great insight and foresight in guiding me in the following project, and for steering me to work on Plutarch’s Moralia in the first place. No less am I thankful for what he has taught me about being a scholar, mentor, and teacher, by his advice and especially by his example. There is not space here to express in any adequate way my gratitude also to Sara Ahbel-Rappe and Richard Janko. They have been constant sources of inspiration. I continue to be in awe of their ability to provide constructive criticism and to give incisive critiques coupled with encouragement and suggestions. I am also indebted to Arlene Saxonhouse for helping me to see the scope and import of the following thesis not only as of interest to the history of philosophy but also in teaching our students to reflect on the kind of life that we want to live.
    [Show full text]
  • Distortions in the Historical Record Concerning Ager Publicus, Leges Agrariae, and the Gracchi Maria Therese Jeffrey Xavier University, Cincinnati, OH
    Xavier University Exhibit Honors Bachelor of Arts Undergraduate 2011-3 Distortions in the Historical Record Concerning Ager Publicus, Leges Agrariae, and the Gracchi Maria Therese Jeffrey Xavier University, Cincinnati, OH Follow this and additional works at: http://www.exhibit.xavier.edu/hab Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons, Ancient Philosophy Commons, Classical Archaeology and Art History Commons, Classical Literature and Philology Commons, and the Other Classics Commons Recommended Citation Jeffrey, Maria Therese, "Distortions in the Historical Record Concerning Ager Publicus, Leges Agrariae, and the Gracchi" (2011). Honors Bachelor of Arts. 22. http://www.exhibit.xavier.edu/hab/22 This Capstone/Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate at Exhibit. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Bachelor of Arts by an authorized administrator of Exhibit. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Distortions in the Historical Record Concerning Ager Publicus, Leges Agrariae, and the Gracchi Maria Jeffrey Introduction: Scholarship on the Gracchi is largely based on the accounts of Plutarch and Appian, historians who were far removed temporally from the Gracchi themselves. It is not known from which sources Plutarch and Appian derive their accounts, which presents problems for the modern historian aiming to determine historical fact. The ancient sources do not equip the modern historian to make many definitive claims about the Gracchan agrarian reform, much less about the motives of the Gracchi themselves. Looking to tales of earlier agrarian reform through other literary sources as well as exploring the types of land in question and the nature of the agrarian crisis through secondary sources also yields ambiguous results.
    [Show full text]
  • The Roman Army's Emergence from Its Italian Origins
    CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Carolina Digital Repository THE ROMAN ARMY’S EMERGENCE FROM ITS ITALIAN ORIGINS Patrick Alan Kent A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2012 Approved by: Richard Talbert Nathan Rosenstein Daniel Gargola Fred Naiden Wayne Lee ABSTRACT PATRICK ALAN KENT: The Roman Army’s Emergence from its Italian Origins (Under the direction of Prof. Richard Talbert) Roman armies in the 4 th century and earlier resembled other Italian armies of the day. By using what limited sources are available concerning early Italian warfare, it is possible to reinterpret the history of the Republic through the changing relationship of the Romans and their Italian allies. An important aspect of early Italian warfare was military cooperation, facilitated by overlapping bonds of formal and informal relationships between communities and individuals. However, there was little in the way of organized allied contingents. Over the 3 rd century and culminating in the Second Punic War, the Romans organized their Italian allies into large conglomerate units that were placed under Roman officers. At the same time, the Romans generally took more direct control of the military resources of their allies as idea of military obligation developed. The integration and subordination of the Italians under increasing Roman domination fundamentally altered their relationships. In the 2 nd century the result was a growing feeling of discontent among the Italians with their position.
    [Show full text]