The Tragical Historie of Maximilien Robespierre
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One and Indivisible? Federation, Federalism, and Colonialism in the Early French and Haitian Revolutions
One and Indivisible? Federation, Federalism, and Colonialism in the Early French and Haitian Revolutions MANUEL COVO abstract Histories of the French Revolution usually locate the origins of the “one and indivisible Republic” in a strictly metropolitan context. In contrast, this article argues that the French Revolution’s debates surrounding federation, federalism, and the (re)foundation of the French nation-state were interwoven with colonial and transimperial matters. Between 1776 and 1792 federalism in a French imperial context went from an element of an academic conversation among bureaucrats and economists to a matter of violent struggle in Saint- Domingue that generated new agendas in the metropole. Going beyond the binary language of union and secession, the article examines the contest over federation and federalism in Saint-Domingue between free people of color and white planters who, taking inspiration from both metropolitan and non-French experiences with federalism, sought to alter the col- ony’s relationship with the metropole while also maintaining the institution of slavery. Revo- lutionaries on both sides of the Atlantic, unsure which direction to take and without the ben- efit of hindsight, used the language of federalism to pursue rival interests despite a seemingly common vocabulary. This entangled history of conflicts, compromises, and misunderstand- ings blurred ideological delineations but decisively shaped the genesis of the French imperial republic. keywords French Revolution, Haitian Revolution, federalism, French -
After Robespierre
J . After Robespierre THE THERMIDORIAN REACTION Mter Robespierre THE THERMIDORIAN REACTION By ALBERT MATHIEZ Translated from the French by Catherine Alison Phillips The Universal Library GROSSET & DUNLAP NEW YORK COPYRIGHT ©1931 BY ALFRED A. KNOPF, INC. ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED AS La Reaction Thermidorienne COPYRIGHT 1929 BY MAX LECLERC ET CIE UNIVERSAL LIBRARY EDITION, 1965 BY ARRANGEMENT WITH ALFRED A. KNOPF, INC. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOG CARD NUMBER: 65·14385 PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA PREFACE So far as order of time is concerned, M. M athie( s study of the Thermidorian Reaction, of which the present volume is a translation, is a continuation of his history of the French Revolution, of which the English version was published in 1928. In form and character, however, there is a notable difference. In the case of the earlier work the limitations imposed by the publishers excluded all references and foot-notes, and the author had to refer the reader to his other published works for the evidence on which his conclusions were based. In the case of the present book no such limitations have been set, and M. Mathiei: has thus been able not only to state his con clusions, but to give the chain of reasoning by which they have been reached. The Thermidorian Reaction is therefore something more than a sequel to The French Revolution, which M. Mathiei:, with perhaps undue modesty, has described as a precis having no independent authority; it is not only a work of art, but a weighty contribution to historical science. In the preface to his French Revolution M. -
The French Revolution a Volume in the DOCUMENTARY HISTORY of WESTERN CIVILIZATION - the French Revolution
The French Revolution A volume In THE DOCUMENTARY HISTORY of WESTERN CIVILIZATION - The French Revolution Edited by PAUL H. BEIK PALGRA VE MACMILLAN ISBN 978-1-349-00528-4 ISBN 978-1-349-00526-0 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-1-349-00526-0 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION English translation copyright © 1970 by Paul H. Beik Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 1970 978-0-333-07911-9 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without permission. First published in the United States 1970 First published in the United Kingdom by The Macmillan Press Ltd. 1971 Published by THE MACMILLAN PRESS LTD Associated companies in New York Toronto Dublin Melbourne Johannesburg and Madras SBN 333 07911 6 Contents Introduction x PART I. CROWN, PARLEMENT, AND ARISTOCRACY 1. November 19, 1787: Chretien Fran~ois de Lamoignon on Principles of the French Monarchy 1 2. April 17, 1788: Louis XVI to a Deputation from the Parlement of Paris 3 3. May 4, 1788: Repeated Remonstrances of the Parlement of Paris in Response to the King's Statement of April 17 5 4. December 12,1788: Memoir of the Princes 10 PART II. THE SURGE OF OPINION 5. January, 1789: Sieyes, What Is the Third Estate? 16 6. February, 1789: Mounier on the Estates General 37 7. March 1, 1789: Parish Cahiers of Ecommoy and Mansigne 45 8. March 14, 1789: Cahier of the Nobility of Crepy 51 9. March 26,1789: Cahier of the Clergy of Troyes 56 PART III. -
The FRENCH REVOLUTION
HISTORY IN THE MAKING The FRENCH REVOLUTION BY Georges Pernoud and Sabine Flaissier ,. PREFACE BY ANDRE MAUROIS THE FRENCH REVOLUTION +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ THE FRENCH REVOLUTION by GEORGES PERNOUD and SABINE FLAISSIER with a preface by ANDRE MAUROIS translated by RICHARD GRAVES FOUNDED 1138 G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS NEW YORK FIRST AMERICAN EDITION, 1961 ©196 0 BY MARTIN SECKER & WARBURG LTD. Allrights reserved. This book, or parts thereoI, must not be reproduced without permission. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 60-13673 MANUFACTURED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA /"Ii CONTENTS +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 7 PREFACE 9 PREFATORY EXPLANATION 15 THE FOURTEENTH OF JULY 17 THE FIFTH AND SIXTH OF OCTOBER 56 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES 70 THE EMIGRES 108 LA MARSEILLAISE 123 THE TENTH OF AUGUST 126 THE SEPTEMBER MASSACRES 142 VALMY 160 THE MISFORTUNES OF THE ROYAL FAMILY 174 CHARLOTTE CORDAY 222 THE COLLAPSE OF THE EMIGRES 233 THE TERROR 242 THE SOLDIERS OF YEAR II 281 LA VENDEE 298 THERMIDOR 320 SOURCES 342 INDEX 347 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 1789 January Louis XVI summons States General May States General meet at Versailles June States General in future called National Assembly July Fall of the Bastille-National Guard formed with Lafayette as Commandant October The Paris mob march on Versailles. King removed to Paris 1790 September Necker resigns as Chief Minister December King gives assent to Civil Constitution of the Clergy 1791 June The flight to Varennes September -
Maximilien Robespierre, on the Moral and Political Principles of Domestic Policy
Maximilien Robespierre, On the Moral and Political Principles of Domestic Policy, 1794 Maximilien de Robespierre’s (1758–1794) career would not have been possible without the French Revolution. A provincial lawyer, he took advantage of the Revolution’s emphasis on merit over birth, rising to become the leader of the government. He also led the Terror (September 1793–July 1794), a period when the French Revolution became increasingly radical. France was facing down military incursions from other European monarchs and from internal opponents of the Revolution. During this time, a small group of revolutionaries, led by Robespierre, took control of government and attempted to purge France of people whom they considered dangerous to the goals of the Revolution. This was a time of great fear in France, when people were executed for even the suspicion of disloyalty. Ultimately, France was victorious in external wars, but Robespierre continued the Terror. Eventually Robespierre himself was consumed by the Terror he had helped to create, facing execution by guillotine in 1794. Robespierre’s death marked the end of the Terror. Source: Robespierre, On the Moral and Political Principles of Domestic Policy, 1794 But, to found and consolidate democracy, to achieve the peaceable reign of the constitutional laws, we must end the war of liberty against tyranny and pass safely across the storms of the revolution: such is the aim of the revolutionary system that you have enacted. Your conduct, then, ought also to be regulated by the stormy circumstances in which the republic is placed; and the plan of your administration must result from the spirit of the revolutionary government combined with the general principles of democracy. -
Jacobins Maximilien Robespierre the Committee of Public Safety
The Reign of Terror Jacobins The most famous political group of the French Revolution was the Jacobins. Also known as the Society of the Friends of the Constitution, the club originally met at Versailles, organized by deputies of the Estates-General (and then National Assembly). They later met as a club in Paris. By July 1790, their membership grew to about 1,200 Parisian members, with 152 affiliate clubs; the number of members continued to grew thereafter. The club’s main concern was to protect what the revolutionaries had achieved so far—and prevent any reaction from the aristocracy. This desire resulted in the Reign of Terror. The Jacobins felt that it was their duty to catch anyone suspected of opposing the Revolution. The Jacobins also led the dechristianizing movement and organized Revolutionary festivals. Maximilien Robespierre Possibly the most well-known Jacobin was Maximilien Robespierre. He was trained as a lawyer and practiced law by representing poor people. When the Estates-General was summoned in 1789, the Third Estate elected him as one of their deputies. He was thirty years old. Robespierre was a quiet, simple man, with a weak voice. Yet he was able to make himself heard. He spoke more than five hundred times during the life of the National Assembly, and it was here that he gained supporters. He was a philosopher and sided with the ideals of the Enlightenment. He used this background to help shape the Declaration of the Rights of Man. He was a proponent of everything the Declaration stood for. He believed in equal rights, the right to hold office and join the national guard, and the right to petition. -
La Revolució Francesa I La Seva Ambivalent Herència Política*
DOSSIER MONOGRÀFIC LA REBEL·LIA La Revolució Francesa i la seva ambivalent herència política* Edgar Straehle** Universitat de Barcelona [email protected] Resum: Hi ha esdeveniments del passat que tenen una gran productivitat cap al futur. En aquest article s’examina de quina manera un episodi com la Revolució Francesa ha estat capaç de generar una ambivalent tradició política i de pensament que travessa els darrers dos segles i arriba fins al present. D’altra banda, es recuperen els debats intel·lectuals que s’interrogaven sobre quina havia de ser la relació del present amb el passat en els mo- ments revolucionaris. Finalment, es mostra que moltes de les invocacions al llegat de la Revolució Francesa podien combinar-se amb un intent de superació de les seves contra- diccions o limitacions. Paraules clau: Revolució Francesa, memòria, tradició revolucionària, Karl Marx, Walter Benjamin. Abstract: There are events from the past that have inspired great future productivity. This article examines how an episode such as the French Revolution could generate an ambivalent tradition of politicas and thought spanning the past two centuries up till the present day. Then, it tackles the intellectual debates that questioned what the relationship of the present to the past should be in revolutionary times. Finally, it shows how many of the invocations to the legacy of the French Revolution could be combined in an attempt to overcome its contradictions or limitations. Keywords: French Revolution, memory, revolutionary tradition, Karl Marx, Walter Benjamin. * La investigació d’aquest text s’ha realitzat en el marc del projecte Vulnerabilidad en el pensamiento filosófi- co femenino. -
Defining the Space of Politics in Revolutionary France
UC Berkeley New Faculty Lecture Series (formerly Morrison Library Inaugural Address) Title Creative Negations: Defining the Space of Politics in Revolutionary France Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3bp0x2h6 Author Bates, David Publication Date 2000 eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California M o r *r i s o. n L i -b -r a r y In a u g u r a . A d "d r e s s S e r i e s m. .': De.fini the 0 Fr Creativ'e Negati'ons: * Deinig teSpace ofPolitics in Revolutionary Frnce University of California, Berkele~y 2000, Morrison Library Inaugural Address Series No.20 Editorial Board Jan Carter, issue editor Carlos R. Delgado, series editor Morrison Library: Alex Warren Text format and design: Mary Scott . C) 2000 UC Regents ISSN: 1079-2732 Published by: The Doe Library. University of California Berkeley, CA 94720-6000 We wish to thank the Rhetoric Department for supporting the lecture and the publication of this issue. PREFACE The goal of this series is to foster schol- arship on campus by providing new faculty members with the opportunity to share their research interest with their colleagues and students. We see the role of an academic li- brary not only as a place where bibliographic materials are acquired, stored, and made ac- cessible to the intellectual community, but also as an institution that is an active partici- pant in the generation of knowledge. New faculty members represent areas of scholarship the University wishes to develop or further strengthen. They are also among the best minds in their respective fields of specialization. -
"Virtue and Terror: Maximilien Robespierre on the Principles of the French Revolution." Revolutionary Moments: Reading Revolutionary Texts
Linton, Marisa. "Virtue and Terror: Maximilien Robespierre on the Principles of the French Revolution." Revolutionary Moments: Reading Revolutionary Texts. Ed. Rachel Hammersley. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2015. 93–100. Bloomsbury Collections. Web. 29 Sep. 2021. <http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781474252669.0018>. Downloaded from Bloomsbury Collections, www.bloomsburycollections.com, 29 September 2021, 09:23 UTC. Copyright © Rachel Hammersley 2015. You may share this work for non-commercial purposes only, provided you give attribution to the copyright holder and the publisher, and provide a link to the Creative Commons licence. 1 1 Virtue and Terror: Maximilien Robespierre on the Principles of the French Revolution M a r i s a L i n t o n Th is great purity of the bases of the French Revolution, the very sublimity of its object is precisely what makes our strength and our weakness; our strength because it gives us the ascendancy of the truth over deception, and the rights of public interest over private interest; our weakness, because it rallies against us all the vicious men, all those who in their hearts plot to despoil the people, and all those who have despoiled them and want immunity, and those who have rejected liberty as a personal calamity, and those who have embraced the Revolution as a career and the Republic as their prey: hence the defection of so many ambitious or greedy men, who, since the beginning, have abandoned us along the way, because they had not begun the journey in order to reach the same goal. One could say that the two contrary geniuses that have been depicted here battling for control of the realm of nature, are fi ghting in this great epoch of human history, to shape irrevocably the destiny of the world, and that France is the theatre of this redoubtable contest. -
Thomas Van, Anatomy of a Revolutionary: a Comparative
Van 1 Thomas Van Doctor Christina Devlin ENGL 102 11 May 2021 ABSTRACT Maximilien Robespierre and the French Revolution and Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge offer a deeper insight into the nature of the relationship between human psychology, ideology, society, and violence. The two revolutionary leaders, Robespierre and Pol Pot, shared similar upbringings. They were made to look and consider the problems their societies were facing while they were born in privilege and received elite educations. Coming to power, these men sought to cure the ills, or perceived ills, of their societies; they possessed grand visions of what their societies should look like. To realize their societies, violence was their tool of choice, though the violence in France took a different tone than that in Cambodia. The tones of violence reflected the particularities and circumstances of either regime. In France, disorder and anti-revolutionary activity required the French regime to fight violently for its grip on power; therefore, no small effort was put into maintaining law and order. On the other hand, in Cambodia, no such issue was present. The Khmer Regime faced no similar threat to its power, and therefore could focus its efforts on violently creating their ideal society. Van 2 Anatomy of a Revolutionary: A Comparative Analysis of Maximilien Robespierre and Pol Pot Maximilien Robespierre and the French Revolution and Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge help us search for common patterns between two events, ideologies, and individuals in order to ultimately better understand the human capacity for cruelty. The points of comparison will be simplified into: the event, the individual, the ideology. -
Paper Solutions for Real Problems: Solving Problems of Public Order Through Constitutional Revision in the National Assembly, Summer–Fall 1789
H-France Salon Volume 11 (2019) Page 1 H-France Salon Volume 11, 1, #6 Paper Solutions for Real Problems: Solving Problems of Public Order through Constitutional Revision in the National Assembly, Summer–Fall 1789. Robert H. Blackman Hampden-Sydney College This essay comes out of work I have done for my book project, “1789: The French Revolution Begins,” exploring the birth of the National Assembly during the long summer of 1789. I argue that the Estates General’s transformation to a proper National Constituent Assembly did not happen all at once, but rather in fairly discrete stages over the summer as legislative deputies defined the boundaries of their powers. In order to show how the transformation occurred, I closely examined important debates over the way the Estates General would meet and vote, over the relationship between the deputies and their constituents, and over the role the king would have in the new constitutional order. I wrote this book very much under the influence of Timothy Tackett’s scholarship, especially his remarkable book, Becoming a Revolutionary: The Deputies of the French National Assembly and the Emergence of a Revolutionary Culture (1789–1790). In it, Tackett moved beyond working from the polished, published versions of deputy speeches or memoirs published long after the event, and expanded his research base to include the deputies’ letters, their contemporary diaries, and their contributions to contemporary newspapers. This gave him much greater insight into the process by which the individual deputies came to be revolutionaries. He showed clearly that neither the more radical Breton deputies nor the more moderate Dauphinois deputies could muster majorities behind their policies in May and June 1789, and that the reunion of orders on 27 June reinforced the more conservative wing of the Third Estate, weakening National Assembly radicals in favor of the center. -
Vichy France and the Legacy of the French Revolution
5 CONTESTED SYMBOLS Lear Prize Winner Contested Symbols: Vichy France and the Legacy of the French Revolution This paper examines how Vichy, the authoritarian government in France throughout most of the Second World War, reckoned with the legacy of the French Revolution. I investigate this relationship through the regime’s treatment of four revolutionary symbols: the figure Marianne, the anthem “La Marseillaise,” the national holiday of Bastille Day, and the slogan of Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité. Because these symbols were deeply embedded in French social and political life, I argue that Vichy could neither fully reject nor embrace them; instead, it pursued a middle ground by twisting the symbols’ meanings and introducing alternatives in line with the traditionalism and ethnocentrism of its National Revolution. In doing so, Vichy attempted to replace the French Republic and the revolutionary values that it stood for with its own vision of the French past, present, and future. Emma Satterfield Written for History 457: Modern Revolutions 1776, 1789, 1917, 1989, 2011 Dr. Peter C. Caldwell SPRING 2019 EMMA SATTERFIELD 6 Since 1789, the themes and struggles at the heart of the French Revolution have been invoked and re-invoked at times of political crisis and change, from the empire of Napoleon to the brief Paris Commune of 1870. At the onset of the twentieth century, even as the Revolution grew more distant with the passing of time, its legacy remained central to the identity of both the French Republic and its citizens. This crystallization of French identity was made possible by the government’s use of a repertoire of revolutionary symbols embodying the ideals of liberty, equality, and brotherhood.