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Apuleius's Story of Cupid and Psyche and the Roman Law of Marriage" Transactions of the American Philological Association (1974-), Vol
Georgetown University Institutional Repository http://www.library.georgetown.edu/digitalgeorgetown The author made this article openly available online. Please tell us how this access affects you. Your story matters. OSGOOD, J. "Nuptiae Iure Civili Congruae: Apuleius's Story of Cupid and Psyche and the Roman Law of Marriage" Transactions of the American Philological Association (1974-), Vol. 136, No. 2 (Autumn, 2006), pp. 415-441 Collection Permanent Link: http://hdl.handle.net/10822/555440 © 2006 The John Hopkins University Press This material is made available online with the permission of the author, and in accordance with publisher policies. No further reproduction or distribution of this copy is permitted by electronic transmission or any other means. Transactionsof the American Philological Association 136 (2006) 415-441 Nuptiae lure Civili Congruae: Apuleius'sStory of Cupid and Psyche and the Roman Lawof Marriage JOSIAH OSGOOD GeorgetownUniversity SUMMARY: Socialhistorians, despite showing greatinterest in Apuleius'sMeta- morphoses,have tended to ignorethe novel'sembedded tale of Cupidand Psycheon the groundsthat it is purelyimaginary. This paperdemonstrates that Apuleiusin fact refersthroughout his story to realRoman practices, especially legal practices-most conspicuousare the frequentreferences to the Romanlaw of marriage.A carefulexamination of severalpassages thus shows how knowl- edge of Romanlaw, it turns out, enhancesthe reader'spleasure in Apuleius's story.The paperconcludes by exploringthe connectionsbetween Apuleius's fairytaleand the accountof his own marriageto AemiliaPudentilla in his ear- lier work,the Apologia.Apuleius seems to be recalling,playfully, his own earlier legal success.At the same time, both works suggestthat legal problemsarose in Romanfamilies not becauseof the actions of any officialenforcers, but rather appealto the law by particularfamily members. -
Satyricon of Petronius Arbiter
Satyricon of Petronius Arbiter Translated by Firebaugh Satyricon of Petronius Arbiter Table of Contents Satyricon of Petronius Arbiter..........................................................................................................................1 Translated by Firebaugh..........................................................................................................................1 INTRODUCTION...................................................................................................................................5 I................................................................................................................................................................6 II THE AUTHOR....................................................................................................................................6 III REALISM...........................................................................................................................................8 IV FORGERIES OF PETRONIUS.........................................................................................................9 VOLUME 1.ADVENTURES OF ENCOLPIUS AND HIS COMPANIONS................................................11 CHAPTER THE FIRST.........................................................................................................................11 CHAPTER THE SECOND...................................................................................................................12 CHAPTER THE THIRD.......................................................................................................................12 -
The Legend of Romulus and Remus
THE LEGEND OF ROMULUS AND REMUS According to tradition, on April 21, 753 B.C., Romulus and his twin brother, Remus, found Rome on the site where they were suckled by a she-wolf as orphaned infants. Actually, the Romulus and Remus myth originated sometime in the fourth century B.C., and the exact date of Rome’s founding was set by the Roman scholar Marcus Terentius Varro in the first century B.C. According to the legend, Romulus and Remus were the sons of Rhea Silvia, the daughter of King Numitor of Alba Longa. Alba Longa was a mythical city located in the Alban Hills southeast of what would become Rome. Before the birth of the twins, Numitor was deposed by his younger brother Amulius, who forced Rhea to become a vestal virgin so that she would not give birth to rival claimants to his title. However, Rhea was impregnated by the war god Mars and gave birth to Romulus and Remus. Amulius ordered the infants drowned in the Tiber, but they survived and washed ashore at the foot of the Palatine hill, where they were suckled by a she-wolf until they were found by the shepherd Faustulus. Reared by Faustulus and his wife, the twins later became leaders of a band of young shepherd warriors. After learning their true identity, they attacked Alba Longa, killed the wicked Amulius, and restored their grandfather to the throne. The twins then decided to found a town on the site where they had been saved as infants. They soon became involved in a petty quarrel, however, and Remus was slain by his brother. -
Pliny the Elder and the Problem of Regnum Hereditarium*
Pliny the Elder and the Problem of Regnum Hereditarium* MELINDA SZEKELY Pliny the Elder writes the following about the king of Taprobane1 in the sixth book of his Natural History: "eligi regem a populo senecta clementiaque, liberos non ha- bentem, et, si postea gignat, abdicari, ne fiat hereditarium regnum."2 This account es- caped the attention of the majority of scholars who studied Pliny in spite of the fact that this sentence raises three interesting and debated questions: the election of the king, deposal of the king and the heredity of the monarchy. The issue con- cerning the account of Taprobane is that Pliny here - unlike other reports on the East - does not only use the works of former Greek and Roman authors, but he also makes a note of the account of the envoys from Ceylon arriving in Rome in the first century A. D. in his work.3 We cannot exclude the possibility that Pliny himself met the envoys though this assumption is not verifiable.4 First let us consider whether the form of rule described by Pliny really existed in Taprobane. We have several sources dealing with India indicating that the idea of that old and gentle king depicted in Pliny's sentence seems to be just the oppo- * The study was supported by OTKA grant No. T13034550. 1 Ancient name of Sri Lanka (until 1972, Ceylon). 2 Plin. N. H. 6, 24, 89. Pliny, Natural History, Cambridge-London 1989, [19421], with an English translation by H. Rackham. 3 Plin. N. H. 6, 24, 85-91. Concerning the Singhalese envoys cf. -
Millet Use by Non-Romans
Finding Millet in the Roman World Charlene Murphy, PhD University College London, Institute of Archaeology, 31-34 Gower Street, London, UK WC1H 0PY [email protected] Abstract Examining the evidence for millet in the Roman empire, during the period, circa 753BC-610AD, presents a number of challenges: a handful of scant mentions in the ancient surviving agrarian texts, only a few fortuitous preserved archaeological finds and limited archaeobotanical and isotopic evidence. Ancient agrarian texts note millet’s ecological preferences and multiple uses. Recent archaeobotanical and isotopic evidence has shown that millet was being used throughout the Roman period. The compiled data suggests that millet consumption was a more complex issue than the ancient sources alone would lead one to believe. Using the recent archaeobotanical study of Insula VI.I from the city of Pompeii, as a case study, the status and role of millet in the Roman world is examined and placed within its economic, cultural and social background across time and space in the Roman world. Millet, Roman, Pompeii, Diet Charlene Murphy Finding Millet in the Roman World 1 Finding Millet in the Roman World Charlene Murphy, PhD University College London, Institute of Archaeology, 31-34 Gordon Square, London, UK WC1H 0PY [email protected] “If you want to waste your time, scatter millet and pick it up again” ( moram si quaeres, sparge miliu[m] et collige) (Jashemski et al. 2002, 137). A proverb scratched on a column in the peristyle of the House of M. Holconius Rufus (VIII.4.4) at Pompeii Introduction This study seeks to examine the record of ‘millet’, which includes both Setaria italia (L.) P. -
Political Dissent in Groves, Caves, and Grottos Nina Bhatia, Washington University in St
POLITICAL DISSENT IN GROVES, CAVES, AND GROTTOS NINA BHATIA, WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY IN ST. LOUIS In Ode 3.25 Horace invokes Bacchus for divine inspiration while he is composing a poem that will honor the living deification of Augustus. As such, this poem is typically viewed as pro-Augustan propaganda. However, contextualization of Horace’s Odes demonstrates their multifaceted nature revealing small rebellions against Augustus. The goal of this project is to demonstrate the underlying subversive nature of Ode 3.25 through contextualization by examining Antony’s link to Bacchus, the invocation of Bacchus for poetic inspiration, and the contemporary perceptions of deification. Patron Gods and Political Propaganda Invocation Deification Antony created a divine lineage for himself from Bacchus Ode 3.25’s first stanza does more than just recall the Bacchic trope of The most contemporarily recent, posthumous deification was going so far as to “look like him in both physical appearance and possession. Horace’s use of nemora, specus, and antriis immediately pulls readers into that of Julius Caesar. The arrival of a comet, often termed the sidus Iulium, clothing” (Freyburger-Garland 24). This Bacchic branding was the wild, Bacchic setting. That is then immediately countered by the following: during the funerary games held for Caesar was celebrated as evidence for amplified by Antony’s time ruling in Egypt where he was deified as Julius Caesar’s entrance to consilium Iovis. The sidus Iulium imagery was often quibus antris egregii Caesaris audiar In which cave shall I be heard the syncretic Dionysus-Osiris. This is demonstrated by the arrival aeternum meditans decus musing to induct distinguished used to legitimize Augustus’s claim to power. -
The Evolution of the Roman Calendar Dwayne Meisner, University of Regina
The Evolution of the Roman Calendar Dwayne Meisner, University of Regina Abstract The Roman calendar was first developed as a lunar | 290 calendar, so it was difficult for the Romans to reconcile this with the natural solar year. In 45 BC, Julius Caesar reformed the calendar, creating a solar year of 365 days with leap years every four years. This article explains the process by which the Roman calendar evolved and argues that the reason February has 28 days is that Caesar did not want to interfere with religious festivals that occurred in February. Beginning as a lunar calendar, the Romans developed a lunisolar system that tried to reconcile lunar months with the solar year, with the unfortunate result that the calendar was often inaccurate by up to four months. Caesar fixed this by changing the lengths of most months, but made no change to February because of the tradition of intercalation, which the article explains, and because of festivals that were celebrated in February that were connected to the Roman New Year, which had originally been on March 1. Introduction The reason why February has 28 days in the modern calendar is that Caesar did not want to interfere with festivals that honored the dead, some of which were Past Imperfect 15 (2009) | © | ISSN 1711-053X | eISSN 1718-4487 connected to the position of the Roman New Year. In the earliest calendars of the Roman Republic, the year began on March 1, because the consuls, after whom the year was named, began their years in office on the Ides of March. -
Iambic Metapoetics in Horace, Epodes 8 and 12 Erika Zimmerman Damer University of Richmond, [email protected]
University of Richmond UR Scholarship Repository Classical Studies Faculty Publications Classical Studies 2016 Iambic Metapoetics in Horace, Epodes 8 and 12 Erika Zimmerman Damer University of Richmond, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.richmond.edu/classicalstudies-faculty- publications Part of the Classical Literature and Philology Commons Recommended Citation Damer, Erika Zimmermann. "Iambic Metapoetics in Horace, Epodes 8 and 12." Helios 43, no. 1 (2016): 55-85. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Classical Studies at UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Classical Studies Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Iambic Metapoetics in Horace, Epodes 8 and 12 ERIKA ZIMMERMANN DAMER When in Book 1 of his Epistles Horace reflects back upon the beginning of his career in lyric poetry, he celebrates his adaptation of Archilochean iambos to the Latin language. He further states that while he followed the meter and spirit of Archilochus, his own iambi did not follow the matter and attacking words that drove the daughters of Lycambes to commit suicide (Epist. 1.19.23–5, 31).1 The paired erotic invectives, Epodes 8 and 12, however, thematize the poet’s sexual impotence and his disgust dur- ing encounters with a repulsive sexual partner. The tone of these Epodes is unmistakably that of harsh invective, and the virulent targeting of the mulieres’ revolting bodies is precisely in line with an Archilochean poetics that uses sexually-explicit, graphic obscenities as well as animal compari- sons for the sake of a poetic attack. -
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Supplied Through the Parthians) from the 1St Century BC, Even Though the Romans Thought Silk Was Obtained from Trees
Chinese Silk in the Roman Empire Trade with the Roman Empire followed soon, confirmed by the Roman craze for Chinese silk (supplied through the Parthians) from the 1st century BC, even though the Romans thought silk was obtained from trees: The Seres (Chinese), are famous for the woolen substance obtained from their forests; after a soaking in water they comb off the white down of the leaves... So manifold is the labor employed, and so distant is the region of the globe drawn upon, to enable the Roman maiden to flaunt transparent clothing in public. -(Pliny the Elder (23- 79, The Natural History) The Senate issued, in vain, several edicts to prohibit the wearing of silk, on economic and moral grounds: the importation of Chinese silk caused a huge outflow of gold, and silk clothes were considered to be decadent and immoral: I can see clothes of silk, if materials that do not hide the body, nor even one's decency, can be called clothes... Wretched flocks of maids labour so that the adulteress may be visible through her thin dress, so that her husband has no more acquaintance than any outsider or foreigner with his wife's body. -(Seneca the Younger (c. 3 BCE- 65 CE, Declamations Vol. I) The Roman historian Florus also describes the visit of numerous envoys, included Seres (perhaps the Chinese), to the first Roman Emperor Augustus, who reigned between 27 BCE and 14 CE: Even the rest of the nations of the world which were not subject to the imperial sway were sensible of its grandeur, and looked with reverence to the Roman people, the great conqueror of nations. -
Divination and Fictionality in Apuleius' Metamorphoses
Begoming a book : divination and fictionality in Apuleius' Metamorphoses Autor(en): Kirichenko, Alexander Objekttyp: Article Zeitschrift: Museum Helveticum : schweizerische Zeitschrift für klassische Altertumswissenschaft = Revue suisse pour l'étude de l'antiquité classique = Rivista svizzera di filologia classica Band (Jahr): 68 (2011) Heft 2 PDF erstellt am: 11.10.2021 Persistenter Link: http://doi.org/10.5169/seals-178536 Nutzungsbedingungen Die ETH-Bibliothek ist Anbieterin der digitalisierten Zeitschriften. Sie besitzt keine Urheberrechte an den Inhalten der Zeitschriften. Die Rechte liegen in der Regel bei den Herausgebern. Die auf der Plattform e-periodica veröffentlichten Dokumente stehen für nicht-kommerzielle Zwecke in Lehre und Forschung sowie für die private Nutzung frei zur Verfügung. Einzelne Dateien oder Ausdrucke aus diesem Angebot können zusammen mit diesen Nutzungsbedingungen und den korrekten Herkunftsbezeichnungen weitergegeben werden. Das Veröffentlichen von Bildern in Print- und Online-Publikationen ist nur mit vorheriger Genehmigung der Rechteinhaber erlaubt. Die systematische Speicherung von Teilen des elektronischen Angebots auf anderen Servern bedarf ebenfalls des schriftlichen Einverständnisses der Rechteinhaber. Haftungsausschluss Alle Angaben erfolgen ohne Gewähr für Vollständigkeit oder Richtigkeit. Es wird keine Haftung übernommen für Schäden durch die Verwendung von Informationen aus diesem Online-Angebot oder durch das Fehlen von Informationen. Dies gilt auch für Inhalte Dritter, die über dieses Angebot zugänglich sind. Ein Dienst der ETH-Bibliothek ETH Zürich, Rämistrasse 101, 8092 Zürich, Schweiz, www.library.ethz.ch http://www.e-periodica.ch Becoming a Book: Divination and Fictionality in Apuleius’ Metamorphoses By Alexander Kirichenko, Trier Abstract: This article argues that discussions about divination in Apuleius’ novel are used to highlight the narrative’s status as a piece of self-evident fiction. -
Plato's Phaedrus and Apuleius' Metamorphoses1
“Necessary Roughness”: Plato’s Phaedrus and Apuleius’ Metamorphoses1 JEFFREY T. WINKLE Calvin College Introduction Readers of Apuleius have long recognized the influence of Plato’s Phaedrus (along with other Platonic works) on his Metamorphoses, especially in the allegorical elements of the “Cupid and Psyche” centerpiece.2 Outside of “Cu- pid and Psyche” a handful of other allusions to the Phaedrus in the novel have been widely noted3 but it is the contention of this essay that elements of Plato’s Phaedrus are more deeply embedded in the themes and overall narrative(s) of the Apuleian novel than previously recognized. Reading the whole of the novel closely against the Phaedrus reveals that just as this particular dialogue provides a useful interpretive touchstone for the “Cupid and Psyche” tale, it functions in a similar and deliberate way for the novel’s principal narrative concerning Lucius, acting as backdrop to and underlining what we might call his fall and redemption. What follows is not an argument that the Phaedrus ————— 1 I am very grateful to my colleagues Ken Bratt, U.S. Dhuga, and David Noe for their helpful comments on an early draft of the essay as well as to Luca Graverini and the journal refer- ees especially for bringing me up to speed on recent scholarship and talking me down from particular interpretive ledges. 2 For Phaedrean (and other Platonic) influence on Cupid and Psyche see: Hooker 1955; Walsh 1970, 55ff, 195, 206ff; Penwill 1975; Anderson 1982, 75-85; Kenney 1990, 17-22; Schlam 1992, 82-98; Shumate 1996, 259ff; Dowden 1998; O’Brien 1998; Zimmerman 2004; Graverini 2012a, 112-113.