Georges- Jacques Danton ( DAN- Tawn)

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Georges- Jacques Danton ( DAN- Tawn) ROUSSEAU, BURKE AND REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1791 SECTION LEADERS OF PARIS/THE CROWD Georges- Jacques Danton ( DAN- tawn) ou were born 32 years ago (October 26, 1759), the son of a clerk to a minor local official, in a village calledArcis- ​­sur-​­Aube, in a district known as Champagne, a scruffy hill country whose grain harvests were notoriously poor. Your family heritage was Y firmly of the peasant class, though your father’s choices and abilities enabled you to be born into the lower middle class. Your father died not too long after your birth, and your mother, Madeline Camut, who you adored, married a cloth maker. At the age of 13, you began to be educated by the Oratorians, who taught you Enlightenment philosophy along with classics and grammar. You showed aptitude in one subject only—​­Latin—​­so at 14 you were sent to the seminary at Troyes to become a priest. Within a few years, however, you showed a rebelliousness that suggested you were unsuited to the priesthood, and so you decided to try a career in law. To that end, you went to Paris and took an apprenticeship as an errand boy to a lawyer in Paris. On your own you read the Encyclopédie, Montesquieu, Voltaire, Rousseau, Buffon, as well as, in English, Shakespeare, Milton, and Dante. Yet you knew that you needed a law degree and, acting on a tip from your master, spent a very brief time at the notoriously lax University of Rheims where, in the course of seven days, you completed the requirements for a law degree. You even began practicing law there, but you found that Paris was more to your liking; you moved back to the city and became a Freemason in the years immediately preceding the Revolution. You also were introduced to a smart set of well-​­connected freethinkers, members of the secret society of the Freemasons, into whose precepts you were initiated. Several years ago, you borrowed enough money to marry Gabrielle Charpentier. This silenced, to a degree, rumors of your ceaseless womanizing. You obtained a position as “Counsel to the King’s Bench,” a fancy-​­sounding title which in fact merely entitled you to represent a variety of clients in courts over which the king, or his designees, presided. You also met Camille Desmoulins. But this middle-​­class peace was not to define your life, or even to last, for uprisings and radicalism drew you like a moth to a flame. You took up residence in the Cordeliers section of Paris. And you talked, incessantly, of the need for a profound change in France. When mass unrest over the price of bread caused revolts, you went to radical meetings, especially those held at the Cordeliers Club. You were “drawn to [them] by their proximity and the democratic spirit of the times. This was [your] entry, almost haphazard, into politics.” Within the Cordelier Club and at speeches in the Palais Royal, you became known as a powerful orator, and you argued for the redress of “the people’s sense of injustice” as a practical and political necessity.1 The drama taking place at Versailles in 1789 convinced you to devote yourself to revolution. In July 1789, after King Louis XVI had ordered that the Third Estate desist in its claims that it alone con- stituted the nation, you went to the Church of the Convent of the Cordeliers (a Franciscan monastery) and called on someone to ring the bells. Soon a crowd of thousands thronged round, and you “saw an irresistible tide sweep by, so [you] dived in and swam with it.”2 “Citizens!” you shouted, “Let us arm ourselves— ​­let us arm ourselves to repel the 15,000 brigands assembled in Montmartre, and the 30,000 military who are ready to descend on Paris, to loot the city and slaughter its inhabitants!” 1. Lawday, The Giant of the French Revolution: Danton, a Life (New York: Grove Press, 2009), 35–7. 2. Ibid., 44–5. ROLE SHEET: Georges-​­Jacques Danton, Section Leaders of Paris/the Crowd 1 OF 17 214935_RS07_­Georges_Jacques_Danton_001-017_r2_el.indd 1 13/01/16 4:45 PM ROUSSEAU, BURKE AND REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1791 A few hooted their doubts and said that you would be executed for such words. You responded: “The sovereign people rise against despotism. The monarchy is finished!” Hundreds shouted their assent, and volunteered to fight; you began organizing them into an armed band that called itself the Battalion of the Cordeliers. The next two days went by in a blur. Tens of thousands of people swarmed to the Invalides, and then to the Bastille, where they overwhelmed it and forced its capitulation. You arrived after it had fallen. Then you were elected President of the Cordeliers District Assembly, which, under emergency conditions, met nearly every day (and through much of most evenings). You were given a stage name by your followers: “the Thunderer.” You held court at the Palais Royal, mocking the king and even sentencing him to medieval death; in vengeance for the aristocrats’ cruelty, “the guilty were to be drawn and quartered alive, their hearts torn out and bunged into their mouths.”3 In October, you drafted a manifesto and had it printed and posted throughout the city, calling for all Paris to rise and move on Versailles, with the Cordeliers Battalion in the vanguard. On October 4, 1789, you ordered that the bells of the Cordeliers be rung, and soon a procession of tens of thousands, most of them women, was moving to Versailles. (You subtly proposed that, on second thought, the Cordeliers withdraw from the march: you worried that Lafayette’s National Guard might fire upon them.) The women succeeded on their own and brought the king and his family back to Paris. But the Cordeliers District Assembly gave you special honors for arranging it all. You have contributed essays to both Camille Desmoulins’s newspaper, Courrier de Brabant, and to Marat’s L’Ami du Peuple (“The People’s Friend”), but your strength is speaking and leadership. You did not run for a position as a delegate to the National Assembly, nor did you run for election as one of three hundred councilors to the mayor of Paris. Rather, you lead the latter by the force of your words. When the mayor, Bailly, began to assume excessive powers, for example, you cited Rousseau, to a thun- derous ovation: “If a law is not the expression of the General Will, then that law is worth nothing!” Then, when the National Assembly tried to arrest Marat, the radical editor whose journal made nearly everyone tremble, you sent the Cordeliers Battalion to ring his house to protect him. When Lafayette and his bourgeois National Guard showed up, they did not dare challenge your men. Then you marched to the Tuileries, demanded to speak to the National Assembly, and were refused. The President of the Assembly went so far as to request that it pass a resolution indicating that it “dis- approved” of your “conduct.” You left, despondent, until you learned that the National Guard had marched home, too. Marat was free, and now everyone credited you with saving him. You then spoke at the Jacobin Club, which was increasingly coming under the leadership of Max- imilien Robespierre. You responded by befriending Robespierre and by founding your own club, more radical in tone, called the Society of the Friends of the Rights of Man, soon nicknamed for the place where it met: the Cordeliers. The Cordeliers Club charged membership dues and obliged members to present their credentials before being admitted: your club is truly of and for the people. The only rule is that all speakers must put on the “red cap” of the Revolution before climbing the ladder that leads to the Club’s podium. On the wall behind, you have had emblazoned the words “liberté, egalité, frater- nité”—and now these have become the watchwords of the Revolution. In late 1790, you began to invite the leaders of the forty-​­eight sections of Paris to attend meetings of the Cordeliers, and your power grew proportionately. When you next returned to the National Assembly and demanded to be heard, the President had no choice but to allow you to speak. You denounced the king’s ministers, and demanded that they all be dismissed. The National Assembly voted 3. Ibid., 46–7 (quotation on p. 47). ROLE SHEET: Georges-​­Jacques Danton, Section Leaders of Paris/the Crowd 2 OF 17 214935_RS07_­Georges_Jacques_Danton_001-017_r2_el.indd 2 13/01/16 4:45 PM ROUSSEAU, BURKE AND REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1791 against your proposal, 513 to 340, but no one could doubt any longer that you were a force to be reck- oned with. Last spring you won a citywide election to serve as prosecutor, and then you addressed the Jacobin Club every few weeks, along with holding court at your own Cordeliers each night. At the Jacobins, you spoke as a lawyer; but when speaking to the people of Paris, you addressed them in a language they understood: clear, forceful, humorous, and audacious. Two weeks ago, when the king escaped from the Tuileries—​­doubtless with Lafayette’s connivance— you raced to the Cordeliers and denounced the king and “the Austrian woman.” You attacked, as well, those in the National Assembly who endorsed a constitutional monarchy: By upholding a hereditary monarchy, the National Assembly has reduced France to slavery! Let us abolish, once and for all, the name and function of king; let us transform the kingdom into a republic! The Cordeliers voted in favor of your proposition, and then you went to the Manège, where a crowd had assembled.
Recommended publications
  • After Robespierre
    J . After Robespierre THE THERMIDORIAN REACTION Mter Robespierre THE THERMIDORIAN REACTION By ALBERT MATHIEZ Translated from the French by Catherine Alison Phillips The Universal Library GROSSET & DUNLAP NEW YORK COPYRIGHT ©1931 BY ALFRED A. KNOPF, INC. ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED AS La Reaction Thermidorienne COPYRIGHT 1929 BY MAX LECLERC ET CIE UNIVERSAL LIBRARY EDITION, 1965 BY ARRANGEMENT WITH ALFRED A. KNOPF, INC. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOG CARD NUMBER: 65·14385 PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA PREFACE So far as order of time is concerned, M. M athie( s study of the Thermidorian Reaction, of which the present volume is a translation, is a continuation of his history of the French Revolution, of which the English version was published in 1928. In form and character, however, there is a notable difference. In the case of the earlier work the limitations imposed by the publishers excluded all references and foot-notes, and the author had to refer the reader to his other published works for the evidence on which his conclusions were based. In the case of the present book no such limitations have been set, and M. Mathiei: has thus been able not only to state his con­ clusions, but to give the chain of reasoning by which they have been reached. The Thermidorian Reaction is therefore something more than a sequel to The French Revolution, which M. Mathiei:, with perhaps undue modesty, has described as a precis having no independent authority; it is not only a work of art, but a weighty contribution to historical science. In the preface to his French Revolution M.
    [Show full text]
  • The FRENCH REVOLUTION
    HISTORY IN THE MAKING The FRENCH REVOLUTION BY Georges Pernoud and Sabine Flaissier ,. PREFACE BY ANDRE MAUROIS THE FRENCH REVOLUTION +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ THE FRENCH REVOLUTION by GEORGES PERNOUD and SABINE FLAISSIER with a preface by ANDRE MAUROIS translated by RICHARD GRAVES FOUNDED 1138 G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS NEW YORK FIRST AMERICAN EDITION, 1961 ©196 0 BY MARTIN SECKER & WARBURG LTD. Allrights reserved. This book, or parts thereoI, must not be reproduced without permission. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 60-13673 MANUFACTURED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA /"Ii CONTENTS +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 7 PREFACE 9 PREFATORY EXPLANATION 15 THE FOURTEENTH OF JULY 17 THE FIFTH AND SIXTH OF OCTOBER 56 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES 70 THE EMIGRES 108 LA MARSEILLAISE 123 THE TENTH OF AUGUST 126 THE SEPTEMBER MASSACRES 142 VALMY 160 THE MISFORTUNES OF THE ROYAL FAMILY 174 CHARLOTTE CORDAY 222 THE COLLAPSE OF THE EMIGRES 233 THE TERROR 242 THE SOLDIERS OF YEAR II 281 LA VENDEE 298 THERMIDOR 320 SOURCES 342 INDEX 347 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 1789 January Louis XVI summons States General May States General meet at Versailles June States General in future called National Assembly July Fall of the Bastille-National Guard formed with Lafayette as Commandant October The Paris mob march on Versailles. King removed to Paris 1790 September Necker resigns as Chief Minister December King gives assent to Civil Constitution of the Clergy 1791 June The flight to Varennes September­
    [Show full text]
  • "Virtue and Terror: Maximilien Robespierre on the Principles of the French Revolution." Revolutionary Moments: Reading Revolutionary Texts
    Linton, Marisa. "Virtue and Terror: Maximilien Robespierre on the Principles of the French Revolution." Revolutionary Moments: Reading Revolutionary Texts. Ed. Rachel Hammersley. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2015. 93–100. Bloomsbury Collections. Web. 29 Sep. 2021. <http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781474252669.0018>. Downloaded from Bloomsbury Collections, www.bloomsburycollections.com, 29 September 2021, 09:23 UTC. Copyright © Rachel Hammersley 2015. You may share this work for non-commercial purposes only, provided you give attribution to the copyright holder and the publisher, and provide a link to the Creative Commons licence. 1 1 Virtue and Terror: Maximilien Robespierre on the Principles of the French Revolution M a r i s a L i n t o n Th is great purity of the bases of the French Revolution, the very sublimity of its object is precisely what makes our strength and our weakness; our strength because it gives us the ascendancy of the truth over deception, and the rights of public interest over private interest; our weakness, because it rallies against us all the vicious men, all those who in their hearts plot to despoil the people, and all those who have despoiled them and want immunity, and those who have rejected liberty as a personal calamity, and those who have embraced the Revolution as a career and the Republic as their prey: hence the defection of so many ambitious or greedy men, who, since the beginning, have abandoned us along the way, because they had not begun the journey in order to reach the same goal. One could say that the two contrary geniuses that have been depicted here battling for control of the realm of nature, are fi ghting in this great epoch of human history, to shape irrevocably the destiny of the world, and that France is the theatre of this redoubtable contest.
    [Show full text]
  • Vichy France and the Legacy of the French Revolution
    5 CONTESTED SYMBOLS Lear Prize Winner Contested Symbols: Vichy France and the Legacy of the French Revolution This paper examines how Vichy, the authoritarian government in France throughout most of the Second World War, reckoned with the legacy of the French Revolution. I investigate this relationship through the regime’s treatment of four revolutionary symbols: the figure Marianne, the anthem “La Marseillaise,” the national holiday of Bastille Day, and the slogan of Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité. Because these symbols were deeply embedded in French social and political life, I argue that Vichy could neither fully reject nor embrace them; instead, it pursued a middle ground by twisting the symbols’ meanings and introducing alternatives in line with the traditionalism and ethnocentrism of its National Revolution. In doing so, Vichy attempted to replace the French Republic and the revolutionary values that it stood for with its own vision of the French past, present, and future. Emma Satterfield Written for History 457: Modern Revolutions 1776, 1789, 1917, 1989, 2011 Dr. Peter C. Caldwell SPRING 2019 EMMA SATTERFIELD 6 Since 1789, the themes and struggles at the heart of the French Revolution have been invoked and re-invoked at times of political crisis and change, from the empire of Napoleon to the brief Paris Commune of 1870. At the onset of the twentieth century, even as the Revolution grew more distant with the passing of time, its legacy remained central to the identity of both the French Republic and its citizens. This crystallization of French identity was made possible by the government’s use of a repertoire of revolutionary symbols embodying the ideals of liberty, equality, and brotherhood.
    [Show full text]
  • Comparing Terrors: State Terrorism in Revolutionary France and Russia
    W&M ScholarWorks Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 2011 Comparing Terrors: State Terrorism in Revolutionary France and Russia Anne Cabrié Forsythe College of William & Mary - Arts & Sciences Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Forsythe, Anne Cabrié, "Comparing Terrors: State Terrorism in Revolutionary France and Russia" (2011). Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects. Paper 1539626669. https://dx.doi.org/doi:10.21220/s2-f7fy-7w09 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Comparing Terrors: State Terrorism in Revolutionary France and Russia Anne Cabrie Forsythe Richmond, Virginia Bachelors of Arts, Mary Baldwin College, January 2006 A Thesis presented to the Graduate Faculty of the College of William and Mary in Candidacy for the Degree of Master of Arts Lyon G. Tyler Department of History The College of William and Mary January 2011 APPROVAL PAGE This Thesis is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Anne Cabrie Forsythe Approved by the Committee, December 2010 Committee Ch&fr Associate Professor Gail M. Bossenga, History The College of William and Mary James Pinckney Harrison Professor Frederick C. Corney, History The College of William and Mary Professor Carl J. Strikwerda, History Dean of the Faculty of Arts & Sciences The College of William and Mary n4~ Associate Professor Hiroshi Kitamura, History The College of William and Mary ABSTRACT PAGE This paper compares how the National Convention and the Sovnarkom were able to declare terror and how they operated each terror in terms of their definition of revolutionary justice.
    [Show full text]
  • Groups/Political Parties of the French Revolution AOS 2
    Groups/political parties of the French Revolution AOS 2 COMMITTEE OF PUBLIC SAFETY The CPS was formalised in March 1783. From 10 July 1793 to 27 July 1794, the Committee of Public Safety had a stable membership of twelve deputies and was delegated the authority to conduct the war and govern France. Working together and sharing responsibility, the so-called Great Committee initiated a number of radical measures to ensure France’s survival ranging from the institution of “Maximums” on wages and prices to a systematic use of Terror to cow opponents. The most notable members of the committee were Maximillien Robespierre, Georges Couthon, Louis- Antoine Saint-Just, and Lazare Carnot, the “organizer of victory.” Ultimately, fears of the continuing Terror, and of Robespierre’s personal power, led to a coup on 9 Thermidor (27 July), which broke the power of the Great Committee. The institution lasted another seventeen months until November 1795, but its powers were restricted to war and diplomacy. PARIS REVOLUTIONARY OR INSURRECTIONARY COMMUNE Most famously, that of Paris, but “commune” was the name given to every municipal government under French control after 14 July. Elected through the forty-eight sections (see section), the Paris Commune emerged as a center of radical thought and action. The first mayor was Bailly who was key in the revolutionary events of the Estates-General. The Commune was in command of the National Guard of the city On the 9th August 1792, the Commune underwent a name change and became the Revolutionary Commune. It was dominated by sans-culottes. The Commune precipitated most of the revolutionary journées (days),but most notably 10 August 1792, which overthrew the monarchy, and 31 May–2 June 1793, which led to the expulsion of the Girondins from the National Convention.
    [Show full text]
  • "Contributors." Revolutionary Moments: Reading Revolutionary Texts
    "Contributors." Revolutionary Moments: Reading Revolutionary Texts. Ed. Rachel Hammersley. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2015. ix–xii. Bloomsbury Collections. Web. 25 Sep. 2021. <>. Downloaded from Bloomsbury Collections, www.bloomsburycollections.com, 25 September 2021, 11:14 UTC. Copyright © Rachel Hammersley 2015. You may share this work for non-commercial purposes only, provided you give attribution to the copyright holder and the publisher, and provide a link to the Creative Commons licence. C o n t r i b u t o r s Jennifer E. Altehenger is a lecturer in Contemporary Chinese History at King ’ s College London, UK. She has published essays and reviews in Twentieth- Century China , Frontiers of History in China and Times Higher Education , and is currently working on a book manuscript that examines the dissemination of legal knowledge via propaganda and mass campaigns in the People ’ s Republic of China. Gregory Claeys is professor of history at Royal Holloway, University of London, UK. He is the author of eight books and editor of some fi ft y volumes. Most of these focus on the history of radical, socialist and anti-imperialist movements from c. 1790 – 1920. His current research focuses upon utopianism. George Crowder is a professor in the School of Social and Policy Studies, Flinders University, Adelaide, Australia. He is the author of Classical Anarchism (1991), Liberalism and Value Pluralism (2002), Isaiah Berlin: Liberty and Pluralism (2004) and Th eories of Multiculturalism (2013). Rachel Foxley is an associate professor in Early Modern British History at the University of Reading, UK. She is the author of Th e Levellers: Radical Political Th ought in the English Revolution (2013) and of several chapters and articles on radical and republican thought in the English Revolution, including ‘ Problems of sovereignty in Leveller writings ’ , History of Political Th ought 24, no.
    [Show full text]
  • The Tragical Historie of Maximilien Robespierre
    The Tragical Historie of Maximilien Robespierre By Jacob Marx Rice [email protected] (510) 915-0633 Characters: Age: All the characters, except for Prince Louis Capet, were in their mid-twenties or early thirties during the events portrayed. They should be played with the joyous energy and vital needs of children sure they could do everything so much better. Gender and Race: Characters have their race or gender specified based on the needs of the character, not of the historical personage. Any characteristic not specified should be cast with an eye to maximizing diversity to reflect the (relative to the mores of its time) broadness of the revolutionary coalition. Gender should not be construed to mean biological sex, casting trans actors in accordance with their gender identity is encouraged. Casting: In the vein of a Shakespearean tragedy, this play has a ludicrous number of parts to be played by the ensemble. It can be done with as few as 8 but would ideally feature 10-12. The actor playing Robespierre should be the only one not double cast. The Revolutionaries MAXIMILIEN ROBESPIERRE: Female. Any race. Brilliant, bold and incapable of compromise. Robespierre is awkward and speaks with a slightly archaic formality, but is capable of pouring rhetoric into the air with stunning power. GEORGE DANTON: Female. African American. As brilliant as Robespierre but much more charming. An activist at ease with the people in a way Robespierre will never be. CAMILLE DESMOULINS: Male. A person of color. Robespierre’s friend from growing up and second in command. Loyal but cautious.
    [Show full text]
  • Morris Slavin, Historian of the French Revolution
    Morris Slavin, Historian of the French Revolution James Friguglietti Montana State University-Billings All historians possess a mind, personality, and outlook that affect their work so that everything they write is to some degree autobiographical. Why Morris Slavin chose to study the French Revolution and how he approached it in his numerous publications is the theme of this appreciation. Slavin's unusual background helped shape his historical outlook. Born in Kiev, Russia, in 1913, he and his family lived through World War I and the Russian Revolutions of 1917. Emigrating to the United States with his parents, brother, and sister, he came of age during the Great Depression and worked at menial jobs to support his family. Despite all obstacles, Slavin was able to complete his education in the Youngstown, Ohio, public schools and at Ohio State University. Hard working and intelligent, Slavin would soon devote himself almost entirely to studying the political and social upheaval that marked the French Revolution. From his earliest work to his final publication Slavin explored with persistence and perception the struggles of the popular classes and their radical leaders. Slavin viewed the French Revolution through the lens of the Russian such that his own political views – he remained a loyal supporter of Leon Trotsky throughout his life – determined his perspective on the people and events that drove the "revolution from below" from 1789 onward. This paper focuses on three aspects of his work on the French Revolution: first, the scope and quality of his research; second, his concentration on economic and social issues; and third, his belief in the Revolution as a positive force in the historical development of humanity.
    [Show full text]
  • Bibliography Primary Sources Abbadie, Jacques
    On the Spirit of Rights Dan Edelstein Published by the University of Chicago Press, 2018 Bibliography Primary Sources Abbadie, Jacques. Défense de la nation britannique, ou Les droits de Dieu, de la Nature, & de la Société clairement établis au sujet de la révolution d’Angleterre. The Hague, 1693. ———. Les Droits de Dieu, de la nature et des gens, tirés d’un livre de M. Abbadie intitulé: “Défense de la nation britannique . .” On y a ajouté un discours de M. Noodt sur les droits des souverains (traduit du latin par Barbeyrac). Amsterdam, 1775. ———. Traité de la vérité de la religion chretienne. Rotterdam: R. Leers, 1684. Académie française. Dictionnaire. Paris, 1694. ———. Dictionnaire. Paris, 1762. ———. Dictionnaire. Paris, 1798. Acta Sanctae Sedis. 41 vols. Rome, 1865–1908. http://www.vatican.va/archive/ass/index_en.htm. Adams, John. The Works of John Adams. 10 vols. Edited by Charles Francis Adams. Boston: Little, Brown, 1856. Adams, John, Samuel Adams, and James Warren. Warren-Adams Letters. Boston: Massachusetts Historical Society, 1917. Addison, Joseph. The Evidences of the Christian Religion. London: Tonson, 1733. ———. The Free-holder, Or Political Essays. London: D. Midwinter, 1716. All Canada in the Hands of the English. Boston: B. Mecom, 1760. Almain, Jacques. “A Book Concerning the Authority of the Church.” In Conciliarism and Papalism, edited by J. H. Burns and Thomas M. Izbicki, 134–200. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997. Alsop, Vincent. A Reply to the Reverend Dean of St. Pauls’s Reflections on the Rector of Sutton, 1 &c. London, 1681. Annet, Peter. A Discourse on Government and Religion. Boston: Daniel Fowle, 1750.
    [Show full text]
  • The Coming of the Terror in the French Revolution
    THE COMING OF THE TERROR IN THE FRENCH REVOLUTION The Coming of the Terror in the French Revolution Timothy Tackett The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London, En gland 2015 Copyright © 2015 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America First printing Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data Tackett, Timothy, 1945– Th e coming of the terror in the French Revolution / Timothy Tackett. pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978- 0- 674- 73655- 9 (alk. paper) 1. France— History—Reign of Terror, 1793– 1794. 2. France— History—Revolution, 1789– 1799. I. Title. DC183.T26 2015 944.04—dc23 2014023992 Contents List of Illustrations vii List of Maps ix Introduction: Th e Revolutionary Pro cess 1 1 Th e Revolutionaries and Th eir World in 1789 13 2 Th e Spirit of ’89 39 3 Th e Breakdown of Authority 70 4 Th e Menace of Counterrevolution 96 5 Between Hope and Fear 121 6 Th e Factionalization of France 142 7 Fall of the Monarchy 172 8 Th e First Terror 192 9 Th e Convention and the Trial of the King 217 10 Th e Crisis of ’93 245 11 Revolution and Terror until Victory 280 12 Th e Year II and the Great Terror 312 Conclusion: Becoming a Terrorist 340 Abbreviations 351 Notes 353 Sources and Bibliography 419 A c k n o w l e d g m e n t s 447 Index 449 Illustrations Th e Tennis Court Oath 50 Attack on the Bastille 56 Market women leave Paris en route to Versailles 67 Federation Ball 93 Confrontation between Catholics and
    [Show full text]
  • La Révolution Française, 11 | 2016 the Society of the Friends of the Rights of Man, 1792-94: British and Irish R
    La Révolution française Cahiers de l’Institut d’histoire de la Révolution française 11 | 2016 L'Irlande et la France à l'époque de la République atlantique The Society of the Friends of the Rights of Man, 1792-94: British and Irish Radical Conjunctions in Republican Paris Rachel Rogers Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/lrf/1629 DOI: 10.4000/lrf.1629 ISSN: 2105-2557 Publisher IHMC - Institut d'histoire moderne et contemporaine (UMR 8066) Printed version Date of publication: 1 December 2016 Electronic reference Rachel Rogers, « The Society of the Friends of the Rights of Man, 1792-94: British and Irish Radical Conjunctions in Republican Paris », La Révolution française [Online], 11 | 2016, Online since 01 December 2016, connection on 10 December 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/lrf/1629 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/lrf.1629 This text was automatically generated on 10 December 2020. © La Révolution française The Society of the Friends of the Rights of Man, 1792-94: British and Irish R... 1 The Society of the Friends of the Rights of Man, 1792-94: British and Irish Radical Conjunctions in Republican Paris Rachel Rogers Introduction 1 This paper seeks to shed further light on the international membership and context of the establishment of the English-speaking, pro-revolutionary political club registered with the Paris municipal authorities in January 1793 under the name of “Society of the Friends of the Rights of Man1.” The society, whose members gathered at a hotel in the passage des Petits Pères, not far from the Palais Royal, run by an English landlord, Christopher White, drew together sympathisers with the Revolution from across the nations of Britain and Ireland, as well as from France and the United States of America2.
    [Show full text]