False Forms and Wicked Women: Apuleius' Isis Book and Ovid's Iphis
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Apuleius's Story of Cupid and Psyche and the Roman Law of Marriage" Transactions of the American Philological Association (1974-), Vol
Georgetown University Institutional Repository http://www.library.georgetown.edu/digitalgeorgetown The author made this article openly available online. Please tell us how this access affects you. Your story matters. OSGOOD, J. "Nuptiae Iure Civili Congruae: Apuleius's Story of Cupid and Psyche and the Roman Law of Marriage" Transactions of the American Philological Association (1974-), Vol. 136, No. 2 (Autumn, 2006), pp. 415-441 Collection Permanent Link: http://hdl.handle.net/10822/555440 © 2006 The John Hopkins University Press This material is made available online with the permission of the author, and in accordance with publisher policies. No further reproduction or distribution of this copy is permitted by electronic transmission or any other means. Transactionsof the American Philological Association 136 (2006) 415-441 Nuptiae lure Civili Congruae: Apuleius'sStory of Cupid and Psyche and the Roman Lawof Marriage JOSIAH OSGOOD GeorgetownUniversity SUMMARY: Socialhistorians, despite showing greatinterest in Apuleius'sMeta- morphoses,have tended to ignorethe novel'sembedded tale of Cupidand Psycheon the groundsthat it is purelyimaginary. This paperdemonstrates that Apuleiusin fact refersthroughout his story to realRoman practices, especially legal practices-most conspicuousare the frequentreferences to the Romanlaw of marriage.A carefulexamination of severalpassages thus shows how knowl- edge of Romanlaw, it turns out, enhancesthe reader'spleasure in Apuleius's story.The paperconcludes by exploringthe connectionsbetween Apuleius's fairytaleand the accountof his own marriageto AemiliaPudentilla in his ear- lier work,the Apologia.Apuleius seems to be recalling,playfully, his own earlier legal success.At the same time, both works suggestthat legal problemsarose in Romanfamilies not becauseof the actions of any officialenforcers, but rather appealto the law by particularfamily members. -
In Ancient Egypt
THE ROLE OF THE CHANTRESS ($MW IN ANCIENT EGYPT SUZANNE LYNN ONSTINE A thesis submined in confonnity with the requirements for the degm of Ph.D. Graduate Department of Near and Middle Eastern Civiliations University of Toronto %) Copyright by Suzanne Lynn Onstine (200 1) . ~bsPdhorbasgmadr~ exclusive liceacc aiiowhg the ' Nationai hiof hada to reproduce, loan, distnia sdl copies of this thesis in miaof#m, pspa or elccmnic f-. L'atm criucrve la propri&C du droit d'autear qui protcge cette thtse. Ni la thèse Y des extraits substrrntiets deceMne&iveatetreimprimCs ouraitnmcrtrepoduitssanssoai aut&ntiom The Role of the Chmaes (fm~in Ancient Emt A doctorai dissertacion by Suzanne Lynn On*, submitted to the Department of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations, University of Toronto, 200 1. The specitic nanire of the tiUe Wytor "cimûes", which occurrPd fcom the Middle Kingdom onwatd is imsiigated thrwgh the use of a dalabase cataloging 861 woinen whheld the title. Sorting the &ta based on a variety of delails has yielded pattern regatding their cbnological and demographical distribution. The changes in rhe social status and numbers of wbmen wbo bore the Weindicale that the Egyptians perceivecl the role and ams of the titk âiffefcntiy thugh tirne. Infomiation an the tities of ihe chantressw' family memkrs bas ailowed the author to make iderences cawming llse social status of the mmen who heu the title "chanms". MiMid Kingdom tifle-holders wverc of modest backgrounds and were quite rare. Eighteenth DMasty women were of the highest ranking families. The number of wamen who held the titk was also comparatively smaii, Nimeenth Dynasty women came [rom more modesi backgrounds and were more nwnennis. -
Transantiquity
TransAntiquity TransAntiquity explores transgender practices, in particular cross-dressing, and their literary and figurative representations in antiquity. It offers a ground-breaking study of cross-dressing, both the social practice and its conceptualization, and its interaction with normative prescriptions on gender and sexuality in the ancient Mediterranean world. Special attention is paid to the reactions of the societies of the time, the impact transgender practices had on individuals’ symbolic and social capital, as well as the reactions of institutionalized power and the juridical systems. The variety of subjects and approaches demonstrates just how complex and widespread “transgender dynamics” were in antiquity. Domitilla Campanile (PhD 1992) is Associate Professor of Roman History at the University of Pisa, Italy. Filippo Carlà-Uhink is Lecturer in Classics and Ancient History at the University of Exeter, UK. After studying in Turin and Udine, he worked as a lecturer at the University of Heidelberg, Germany, and as Assistant Professor for Cultural History of Antiquity at the University of Mainz, Germany. Margherita Facella is Associate Professor of Greek History at the University of Pisa, Italy. She was Visiting Associate Professor at Northwestern University, USA, and a Research Fellow of the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation at the University of Münster, Germany. Routledge monographs in classical studies Menander in Contexts Athens Transformed, 404–262 BC Edited by Alan H. Sommerstein From popular sovereignty to the dominion -
The Iphis Incident: Ovid's Accidental Discovery of Gender Dysphoria
Athens Journal of History - Volume 7, Issue 2, April 2021 – Pages 95-116 The Iphis Incident: Ovid’s Accidental Discovery of Gender Dysphoria By Ken Moore* This article examines what the author argues is Ovid's accidental discovery of gender dysphoria with recourse to an incident in the Metamorphoses. The author argues that Ovid has accidentally discovered gender dysphoria as evidenced through the character of Iphis in Book IX of the Metamorphoses. It is unlikely that Ovid could have imagined the ramifications of such a “discovery”; however, the “symptoms” described in his narrative match exceedingly closely with modern, clinical definitions. These are explored in the article along with how Ovid may have, through personal experience, been able to achieve such a penetrating, albeit accidental, insight. The wider, epistemological context of this topic is considered alongside Ovid's personal circumstances which may have contributed to his unique understanding of a condition that modern science has only recently identified. There are relatively few examples from ancient Greek and Roman literature that entail individuals having experienced something like the modern condition of transgenderism. One stands out above the others for sheer detail, along with emotional and psychological depth, that resonates quite well with issues faced by modernity. This is to be found in Ovid’s brief narrative about Iphis, at the end of book IX of the Metamorphoses. The text of this short episode is crucial in order to come to grips with this subject and I have included most of it here, in quotes as well as in appendices, as I deem it relevant to our understanding. -
Divination and Fictionality in Apuleius' Metamorphoses
Begoming a book : divination and fictionality in Apuleius' Metamorphoses Autor(en): Kirichenko, Alexander Objekttyp: Article Zeitschrift: Museum Helveticum : schweizerische Zeitschrift für klassische Altertumswissenschaft = Revue suisse pour l'étude de l'antiquité classique = Rivista svizzera di filologia classica Band (Jahr): 68 (2011) Heft 2 PDF erstellt am: 11.10.2021 Persistenter Link: http://doi.org/10.5169/seals-178536 Nutzungsbedingungen Die ETH-Bibliothek ist Anbieterin der digitalisierten Zeitschriften. Sie besitzt keine Urheberrechte an den Inhalten der Zeitschriften. Die Rechte liegen in der Regel bei den Herausgebern. Die auf der Plattform e-periodica veröffentlichten Dokumente stehen für nicht-kommerzielle Zwecke in Lehre und Forschung sowie für die private Nutzung frei zur Verfügung. Einzelne Dateien oder Ausdrucke aus diesem Angebot können zusammen mit diesen Nutzungsbedingungen und den korrekten Herkunftsbezeichnungen weitergegeben werden. Das Veröffentlichen von Bildern in Print- und Online-Publikationen ist nur mit vorheriger Genehmigung der Rechteinhaber erlaubt. Die systematische Speicherung von Teilen des elektronischen Angebots auf anderen Servern bedarf ebenfalls des schriftlichen Einverständnisses der Rechteinhaber. Haftungsausschluss Alle Angaben erfolgen ohne Gewähr für Vollständigkeit oder Richtigkeit. Es wird keine Haftung übernommen für Schäden durch die Verwendung von Informationen aus diesem Online-Angebot oder durch das Fehlen von Informationen. Dies gilt auch für Inhalte Dritter, die über dieses Angebot zugänglich sind. Ein Dienst der ETH-Bibliothek ETH Zürich, Rämistrasse 101, 8092 Zürich, Schweiz, www.library.ethz.ch http://www.e-periodica.ch Becoming a Book: Divination and Fictionality in Apuleius’ Metamorphoses By Alexander Kirichenko, Trier Abstract: This article argues that discussions about divination in Apuleius’ novel are used to highlight the narrative’s status as a piece of self-evident fiction. -
Plato's Phaedrus and Apuleius' Metamorphoses1
“Necessary Roughness”: Plato’s Phaedrus and Apuleius’ Metamorphoses1 JEFFREY T. WINKLE Calvin College Introduction Readers of Apuleius have long recognized the influence of Plato’s Phaedrus (along with other Platonic works) on his Metamorphoses, especially in the allegorical elements of the “Cupid and Psyche” centerpiece.2 Outside of “Cu- pid and Psyche” a handful of other allusions to the Phaedrus in the novel have been widely noted3 but it is the contention of this essay that elements of Plato’s Phaedrus are more deeply embedded in the themes and overall narrative(s) of the Apuleian novel than previously recognized. Reading the whole of the novel closely against the Phaedrus reveals that just as this particular dialogue provides a useful interpretive touchstone for the “Cupid and Psyche” tale, it functions in a similar and deliberate way for the novel’s principal narrative concerning Lucius, acting as backdrop to and underlining what we might call his fall and redemption. What follows is not an argument that the Phaedrus ————— 1 I am very grateful to my colleagues Ken Bratt, U.S. Dhuga, and David Noe for their helpful comments on an early draft of the essay as well as to Luca Graverini and the journal refer- ees especially for bringing me up to speed on recent scholarship and talking me down from particular interpretive ledges. 2 For Phaedrean (and other Platonic) influence on Cupid and Psyche see: Hooker 1955; Walsh 1970, 55ff, 195, 206ff; Penwill 1975; Anderson 1982, 75-85; Kenney 1990, 17-22; Schlam 1992, 82-98; Shumate 1996, 259ff; Dowden 1998; O’Brien 1998; Zimmerman 2004; Graverini 2012a, 112-113. -
Egyptian Religion a Handbook
A HANDBOOK OF EGYPTIAN RELIGION A HANDBOOK OF EGYPTIAN RELIGION BY ADOLF ERMAN WITH 130 ILLUSTRATIONS Published in tile original German edition as r handbook, by the Ge:r*rm/?'~?~~ltunf of the Berlin Imperial Morcums TRANSLATED BY A. S. GRIFFITH LONDON ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE & CO. LTD. '907 Itic~mnoCLAY B 80~8,L~~II'ED BRIIO 6Tllll&I "ILL, E.C., AY" DUN,I*Y, RUFIOLP. ; ,, . ,ill . I., . 1 / / ., l I. - ' PREFACE TO THE ENGLISH EDITION THEvolume here translated appeared originally in 1904 as one of the excellent series of handbooks which, in addition to descriptive catalogues, are ~rovidedby the Berlin Museums for the guida,nce of visitors to their great collections. The haud- book of the Egyptian Religion seemed cspecially worthy of a wide circulation. It is a survey by the founder of the modern school of Egyptology in Germany, of perhaps tile most interest- ing of all the departments of this subject. The Egyptian religion appeals to some because of its endless variety of form, and the many phases of superstition and belief that it represents ; to others because of its early recognition of a high moral principle, its elaborate conceptions of a life aftcr death, and its connection with the development of Christianity; to others again no doubt because it explains pretty things dear to the collector of antiquities, and familiar objects in museums. Professor Erman is the first to present the Egyptian religion in historical perspective; and it is surely a merit in his worlc that out of his profound knowledge of the Egyptian texts, he permits them to tell their own tale almost in their own words, either by extracts or by summaries. -
The Secret Name of Ra
Thesecret name of Ra Ra, the SoleCreator was visible to the peopleof Eglat asthe discol the sun,but they knew him in manyother {orms. He could appearas a crownedman. a falconor'a man with a falcon'shead and, as the scarabbeetle pushes a round ball of dungin front of it, the Egyptians picturedRa asa scarabpushing the sun acrossthe sky. In caverns deepbelow the earthwere hidden another seventy-five forms ofRa; mysteriousbeings with mummiEedbodies and heads consisting of birds or snakes,feathers or flowers,The namesof Rawere as numerousas his forms; he wasthe ShiningOne, The Hidden One, The Renewerof the Earth,The lfind in the Souls,The ExaltedOne, but therewas one name ofthe SunGod which hadnot beenspoken sincetime began.To know this secretname ofRa wasto havepower overhim andover the world that he hadcreated. Isislonged for suchapower. Shehad dreamed that oneday she *.ould havea marvellousfalcon-headed son called Horus andshe wantedthe throne of Ra to giveto her child. Isis wasthe Mistressof Magic,wiser than millionsofmen, but sheLrrew that nothingin creationwas powerful enoughto harmits creator.Her only chance vr'as!o turn thepower of Ra againsthimself and atlast Isisthought of a crlel andcunning plan. Everyday the SunGod walkedthrough his kingdom, attendedby a crowd ofspirits andlesser deities, but Rawas growingold. His eyeswere dim, his stepno longerfirm andhe had evenbegun to drivel. One morning Isismingled with a group of minor goddessesand followedbehind the King of the Gods.She watched the faceofRa until shesaw his salivadrip onto a clod o{ eanh.\0hen shewas sure that no-onewas taking any noticeo{ her, shescooped up the earth andcarried it awav.Isis mixed the earthwith the salivaofRa to form clay andmodelled a wickedJookingserpent. -
Ancient Authors 297
T Ancient authors 297 is unknown. His Attic Nights is a speeches for the law courts, collection of essays on a variety political speeches, philosophical ANCIENT AUTHORS of topics, based on his reading of essays, and personal letters to Apicius: (fourth century AD) is the Greek and Roman writers and the friends and family. name traditionally given to the lectures and conversations he had Columella: Lucius Iunius author of a collection of recipes, heard. The title Attic Nights refers Moderatus Columella (wrote c.AD de Re Coquinaria (On the Art of to Attica, the district in Greece 60–65) was born at Gades (modern Cooking). Marcus Gavius Apicius around Athens, where Gellius was Cadiz) in Spain and served in the was a gourmet who lived in the living when he wrote the book. Roman army in Syria. He wrote a early first centuryAD and wrote Cassius Dio (also Dio Cassius): treatise on farming, de Re Rustica about sauces. Seneca says that he Cassius Dio Cocceianus (c.AD (On Farming). claimed to have created a scientia 150–235) was born in Bithynia. He popīnae (snack bar cuisine). Diodorus Siculus: Diodorus had a political career as a consul (wrote c.60–30 BC) was a Greek Appian: Appianos (late first in Rome and governor of the from Sicily who wrote a history of century AD–AD 160s) was born in provinces of Africa and Dalmatia. the world centered on Rome, from Alexandria, in Egypt, and practiced His history of Rome, written in legendary beginnings to 54 BC. as a lawyer in Rome. -
Naming Effects in Lucretius' De Rerum Natura
Antonomasia, Anonymity, and Atoms: Naming Effects in Lucretius’ DRN Princeton/Stanford Working Papers in Classics Antonomasia, Anonymity, and Atoms: Naming Effects in Lucretius’ De rerum natura Version 1.0 September 2009 Wilson H. Shearin Stanford University Abstract: This essay argues that selected proper names within Lucretius’ De rerum natura, rather than pointing deictically or referring with clear historical specificity, instead render Lucretius’ poem vaguer and more anonymous. To make this case, the essay first briefly surveys Roman naming practices, ultimately focusing upon a specific kind of naming, deictic naming. Deictic naming points (or attempts to point) to a given entity and often conjures up a sense of the reality of that entity. The essay then studies the role of deictic naming within Epicureanism and the relationship of such naming to instances of naming within De rerum natura. Through analysis of the nominal disappearance of Memmius, the near nominal absence of Epicurus, and the deployment of Venus (and other names) within the conclusion to Lucretius’ fourth book, the essay demonstrates how selected personal names in De rerum natura, in contrast to the ideal of deictic naming, become more general, more anonymous, whether by the substitution of other terms (Memmius, Epicurus), by referential wandering (Venus), or by still other means. The conclusion briefly studies the political significance of this phenomenon, suggesting that there is a certain popular quality to the tendency towards nominal indefiniteness traced in the essay. © Wilson H. Shearin. [email protected] 1 Antonomasia, Anonymity, and Atoms: Naming Effects in Lucretius’ DRN Antonomasia, Anonymity, and Atoms: Naming Effects in Lucretius’ De rerum natura Poet, patting more nonsense foamed From the sea, conceive for the courts Of these academies, the diviner health Disclosed in common forms. -
Archaeometry
Archaeometry Past and present members of the staff of the Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Statues, Stelae, Reliefs and Paintings, especially R. L. B. Moss and E. W. Burney, have taken part in the analysis of this periodical and the preparation of this list at the Griffith Institute, University of Oxford This pdf version (situation on 20 November 2009): Jaromir Malek (Editor), Diana Magee, Elizabeth Fleming and Alison Hobby (Assistants to the Editor) Cesareo et al. in Archaeometry 14 (1972), 76 [5] pl. 3 Tebtunis. Finds. iv.103A Wooden panel with scene in faience(?), king followed by goddess before Harpocrates and Hathor, Ptolemaic(?), in Rome, Museo Nazionale. %Fishman, B. and Fleming, S. J. in Archaeometry 22 (1980), 81-6 pls. 1, 5, cf. 3, 4 800-745-600 Statuette of kneeling king, arms lost, probably Tutankhamun, bronze, in Philadelphia PA, The University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, E 14295. Bowman et al. in Archaeometry 26 (1984), 218-29 fig. 2 Thebes. Temple of Amenophis III. Colossi. ii2.449A North colossus. %see Hedges, R. E. M., Pettitt, P. B., Bronk Ramsey, C. and van Klinken, G. J. in Archaeomtery 39 (1997), 255-6 Thebes. Objects. Coffins. i2.828A Irtisenu, Dyn. XXVI, in London, British Museum, EA 29781. %see Ambers, J. and Bowman, S. in Archaeometry 40 (1998), 427 (as Old Kingdom) Asyût. Miscellaneous. Statues. iv.268A Seated statuette of man, painted, wood, Dyn. IX or X, in London, British Museum, EA 55583. %Reader, C. D. in Archaeometry 43 (2001), 149-65 figs. 1, 2 Gîza. The Great Sphinx. -
The Philosophical Satire of Apuleius' Cupid and Psyche: Alignment and Contradiction in Allusions to Plato and Lucretius
The Philosophical Satire of Apuleius' Cupid and Psyche: Alignment and Contradiction in Allusions to Plato and Lucretius Paul Brucia Breitenfeld [email protected] Classical Languages Major at Haverford College, Class of 2019 Classical Languages 29 June 2018 Breitenfeld 2 Abstract Cupid and Psyche, the expositional myth that interrupts the narrative of Apuleius' novel Metamorphoses, has been regarded as Platonic allegory for how the soul falls in love. However, inconsistencies and faults in the Platonic logic of Apuleius' allusions have caused some scholars to question the strict Platonic reading. Additionally, Apuleius' allusions to philosophic beliefs are not limited to the Platonic. His extensive quotations of Lucretius and his De Rerum Natura have long been recognized, though they are rarely studied at great length. Looking closely at the allusions to De Rerum Natura in Cupid and Psyche, I have found a rich coexistence of philosophical alignment and contradiction to Lucretius' Epicureanism. Therefore, considering the existence of allusions that correspond to and contradict both Platonism and Epicureanism and the relationship between those allusions and the rest of the text, I shall demonstrate that the tale of Cupid and Psyche is not simply an exposition of Platonic philosophy but rather a philosophic farce. Apuleius draws his readers in with a multitude of references to the canon of Mediterranean literature and then subverts and satirizes those works. His fantastical story––which on the surface seems to be a lofty myth about love and heartbreak, heaven and hell, labors and celebration––becomes a well- crafted joke and a lesson in intellectual humility. Breitenfeld 3 Throughout Apuleius' Metamorphoses, and in particular during the novel's famous Cupid and Psyche episode, scholars have identified numerous references to philosophical ideas.