DOCSLIB.ORG

International Research Journal of Management Sociology & Humanities

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
International Research Journal of Management Sociology & Humanities International Research Journal of Management Sociology & Humanities ISSN 2277 – 9809 (online) ISSN 2348 - 9359 (Print) An Internationally Indexed Peer Reviewed & Refereed Journal Shri Param Hans Education & Research Foundation Trust www.IRJMSH.com www.SPHERT.org Published by iSaRa Solutions IRJMSH Vol 7 Issue 11 [Year 2016] ISSN 2277 – 9809 (0nline) 2348–9359 (Print) Sardar Patel: The Foresighted Visionary on Minorities Dr. Vikram Singh Associate Professor, Vaish College, Bhiwani (Haryana) E-mail: [email protected] The present article, “Sardar Patel: The Foresighted Visionary on Minorities”relates toSardar Patel, who played a significant role in the Indian political scenario from 1917 to 1950 and dedicated himself to Indian freedom struggle. He was the follower and closest companion of Mahatma Gandhi as well as an ideal Congress leader. He led several satyagrahas during India’s struggle for freedom from British rule. After Independence, he was appointed as Deputy Prime Minister under the leadership of Jawaharlal Nehru, he looks after the departments of Home, States, Information and Broadcasting. He played an important role as the Chairman of the Committees for Fundamental Rights, Minorities and Provincial Constitution and provisions like the Right to Private Property, Privy purses for Princes and Constitutional guarantees for the Civil Services were incorporated. He emerged an astute leader and a sagacious statesman known as the ‘Iron Man’ of Modern India. The problems of minorities at the time of independence seemed of a minor nature but these were found to be crucial. The minority groups like Anglo-Indians, Muslims, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains and others which might be endangered to our nation and would check its development, if careful attention had not been taken at the right time. In a democratic country, the welfare of the minority communities cannot be ignored. The position of the minorities was sad at the time of independence and it was most difficult task to solve their problems without any guidance of an able leader who could possess a more understanding of such critical situation. The confidence of minority communities must be generated in their minds and social harmony in the country was impossible which would have adversely affected the development of the nation. Therefore, all the best efforts for nation building would be futile and the problems of minority people had not been solved at the right time. Sardar Patel succeeded in maintaining confidence in them, which led them towards the main objective of national solidarity as he had an extraordinary caliber wisdom and capacity. International Research Journal of Management Sociology & Humanity ( IRJMSH ) Page 35 www.irjmsh.com IRJMSH Vol 7 Issue 11 [Year 2016] ISSN 2277 – 9809 (0nline) 2348–9359 (Print) The minority communities were not confident about their rights and privileges as it was obligatory to conserve their interests which would ultimately bring communal harmony in the nation. Sardar Patel became the chairman of the subcommittee of the Constituent Assembly at this crucial time who solved the problems of the minority people. He observed that country’s security and stability would be maintained by guarding as well as guaranteeing to their welfare. He opined that the citizens of India, irrespective of their religion, the Government should provide equal opportunity for them without any discrimination. He also observed that some safeguards were required to provide them equality with the majority community as they were weak. He considered that minority people had lots of potential so certain time bound constitutional safeguards were necessarily guaranteed to them because minorities were as part and parcel of the Indian nation as well as he worked for their security and contentment for development of India. “It is our duty to pledge ourselves to live with all Indians as brothers and cease to bear any one a grudge. Whatever our community, all of us - Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, Parsis, Christians - should remember we belong to one country, Let us pledge to get together and create in India an atmosphere of amity. Let us all recognize like Gandhiji that we are creatures of one God among us there should be no touchable and untouchables.”1 Sardar Patel assured the Muslims for their safeguard, privileges and equal rights to the Hindus without any discrimination after independence. He assured them in Hyderabad in August, 1949 when he was delivering a lecture, they would not be treated as second citizen in India and the government would guard to the Muslims to enjoy the real liberty.2 Therefore, his philosophy was aimed at providing harmony between the Hindus and Muslims in the society as well as national integration. He believed in pragmatism, nothypocrisy or false promises not empty promises and always endeavored to transform his promises into reality. He endeavoured to provide safeguard protection to the Muslims from the hurdles and problems due to misguided Hindus during the communal riots in 1947. He allowed Muslims who were loyal to Pakistan were to migrate safely under the special care and provided the safe passage to Muslims to Pakistan, although Pakistan did not reciprocate the same. He urged the people in Amritsar when 1Murthi, R.K. Sardar Patel:The Man and His Contemporaries,' Sterling Publishers Pvt.td., New Delhi, 1976,p.- 50 2Murthi, R.K, Ibid.p.- 51 International Research Journal of Management Sociology & Humanity ( IRJMSH ) Page 36 www.irjmsh.com IRJMSH Vol 7 Issue 11 [Year 2016] ISSN 2277 – 9809 (0nline) 2348–9359 (Print) he was delivering a lecture on 30th September, 1947: “I have come to you with a specific appeal and that is to pledge the safety of Muslim refugees crossing the city. It is hardly creditable to us that we do not realize in what our good lies. It does not become a brave person to perpetrate deeds of the brutality ofdefenseless men, women and children... I appeal to you to act with prudence, and foresight. You should allow free and unmolested passage to the Muslim refugees.”3 Moreover, on 12th November, 1949 at Rajghat he advocated that he did not want the Muslims to live in India with their loyalty to Pakistan, he appealed to the Muslims who wanted to reside in India that they should forget their love for Pakistan and follow the Indian constitution from the core of heart. He was sternly against dual loyalty therefore, he stated about the Muslims of Kathiawad who pursued the Muslim League propaganda of “Two nation theory”. He warned them not to pursue the same even after the partition of the country as they would get no place in India as well as they were advised to seek other suitable place outside India where they could follow their dual loyalty.4 He knew that he had been blamed as Anti-Muslims. In Lucknow on 6th January, 1948, he pointed out that politicians call him an foe of Muslims, but he edeavoured to redress their grievances as far as possible. He did not like the Muslims ride on two horses and urged them to choose only one horse as well as they must prefer whether they were loyal to Pakistan or India.5 He stressed again and again that Muslims in India must live like Indians, both physically as well as mentally. Such a warning was necessary to realize that the Muslims must consider themselves as an integral part of the India; otherwise nation’s integrity would be threatened. Sardar Patel warned sternly and endeavoured to set up harmony between Hindus and Muslims to make them feel as an integral part and parcel of the nation which was a difficult and complex work. Sardar Patel convinced the Anglo-Indians and Christians like the Muslims that they were also constituted a small unit of minority in the nation. Arnold. J. Toynbee opined that the survival of the Anglo Indians in India was a challenge. They faced external as well as internal 3The Statesman/dated October 1, 1947 (Press report) 4The Amrita Bazar Patrika/dt. 13-11 1947 - (press report) 5The Hindu, dated January 7/ 1948 (press report), (Sardar’s public speech in Lucknow on January 6, 1948 International Research Journal of Management Sociology & Humanity ( IRJMSH ) Page 37 www.irjmsh.com IRJMSH Vol 7 Issue 11 [Year 2016] ISSN 2277 – 9809 (0nline) 2348–9359 (Print) challenges from their early masters6 and their Indian counterparts respectively.7 The Anglo Indians felt insecure and unprotected in the absence of their English masters as well as they felt the imaginary fear that led to their large scale migration to England, Australia, and Canada after independence.8 They demanded special safeguards for protection of their interests when the constitution was drafted by the committee. Frank Anthony the met Sardar Patel, who was the leader of the Anglo-Indians and demanded for reservation of seats in the Assembly. Sardar Patel considered sympathetically and put the issue before the Advisory Committee. Govind Vallabh Pant was against the proposal and opposed sternly for reservation of seats for Anglo-Indians. However, Sardar Patel stood in favour of the Anglo-Indians and suggested that they deserved to be given special representation by nomination which was finally accepted by the Advisory Committee. Frank Anthony stated: “While I was battering for special representation for the Anglo-Indian community, especially because of the microscopic size of the community... ultimately Sardar intervened. He suggested that only the Anglo-Indians should be given representation by nomination. That was accepted by the Advisory Committee.”9 There was a lot of opposition for the demand of service quota for the Anglo-Indians and educational safeguards but Sardar Patel favoured them and referred the matter to a special sub-committee that agreed on special quotas in the services in some departments like the Railways, Post and Telegraph and Customs Department, he considered that the Anglo-Indians represented a microscopic group of people who were very intelligent and their ability as well as skill must be utilized for the nation development as he believed that they would work enthusiastically for the nation building without any discrimination.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Political Nominations & the Anglo-Indian
    Political Nominations & the Anglo-Indian: A Reality Check BRYAN OLIVER PEPPIN The 11th World Anglo-Indian Reunion 2019 held at Loyola College, Chennai, on January 8, 2019. Photo: M. Karunakaran As India gears up for another general election, a forgotten section of the electorate is the about 1.50 lakh strong Anglo-Indian community. Under the constitutional guarantee of Article 331, two members would be nominated to represent the community in the next Lok Sabha as has been the procedure since independence. In this analysis, Bryan Oliver Peppin, Retired Professor of English, The New College, Chennai, and author of Black and White: The Anglo-Indian Identity in Recent English Fiction, discusses the issues that matter for the Anglo-Indian community. Emphasising that “no other individual parliamentarian serves people across the length and breadth of the country” he calls for consensus in the process of nominating the Anglo-Indian representatives to the Lok Sabha. Moreover, the nominated MPs “must have unblemished records and be well-known regarding the welfare of the people they are supposed to represent”. Peppin points out that it is “always better to have outspoken crusaders rather than people who simply sign above the dotted lines” and that the nominated Members of Parliament should be ready and willing to take up a just cause and see to it that justice prevails in all disputes. “Since the two representatives are sometimes lucky enough to be chosen, they should not take it as a matter of course to look down on the people they are supposed to serve”. Anglo-Indian Politics, a brief history he “Anglo-Indian” community has been in existence for about 500 years, but was not recognised as such until the twentieth century.
    [Show full text]
  • The Constitution . Amendment) Bill
    LOK SABHA THE CONSTITUTION (NINTH . AMENDMENT) BILL, 1956 .. (Report of Joint Committee) PRI!s!!NTED ON THB 16TH JULY, 1956 W,OK SABHA SECRETARIAT . NEWDELID Jaly, 1956 CONTBNTS PAOBS r. Composition of the Joblt Comminoe i-ii ;z. Report of the Joint Committee iif-iv 3· Minutes of Dissent • vii-xv 4o Bill as omended by the Joint Committee 1-18 MPBNDIX I- Modon In the Lok_Ssbha for refe=ce of the Bill to Joint Coum:U.ttee • • • • • • • • 19-20 APPINDDI II- Motion in the Rsjya Sabha 21 Anmmo: m- Minutes of the littfnts of the Joint Committee • APPl!NDIX A APPIINDIX B THE CONSTITUTION (NINTH AMENDMENT) BILL, 1956 _ Composition of the Joint Committee Shri Govind Ballabh Pant-Chainnan. MEMBERs Lok Sabha 2. Shri U. Srinivasa Malliah 3. Shri H. V. Pataskar 4. Shri A. M. Thomas 5. Shri R. Venkataraman 6. Shri S. R. Rane 7. Shri B. G. Mehta 8. Shri Basanta Kumar Das 9. Dr. Ram Subhag Singh 10. Pandit Algu Rai Shastri 11. Shri Dev Kanta Borooah 12. Shri S. Nijalingappa 13. Shri S. K. Patil 14. Shri Shriman Narayan 15. Shri G. S. Altekar - 16. Shri G. B. Khedkar 17. Shri Radha Charan Sharma 18. 'shri GUrm.~ Singh Musafi~ 19. Shri i:l.am PiaLop 'Gai-g 20. Shri Bhawanji A. Khimji. 21. Shri P. Ramaswamy - · 22. Shri B. N. Datar ·: 23. Shri Anandchand 24. Shri Frank Anthony 25. Shri P. T. Punnoose 26. Shri K. K. Basu 27. Shri.J. B. Kripalani 28. Shri Asoka Mehta 29. Shri Sarangadhar Das 30. Shri N.
    [Show full text]
  • GIPE-B-46123-Contents.Pdf (1.392Mb)
    I a eec \:", 'i1:.>·t tlh: Illl-'11 ~tnd \\<Hllen '' fl,' -...rr~ ''"-' tlh.: L'OITidor-.. of India\ l'.trlic~Jlh:llt ll<lU-..e. h~t\e been l)~trli;tnll..:nLtrialb uf outstanding ahilit:. '-Ltturc ~llld e\ceptional < lLtl< 1ri;tl -..kill-... This hook presents '-<ll1h.. ' of the most memorable parli;tnll:ntary speeches deli,·ered h: thL·m during the last fifty years ( l <J-+ 7-l<><n ). The hook opens. quite ;tppropriatcly. with Pandit J ;t\\ aha rial Nehru's historic speech on the Objectives of the Constitution and ·India's TrYst\\ ith Destim·· deli\ ered on the floor of the Constituent Assemhh in I t)-f 7. It concludes with some of the most brilliant speeches in the fiftieth year of Indian independence- with former Prime Minister I K Gujral's ~tsscssmcnt of fiftv vcars. former Speaker P A Sangma \call for a second freedom struggle and Dr Karan Singh's vision of a resurgent India. The selection cm·crs diverse is-..ues and themes of continuing n;tt i< 1nal and international interest. 100 Best Parliamentary Speeches 1947- 1997 (COl\' p:JTERISEQ]_ 100 Best Parliamentary Speeches 1947- 1997 Compiled & Edited by DR. SUBHASH C. KASHYAP ~ t:::l HarpetCollins Publishers India HarperCollins Publishers India Pvt Ltd 7116 Ansari Road, Daryaganj, New Delhi 110 002 First published in 1998 by HarperCollins Publishers India Selection and Compilation Copyright© Dr. Subhash C. Kashyap 1998 ISBN 81-7223-325-6 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system,. or transmitted, in any form, or by any means, electronic or mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior permission of the publishers.
    [Show full text]
  • Further Discussion on the Resolution Regarding Reservation for Socially and Educationally Backward Classes Moved by Shri E
    nt> Title: Further discussion on the resolution regarding reservation for socially and educationally backward classes moved by Shri E. Ahamad on 18th August, 2000. (Concluded and resolution withdrawn) 16.05 hrs. MR DEPUTY-SPEAKER: Now, we shall take up Private Members'' Business -- Reservation for socially and educationally Backward Classes. Shri E. Ahamed to continue. Hon. Members, whatever time of the Private Members'' Business has been taken by the Government Business, that much of time will be added to the Private Members'' Business. 1606 hours SHRI E. AHAMED (MANJERI): Mr. Deputy-Speaker, Sir, while moving my non-official Resolution on August 18, 2000, I had dealt at length the genesis of the Reservation in this country and the evolution of the present Reservation Policy. While, mentioning these facts last time, I had explicitly quoted the interpretation and also the observations with respect to the Article 16(4) A which was incorporated by the 77th Amendment. But stressing the need of the Reservation for the socially and educationally Backward Classes including the Muslims in accordance with proportion of their population notwithstanding anything contained in any judgment of any Court of law to the contrary including ceiling on percentage of reservation, I would like to bring to the notice of this august House the prenatal history of Article 16(4) which is the basis of the Reservation for different classes of people. Sir, before I just go into it, I would like to quote Article 16(4). It says: "Nothing in this article shall prevent the State from making any provisions for the reservation of appointments or posts in favour of any backward class of citizens which, in the opinion of the State, is not adequately represented in the services under the State.
    [Show full text]
  • The Anglo-Indian Community in Contemporary India1
    The Anglo-Indian Community in Contemporary India1 by ROY DEAN WRIGHT AND SUSAN W. WRIGHT FROM THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY onward, numerous European powers attempted to establish colonial footholds throughout the continent of Asia. Certainly there had been outside contacts and conquests earlier in the history of this area, but European economic and political dominance on a long-term and lasting scale was first potent at that time. Shortly after European colonial representatives arrived in Asia, a biological hybrid, the Eurasian, was sired by these invaders. This action was so typical that all Asian countries having a history of European colonial dominance evolved such a minority. The extensive period of European colonialism in India propagated one such population of biological hybrids, generally referred to as Anglo-Indians. The Anglo-Indian Community, as the term is used in contemporary India, has a history that is traceable to the earliest arrivals in India of European colonials, the Portuguese in 1498, but more significantly to the British in 1600. Between the periods of dominance perpetrated by these callers other European powers, notably the French and Dutch, were present in India, but the scope of their dominance was quite limited. The influence of the Portuguese was, however pervasive, especially in the southern coastal region. Colonial encouragement, as well as inevitable social and cultural contacts, soon produced a large number of individuals having a mixed biological heritage. Within a few decades, this group of Eurasians expanded substantially and became identified with other communities of similar origin, especially those having a British heritage; evolving into what is presently known as the Anglo-Indian Community of India.
    [Show full text]
  • the ANGLO - INDIAN, COMMUNIIY "Let Us Cling and Cling Tenaciously to All That We Hold Dear, Our 'Lan­ BRITAIN's BETRAYAL in INDIA Departm'ent, '
    , , . ,,, i\JQ~ILbe7" tS..19611 ,'. AHAJ Y A "'~3 BOOK REVIEWS;' Anglo~lndiari Assodation in' Septemoer '1942, he said; . THE ANGLO - INDIAN, COMMUNIIY "Let us cling and cling tenaciously to all that we hold dear, our 'lan­ BRITAIN'S BETRAYAL IN INDIA departm'ent, '. in the development of the guage, our way of life and our': 'is­ FRANK ANTHONY Indian 'Railways and Iridia's Post [,nd tinctive 'culture. But let us always Telegraph systems and in its Customs Ailied Publishers, Bombay remember that we are Indians. rhe 'depadment. Its performance in oilier community is Indian. It has always Price: Rs 30 fields also has been impressive. been Indian. Above all, it has an' This book is an original work con­ During the ' British period in India, inalienable Indian birthright. '1 he taining a fairly elaborate account of the the cOInmunity naturally enjoyed some more we love and are loyal to India, origin and growth of the Anglo-Indian special constitutional privileges. Among the more will India love us and be community in India, A more compe­ them were: (i) some, representation in loyal to us." ' tent person than Mr Frank· Anthony the Central and Provincial Legislatures Since then he has , always held :.nd cannot be thought of for wdting such of India by nomination by the Govern­ repeatedly expressed these sentiments. a book. ment; (ii) the reservation of some When in 1946' the British Cabinet At the outset the author discusses appointments for them in the Railways, Mission made its final .prCJ!losals for' the the question "Who is an Anglo­ P & T and Customs services, which its independence of India, it macre no Indian?" and refers to the .definition members had been greatly responsible mention of safeguards for ihe Anglo­ of the terITI in Act 366.
    [Show full text]
  • Lok Sabha Debates
    F«rifc M m, V«t D t-N fc t 1 MMNBJyilaoJM ROIMBII 19| 19V/ *T5ffiTBnensa5r LOK SABHA DEBATES (TUN flMrtoa) (Vol IX contains Nos 1 to io>) LOK SABHA SKBSTABUT NEW DKUB ' M e t: Re. 1.00 CONTENTS (Fourth Series, Vol. IX—3 r d Session , 1967] No. 1—Monday, November 13, 19611 Kart Ika 22,1889 (Saka) C o l u m n s Alphabetical list of Members .. (i)—(nil) Officers of the Lok Sabha (ix) Government of^India—Ministers, Ministers of State, ctc. <*)— (xi) Member Sworn ............................................................................. 1 Obituary References .... 1—30 Shrimati Indira Gandhi . 3— 5 Shri Ranga .......................... S—7 Shri Atal Bihan Vajpayee 7—9 Shri Manoharan 9— 10 Shn Yogendra Sharma 10—13 Shri Madhu Limayc 13—19 Shn A. K. Gopalan 19—20 Shri Surendranath Dwivedy .. ... 20—22 Shri Frank Anthony .... 22—23 Shri N. C. Chatterjce 23—24 Shri Prakash Vir Shastri 24— 27 Shn Ram Sewak Yadav . 27—30 ALPHABETICAL LIST OF MEMBERS FOURTH LOK SABHA ‘A’ Bannerji, Shn S. M. (Kanpur). Bansh Narain Singh, Shri (Mirzapur). Abraham. Shri K. M. (Kottayam). Barrow, Shri A. E T. (Nominated— Achal Singh, Seth (Agra). Anglo-Indian). Adichan. Shri P. C. (Adoor). Barua, Shri Bedabrata (Kaliabor). Aga. Sycd Ahmad (Baramulla). Barua, Shn Hem (Mangaldai). Agadi, Shr, S. A (Koppal). Barua. Shri Rajendranath (Jorhat). Ahirwar, Shri Nathu Ram ("rikam- Barupal. Shri P. L. (Ganganagar). parh) Basi, Shri Sohan Singh (Ferozepur). Ahmad. Shri Alhaj J. (tiindih). Basu, Shri Jyotirmoy (Diamond Ahmed, Shn F. A (Barpcta). Harbour). Ahmed. Shri Jahan Uddin (Dhuhri). Ba-u, Dr. Maiireyee (Darjeeling).
    [Show full text]
  • The Anglo-Indian Community in Contemporary India1 By
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by eScholarShare at Drake University The Anglo-Indian Community in Contemporary India1 by ROY DEAN WRIGHT AND SUSAN W. WRIGHT FROM THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY onward, numerous European powers attempted to establish colonial footholds throughout the continent of Asia. Certainly there had been outside contacts and conquests earlier in the history of this area, but European economic and political dominance on a long-term and lasting scale was first potent at that time. Shortly after European colonial representatives arrived in Asia, a biological hybrid, the Eurasian, was sired by these invaders. This action was so typical that all Asian countries having a history of European colonial dominance evolved such a minority. The extensive period of European colonialism in India propagated one such population of biological hybrids, generally referred to as Anglo-Indians. The Anglo-Indian Community, as the term is used in contemporary India, has a history that is traceable to the earliest arrivals in India of European colonials, the Portuguese in 1498, but more significantly to the British in 1600. Between the periods of dominance perpetrated by these callers other European powers, notably the French and Dutch, were present in India, but the scope of their dominance was quite limited. The influence of the Portuguese was, however pervasive, especially in the southern coastal region. Colonial encouragement, as well as inevitable social and cultural contacts, soon produced a large number of individuals having a mixed biological heritage. Within a few decades, this group of Eurasians expanded substantially and became identified with other communities of similar origin, especially those having a British heritage; evolving into what is presently known as the Anglo-Indian Community of India.
    [Show full text]
  • The Eurasian Problem in Nineteenth Century India
    Anderson, Valerie E.R. (2011) The Eurasian problem in nineteenth century India. PhD Thesis, SOAS (School of Oriental and African Studies) http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/13525 Copyright © and Moral Rights for this thesis are retained by the author and/or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non‐commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder/s. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. When referring to this thesis, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given e.g. AUTHOR (year of submission) "Full thesis title", name of the School or Department, PhD Thesis, pagination. The Eurasian Problem In Nineteenth Century India Valerie E.R. Anderson Department of History School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) A thesis submitted to the University of London in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) in History 2011 1 DECLARATION I undertake that all material presented for examination is my own work and has not been written for me, in whole or in part, by any other person(s). I also undertake that any quotation or paraphrase from the published or unpublished work of another person has been duly acknowledged in the work that I present for examination. Valerie E.R. Anderson The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without the prior written consent of the author.
    [Show full text]
  • Pledges and Pious Wishes: the Constituent Assembly Debates and the Myth of a “Nehruvian Consensus”
    India Review ISSN: 1473-6489 (Print) 1557-3036 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/find20 Pledges and Pious Wishes: The Constituent Assembly Debates and the Myth of a “Nehruvian Consensus” Rahul Sagar & Ankit Panda To cite this article: Rahul Sagar & Ankit Panda (2015) Pledges and Pious Wishes: The Constituent Assembly Debates and the Myth of a “Nehruvian Consensus”, India Review, 14:2, 203-220, DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2015.1030197 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2015.1030197 Published online: 10 Jun 2015. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 69 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=find20 Download by: [New York University] Date: 12 November 2015, At: 11:17 India Review, vol. 14, no. 2, 2015, pp. 203–220 Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN 1473-6489 print/1557-3036 online DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2015.1030197 Pledges and Pious Wishes: The Constituent Assembly Debates and the Myth of a “Nehruvian Consensus” RAHUL SAGAR and ANKIT PANDA The strategic worldview of India’s political elite is typically described as having evolved in linear fashion. At the time of Independence in 1947 there was ostensibly a broad con- sensus on the ends and means of diplomacy, which included peaceful co-existence and anti-imperialism on the one hand, and non-alignment and non-violence on the other. This consensus, crafted by India’s first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, is depicted as having weakened over subsequent decades, eventually collapsing when diplomatic isolation and near bankruptcy at the end of the Cold War compelled the adoption of a more pragmatic approach to foreign relations.
    [Show full text]
  • Anglo-Indian": Race, Identity, and Law in Colonial India
    Armstrong Undergraduate Journal of History Volume 11 Issue 1 Article 2 4-2021 The Legal Question of Being an "Anglo-Indian": Race, Identity, and Law in Colonial India Vishwajeet Deshmukh Government Law College, Mumbai Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.georgiasouthern.edu/aujh Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Deshmukh, Vishwajeet (2021) "The Legal Question of Being an "Anglo-Indian": Race, Identity, and Law in Colonial India," Armstrong Undergraduate Journal of History: Vol. 11 : Iss. 1 , Article 2. DOI: 10.20429/aujh.2021.110102 Available at: https://digitalcommons.georgiasouthern.edu/aujh/vol11/iss1/2 This article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Digital Commons@Georgia Southern. It has been accepted for inclusion in Armstrong Undergraduate Journal of History by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons@Georgia Southern. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Deshmukh: The Legal Question of Being an "Anglo-Indian": Race, Identity, an The Legal Question of Being an "Anglo-Indian": Race, Identity, and Law in Colonial India Vishwajeet Deshmukh Government Law College (Mumbai, India) The British Empire in India also known as the "The British Raj" which spread across modern-day Pakistan, India, and Bangladesh barring the Portuguese colony of "Goa" and the French colony of "Pondicherry."1 The British Raj had a clear demarcation among its subjects on account of their race; the classification as reflected in regulations by the Raj were European and non-European. This classification formed a part of the legal position of its demographic population by colonial authorities in the eighteenth century.
    [Show full text]
  • THE PROFESSIONAL LIVES of ANGLO-INDIAN WORKING WOMEN in the TWILIGHT of EMPIRE Uther Charlton-Stevens
    The Professional Lives of Anglo-Indian Working Women 3 THE PROFESSIONAL LIVES OF ANGLO-INDIAN WORKING WOMEN IN THE TWILIGHT OF EMPIRE Uther Charlton-Stevens ABSTRACT This article explores the lives of Anglo-Indian women in employment in the late colonial period. In doing so it emphasises the importance of categories in policing the location of Anglo-Indians within the world of the domiciled and the socio-racial hierarchy of the Raj. The experience of Anglo-Indian women who travelled to Africa and the Middle East before and during World War II, helps to demonstrate how selective identification with Britishness and with India contributed to shaping individual lives and identities. The case of military nurses is particularly foregrounded, based on an interview with Florence Watkins in Jubbulpore in 2010. INTRODUCTION Anglo-Indians are a mixed race group which arose out of the European mercantile and colonial presence in South Asia. Unions (primarily) between European men and Indian or mixed race women, eventually resulted in the emergence of a micro- community as a significant buttressing adjunct to the smaller colonial British population. Anglo-Indians developed as an Anglophone Christian group, and became increasingly (though never entirely) endogamous as consequential boundaries were drawn between them and colonial Britons through processes of social closure and legalised forms of discrimination which marked them out from both colonisers and colonised. Nonetheless Anglo-Indians were substantially co- opted by and materially rewarded for service to the colonial state. Anglo-Indian women played a very significant role in the economic and social life of the group. Divergent responses to decolonisation and shifting group orientation, played out in the arenas of women’s work, identities and politics.
    [Show full text]