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Barnave Rapporteur Du Comité Des Colonies (1789 – 1791)

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Barnave Rapporteur Du Comité Des Colonies (1789 – 1791) 1 SOUAD DEGACHI BARNAVE RAPPORTEUR DU COMITÉ DES COLONIES (1789 – 1791) Révolution Française.net 2 © Révolution Française.net Editions. Septembre 2007 Couverture : « An Overseer Doing his Duty », 1798. Benjamin Henry Latrobe, Sketchbook, III, 33, Maryland Historical Society, Baltimore, image tirée de The Atlantic Slave Trade and Slave Life in the Americas : A Visual Record, Jerome S. Handler and Michael L. Tuite Jr., Virginia Foundation for the Humanities and University of Virginia, 2006, http://hitchcock.itc.virginia.edu/Slavery/index.php 3 Souad Degachi est professeur d’Histoire-Géographie et doctorante à l’Université Paris VII Denis Diderot. Cet ouvrage est tiré d’un mémoire de maîtrise en Histoire dirigé par Florence Gauthier et soutenu à l’Université Paris VII Denis Diderot en 2003 sous le titre : Barnave, rapporteur du Comité des colonies (1789 – 1791). 4 TABLE DES MATIERES INTRODUCTION..............................................................................7 PREMIERE PARTIE PREMIERS CONTACTS AVEC LA QUESTION COLONIALE (1789 – 1790) 1. LES COLONS DE SAINT-DOMINGUE ET LA RÉVOLUTION FRANÇAISE..................................................................................13 L’entourage familial de Barnave et les colonies.................................13 La députation des colons et le problème de la Déclaration des droits de l’homme et du citoyen..............................................................17 2. PREMIER CONTACT DE BARNAVE AVEC LE LOBBY COLONIAL......... 21 Triumvirat ou quadriumvirat ? Des amitiés politiques de Barnave au parti colonial................................................................................21 Les Lameth, entre Société des Amis des Noirs et Club Massiac........... 26 Le Triumvirat et le «noyautage » des sociétés patriotes.................... 32 3. LE COMITÉ DES COLONIES........................................................35 Formation du Comité des colonies.................................................. 35 Barnave et les théories du club Massiac.......................................... 41 DEUXIEME PARTIE LES DISSIMULATIONS D'UNE POLITIQUE COLONIALE MARS – OCTOBRE 1790 1. POLITIQUE DE BARNAVE AU COMITÉ DES COLONIES-MARS 1790...........................................................................................53 Rapport du 8 mars 1790................................................................53 Suites politiques : instructions du 28 mars......................................58 5 2. BARNAVE FACE À LA QUESTION DE L'ASSEMBLÉE DE SAINT-MARC ..............................................................................65 L’Assemblée de Saint-Marc............................................................65 Barnave et le décret du 12 octobre 1790.........................................69 Barnave « démasqué ».................................................................73 3. L'ACQUITTEMENT DES LÉOPARDINS...........................................81 Rapprochement des 85 et du club Massiac.......................................81 Règlement du sort des Léopardins..................................................87 TROISIEME PARTIE BARNAVE RÉVÈLE LE VRAI VISAGE DE SA POLITIQUE COLONIALE MAI - SEPTEMBRE 1791 1. MAI 1971 / DÉBAT ET CONSTITUTIONNALISATION DE L'ESCLAVAGE À L'ASSEMBLÉE NATIONALE...................................... 93 Le rapport De Lattre du 7 mai 1791................................................93 Le débat de mai...........................................................................96 Réactions du parti colonial au décret du 15 mai 1791......................108 2. 24 SEPTEMBRE 1791 : VICTOIRE FINALE DU PARTI COLONIAL.................................................................................117 Barnave revient sur l'amendement Reubell....................................117 Barnave après le 24 septembre 1791............................................124 3. L'HISTORIOGRAPHIE ET BARNAVE............................................127 La mise en scène historiographique, Barnave entre mythification et mystification..............................................................................127 Le « matérialisme historique » de Barnave.....................................132 CONCLUSION.............................................................................137 CHRONOLOGIE...........................................................................141 BIBLIOGRAPHIE.........................................................................149 6 7 INTRODUCTION En mars 1790, le député dauphinois Antoine Pierre Joseph Marie Barnave est nommé rapporteur du Comité des colonies au sein de l’Assemblée nationale constituante. Le débat sur les colonies s’ouvrait enfin, il allait révéler le clivage définitif entre le côté gauche et le côté droit de l’Assemblée sur la question de la traite, de l’esclavage et des droits politiques des hommes de couleur. Cet affrontement sur la question coloniale semble déterminant pour appréhender autrement la politique générale de la Constituante. En effet, un tel glissement de perspective permet de poser un regard « en négatif » sur la dimension extérieure de la Révolution française, d’en creuser un aspect contrarié, en quelque sorte. Il s’agit en somme de se demander pourquoi la Constituante n’a pas tiré les conséquences de la Déclaration des Droits de l’Homme et du Citoyen à l’égard de ses colonies, leur refusant l’application des principes qu’elle venait de déclarer. On peut évoquer la surimportance accordée alors au facteur économique – en particulier dans le cas des villes portuaires et maritimes – ou encore aux théories différentialistes du type théorie des climats, qui prétendaient, par exemple, la liberté bonne pour la métropole, mais pas pour les Tropiques. Ces arguments furent portés par des personnalités à l’Assemblée, notamment par des députés constituants, à chaque fois que la question coloniale fut abordée, principalement à l’occasion des débats de mars et octobre 1790, puis de mai et septembre 1791. Le nom d’Antoine Barnave est systématiquement lié à chacun de ces débats. Barnave, l’un des députés prépondérants de l’Assemblée nationale Constituante, présente un parcours politique de prime abord déroutant. Actif lors des événements de 1788 dans le Dauphiné, ce jeune avocat grenoblois de 27 ans est élu représentant du Tiers Etat aux Etats généraux de 1789. Membre de la Société des amis de la Constitution, il se distingue par ses 8 qualités d’orateur et défend l’idée d’une Déclaration des droits de l’Homme et du citoyen. Le 23 juillet 1789, il se fait remarquer pour l’une de ses apostrophes en pleine séance de l’Assemblée ; il s’exclame, à propos de l’assassinat de Foulon, contrôleur des Finances, et de son gendre Berthier : « ce sang était-il donc si pur ? ». Cette intervention alimentera, bien sûr, tant auprès des contemporains que de l’historiographie, le mythe du révolutionnaire sanguinaire. C’est également Barnave qui, en janvier 1791, réclama avec virulence l’imposition aux prêtres d’un serment immédiat à la Constitution civile du clergé et la vente des biens du clergé. Mais quelques mois plus tard, en juillet de la même année, Barnave et ses amis furent à l’initiative de la scission au sein des Jacobins, qui aboutit à la création d’un club rival, celui des Feuillants. Par ailleurs, son rapprochement, à partir de 1791, avec la cour et le couple royal suscite des interrogations quant à la véritable nature de ses positions politiques. Le parcours du député dauphinois se révèle alors plus trouble qu’il n’y paraissait. Ses interventions répétées dans le débat sur les colonies à l’Assemblée, à partir de 1790, laissent entrevoir les limites d’une catégorisation politique de type classique. D’abord rattaché au côté gauche, au début de la Révolution, Barnave rallia, dès mars 1790, les théories du côté droit sur la question des colonies. Or, il se trouva être justement celui qui, accompagné de quelques autres, orienta définitivement la politique suivie par l’Assemblée dans ce domaine. D’où la nécessité de nous interroger sur certains aspects biographiques concernant Barnave, et tout particulièrement sur les conditions dans lesquelles il exerça ses fonctions de rapporteur du Comité des colonies. L’historiographie est quelque peu lacunaire quant à la prise en compte et l’étude de la question coloniale au cours de la Révolution française. De nombreux travaux historiques présentent, de façon quelque peu superficielle, le rôle joué par Barnave à l’Assemblée nationale à cet égard. Barnave y est surtout dépeint comme l’un des héros révolutionnaires de 1789, membre du parti des « patriotes ». Mais sa politique au sein du Comité des colonies est rarement approfondie et l’explication la plus fréquemment rencontrée quant à ses positions particulières réside dans la 9 défense par Barnave de « l’intérêt national ». L’historiographie n’est donc pas suffisante pour l’appréhension de ce sujet. Les sources se sont révélées plus riches en informations. Nous nous sommes ainsi penchée sur les archives contenant les papiers de Barnave, manuscrits pour la plupart. A l’étude de ces documents, nous avons rencontré de nombreuses pièces provenant du club Massiac, vitrine officielle du lobby colonialiste esclavagiste à Paris. Comment et pourquoi Barnave les avait-il en sa possession ? Cette question reste sans réponse. En revanche, la détention de tels documents nous éclaire sur les positions qu’il adopta dans le débat colonial. Ainsi sommes-nous parvenue à une hypothèse qui posait l’existence de relations suivies entre Barnave et le
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