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CHAPTER IV

THE POZIkRES AND MOUQUET FARM “IN our trenches after seven o’clock on that morning our men waited under a heavy fire for the slgnal to attack. Just before half-past seven, the mines at half a dozen points went up with a roar that shook the earth and brought down the parapets in our lines. Before the blackness of their burst had thinned or fallen the hand of Time rested on the half-hour mark, and along all that old front heof the English there came a whistling and a crying, Th_e men of the first wave climbed up the parapets, in tumult, darkness, and the presence of death, and having done with all pleasant things, advanced across the No Man’s Land to begin the .”’ It is becoming clear to the most casual observer of world events that the Great War has had an important influence on the fate of this present era of culture. The question therefore, which was the decisive battle of the war is a proper and an important one. It may be answered Socratically-what is meant by a “Battle”? and what by “decisive”? That the Marne was both decisive and a battle needs no debating; but with the war of entrenched lines a new concept must be formed of both. Thus in the British official names of battles the “Operations on the Somme” in the latter half of 1916 comprise twelve “battles” and three “attacks.”? As for decisiveness, after the it began to be suspected that two distinct processes might be necessary before a decision could be reached; the attainment of a commanding position leading, as at Blenheim or Sedan, to a military checkmate might not be possible until, by a process of “wearing down” or attrition, physical and moral

__ - -- - -~~ ‘John hlasefield. Tlic Old Frorlt LI~E,p 128. London, William Heinemann. 1917 The , July 1-13. Attack on Gommecourt July I. Battle of Ridge 14-17 Attack at 19. Attacks on High Wood 20-25. July 15-Sept. 3. of Pori6res Ridge July z3-Sept. 3, of 3-6, 9. Flers- 15-22. hiorval 25-28, Ridge 26- 28, Le Transloy Ridges Oct. 1-18, Ancre Heights Oct. I-NOV.II. Ancre Nov. 13-18. The course of the mnst important of these IS shown III sketch on p 51

49 so THE WESTERN FRONT [ 1916-18 dominance had been achieved. And, as it turned out, of these two phases the latter was incomparably the more important as a means to the decision of the Great War ; and on both counts this first combined Anglo-French ogensive in the Somme area has strong claims to being the most decisive operation. At its end the balance of moral and physical dominance, though small, was definitely on the side of the Allies, and it sufficed in the long run to win the war. Through all the vicissitudes of 1917 and even in the great German offensive of 1918 it was never really l0st.3 Of strategical maneuvres the most effective during this period was probably the German “Alberich” withdrawal to the in March 1917. On the medical side also the first Somme campaign has no less claim to consideration. In its course can be seen the initi- ation of a movement in the treatment of wounds that was to exercise a decisive influence on the whole scheme of medical work in the arniy zone; here also the psychical traumata so characteristic of this war were first scientifically observed and effectively dealt with . The selection, as a point of attack of sufficient strategic importance, of that part of the German bastion that included the watershed between the Somme and the The terrain Scarpe was intended chiefly to permit of French participation in a decisive “break-through.”’ The region through which run the Somme and the Ancre consists of rolling chalk downs, and a striking feature opposite the British front was the strong buttress of Thiepval on the extreme left. This natural fortress had been greatly strengthened, and it determined the course both of the main operations and incidentally of the Australian part in them.

Throughout most of July and August the weather was hot aiid dry, and the operations presented three phases. The offensive was opened

3 This is generally accepted by Bitttsli writers. Thus Lord Eaher nrttrh (The Tragrdy of Lard Kitchrncr, p 207) “One month later, (I.c. after the death of General Galli6ni) Sir Douglas Hatg’s guns began that battle on the Somme, which, taken together with what Jellicoe bad achieved off Jutland, settled the inevitable issue of the War.” Yet both Verdun and the German check before in 1918 have been held by others to be the decisive factor 4 Major-General Rt Hon. J. E. B. Seely, who commanded the Canadian Cavalry Brigade expected that the cavalry would be called on to operate behind the German front within a week of the first attack July-Nov, 19161 POZIERES AND MOUQUET FARM 51 on July 1st with a bombardment of a severity hitherto unknobi1.j The first attacks were made on a wide front, and, except on the British left the advance penetrated to a $pth which promsed well. The “Battle of Albert was followed up by further smashing Matary blows. Later attacks failed to sustain the progress. operations The casualties were enormous-the toll on the New Armies, the flower of British manhood, reached pro- purtions that caused to the Cabinet grave concern and to many of the British people a feeling akin to consternat~on-the first realisation of the nature and involvements of the new phase of the war. The failure was due in large measure to the salient created by the fortress of Thiepval, which held up the capture of the neighbouring and commanding Pozieres ridge. On the south also Guillemont held out, and must be captured to align the British advance with that of the French. A combined ad- vance was planned for July rjrd, and the I Anzac Corps was brought in for the attack on Pozieres village. The re- sult was inconclusive. The village was captured, but else- where the attacks failed-a re- sult not unexpected. Already 011 July 23rd an order by General Haig initiated the second phase of the British operations-a deliberate re- course to the “wearing-down ” battle. To this the I Anzac Corps was wholly committed. During the next six weeks only local offensives were Thc Battle of the Sonimc, 1916. undertaken; and the whole Stagt-s of tlic Ad7ianrc. force of the German artillery was concentrated on smashing these. This second period, which ended with a loosely combined and unsuccessful offensive on September 3rd- 5th. coincided with the tour of I Anzac in the battle. The third phase was begun on September 15th when the British secret weapon, the tank, was used by General Haig in an endeavour to com- pel the strategic success which otherwise seemed beyond attainment. The whole Allied front pressed forward. The Thiepval salient (which had caused the 4 I.F. casualties heavier, in proportion to the numbers cn- gaged, than those sustained in any other battle) was “mopped up” in the general advance. This ended on November 18th in the attainment of im-

6 “No thunder was ever so terrible as that tuiuult. It brde the drums of the ears when it came singly, but when it rose up along the front and gave tongue together in full cry it humbled the soul. With the roaring, crashing, and shrieking came a racket of hammers from the machine guns till men were dizzy ydsick from the noise, which thrust between skull and brain, and beat out thought. (John hlasefield loc cit. 9. 127.) 52 THE \VESTERN FRONT [July-Sept , i916 portant ii not of commanding positioiis. In these triumphs however the I Anzac Corps did not participate, since on September 5th it was with- drawn from the Somme. The attempt, begun on July 23rd, to reduce Thiepval had, as we have seen, included as its most important feature, an attack on Pozieres vil- lage carried out by the new Reserve Army (I Xiizac and II British Corpsj‘J into \rhich the I Anzac Corps had been re- The Australian ceived The first Australian objective set was the fighting .. village ” of Pozieres, lying something short of the crest Through this ran the road from Albert to Bapaume; to the left lay Thiepval and the strongly fortified ” Mouquet Farm, on the right were the ruins of captured and the long shallow depression known as I’ Sausage Valley.” After two days of bombardment the 1st Division with the 48th British Division on the left advanced with a fine determination, to complete succesb. On the 25th the attack was pushed through the strong German entrenchments that occupied the powdered remains of the village, and the Australians joined hands with the 48th, successfully sustaining repeated counter- attacks. By this time the German artillery concentration was intense ; but on August 4th, after an initial repulse on July 29th, the 2nd Division with the 12th British Division captured the crest of the ridge-the highest point in the whole Allied objective A wide vista opened to and bryoiid Bapaume-for eight months the Mecca of Australian hopes The held the captured crest through several days of the most intense bombardment and counter-attack, and then, with Suffolk trtJopS on the left, thrust strongly towards Mouquet Farm threatening the rear of the Thiepval salient. Thereafter, however, in a second tour of the line, each Division was thrown, by a somewhat unintelligent inter- pretation on the part of Reserve Amy of General Haig’s intention, iii a series of unsuccessful frontal attacks on a diminishing front against the underground trench fortress known as “Mouquet Farm.”

The Australian effort niay thus be summansed as follows :- rir-st Stayr.-Capture of Pozieres Heights i. First attack on Pozieres. 1st Division, qrd-~thJuly. 2. Capture of Pozieres Heights, 2nd Division. 28th July-6th August. 3. Holding the crest. thrust towards Thiepval. 4th Division, 6th- 12th August. b’crorrd Stage.-Attacks on Mouquet Farm 4. 1st Division, 14th-20th August. j 2nd Division, 21st-24th August. 6 2nd and 4th Divisions, 26th August--jrd September. 7. 1st Canadian Division and 13th Brigade, 4th Australian Division, 3rd-sth September.

In these operations the Australian force in lost in -. ‘This was tormed on a3 May, igib, with beneral Sir Hubert Gough in command On 30 October, 1916, it became the Fifth Arniy The sectors occupied by the Reserve Army and the Fourth Army (General Rawlinson) are shown in the sketch map on 9. 54 July-Sept , 1916) POZIERES AND MOUQUET F.AR?II 53 battle casualties some 33 per cent. of its strength. The fighting thus curtly sunimarised contained an experience of endeavouring and enduring of which, for want of adequate analogy, it is not possible to convey to non-participants any adequate picture. It was largely concerned in frontal attacks on trenches and strong- points defended by machine-guns. The actual fighting was hand- to-hand homeric contests, for the most part-with the weapon of universal application in trench fighting, the hand grenade-inter- spersed with periods of occupation of captured trenches under a concentrated bombardment with high explosive shell, chiefly howitzer, of every calibre The German bombardment fell in these battles almost entirely on the front and reserve trench lines. On the first it was poured with the deliberate intention of destruction, or in preparation for a counter-attack: on the second usually in the form of a “,” to prohibit com- munication between the front line trenches and the rear. Neces- karily it was in this area that the regimental and forward ambulance posts were largely situated, and in the clearance of wounded, as in the maintenance of supplies, the transit of the barrage zone was a constant and very dreadful feature of the problem. Clearance of casualties in the trench line hinged on this hostile barrage. Fortunately, owing chiefly to Allied supre- macy in the air, the depth of habitual shelling was far less than In some later battles, and when the barrage was once passed, evacuation was unimpeded, so that wheeled transport was avail- able often within a mile or so of the front lines. The actions were for the most part fought on a divisional front of from 500 to 1,000 yards with, usually, two brigades in the attack employing f roni three to sis battalions On its arrival on the Somme the I Anzac Corps was wedged in between the III Corps (Fourth Army) on the right, and the 11 Corps [Reserve Army) on the left and Medical arrangements established its Headquarters at . It was allocated an area the boundaries of which were precisely defined, a long narrow strip extending to the rear for nine miles. Within this area the Corps was more or less self -contained, especially in its administrative services, hav- ing its own routes and stations for supply and evacuation. The Australian line of evacuation may thus be visualised as a single strand, more and more closely iiivolved with others, in a cord 54 THE WESTERN FRONT [July, 1916 which linked the British battle line with the hospital centres at the expeditionary base. From the regimental aid-posts the Australian thread of evacuation ran singly to the “main dressing station” where, in the motor ambulance convoy, it merged with the general stream of British casualties.

Tlw Soirtiiie Battlefront, Jicly 1916, showing Main Mcdical Sfatioris as on Jirly 1. This sketch inup is coinpiled from the BrrtLIt Official Mcdcral History (GetifraI, T.‘oZ. III, p. 31). It illiwtrates (i) the ‘‘forward“ positioiis of Al D S fitst adoptrd; (ii) the “DkkionaP’ as against the “Corps” M.D S. Thv A.D.S‘s arr not slioarri.

The British scheme of evacuation was based chiefly on Rouen, to which casualties were conveyed mostly by train, July, 19x61 POZI6RES AND MOUQUET FARM 55

ambulance or improvised, but also by barges down the Somme and by char-ci-baiics. Casualty clearing stations were allocated in pairs to each Corps and, by instruction of the D.G.M.S., B E.F., General Sloggett, were sited well beyond the range of artillery. As the line moved forward their dis- General scheme of evacuation tatice from the front became extreme. By General Sloggett’s orders “advanced operating centres” were formed in each Army-that for the Reserve .4rmy being at Warloy in the Australian Corps area. Nos. 3 and British Casualty Clearing Stations at Puchevillers were allotted to the I Anzac Corps as was No. 6 Motor Ambulance Convoy.i The Australian Deputy and Assistant Directors had little more than a week in which to prepare, but they found in existence an already highly organised and stable Medical arrwe-system of clearance and evacuation. Something ments-I Anzac Corps of a crisis had however been reached through the strain imposed on the services of main- tenance by the immense concentration of troops on this front, and through the fact that each advance had lengthened the routes of supply and evacuation by adding a further stretch of battle- torn country. The Australian Directors moreover found that all the best sites for medical station5 within the Corps area (which had been newly created from the territory of its neighbours) were already occupied.8 Much debate ensued between ,4rmy and the respective Corps headquarters-and more effectively between the formations directly concerned-and a concordat of (‘give and take” in sites and routes was rea~hed.~The most formidable problem lay in the clearance of the forward area. The direct route-the Albert-Bapaume road which led through Pozi6res- was too exposed, being visible from the Thiepval salient and intensely shelled, as was the valley north of it. Albert itself, allotted as the site for an advanced dressing station, was often

7 For the Somme Battle theie were provided over twenty casualty clearing stations. twenty-three ambulance trains, nine motor anibulance convoys, and three mobile laboratories-two bacteriological and one hygienic. The employment of the motor omnibus for evacuation became general ‘Picardy was poor country compared to Flanders, the villages feudal in structure, with wattle and daub cottages adjoining the historic chirtenvx used as headquarters 9 Under ordinary circumstances the handing and taking over between formations and units was automatic and carried out on prescribed lines. The conditions in this battle were exceptional. SI THE WESTERN FRONT [July, 1916 shelled. The most protected outlet was on the right, down the Sausage Valley, but this lay largely in the area of III Corps. Some heart-to-heart talk, however. brought an invitation to the .A.D.hI.S. 1st Division (Colonel A. H. Sturdee) to arrange his clearance down the valley and to share with a field ambulance of the rgh Division a safe and commodious though battered chiteait in Bbcourt \\rood near the valley’s southern esit. The medical units concerned established cordial and co-operative relati ons. Colonel Sturdee, issued his “medical arrangements” on J~ly 20th. They provided for regimental aid-posts at the positions shown in the sketch map. These would be cleared by ambulance bearers who, if necessary, would assist the regi- and mental bearers in the collection and clearance clearance, Ist Division of the front line.*O Three field ambulance collecting posts were formed. the most impor- tant at Casualty Corner (at the head of Sausage Valley, near “Bailiff Wood”) close to a loading post at “Gordon Dump.” At the latter horsed-waggons and wheeled stretchers were avail- able for transport to the advanced dressing station and a loading party of twenty-four men was stationed. A trolley line would take “walkers” to a “walking wounded post” outside Albert, to be cleared thence by motor lorries of supply or by omnibus. Clearance of the advanced dressing station was arranged chiefly by motor ambulance waggons for which a park was formed in a factory in Albert known as the “North Chimney,” the preliminary selection for the advanced dressing station. A “collecting post” for slightly wounded and stragglers was formed by the Assistant Provost Marshal on the Albert-Bapaume road (Bapaume Post). These stations and all forward posts were put under the officer commanding 3rd Field Ambulance (Lieut.-Colonel H. N. Butler) who had also at his disposal the bearers of the 1st and 2nd Field Ambulaiices and as many of cheir ambulance waggons as could be spared, supplemented through the D.D.M.S. with some from the other Divisions. The supply of dressings, equipment and “medical comforts” was aniple. As a main dressing station the auxiliary to a British -

1’1 0111) sixteen bearers were at this time allotted to regimental iiiedical officers July, 19161 POZICRES AND MOUQUET FARM 57

Field Ambulance in Warloyll was taken over and placed under the direction of the officer commanding 1st Field Ambulance (Lieut.-Colonel C. Gordon Shaw) . Arrangements were made whereby for a time “abdominal, head, and serious cases” were to be sent to the British Field Anibulance which ran the ”Main Hospital” at Warloy. A station for slight wounds and walking wounded was opened near by at Vadencourt by the 2nd Field .-\mbulance (Lieut.-Colonel W. W. Hearne) .

SrhPitir of ClPai-arrcc, 1st .4rrst. Dizwoii, Jitly 22-20

The problems of clearance and of treatment within the hattle-torn area controlled by the officer in commalid at the advanced dressing station were quite distinct Problems of evacuation in kind from those which concerned the reception of the same casualties in the treat-

“This village was in the I Anzac Corps area The “g~veand take” arrangement permitted the retention by British units of the other positions occupied 58 THE WESTERN FRONT [zjrd-~6thJuly, 1916 ment centres far in the rear-the main dressing, lightly wounded, and casualty clearing stations. The junction of the two zones of responsibility lay approximately in the “bottle neck” at Albert. When the attack on the village was launched at 12.30 a.m. on .-July 23rd,- the regimental aid-posts were soon found to be too far from the advanced line, and forward Of posts were formed. That of the 2nd Poeie’res village R.M.O. Battalion (Captain R. L. Henderson), for example, was made in a double (German) dugout 50 yards from the front line, his previous post being 800 yards in the rear. From an early hour the regimental bearers suffered heavily and ambulance bearers worked with them to clear to the aid-posts. Even with the bearers increased to some 300 in all by the help from other Divisions the clearance of stretcher cases from the aid-posts required the assistance of infantry fatigues who paid toll in heavy casualties, as did all bearers, runners, fatigues, signallers and others whose business it was to traverse the barrage zone. As the line advanced, bearer relays and reliefs were organised. In the early operations, however, many of these carried till exhaustion made them useless. By July 26th the shell-fire on Sausage Valley and the Chalk Pit road diminished, and ambulance bearers were able to level the sur- face for wheeled stretchers as far forward as Bailiff Wood. The scene at the 2nd Eattalion aid-post is thus described :--I2 “Our dugout seems right in the barrage line, for shells are falling thick and fast all round this place. Stretcher-bearers have not returned in numbers sufficient to clear. In the aid-post the scene was terrible. Outside it is worse where we have to dress wounds out in the open road- side or in trenches. Many were hit, unable to move, others buried alive. “It is marvellous how the wounded stand the agony of their wounds, many shot to pieces but never a murmur, others when forced to cry out apologise for it. One old chap who was dying kept saying “stop the bleeding boys and 1-11 get back tu the Mrs. and Rids,” alas, am afraid his wife and children will never see him again in this world. , . . Eventually with the help of volunteers all were carried back or walked. It is awful to see crippled men staggering back with the help of a shovel, stick, or anything, just crawling along until at last they either reach help or fall exhausted on the road, some to be picked up later, others to be buried where they fall.”

If In the diary of No. 8353 Lance-Corporal Roger Morgan, 1st Fld. Amb , who was attached to the and Battalion July-Aug., 19161 POZIZRES AND MOUQUET FARM 59

Clearance from the waggon loading post was, after the first few days, impeded only by the prodigious accumulation of guns and stream of traffic in this the main avenue of access and egress from the battle ~0ne.l~ The Australian casualties in the capture of Pozieres village (19th-26th July) totalled 5,892 as follows :

Killed In actioii 1,260 Wounded III actioii (mclutl- Died of wounds ...... 162 Ing Shell Shock “\V) . . 4.411 Died of Gas Poisoning .. 2 Gassed ...... 37 Prisoners of war . . . 20

Pozicres village having been taken, the 1st Division was on July 25th relieved by the 2nd14 which had the duty of capturing the sumiiiit of the ridge beyond, crowned by the old German second line (the well-known trenches O.G.1 and Pozihs Heights 0.G.2). On the 29th in response to pressure by the Reserve Army a premature and ill- prepared attack was made. It was repulsed with heavy loss, to be followed by twelve days of shelling which in its sustained intensity, the Australian Official Historian records, was un- equalled in the history of the Australian force. Ey this time however routes, medical posts, and reliefs had been organised, and bearers were becoming skilled in avoiding the worst features of the barrage. On the other hand the advance of the line made the carry tu aid-posts longer, over ground even more shell-

~~ ~ The work of the medical personnel of the artillery brigades lay in this area. The following note is from a record by the R.M.O., and Field Artillery Brigade (Capt H. R. J. Harris, A A hl C ). “I had an aid-post in Sausage Valley but quickly realised that, to be of much use to the wounded I would bave to iiiove among the batteries. Accordingly I did so and was also able to daily superintend the evacuation of infantry wounded down Sausage Valley. “It was here I first saw badly gassed cases with cyanosis, dyspnoea, frothing at the mouth etc., the result of chlorine. We (the R bLO’s) had been handed supplies of atropine sulphate and of ammonia, but as the best course was to get the men gassed evacuated as soon as possible, these supplies were hardly ever used In any case 1 early realised how comparatively useless both these drugs were in the treatment of badly gassed cases “At PoziGres there were many cases of genuine ‘shell shock.’ In evacuating cases of ‘shell shock,’ I do not consider it mattered much if the case was one of stark fear or genuine ‘shell shock’-the former had to be evacuated to the ambulance because of the disastrous moral effect of a badly frightened man on his comrades.” “The collecting zone was placed under the officer commanding the 5th Field Ambulance (LieubCol. J. H. Phipps) who had the bearer divisions of the 6th and 7th Field Ambulances together with part of their motor-transport. 60 THE WESTERN FRONT [4th-5th Aug , 1916 riven than the old; nor could there yet he made any advance of the waggon loading posts.15 The attack on August 4th-5th. whereby the Pozikres heights were taken, was well prepared, and a measure of surprise was achieved. With the 12th British Division on the left, an advance of a mile was niatle on a front of some 3,000 yards, and the new line was held in spite of repeated counter-attacks, and the use of liquid fire. The collecting of the wounded was helped by the official addition of eight regimental bearers to the usual sisteen. Regi- mental aid-posts also were advanced. But the terror of the barrage remained, and the great length of the bearer carry made clearance a terrible problem still. The nature of the service required of the R.hl.0’~at this time is very well illustrated by the following note by Brigadier- General R. L. Leane-then conimanding the 48th Battaltoti- anent the work of his K.M.O., Major H. H. Woollartl.16 “It was at Pozieres that he [Major Woollard] really proved his great worth. . . . On the night oi 5th -August . . . the enemy shelling was the worst I experienced during the war, being all directed oii Pozieres over a narrow front of some 500 yards. Walking along Tramway Trench just forward of the town of Pozieres. I came upon Woollard surrounded by wounded men, the trench being torn with heavy shell fire. I questioned him as to his reason for being 111 the positioii I found him in view of the fact that the aid-post was at :lie chalkpits. He told me that many of the men needed immediate atteii- tion and thst the carry was too far to enable medical aid to be given to badly wounded men In time. I can see him now as he looked up at me and said, ‘I’m as frightened as hell, Colonel.’ I patted him on the back. . . .”

The difficulty of obtaining water, food. and dressings for the -

lil Froin the medical standpoint the tragic ieverse of the 7th Brlgade on the 29th was relieved by an event that influenced the fate of the gravely wounded in the terrible fighting that was to come. From the shell-holes over the stretch of No-Man’s Land, under cover of a morning mist. Australian regimental and ambulance bearers col- lected nounded near our trenches tierman bearers collected the Australian casualties in front of their own. In this way many were rescued, but continuance of the informal truce was not permitted. Large numbers remained out, of whom a few were got back later. The rest, as at Russell’s Top and Fromelles, died where they la), of wounds and thiist. But from this time onnards, though frowned on by authorit), the bearers of both sides often co-operated 10 The late Professor Woollard’s work in the A.A.M.C. was of outstanding merit. SW pp 455, 4.57-6u. 463. 774 Jul!-Sept I 10161 POZIgRES AND hiOUQUET FARhl 01

front was extreme.” The casualties in the 2nd Division’s offen- sive (27th July-6th August) were as shown below :-

Killed III action . , 1.605 \4’ourided III action (includ- Died of wounds ..... 246 ing Shell Shock “W”) .. .4.663 Died of gas poisoning . 5 Gassed ...... 47 Prisoners of war .@ - Total casualties ...... 6.635

On .August bth the 2nd Division was relieved by the 4th. The 12th Field Ambulance took over the advanced dressing station. From the first moment the 4th Division was called on to sustain counter-attacks whose character wa.; Holding the Heights determined-as were the German casualties in these operations-hy the order of General voii Below that-

”at any price Hill 60 ( PoziGres Heights) must be recovered . . troops nho first reach the plateau must hold on until reinforced whatever their losses ”

-and by an unexampled bombardment. These efforts were repelled antl on the Ioth, 13th and 14th the Australian force struck home again, now in pursuance of a new tactical scheme. An advance to the left over a front of some 600 yards took the line to within 200 yards of Mouquet Farm. The series of operations, of which this was the first, initiated a distinct and a more sonibre and-because of its futility-more terrible phase of the Australian fighting on the Somme. They consisted of an attempt to drive a wedge on an ever narrowing front into the flank of the German salient caused by the fortress at Thiepval, whose front had defied the whole force of the British offensives, and already had taken in toll almost half of the British New Armies. The direction and course of the attacks are made clear iii the sketch map and the esposed antl desolate nature of the terrain iii the official photographs. The tactical purpose was wholly unattainable, and the other aim -of wearing down the enemy-could be achieved only at the cost of a much greater wearing down of the attacking side.

~~ ~

17 In these oljerations for the first time the two-gallon petrol tin became an official issue and the recognised method of suppls of water for the trenches. being adapted to chlorination Its use first was suggested by Australian officers on the basis of c;allipoli experlence. See Chapter xw and i‘ol I, fi. 300 62 THE WESTERN FRONT !Aug., 1916

The clearance of the front in these operations opens also a new phase. Even before the advance on the 10th the A.D.M.S. 4th Division (Colonel G. W. Barber) had found himself faced with bearer carries so lengthy and formidable as to make the

clearance of the line a matter of the utmost danger and difficulty. -4t his instance the regimental aid-posts were pushed forward to the cemetery, west of Pozikres village :la advanced posts, and

~~ 18 The Hsstory of tks 24th Battalson sajs (PP 94-6). “The village of Pozrkres mas no longer in existence. churned up earth, heaps of powdered masonry and bla5ted tree stumps alone marked the site. The only structure which had withstood the bombardment was Cement House also hnown as Gibraltar, a former German dugout with a concrete observation post surmounting it. “The vicinity of Gibraltar was a terrible death trap It lay right on the route of all niovcment to and from the lmes and as shells crashed in salvos around the structure men fell right and left. Every track over the remains of the vlllage changed shape a dozen times a day under the deluge of shells that fell there.” Aug., 19161 POZIeRES AND MOUQUET FARM 63

loading posts followed, as shelling permitted. “Casualty Corner” and the “Chalk Pits” became “forward advanced dressing stations” (sic). The number of regimental bearers was greatly increased (in the 14th Battalion, for example, to no less than L+O in addition to 16 partly trained men). Owing to the extension of the routes through the area of heavy shelling, clearance by the 4th Division was as difficult as at any time during the operations. The aid-post of the R.M.O. 14th Battalion (Captain R. C. Winn) “was a deep German dugout. Two regimental medical officers worked in a sap near the entrance. This was moreover choked with wounded many of whom would be wounded afresh or killed out-right whtle being attended to The earth for miles behind the line was like a ploughed field and changed like the waters of a rain-swept lake The dugout rocked with concussions. Many wounded were brought in who were out days before being rescued. Some of their wounds were crawling with magpots but looked surprisingly clean. I was led to judge with sympathy those evacuated with shell shock and formed the opinion that loss of sleep was one of the main contributing factors.”

The R.M.O. of the 47th Battalion (Captain J. T. Jones) notes that nearly all the casualties were due to high explosive shell. Wounded from the front line were generally brought in within three hours, a distance of 300 to 500 yards. “Most had been dressed by the bearers and improvised splints applied. Most had been so well attended to that they could be sent straight to the advanced dressing station. Casualties near the regimental aid-post were conveyed there and dressed by the medical officer, there was no shortage of dressings or splints-which were of ten those improvised by the bearers. At the regimental aid-post right angle splints were used for the arm and Long Liston’s for the thigh. Morphia was used wheii the patient was suffering much. It was realised here how simple are the supplies required at the RA.P-an abundance of shell dressings, a pair of scissors, a bottle of morphia solution and syringe, and a supply of water are all that are absolutely essential.”19

In this last stage of the Australian fighting all three Divisions were thrown again in quick succession in a series of costly frontal attacks on Mouquet Farm. In the last effort a brigade of the 4th Division attacked, being supported and eventually relieved by the 1st Canadian Division. The “Farm” was still uncaptured when the I Anzac Corps left the Somme, and it took

“Observations made by these officers on the production of “shell shock” at this time are referred to in Vol. 111. 64 THE WESTERN FRONT [i\ug.-Sept., 1916 toll of the Canadians to the extent of some 5,000 before it was mopped LIP in the general British advance of September 26th. IVith the .Australian advance to the left new lines of clear- ance and evacuation became possible. At first alternatively, and later as the main route of clearance, the Albert-Bapaume road came into use, and the “Right” and Clearance, Aug. to ”Left” sectors of clearance, always intended, now became a fait accotapli. On August 26th a “forward advanced dressing station” was formed at “The Quarry” on the Bapaume road. At this time the reliefs and offensives were becorning progressively shorter since battalions were in numbers mere skeletons. For the last operation school buildings in Albert were taken over as an advanced dressing station, replacing Bkcourt Chheau. Early in September Albert school became the main dressing station. At the end of August the weather changed: dust was re- placed by mud, from which many of the wounded had to be dug out. Under these conditions collection of the wounded under a white flagzo became habitual. In front of the 13th Battalion bearers of both sides divided No-Man’s Land between them, each side handing over the other’s wounded. In these dreadful conditions, indeed, with the troops on each side living in full view of each other, an almost friendly spirit arose be- tween them although both kept a sharp look-out for its abuse. Often one side informed the other of the position of wounded men in No-Man’s Land and so made their rescue possible. On this human note of mutual respect in men who in this grim process of wearing down had tried the temper of each other’s metal and had found it good, we may fittingly close this brief and formal account of medical work on the fighting front in this, the inost terrible trial by battle to which the Australian iorce was exposed in the Great War. During the period of this fighting the work TTftpgnc at the advanced dressing station and its for- ward posts, and clearance therefrom, had gone 011 mootlily and without special event, though at very kgh pressure. At this time the system of treattnent of the wounded

31 A handkerchief or scrap of white cloth, constant1,-and quite rllgally though rnnocentl~--u~erl II) Auqtralran atretcher-hearers in the absence of Red Cross flags. and largely iespected hy the Germans

July-Aug., 19161 POZIeRES AND MOUQUET FARM 65

was at a critical stage in its evolution and the defects incidental to change and of growth are evident. The very terms used had a varying connotation. “Forward stations” and “advanced posts” were formed as the front advanced, for the most part as relay and holding stations for bearers. The work done at Becourt Chiteau has been described thus by Captain P. A. C. Davenport :- “During the and Division’s stay in the line the 5th Field Ambulance did all the A.D.S. work, the 6th and 7th acting as collecting and forward- ing stations in the rear behind Albert. The two furthest A.D.S’s treated casualties as quickly as possible, doing only first-aid, and they were then sent . . . to us at Becourt Chsteau, about a mile. Here we were the main A.D.S. All wounds were most thoroughly treated, cleaned and rendered as antiseptic as possible, Fractures were put up in splints, etc, and were sent on by motor ambulance through the forwarding stations to the casualty clearing station. We generally had about eight medical officers. On July 29th we dressed 800 casualties in twelve hours. The private chapel of the Chtteau was used as the dressing room, and six officers slept in the family vault. . . . During our ten days we treated just under 4,000 casualties.”

There is clear evidence that the work done here tended to over- lap with that at the main station. But the wounded were exceedingly well cared for, and were dealt with expeditiously. The provision for nourishment and rapid clearance were indeed not surpassed in any action of the A.I.F. in the war,21 a result due in great part to the admirable organisation of the transport, at first under Divisional and later under Corps administration. Casualties comprised stretcher and sitting cases sent to Warloy; and minor injuries and cases of exhaustion and “shock” sent to the Rest Station at Vadencourt. Evacuation : Transport To carry the former, the pooled motor am- bulance cars parked at “the North Chimney” ,Ilbert were, by an ingenious control scheme, despatched as required to Bkcourt. For the lightly wounded chard-bancs were supplied from “Army.” From 8 p.m. on July aSth the divisional supply lorries were utilised under an arrangement that cen-

“In these operations the Australian Red Cross Society set a precedent which received the flattery of rmrtation by the British. By a nlce admixture of bluff, cajolery and pressure, its officer obtalned permission to work as far forward as Albert. and took an active part in the provision of cainforts: additional to the ad- mirable efforts of the drvrsional supply departments. speclalising in beef tea, sweet biscuits and cocoa 1 66 THE WESTERN FRONT [July-Aug., 1916 tralised their disposal in the Quartermaster-General’s Depart- ment at Corps Headquarters.22 By these various means the distance between the front line and the main dressing station was bridged and the heavy casualties very successfully cleared. This result was made pos- sible only by the employment of special methods of organisation,

Routes of Clearance from -4 D.S. to C.C.S. during Posih-es Fighting. and required considerable administrative adjustments. These it is necessary to describe in some detail since the medical service was intimately involved. The change was presaged by a memorandum from General Sloggett, the D.G.M.S., B.E.F., to the D’s.M.S. Armies dated July 25th in which he pointed out that, when CorPB Of Corps were operating on narrow fronts, the administrative sorvicea work of the main dressing stations should be concentrated at some suitable central place in the Corps area, and that the commanding officer of one of the ambulances should remain in charge, and not be changed while his Division remained in the area. An “adminis- trative memorandum’’ issued on August 2nd by I Anzac Corps

=The scheme handed down in Field Stwice Regufafsons that the wounded should be taken up by “returning empty waggons of supply” was In France impracticable by reason of the fact that the routes of supply very seldom coincided with those of evacuation. BY the new arrangement on the entry of a division to the line at Pozikres a precise scheme came automatically Into operation whereby the divisional iupply column arranged a regular service of lorrles for the evacuation of walking wounded. Advantage was taken of the fact that normally supply lorries remained empty for twelve hours, to provide that from 8 p.m. to midnight ten-and from midnight to 8 a.m. four-lorries reported to the collecting post, where an officer of supply was stationed. In the daytime twenty-four were made ava~lable. For later developments-as the “Corps Motor Relay Post”-see b#. 657-8 Aug., 19161 POZIgRES AND MOUQUET FARM 67 after setting out the exact boundaries of the Corps area, defined a “forward area” (for the troops engaged), a “central area” (for the assembly of those next to be engaged), and a “resting area” (for those who had been through the mill). The memo- randum continued as follows :- “While only oiie Division is in the front line, and reliefs of infantry are necessarily frequent, the Corps Commander has decided that the relief of administrative divisional units need not he simultaneous, as this would entail congestion of traffic and unnecessary movement ”

The movements of infantry divisions were to be carried out to a programme issued by Corps Headquartersz3 It was noted that :- “in order to deal with the evacuation of wounded from the front it is necessary to modify to a certain extent the divisional organisation of medical units.”

An appendix laid down in detail a list of duties of the Assistant- Directors in the “forward and collecting areas”; in the ‘*reserve area” (which largely corresponded to the administrative “control area”) for evacuation; and in the back or resting area. The A.D.M.S. of the Division in the line was to be responsible for all clearance. The ambulance in charge of this would, on relief, move out with its Divisioii to the rest area. In the “reserve” or “central” area, in charge of the main dressing and rest stations, were concentrated all tent divisions of field ambulances, except those in the “forward” and “rest” areas. These units were responsible also for such duties as control of baths and iaundries, care of Corps and Divisional attached troops,24 supply of personnel for the casualty clearing station, and so forth. The administration of this area was vested in the A.D.M.S. of the Division in transit, to whom returns were rendered. All the bearer divisions except those engaged in the front line and those of the resting units were held here as a reserve. In effect they were, as in pre-war days, a separate “bearer company” but located with the tent-divisions.

“The approximate time occupied by a Division in its cycle of movements was a week in the line, a week in moving to and resting in the back area. and another in return via the “staging camp” (in the well known “Brickfields”) behind Albert. The facilities for rest in the reserve area, it may be noted, were very good. %Owing chiefly to the successive development of heavy artillery and supply ser. vices, “Corps Troops” numbered at this time some thousands. They greatly increased later Map No. 1

July-Aug., 19161 POZICRES AND MOUQUET FARM 69

Ail changes and reliefs were initiated by the Deputy Director from Corps Headquarters; but the selection of units and the issue of executive orders remained with the Divisions. Thus at a stroke the Corps, instead of the Division, became the unitz5 for the organisation of evacuation. In the medical service the change was not made without some friction; like the Divisions themselves, the Assistant Directors of Medical Services were very jealous of encroachment on their importance and status. Happily the Deputy Director in the I Anzac Corps, Colonel Manifold, had a wide experience in such matters, and was moreover possessed of great tact, and, if somewhat impul- sive in personal initiative, was deeply concerned to promote the smooth working of the Service which he had been called upon to direct. By a system of conferences he ensured that his own views, and those of each Assistant Director should not conflict in matters of real moment. Ultimately the waxing and waning of Corps control followed automatically on the military situation. During this time the field ambulances The treatment centres had been engaged in the task of developing a series of secondary treatment centres. df ain Dressing Station. Under its experienced commanding officer (Lieut.-Colonel C. G. Shaw) the 1st Field Ambulance built up in Warloy a tented hospital capable of dealing expedi- tiously with rery large numbers of wounded. The site con- veniently adjoined the Corps Motor Repair Workshop, and the Motor Ambulance Convoy Park. The work at times was very strenuous-four operating tables going at one time. In this unit the splinting of fractures was made a specialty. On August 2nd the 13th Field Ambulance (Lieut.-Colonel J. B. St. V. Welch) opened a second tented station. A small ward was fitted up in the chapel of the chGfeau at Warloy under Major Piero Fiaschi for the treatment of shocked and urgent

x6 It was stated indeed by Maj.-Gen. N. Malcolm, the chief of the general staff of Reserve Army, that “the inclination to look upon the Division instead of the Cor S as the proper fighting unit is a relic of our pre-war army . . . the Corps must regarded not as three separate Divisions hut as a single organisation.” Develop ments in later phases of the war, however, made it clear that such a pronouncement was misleading. General Haig never relaxed his decision tbat the Division was the true Army unit, and used them accordingly. A memorandum by the Chief of General Staff, I Anzac Corps, (Brig Gen. C. B. B. White.) laid down specifically that “while it is intended to maintain the Corps as a fighting unit this will be done with a minimum of interference in the powers and responsibilities of divisional commanders . . Corps control will be limited to the most efficient and economic distribution of our fighting power.” 70 THE WESTERN FRONT [Aug., 1916 cases which were held for some days. A note by the officer commanding 12th Field Ambulance (Lieut.-Colonel T. G. Ross) states that “almost invariably the condition of the wounded was good as the transport was rapid between the trenches and this place, and all the cases had been recently dressed further up. The Field Ambulance was somewhat of the nature of a casualty clearing station, and had an abdominal injury hospital attached. The conditioii of the wounded pointed to the advis- ability of having the casualty clearing station well forward so that thorough dressing under anaesthetics could be done early. Cases rarely arrived which could not by thorough dressing have the sepsis fairly well controlled.”

Perhaps the most striking feature of wound treatment during these operations was a lack of co-ordination in the functions of treatment and of movement. There is discernible no clear-cut purpose and aiming point. The casualty clearing station was not yet the Mecca to the attainment of which in good condition by the wounded the efforts of all engaged in transport or in treat- ment would be wholly centred. Yet the records of both stations are in agreement regarding the general good condition of the wounded on arrival. Gassed cases were treated in the general wardsz0 Anti-tetanic serum was given at the advanced station. That the lack of special incident in the work of the main dressing stations had the same significance as absence of noise in efficient machinery, is shown by unimpeachable evidence in the high commendation of the Advisory Consulting Surgeon B.E.F. (Sir Anthony Bowlby) from whom the stations received the compliment of frequent visits.27 Walking wounded were efficiently dealt with in the station at Vadencourt. The special station at Warloy for abdominal, head, and other urgent cases was staffed by special surgical “teams” from field

ambulances with a female nursingI staff from Advanced the casualty clearing station. It was com- operating centre, Warloy monly known as the “main hospital,” and occupied a small but well built civil hospital of 75 beds together with accommodation for 375 in tents, huts,

PeCas shells were used first on the Somme. Cloud gas was not employed Disproportionate space is given in this chapter to the work of collecting and clearance for two reasons: first. that the experience of this battle was cardinal in the development of the regimental medical service; second-and of general applica- tion-that the clinical work of the medical units with which the main stations were chiefly concerned is fully dealt Hith elsewhere (Chapfrrs ZL and nr). July-Aug., 19161 POZIgRES AND MOUQUET FARM 71

and other buildings. Personnel from Australian units were from time to time attached.28 On August 1st a detachment from a casualty clearing station was placed in charge.2e From Warloy stretcher and sitting cases went by No. 6 M.A.C. to the casualty clearing stations at Puchevillers. Walking wounded from Vadencourt, if not Motor returned to duty, went by lorry to casualty Ambulance Convoy clearing station or direct to railhead. The dis- tance traversed by the convoy was less than ten miles: and though transport arrangements were good there is ample evidence that on arrival at the clearing stations the condition of the wounded had very often gravely deterioratedFO The staff of the C.C.S’s was supplemented by Casualty mtatione officers and other ranks from the field ambu- lance personnel, detailed for the duty and attached for brief periods.3l One of theses2 relates that on his arrival (on July agrd)

=An Australian Officer, Mal. J. W. B. Bean, acted as anaesthetist during the Poriires battle. The formation of these centres is of great historic interest in relation to the evolution both of wound surgery and of the scheme of evacuation and treatment in eneral. They were organised for these operations under instructions from General Leadquarters, B.EF. The ambulance personnel did not move with its unit but remained attached for administration. It has been stated (by Col. Langford Lloyd R.A M.C.) that an abdominal wound was successfully operated upon within one and a half hours of the opening of the Somme Battle on July I. =German erpcnence In a report of these operations General Sixt von Armin commanding the Fourth German Army Corps, which faced I Anzac, makes some interesting comments on the medical service. “Reliefs.” The medical uuts of the Corps “went into line with the Divisions” and were relieved with them “The duties of the medical service during continuous fighting in are so strenuous that the medical personnel urgently re- quires relief at the same time as the troops. Furthermore, the medical personnel takes greater pleasure in its difficult task and carries it out with more devotion if it is assisting the formation to which it belongs.” “Motor Ambulancrs ” “The at!xhing of a motor ambulance column to the Army Group proved itself very useful Only “a small proportion” of the cars were placed at the disposal of the Field Ambulances (Hauptverbandplatze). The reserve “was principally used to transport cases to hospital trains.” “Stretcher-bcarers.” To meet the “great demand for stretcher-b:?rers, which war universal” hfty resrrve hearers were trained in each of the Divisional Field Recruit Depots” (Reinforcement camps) “Communication betwccn medtcal units.’. “In consequence of the wide distribution of the medical arrangements” it was found desirable to insist by regulation on the importance of ample telephone communications between the various medical units in the line 81 In these battles though “the necessity of good front-line sqfgery” was agreed upon “it was very evident that much more was required (British O~~CIU~ Hrsfory, Surgery, Vol. I, 8. 219). The mortality from wounds was indeed at thia time very high, The nature of the work done in these units may be judged from the following sire from the D.M.S.. Fourth Army to the D.G.M.S., B E.F. dated la July, 1916: Mobile X-Ray unit absolutely essential for this Army. TF,ere is now no S-Ray apparatus working for either Fourth Army or Reserve Army The 1st A.C.C.S left with a portable X-Ray apparatus. See Vol. I, ). 29. “Capt P. A C. Davenport. 72 THE WESTERN FRONT [July-Nov., 1916

“a most terrific amount of work was going on. We had six operating tables going continuously day and night and for the first three days had very little rest.” During the second week in August No. 49 C.C.S. was estab- lished at Contay to deal with lightly wounded. Close to the junction of the lorry switch with the main Albert Road, in the fine grounds of the Chiteau Vadencourt, the 2nd Field Ambulance built up a station Reet stations which was to serve the Australian troops under many and varied circumstances. On July 27th the 7th Field Ambulance (Lieut.-Colonel R. B. Huxtable) formed a Corps Rest Station in the field near by in order to minimise the evacu- ation of light casualties from the Reserve Army’s zone. During the period July ~2nd-16thAugust, excluding 1,112 cases of sickness, 7,183 casualties passed through this unit. Analysis of the returns reveals as the outstanding feature of the experience the emergence, as a major medical problem of the war (as it was to be of the peace), of the condition then known as “shell shock.” The term had been in use for some time and was loosely applied to all cases of physical and mental breakdown within the battle zone without apparent wound. It had become indeed a diagnostic shibboleth and an open sesame to the Base. Its importance in these operations is shown by the following figures of cases admitted to this unit during the 1st Division’s offensive, July zznd-26th :-

.qdmissions July 22 July 23 July 24 July 25 July 26 Shell Shock .. .. II .. 31 .. 72 .. 205 .. 57 Walking wounded .. 43 .. 687 .. 180 .. 730 .. i84

A report on the matter was furnished to the D.D.M.S., I Anzac Corps by Colonel W. W. Hearne on August 18th. On November 12th a general Army Order initiated special machinery for dealing with the condition on scientific lines by the formation of special diagnostic centres in the Army zone. Throughout these operations the general Health health of the Australian troops was The

33 The British Oifizrnl Afr-dicai History, Genrral, l*ol III. p 49 records that ihe health of the troops during the Somme battles was good, but that cases of diarrhoea and dysentery began to appear in August and went on increasing. Scabies also was prevalent. July-Sept., 19161 POZIkRES AND MOUQUET FARM 73 weekly sick evacuation rate per cent, on weekly average strength was as follows:-

I5 July, ‘42 per cent. ; 5 Aug., -46 per cent. ; 26 Aug., a82 per cent. 22 July, ‘74 ,, 12 Aug. -55 ,, z Sept., 1.00 ,, 29 July, a36 ,, 19 Aug. ‘70 ,, 9 Sept., -37 .. Bath and Laundries. The maintenance of personal hygiene reached an important stage in the proposal initiated by Divisions ior the organising of baths and laundries on a Corps instead of a Divisional basis. General sanitation was largely concerned in the prevention of fly-breeding and control of latrines in the staging areas. Sanitary Sections were in general allotted to the three “areas” to which reference has been made rather than moving always with their Divisions. On August 25th the 1st Division was relieved by the 1st Canadian Division and entrained for the north followed by the 2nd and 4th. On September 3rd I Anzac Move north Corps was replaced by the Canadian Corps whose D.D.M.S., Colonel G. L. Foster, became responsible for medical arrangements in this area. The A.I.F. left the Somme profoundly disillusioned but still ignorant of the full estent of the involvements of this new type of warfare. The next five months were to bring almost complete enlightenment. TABLE1.-Casualties sustained by the A.I.F. on the Somme between July 19th and September 5th. Killed Died Died Prisoners Wounded Gassed in of of of in in action wounds Gas war action action Total 1st Division . . 1,904 456 4 70 6,087 60 8,581 2nd ,, .. 1,917 418 5 I52 5,759 66 8,317 4th I, .. 1,704 320 I 167 4,995 7 7,194 Other troops . . 8 4- - 35 - 47 Total .. .. 5,533 1,198 IO 389 16,87634 133 24,139 TABLEII.-Casualties sustained by the field ambulances and regimental stretcher-bearers during the period, July 19th to September 5th. Killed Wounded Missing Prisoners Amb. Regtl. Amb. Regtl. Amb. Regtl. Amb Regtl. Total 1st Division 18 31 71 137 I 4 - - a62 2nd Division . . 7 20 59 72 3 7 - - I68 4th Divisioii . . 13 IZ 47 103 - - 16 3 I94 Total .. .. 3s 63 177 312 4 II 1633 3 624 ”The wounded in action figure includes 405 who were evacuated as shell shock “wound.” =The circumstances of this loss are recorded on p ?78n