This dissertation has been 65-5660 microfilmed exactly as received

MALE LU, Sharad John, 1923- THE ANGLO-INDIANS: A PROBLEM IN MARGINALITY.

The Ohio State University, Ph. D., 1964 Sociology, race question

University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan THE ANGLO-INDIANS: A PROBLEM

IN MARGINALITY

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University

By

Sharad John Malelu, B.A., M.S.

********

The Ohio State University

1964

Approved by

Adviser Department of Sociology anc Anthropology ACmOWLEDOIEFrS

Several names stand out among the many who gave of their substance to see th is work through to completion:

lb's. Melba G riffin of the Graduate School s ta ff a t The Ohio State

IMiversity, whose active interest and personal assistance melted away lâiat seemed at times to be impossible odds;

Professor Brewton Berry for his wisdom, patience, and generosity these many long years;

Professor Alfred Clarke who gave freely of his time and counsel when i t was needed most; and

Professor Thomas lÿnon, adviser, colleague and friend, who converted a burdensome exercise into a vigorous intellectual challenge.

To my wife Nanqy and all the boys, I offer my deepest gratitude for all they have endured so long, and so well.

i i VITA

May 191 1923 Born - Bombay, India

1949 • • • • • B.A«, Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan

1955 . . • . • M.S., Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah

1937-1959 « . « Visiting Assistant Professor, Kent State University, Kent, Ohio

1939-1964 , , , Assistant Professor, Sacramento State College, Sacramento, California

FIELDS OF STUDY

Major Field; Sociology

Studies in Race R elations, Professor Brewton Berry

Studies in Theory, Professor Roscoe Hinkle

Studies in Cultural Anthropology, Professor John Bennett

Studies in Social Psychology, Professor Melvin Seeman

i i i CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...... i i VITA ...... i i i

Chapter I . THE PROBLEM...... 1

The problem ...... 1 The m ethod ...... 2 . Form of presentation ...... 7

I I . MARGINALITY AND MARGINAL MEN...... 9

I I I . ANGLO-INDIANS IN THE CONTEXT OF MARGINALITY...... 24 Dimensions of Anglo-Indian Id e n tity ...... 24 Anglo-Indian Commitment in the Context of Marginality . 28

The commitment to An^o-Indian education ...... 28 Orientations to Western society ...... 4o

Descriptions of the colonial experience ...... 44 Contemporary Western so ciety ...... 48 Review and a n a l y s i s ...... 59

IV. REVIEW AND CONCLUSIONS...... 66

APPENDIXES

A. CHARACTERISTICS OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY...... ?6

B. THE PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESSES AT THE ANNUAL GENERAL MEETINGS OF THE ALL INDIA ANGLO-INDIAN ASSOCIATION...... 84

C. THE ANGLO-INDIAN EFFORT ON BEHALF OF WESTERN EDUCATION . . 96

D. THE QUESTIONNAIRE...... 105

E. SELECTED CHARACTERISTICS OF THE RESPONDENTS...... 108

F. SOCIOLOGICAL ARGUMENTS CONCERNING MARGINALITY...... 112

BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 119

IV CHAPTER I

THE PROBLEM

The problem

The purpose of this study is to redefine the concept of margin­

ality and to apply the revised concept to the Anglo-Indian Community,^

Sociologists have given the concept of marginality an emphasis

tdiich reflects the impact of exotic data on the discussion of the con­

cept, This is evident in continuing efforts to describe the marginal man as a racial or cultural hybrid, as one lAio liv e s on the borders of

two cultures, as a man with conflicting or divided loyalties, as one Wio is hypersensitive, self-conscious, has an inferiority cb%dex or tries to be what he is not; or, in the picturesque images of Park and Stonequist respectively:

« * , one whom fate has condemned to live in two societies and in two, not merely different but antagonistic, cultures,^ and

, , « one lAo is poised in psydiological uncertainty between two (or more) social worlds; reflecting in his soul the discords and harmonies, repulsions and attractions of these worlds, • , ,"3

The term Community is used here to describe the historical and administrative entity known as the An^o-Indians, See Appendix A for a summary of the historical characteristics that define this social unit.

E, Park, in an introduction to E. V, Stonequist, The Marginal Man (New York; Charles Scribner's Sons, 1937)* p. xv. 3 E. V, Stonequist, IMÉ#, P# 8. 1 2

Consequently» the literature has overemphasized one of the derived consequences of marginality; namely, the psychological stress which may be engendered in marginal men. This study seeks to uncover the basic idea of marginality, and to recast it as a sociological concept.

To accomplish this purpose, the main sociological materials on marginality were examined to determine how sociologists were using the tezm,^ The analysis of these materials was based on the following considerations:

Given the fact that culture contact situations give rise to an extended series of events, a useful way of ordering these events is to connect them with the discussion of marginality. Thus the events may be seen either as

1, the conditions under which marginal men come into being; or

k In addition to the initial formulation by Park and Stonequist, six articles from sociology journals were used in the analysis. They are listed below in chronological order: 1. £• V, Stonequist, The Marginal Man. with an introduction by R. E. Park (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1937), 2. M, M. Goldberg, "A Qualification of the Marginal Man Theory," American Sociological Review. VI (February, 1941), 52-38, 3, A, Green, "A Re*axamination of the Marginal Man Concept," Social Forces. XXVI (December, 194?), 167-171, 4, E, C, Hughes, "Social Change and Status Protest: An Essay on the Marginal Man," Phvlon. X (First Quarter, 1949), 5 ^ 5 , 3, M, I, Wardwell, "A Marginal Professional Role: The Chiro­ practor," Social Forces. XXX.(March, 1932), 339-348, 6, A, C, Kerekhoff and T, C, McCormick, "Margizud Status and Personality, " Social Foreas. XXXIV (October, 1933), 48-55, 7* A, Antonovslgr, "Toward a Refinement of the Marginal Man Concept." Social Forces. XXXV (October, 1956), 57-62, Several other writers have used the terms marginal, marginality or marginal man, but the usage was either peripheral, or the issues they raised were dealt with much more fully in the selected materials. 3 2# conditions that define the social positions occupied by

marginal men; or

3* events that describe the kind of e^eriences marginal men can

be e:q)ected to have; or

4. events that describe the marginal man’s eiqieriences; or

5m events that characterize the more lasting personal and social

consequences of or adjustments to marginality.

On this basis, each writer’s work was analyzed by asking the

following questions about it:

What is his essential argument concerning the concept of marginality?

With which of the clusters of events noted above is he primarily concerned? In dealing with the chosen cluster of events, how is he defining the concept of marginality?

How does he deal with the other events related to the dis­ cussion of marginality?

This procedure offered a way of identifying the cluster of events in terms of idiich each writer was defining the essential substance of the

concept. It also indicated to idiat extent and how he was asserting the relevance of events that were related to the discussion in some way other than that stipulated ty him.

In this way it was possible to relocate the substance of the concept of marginality on a level of discussion lAich focused attention on sociological events.^

Sociological events are events defined by their relationship to group phenomena as understood by sociologists. In this connection, the fundamental sociological tools are the concepts of status and role, and The revised concept was then projected on the Anglo-Indian

situation in order to separate the problem of marginality from other types of experiences in idiich Anglo-Indians were involved. In these terms, the question concerning An^o-Indian marginality emerged as follow s:

How are Anglo-Indians defining th e ir commitments to the peoples and institutions of Western society?

The second part of this study called for the application of the revised concept of marginality to current data on the Anglo-Indian Community. The data were secured tqr examining the content of The Review. idiich is the official publication of ^ e All India Anglo-Indian Associ­ ation,^ and by administering a questionnaire to selected Anglo-Indians.

The Review data consist primarily of the reports of four Annual

General Meetings of the All Lidia Anglo-Indian Association. The value of choosing these data lies in the fact that the information is located in a social context from which its meaning and significance can be established ra th e r re a d ily . This was deemed more p ro fita b le than counting the number and frequent^ with which particular types of events occurred, especially in the light of the limited data available. Moreover, the social context itself is a rather important one from the viewpoint of the Association the basic unit of e^erience is the social relationship or social group. The concepts status and role refer to the form of the group experience— the way members of the group find themselves associated with each other in connection with their affiliation with the group. In these terms, a sociological definition of the marginal condition would be a specifica­ tion of the nature of the group situation in iMch the "marginal man" finds himself.

See Appendixes B and C for information about the nature of The Review data and the All India Anglo-Indian Association. 5 and as a forum idisre large numbers of the Community express themselves on questions pertinent to this study»

The reports of these meetings consisted of an extended summary of the president’s formal address on each occasion, and a similar account of the proceedings at the several sessions of the business meetings idiich occupied most of the time at the conventions#

The questionnaire covered ten pages»7 It called on the respondent to mrite as freely as he would on three subjects, (a) his personal history since World War II (that is, beginning just before Indian ]hde- pendence), (b) his present situation, and (c) the An^o=Indian problem today» In addition, it contained some specific items idiich asked for background information on the respondent and his knowledge of Anglo-

Indian emigrants.

The design of the questionnaire was adapted to the fact that the respondents were about twelve thousand miles away» So an effort was made to secure as much information as possible from each person, and to maximise its validity tqr letting him write on the relevant subjects in hiw own way» Furthermore, the questionnaire was administered to persons in India viho were likely to express themselves freely and openly, and ^ o at the same time would have responsible access to information about the

Anglo-Indian Community today» In this sense the twenty-seven persons who responded served both as direct sources of data and as informants about the Community in general.. The background characteristics of the respondents are summarized in Appendix £» It may be noted in passing

7 The questionnaire is reproduced as Appendix D» 6 that even as a select group, they represent a fairly wide range of contacts ^ th the life of the Community.

The contribution of this study is based on the following considerations :

The development of the concept of marginality is closely related o to data about the An^o-Indian Community. In turn, knowledge about the

An^o-Indian Community has been largely confined to data that contributed

to the initiation of the concept of marginality.

Most of the data about the Community consist of official reports

prepared ty British colonial administrators, and the writings of European

travelers and sojourners in India. Consequently they are heavily weighted with the influence of early biological theories about race and race-mixture and attitudes associated with British domination in India.

So, hy analyzing the concept of marginality and applying it to the Anglo-Indian situation today, this study offers the following:

As far as the concept of marginality is concerned, it proposes a shift in es^hasis to what is here viewed as the marginal man's basic commitment: his in te rn aliza tio n of the norms of the group of idiich he is

8 For Stonequist, "The most obvious type of marginal man is the person of mixed racial ancestry. " Stonequist, o p. d t.. p. 10. The Anglo-Indians are the very firs t. group of marginal men he deals with in his study and he places them in the category of racial hybrids. He notes, too, that "the rise of a mixed blood population is necessarily conditioned by the migration and contact of different racial stocks. . . . The mixed blood is therefore also of mixed culture—a cultural hybrid [his second category of marginal men] as well as a racial hybrid." Ibid.. p. The sources of data used by sociologists (including Stonequist) in their discussions of the An^o-Indians are presented in Appendix A, together with extracts which show how these data were interpreted by the writers. 7 a member and in «hich he is deemed a marginal participant. This feature

of the concept is implicit, and sometimes made explicit in ~Uxe sociologi­

cal discussion, but its in^ortance for understauiding the marginal man^s behavior has been neglected or ignored.

As far as the An^o-lndian Community is concerned, this study

offers a type of data idiich has not been available to sociologists either

in their discussions of marginality or in their understanding of An^o-

Indians; namely, direct data provided by Anglo-Indians and about them­

selves. The study also provides a broader base in data for developing hypotheses about the changing characteristics of the Community in the

context of Indian independence.

Form of presentation

The rest of the study is divided into three chapters. Chapter H presents the analysis of the concept of marginality.

Qaapter IH is a reformulation of the Anglo-Indian dilemma in the light of the redefined concept of marginality. It also sheds light on the nature of the Anglo-Indian commitment to the Western world. The data selected from The Review are reports of the discussions at the general sessions of the conventions, on the changed status of Anglo-Indian educa­ tion# The presentation is primarily a descriptive review of the discus­ sions, and focuses attention on the commitment of Anglo-Indians to a

Western institution: the pattern of European education idiich prevailed in the colonial society.

In dealing with the questionnaire datr it was first determined to vh&t extent the Western world is an active part of the experience of 8

An^o-Indians today. Three types of data «ere deemed relevant here»

(l) travel to Western societies since 194$, (2) expressions of desire to live in a Western country» and (3) contact with An^o-Indian emigrants to Western countries.

Next, the data were examined to determine how members of the

Community were relating themselves to the peoples and institutions of

Western society. Here the data were searched for an answer to the fol­

lowing question: How are Anglo-Indians defining (1) the characteristics of life in Western society» (2) the specific ingplications of life in

Western society fo r members of the Community, and (3) th e ir commitments

to the Western way of life? Two images of Western society were included in the questionnaire : the colonial society and contemporary Western

so ciety . They were tre a te d separately .

Chapter IV is a concluding review of the study. CHÀFEER n

MRGINALITî AKD M&EGIKÀL MEN

The sociological concept of marginality, initiated by Park, was elaborated by Stonequist,^ Both of these writers attached a great deal of importance to the culture contact situation, and they observed that such situations often produced a new type of individual—the marginal man, idio to them vas most apparent in the person of a ra c ia l and/or cultural hybrid.

In Stonequist*s discussion, the marginal man appears at four stages in a sequence of events connected with the culture contact situ atio n :

1, As a new type of individual tdio emerges in culture contact situations,

2, As a person ^o is bound by his sentiments and career to the disparate so(dal worlds lAich develop in culture contact situations,

3, As a person uhose connections vith the incompatible social worlds bring about certain types of experiences such as the problem of finding a suitable way to assert his identity in society, and experiences that constantly remind him of his peculiar situation, and

^The essential arguments concerning marginality, offered by the various authors cited here, are summarized in Appendix F, 10 4, As a person lAo exhibits the conseqxiences of these experi­

ences: an exaggerated self-consciousness and hypersensitivity about his id e n tity .

The individual may be defined as a marginal man at any one of

these stages. But oqge he is so defined, he should not be required to

qualify as a marginal man all over again according to a criterion of —

marginality asserted at another stage in the sequence of events, A major

characteristic of the literature is the failure to keep the criterion of

marginality on the chosen level of discussion, and to separate it clearly

from criteria which belong on other levels. In effect, for the sociol­

ogist, persons regarded as suitable candidates for marginality have had

to qualify simultaneously on more than one level of discussion.

The level of discussion on idii(± a particular writer has focused

his attention indicates where, in the sequence of events related to

marginality, he has sought to locate the substance of the concept. The

following discussion shows how various authors have tended to blur the

idea of marginality by ranging rather freely over the different types of

phenomena involved in their arguments,

Stonequist*s inclusive perspective on the marginal man maintained,

essentially, that "significant" bicultural eaqieriences or attachments

often produce marginal men, or individuals vho are iso lated from customary

forms of participation in society. Such persons find themselves on the

margin of legitimacy according to prevailing social definitions—a

condition idiich leads to certain kinds of experiences. The experiences in turn can be expected to have certain types of personal and social

consequences, the more dramatic of idiicdi include various forms of personal 11

and social maladjustment. The writers 160 followed Stonequist have

selectively emphasized one or another aspect of his work.

Some have focused attention on the marginal man*s social identity.

In this category, Hughes* marginal man is a social hybrid—a person idio

represents "a new and unexpected combination" of status characteristics.

So something about the combination is presttmably the basis for the

irregularity that defines the marginal condition. But he goes on to say

that the person ^o fits this description has certain types of experi­

ences. On the one hand, other people do not know how to respond to him

because the statuses are incompatible according to past definitions; and

on the other, the incumbent himself gets confused about his identity.

And the individual remains in a marginal position as long as both these

sources of uncertainty prevail. So Hughes adds to the combination of

statuses a set of irregular experiences idiich the occupant of such

statuses can be expected to have.

In this view, the marginal man not only occupies an irregular

combination of statuses (which is one level of discussion), but the impli­

cations of occupying these statuses are drawn in such a way as to maximize

the irregularity (stress) of his experiences (although the latter

constitute another level of concern).

Two other levels of discussion are indicated in Hughes* presenta­

tion—(l) the source of marginality and ( 2) the consequences of or adjust­ ments to marginality. The first he attributes to social change, and he deals with the second as ways to reduce the strain of marginality. In this latter connection, he offers a slightly different perspective on the status dilemma. His prescription for reducing the strain of marginality 12 is concerned primarily with one of the statuses—the one idth idiich the

individual "is most stubbornly identified by society." In other words*

one of üie statuses is related to marginality in a special way, something

which is not apparent in his earlier definition. In the case of the

woman-senator* the status woman would be the object of special concern.

Wardwell sees the chiropractor as the occupant of a marginal status since he is deemed inferior in the medical profession. He attributes this inferiority to the prevailing standards that apply to the complex of statuses* the medical profession* with which the status

chiropractor is normally integrated. Given the normatively prescribed inferiority of the status* he argues that the chiropractor experiences it as a strain. However* in order to transmit the strain of inferiority to the occupant of the status* Wardwell draws in a motive—the desire of the chiropractor to be accepted as a doctor* a motive lAich then becomes a built"d.n feature of the marginal status. So the cMropractor is a marginal man because he occupies a status idiibh is deemed inferior in the medical profession (of lAich it is a part)* and because he wants to be like any other doctor.

Goldberg* Green* and Kerekhoff and McCormick in sist that the essential locus of marginality is in the marginal man*s experiences. M l of them are concerned with the relationship between dual sources of identity and marginality. To examine this relationship* they define the problem as a matter of determining the category of persons who may be properly regarded as marginal men. M l of them reject the categories idiich they feel are usually associated with marginality and are based on 13 the Idea of conflicting social and/or cultural identifications, Qiey

argue that marginal men defined in this way do not all display the per­

so n ality t r a i t s th at mark the marginal man.

Goldberg's point is that the cultural hybrid is not a marginal man if his experiences are such that they cannot be construed as a source

of psychological stress. So he distinguishes the marginal man as a

cultural hybrid mho has the kind of experiences that will produce speci­

fied personality traits. The definition Goldberg is rejecting here—a

person idio liv e s on the borders of two cultures—is a description of a

person in the culture contact situation which, for Stonequist, was only

the source of marginality and not a definition of the marginal man.

(hreen goes further than Goldberg and argues that marginal person­

ality traits are induced by various combinations of personal commitment,

group identifications, cultural differences and social attitudes. So,

even using specified personality traits as the criterion, the term

"marginal man" would include a heterogeneous assortment of individuals

wdio would display these traits in varying degrees. In order to dismiss

the concept, however, because it refers to a heterogeneous category of

persons. Green creates heterogeneity by lifting categories of people out

of culture contact situations, culture conflict situations, situations

T&ioh involve rejection or exclusion, and situations that refer to the

consequences of exclusion. He lunps them together as marginal men in the

same sense, and then finds the substance of the term meaningless.

Kerekhoff and McCormick are much more careful in defining the

category of persons they would exclude from the designation "marginal men." They point out that the discussion of marginality needs to 14

separate two levels of concern: the marginal status and the marginal man.

However, the distinction between the two is not very clear. The marginal

status is a position in idiich the individual is encouraged to identify

with both the dominant and the subordinate groups. ^ choosing the link

with the dominant group he becomes a marginal man, because then he is much more likely to develop the personality traits associated with marginality.

The point of th is d istin ctio n would seem to be th a t formal

descriptions of the marginal man's situation are not to be confused with how he responds to it. What they seem to have overlooked is, that in

saying the marginal man is one who identifies with the dominant groiq),

they are really describing the force which encourages the occupant of the marginal status to identify with the dominant grotç, rather than a response to a situation lAich gives the individual a choice. For in stating the marginal man's problem, they say that he has internalized the norms of the dominant group from which he is excluded and is not prepared by his socialization to play the role assigned to him in society. But it would seem that "the forces which encourage (the occupant of the marginal status) to identify with." the dominant group are the forces of his so

role assigned to him in society.

Their main concern, however, is the marginal man*s experiences.

To describe these experiences, they redefine the marginal man as one lAo

is "not coiiqpletely recognized by others as being a legitimate member" of

the group whose norms he has in te rn a liz e d . Faced with the problem of

legitimacy, he e3q>eriences role-ambiguLty (an experience similar to

Hughes* 8tatus-dilemma), and "will suffer the effects of uncertainty,

ambivalence, and the fear of rejection or failure." These latter experi­

ences may be likely to produce "marginal" personality traits, but how they

are connected with the problem of legitimaqr is not apparent.

So Kerekhoff and McCormick seek to apply the marginal man label

only to those persons tho so respond to occupanqy of the marginal status,

that they can be expected to exhibit the symptoms of marginality. But

the response they select as the efficient agent of stress (identification

with the dominant society), is a defining feature of the marginal status

itself ; and its stress-producing capacity is derived from the other

defining feature—the link with the subordinate group. Failing to recog­

nize this, their description of the efficient source of marginal person­

ality traits becomes an inventory of stress-producing elements selected

from

1. characteristics of the marginal status (identification with

the dominant group,

2. the source of stress (the discrepancy between identification with the dominant group, and the dcmdnant society* s view of this identifi­

catio n ). 16 3* descriptions of the kind of experiences likely to be induced

by role-ambiguity, and

4. the in^ct on the individual, of the experiences projected

from the source of stress (the effects of uncertainty, ambivalence, and

the fear of rejection and failure,

B j requiring the marginal man to be an efficient candidate for a marginal personality, Goldberg, (hreen, and Kerekhoff and McCormick have

succeeded in obscuring the relationship between the marginal condition and personality. The approach itself involves a peculiar methodology,

since it accepts the condLusion (that certain personality traits are typically exhibited by persons lAo experience marginality), and then seeks to refine the idea of marginality to make it consistent with its presumed consequences. The effect of this inverted perspective is evident in the foregoing analyses :

1, The sociologists mentioned have tended to telescope the social and cultural levels of discussion (culture conflict, and the formal implications of occupying a marginal status), into an incoherent potentiality for personal stress,

2, They have summarily dismissed the original idea of marginality

(Wiich was concerned with the implications of "an existence on the borders of two cu ltu res"), in favor of phenomena associated with the margin of psychological comfort,

3, Consequently, they have adopted representations of the marginal condition which are designed to be efficient sources of imputed personality traits rather than rigorous characterizations of the idea of marginality. 17 4. And their descriptions of the marginal man*s experiences tnrn

out to be specifications of Üie kind of experiences marginal men ought to

have if they are to develop marginal personalities; rather than the kind

of experiences marginal men can be escpected to have in consequence of marginality.

In effect, these analyses succeed in making the marginal man

concept simultaneously, more rigorous and irrelevant,

Antonovsky presents both a theory of marginality and an empirical

study of responses to marginality.

His theory of marginality views the marginal man as a member of a marginal culture who, in a situation which allows him to internalize the

goals of both the marginal and non-^narginal cultures, internalizes the goals of both. He strives selectively, however, towards the goals of the non-marginal culture because, definition, the non-marginal culture represents greater power and rew ard-potential, But vhen the boundaries between the two cultures are hardened in time by discrimination on the part of members of the dominant, and by the fear of being charged with betrayal by members of his own, the marginal culture, he is blocked in the pursuit of his goals.

So, beginning with the culture contact situation, Antonovsky keeps selecting Arom the ensuing sequence of events those that finally lead him to the person wbo is kept from reaching his goals by both sides in the contact situation, Why this is a marginal situation is unclear, since it is essentially a prescription for frustration. 18

Apparently he recognizes this, for his empirical study presents the responses to marginality as different degrees of Jewishness enroute to assimilation (non-Jewishness).

The categories he uses to classify the responses range from the

Active Jewish, through the Ambivalent and Dual, to the Active General.

In these terms, the marginal man's problem would appear to be one of choice between two worlds rather than a situation in Wiich he is blocked by both worlds from reaching his goals in the non-Jewish world.

How all of this is related to marginality is probably indicated in the description of the Ambivalent response in tdiich the individual # finds his relationships with both worlds unsatisfactory. For Antonovsky, this is the person who expresses the classic attributes of marginality.

So the different degrees of commitment to Jewishness or the world beyond would represent greater sa tisfa c tio n with one world or the other.

By focusing his attention on adjustments to marginality,

Antonovsky has thrown out of focus the events which lead up to the individual's reaction. He initiates the definition of marginality in the culture contact situation itself by calling one of the cultures marginal.

He then proceeds to unravel a series of events lAich will induce stress.

ALL of these events constitute the marginal situation. PresumalxLy, then, behavior which can be construed as a response at any point in this extended situation is a response to marginality. So he encompasses all such responses in the broadest categories suggested by the contact situ­ ation by seeking to determine idiether the behaviors incline toward one culture or the other. But given the v ariety of phenomena involved, what a commitment of Jewishness means here is difficult to establish. Is it a 19 commitment to tra d itio n a l Jewish b e liefs and p ra c tic e s, a reaction to

value conflicts generated by the subordinate status of "Jewish ethnicity"

as a devalued cultural alternative, a strong sense of identification with

the Jewish m inority "community" quite apart from one's ethnic value

orientations, or a form of adjustment to the likelihood of being dis­

paraged as a Jew?

So although Antonovsky recognizes the inqportance of the status

ri-iiftwma in the discussion of marginality, he fashions its elements to

accommodate the diverse circumstance he includes under the lab e l of

marginality. The status dilemma he constructs may refer to such a

variety of situations that the equivalence of similar expressions of

Jewishness needs to be demonstrated more decisively. Moreover, this

version of the status dilemma burdens the discussion with a heterogeneous

assortm ent of phenomena without showing how they are sp e c ific a lly related

either to the concept of marginality, or to the consequences of the marginal condition.

Much of the apparent confusion and ambiguity about the concept

of marginality is resolved if it is recognized (1) that sociologists have dealt with the concept on different levels of analysis and (2) that on a given level of analysis, they have neglected to distinguish phenomena which belong on other levels of concern.^

2 A more complete description of the sociological discussion would include two other characteristics: (l) When sociologists have sought (implicitly or explicitly) to separate the levels of discussion, they have -tended to select as relevant on each level elements that are likely to induce stress; (2) By ignoring the distinction between the different levels iMch a question about marginality may be asked, sociologists have unwittingly used more than one definition of marginality in the same a r t i c l e . 20

If the sociological discussion of marginality is classified

according to the level of analysis emphasized each vriter, and if phenomena vhieh belong on other lev els are relocated on th e ir appropriate levels, the literature offers a basis for the folloiiing propositions

concerning marginality:

1. If the idea of marginality is defined by characteristics of the culture contact situation (as in Antonovsky*s notion of the marginal culture, or in the efforts to dezd.ve the marginal man*s behavior from culture conflict, or from the fact that he is a racial or cultural hybrid), then the implications of being a marginal man become almost as inclusive as phenomena that arise tdien people idio differ racially and/or ethnically m e e t ,3

2. If the idea of marginality is defined by characteristics of an experience such as status-inconsistenqr, role-ambiguity or value- conflict, then the marginal condition simply refers to the fact that the statuses, roles or values related to his behavior are on the margins of consistenqr, clarity or compatibility, respectively. So the term marginal man becomes a label for phenomena that have been identified already in more pointed terms. 3* If the idea of marginality is defined by personality charac­ teristics, the marginal man becomes a person lAose personality is on the margin of some stipulated condition of personality, A marginal condition stated in this way establishes a category of marginal men lAose social

3 This is how Berry defines the fie ld of Race R elations, Brewton Berry, Race R elations: The I nteraction «f Rthnin and Racial Rrouns (Boston: Houghton-Mifflin Cong)aiqr, 1951) > PP* 18-19, 2 1

situations otherwise are so varied that putting them all in the same

category becomes unim portant,^

4, If the marginal condition is seen as a way of describing the

individual's status in a group, then the definition of the marginal man

(l) identifies at the same time the elements that are immediately rele-

vant for describing his behavior, (2) distinguishes a more coherent class

of phenomena than is poured into the discussion hy using the relationship

between two cultures, or between other such elements in the culture con­

tact situation as the reference point, and (3) directs attention to

sociological phenomena rather than unwarranted psychological projections

of the impact of events on individuals.

In these terms, a sociological definition of marginality is the

most useful way of identifying a distinctive class of phenomena and at

the same time establishing an effectively homogeneous category of persons.

In the sociological literature, the group-related aspects of

marginality include two main elements. One of these is the notion that

the individual is committed to the culture of the group in which he is

deemed marginal, and the other points to the fact that he is not regarded

as a normal participant in that group. The emphasis on irregularity as

the essential substance of the marginal man has tended to obscure the

relevance of the first element—his normal commitment to the values and

norms of the group in which he is defined as a "marginal" participant.

Yet this commitment is basic and implicit in the literature.

4 See Berry's critique of the marginal man concept, ibid.. pp. 2 6 1 - 2 6 2 , 2 2

Hughes* «oman-senator becomes a "marginal man" «hen she joins the

senate. Wardwell* s chiropractor is considered a member of the medical

profession and it is there that he experiences marginality. Were he

uncommitted to the medical profession, the question of marginality would

not arise. Goldberg* s marginal man is a cultural hybrid who does not have a sub-culture to d iv e rt him from the fru s tra tio n of h is commitments in society at large. In Green, the stresses that arise and are sometimes softened flow from the individual*s desire to participate in the society that restrains him. gy converting a category into a group, Kerckhoff and McCormick write off the marginal man*s membership in the "offending" group, but they emphasize h is commitment to i t s values and norms of conduct. And finally, Antonovsky too points to the importance of the fact that the member of the marginal culture internalizes the goals of the non-marginal culture and gives them a higher priority than those of his "original" culture.

Yet notdiere in the discussion is there any reference to the nature of th is commitment or i t s relevance fo r understanding the marginal man. I t would seem as th o u ^ the marginal man i s prim arily interested in the psychological wounds inflicted on him, and that his interpretation of his experiences is devoid of cultural content. Per­ fectly legitimate motives for his behavior are available in the values and norms to lAich he subscribes. Some of these cultural interests may be such as to bring to the fore rather quickly the individual*s psychic sensitivities. But unless it is assumed that somehow the marginal man*s cu ltu ral commitments are also ille g itim a te or a r t i f i c i a l , they cannot be dismissed so readily. To derive his motives exclusively from an 23 abstract experience such as rejection requires that a culturally unpattemed meaning be available and given to the experience #. and that a predetermined absolute norm of response to it be known.

Besides, the strength of the marginal man's comnitment to the group that prescribes marginality is crucial to the concept. VS.thout it the stress of rejection or disparagement may be shrugged off rather lightly. Also, if the marginal man is not a member of the group (such as

American society) in a formal sense, then he is not marginal but a clearly defined outsider idio needs the proper credentials for admission. It is precisely because he is a member that he finds himself on the margin of acceptability.

Therefore, any definition of marginality needs to include both elements :

1, The individual's commitment to the norms and values of the group or society in idiich he is deemed marginal, and

2, The fact that he is defined as an irregular participant in that group.

The following definition is proposed here as a way of combining both these elements: The marginal man is a person lAo is differentiated as an outsider by the norms of a group to idiich he is formally committed by the role-obligations of membership. CHAPTER I I I

ANGLO-INDIANS IN THE CONTEXT OF MARGINALITY

The first part of this stiidy brought into perspective an essential

aspect of the concept of marginality Wiich has been virtually ignored in

the sociological literature—the marginal man's cultural commitment to

the social settings in lAibh he is deemed marginal. This part of the

study presents data to show how members of the Anglo-Indian Community are defining their interests as marginal men. It is concerned only with marginality and is in no sense an inclusive investigation of the larger problem of Anglo-Indian identity.

A review of the materials^ on the Anglo-Indian Community reveals the following data:

Anglo-Indians were socially and culturally a part of the Western community in India.

In the Western community, persons described as An^o-Indians ve.ve by that fact subject to discrimination, exclusion, ridicule and the like.

Anglo-Indians associated with each other in a number of ways that included only An&Lo-Indians.

^Appendix A contains a brief review of the sociological sources of information about the Community. For the most complete bibliography of materials on the An^o-Indians, see Doris Goodrich, "The Making of an Ethnic Group: The Eurasian Community in India" (unpublished Ph.D. dis­ sertation, University of California, Berkeley, .1952). 24 25 In their relationships with the non-Western natives of India*

Anglo-Indians were differentiated by their onltnral orientations and the statu s im plications of th e ir membership in the Western community*

These observations make it quite dear that three rather differ­

ent types of experience were involved in being an Anglo-Indian* As Lee puts it* "Let an intelligent Eurasian speak for his own dass: *To the

European we are half-caste* among ourselves we are no caste, and to the

Indian we are outcaste,*" In line with the analysis of marginality in this study, the distinction between these dements of the An^o-Indian

situation may be stated as follows:

In the framework of the European community* the designation

An^o-Indian brought with it the likelihood of disparagement on that account, even though the persons involved were ethnically undifferen­ tiated* Here Anglo-Indians were cast as marginal Europeans* faced with the recurring problem of "dealing with" the invidious implications of Anglo-Indian identity*

On the other hand* the relationships between Anglo-Indians and traditional Indians were inter-ethnic situations in which Anglo-Indians were favored by the dominance of Western influence in India. So in the context of traditional society in India* the designation Anglo-Indian indicated an ethnic distinctiveness buttressed by its historical advantage * whereas* in the Western community* identification as an

^Mary Helen Lee* "The Eurasian~A Social Problem" (unpublished Master’s thesis* University of Chicago* 1912), p. 10. 2 6

Anglo-Indian invited depreciation of the individual*s claims to

undifferentiated participation.

The Anglo-Indian experience also included a number of a c tiv itie s ,

interests, and forms of group life shared in common and often exclusively

by Anglo-Indians. Taken together, they may be described as an Anglo-

Indian sub-culture—a combination of e:g>eriences which had come to acquire

shared meanings for members of the Community. Various parts of this

sub-culture, such as affiliation with a particular school, often served

as focal points for group activity. Being an Anglo-Indian in this con­

text implied access to a variety of formal and informal associations

ïdiich were based on some aspect of the individual's experience shared in

common with other Anglo-Indians.

In these terms it may be stipulated that Indian Independence

produced the following changes in the social contexts which had defined

important aspects of Anglo-Indian identity in British India:

When the Western community in India was dissolved, the h is to ric a l

context in ^hich Anglo-Indians had experienced marginality was removed

from the Indian scene.

By the same token, the Community's cu ltu ral in te re s ts —defined by a basic commitment to Western institutions, were formally converted into a devalued cultural alternative. Furthermore, the material and moral resources provided by European and American interests to sustain

Western life in India were either cut off completely, or were available only under careful regulation and on a considerably reduced scale.

The An^o-Indian sub-culture was separated from the cultural matrix in idiich it whs bom and sustained. Moreover, it was unlikely 27 that the shared experiences -which had fostered certain customary patterns

of association among An^o-Indians would continue.

So a study of -the inclusive problem of An^o-Indian identity

today would require answers to the following ques-tions concerning the

three dimensions of e:q)erience differentiated above:

1. In the context of their cultural identification with the peoples and institutions of Western societies (which is the context of marginality), how are Anglo-Indians defining and asserting their commit­ ments to the Western way of life?

2. In the context of their relationships wi-th the peoples and institutions of India the problem revolves around the cultural patterns officially identified with Western societies. The question is compli­ cated by the fact that informally, and separated from their moorings in the Wes^rn world, maiy of these social and cultural traits are favored in the emerging framework of society in India. So Anglo-Indians find themselves in a situation in idiich an assertion of their cultural orienta-tions and iden-tifications is simul-taneously a source of advantage and of penalty. In this context, the study would explore the ways in which Anglo-Indians are defining and responding to the divergent implica­ tions of their ethnicity in India,^

3. In the context of their associations with other Anglo-

Indians in India, the focus is on the emerging characteristics of the

3 The indications are that the problem of Anglo-Indian identity in India has shifted its focus from the dilemmas of marginality to the implications of Anglo-Indian ethnicity. See Appendix A for an elaboration of this point. 28

An^o-Indian sub-culture. In this connection, the relevant questions may be stated as follows;

Since the An^o-Indian sub-culture (idiich formed the basis for a

variety of formal and informal associations between Anglo-Indians) is iso lated from the cu ltu ral framework from which i t was derived and of idiich it was a part, (1) are the bonds of associations being dissolved,

(2) is the European sub-culture being converted into an Indian sub­ culture, (3) is the sub-culture taking on aspects of a cultural alterna­ tive in Indian society, or (4) is the sub-culture assuming the mold of a

Western ethnic community?

Although an inclusive study of the Community would call for an investigation of all the areas outlined above, the present study is focused on the question of Anglo-Indian marginality. As such, it is concerned primarily with those social contexts in which Anglo-Indians were seen as marginal Europeans or Westerners. And in line with the revised concept of marginality, the emphasis is placed on behavior idiidh reveals the value-interests An^o-Indians have acquired as marginal participants in the European Community in British India.

Anglo-Indian Cgpiffjtmigpt,. Although the European community was "dismantled" after Indian

Independence, the data show quite clearly that An^o-Indians are firmly committed to the Western way of life .

The dommitment to Anglo-Indian education In The Review, the discussion of Anglo-Indian education provides a particularly significant cluster of events that have a well-defined and 29 often explicit relationship to the Gommnnity* s marginal circumstance.

Moreover, the question draws attention to the Association* s most absorb­ ing commitment, and the perceived stake in education has produced the most vigorous and successful application of Anglo-Indian effort in the

Independent society.

The importance given to this area of concern is aptly stated in

Mr. Anthony*s words: "Education, the protection of our educational interests, has been a paramount preocciq>ation of the Association. Being a linguistic and cultural minority, the Community's existence is co-terminous with its education and with its culture."^ The strength of this commitment is revealed in a remarkable record of accomplishment and e ffo rt.^

These achievements are the highli^ts of an ongoing effort to deal with a problem iddch confronted the Community Wien the colonial establishment was dissolved. In this context, the Association's .activity on behalf of Anglo-Indian education represents a type of interest which was not perceived to be anyWiere as marked in British India as it is today. So the educational goals of the Association, and the efforts to reach them provide some indication of Anglo-Indian interests in the colonial society. The bulk of the effort today constitutes a two-pronged

From Mr. Anthony's presidential address at the 1957 Annual General Meeting of the All India Anglo-Indian Association, as reported in The Review. January, 1958, p. 14, Edited and pulûished by Frank Anthony, Esq., M. P., B. A., Barzdster-at-Law for the All-India Anglo-Indian Association, Bombay Life Building, Connaught Circus, New Delhi, India. 5 ^See the section om the Association's efforts on behalf of Anglo- Indian education in Appendix C. 30 drive to establish the right of Anglo-Indians to attend, without penalty,

schools based on their own language and oultnre, and to develop a school

system idiich will nourish and express the An^o-Indian way of life. These

objectives point to the condnsion that the Community*s educational inter­

ests were essentially secure in the "normal" institutional framework of

Western society in British India,

Other references to the problem of An^o-Indian education show a

similar awareness that the Community*s basic interests are no longer inherent in the "normal" framework of society today.

In reviewing the status of An^o-Indian schools in his official addresses to the Association, Mr, Anthony points out that the system of

An^o-Indian and European schools ^diich was established in British India cannot be counted on as a dependable vehicle for the education of the

Community, Of the approximately 300 schools tech n ically described as

An^o-Indian today, the majority were founded by Western Christian

Religious organisations for a purpose other than the specific needs of the Community, Hence he observes that despite their substantial contri­ bution to the education of Anglo-Indians, ", , , in the final analysis there is no guarantee that they will continue either to provide for the

Community or even to teach through the medium of English , , , that if pressures are put on these institutions, they will not, for one reason or other, change their character and their medium. , , , that they will even be permitted to teach through the medium of En^sh,"^ He notes

^From Mr, Anthony* s p resid en tia l address a t the 1957 Annual General Meeting of the All India Anglo-Indian Association, p, 15, 31 too that even the few schools that may be described as trusts for the

Community (th a t i s , "founded sp e c ific a lly by and/or fo r the Community"),

do not constitute a guarantee since several of them have already been

"diverted from their original trust purpose."

The proceedings at business meetings of the national convention

reveal some of the specific ways in which Anglo-Indians are defining and

responding to the changed status of An^o-Indian education.^

The discussion shows quite dLearly that Indian Independence has

brought into focus two major problems ^Aich were relatively unimportant

in the colonial pattern of society. The first of these may be described

as the problem of institutional support for the C@nmunity*s cultural

interests. In its api^JLcation to education, the problem was defined by

the status of the system of schools which had provided for the education of Anglo-Indians in British India.

The problem itself was seen to have two aspects. During the

discussion, a controversy arose over the primary purpose of these schools.

Opinions varied from the position that the religious motive was dominant,

to the view that a commitment to teach in English was an essential part of their function. In a clarifying statement, the chairman recalled a

conference of representatives from various church groups held in Lucknow in 19j4, idiich he had attended with a fellow-delegate, the Anglo-Indian

state assemblyman from Uttar Pradesh. At that meeting, the Roman Catholic

7 See the section in Appendix C lAich outlines the discussions on education at the proceedings of the national conventions of the All India Anglo-Indian Association. 32 authorities had made it clear that they felt no obligation to continue teaching throu^ the medium of En^Ash. The other major group, the

Anglicans, had shovn someiAat greater syngwithy toward the trust concept.&

So a distinction was indicated here between Western institutions com­ mitted to a special objective, and those seeking to sustain Western education in a more inclusive sense.

The latter objective was associated with schools considered to be Anglo-Indian trusts. In British India these institutions had been administered predominantly by the various Protestant denominations, especially the Andean Church. It was generally held the delegates that in the Independent society, such schools properly belonged to the

Community, if not through a legal transfer of title, then at least as a trust committed to the Community* s welfare. The moral obligation was seen to inhere in the fact that in many instances, the schools were established quite explicitly for Anglo-Indians; that members of the

Community had contributed a great deal to their development and support ; that their essential characteristics had been molded by and for the special needs and interests of the Community; and that the commitment to

Anglo-Indian welfare was explicitly stated in the terms by which many "of the schools were receiving fin an cial assistance from the Government.

In addition to stipulating the trust character of these schools, the discussions included a number of observations ihich showed how this educational facility was being diverted from its trust purposes. The

Û The Review. November-December, I 96I, p. 25* This information was included in the report of the proceedings at the I 96I annual meeting of the All India An^o-Indian Association. 33 most obvious concern vas the tendenqr in several schools to exclude or

discourage the enrollment of An^o-Indian children.^

Apart from these particular considerations, there appeared to be

a consensus that the schools mere experiencing pressures to rationalize

their obligations to the Community, and that some of them had become

commercial ventures.

Proposals for official action to deal with problems of this sort

brought to light another major source of concern; namely, the adminis­

tr a tio n of the tr u s t schools. When the European community mithdrew from

India, most of these schools were integrated with the structure of the

Indian Christian churches. In effect, the Community*s educational

facilities were now under the authority of local bishops whose primary responsibility lay with the predominantly non-Anglo-Indian members of their respective dioceses. Thus the schools were subject to varied interpretations of "the An^o-Indian trust," and already some of them had been ceded to Government for use as public schools, while others stood in danger of losing much of their Anglo-Indian character.

Closely related to the structural alienation of the schools was the feeling that the educational experience itself was being de-Anglo-

Indianized. In addition to the enqpdiasis on technical competence and contractual relations associated with commercialization, the hiring of non-Anglo-Indian teachers drew some comment. This was cause for concern particularly at the senior levels of instruction which represented important sources of leadership and recruitment for administration. The

^See the section on restrictive practices in the trust schools in Appendix C. 34

practice vas attributed to the dearth of An^o-Indian teachers vho

fulfilled the new standards of post-graduate training, as well as the

drain to the non-An^o-Iixiian English medium schools. The non^An^o-

Indian teacher was considered deficient in his commitment to Anglo-Indian

children, and in his knowledge and understanding of the Community* s

cultural interests.

Not all the schools were seen to have been diverted from their

trust purposes. Several delegates cited more favorable situations and practices, and a three-fold classification was offered as a way of dis­

tinguishing them: schools dedicated to the education of Anglo-Indian

children, schools that had retained a nominal commitment to the Community

"to keep up appearances," and schools that exclude Anglo-Indians.

Schools perceived to have relinquished their obligation to the Community were also described as "renegade An^o-Indian schools."

So, as far as the facility idiich had provided for Anglo-Indian education in British India was concerned, it was the sense of the dele­ gates that, in the context of the new national society, agents of Western influence in India could not be counted on as dependable sources of support for Anglo-Indian interests; and under the administration of de-Westernized agents of Western influence, the Community* s interests were vulnerable to commercialization, negotiation, and misrepresentation.

In effect, the delegates were saying that the Community* s interests were no longer implicit in the normal operation of the trust schools.

In order to implement the objectives of Anglo-Indian education, the Association is convinced that only schools run by Anglo-Indians and administered freely by an Anglo-Indian agency can properly serve the 35 Commxuiity*s needs. This view has been translated into the Schools Scheme

initiated in 1956 to provide an effective institutional basis for An^o-

Indian education. It is implicit in this scheme that the Association's

effort must be coordinated with idiatever resources are available in the

larger society. So in the first schools that have been established,

while the functions of administration and teaching are controlled by the

Association, the student body is largely non-An^o-Indian. Built into

the operation of the schools, however, is the provision of massive

scholarship aid to Anglo-Indian children throughout the country to puruse

their education in the trust schools. It is also envisaged that similar

schools will be founded across the land, and plans are already afoot to build a third school in Delhi. The state of the Schools Scheme is a regular feature in the pages of The Review and in the deliberations at the national meetings, and it shows wide and active support from the Associ­ ation* s sixty^odd branches.

In this context, the trust schools as a system seem to have been relegated to the status of secondary Anglo-Indian institutions. This is evident in the various proposals to keep them in line with the thoughts, aspirations, and needs of the Community. An interesting incident in this connection was induced by a suggestion that Mr. Anthony be delegated to enlist the good offices of the Archbishop of Canterbury to secure representation for An^o-Indians on the governing boards of tiie trust schools. The idea was immediately rejected by several highly respected members who observed among other things that the British dignitary did not have a recognized status in the Indian Church. Moreover, the chairman 36 noted that except in stray instances, the experience of Anglo-Indians did

not inspire confidence in the comnitment of Europeans to help the

Commnnity.

The proposals to incorporate the trust schools in the Associa­

tion* s design for Anglo-Indian education show a two-fold purpose :

1. To make explicit the terms of the trust obligation of the

schools, and

2, To establish ways and means of ensuring adherence to these

terms.

The nature of the trust obligation had been discussed in other years but

the m atter came to a head a t the 1962 meeting, and the 1963 assembly

adopted a formal definition of an An^o-Indian school, as follows:

Anglo-Indian schools are those that are teaching through the medium of English—the mother tongue of the Anglo-Indian Community—which were formerly governed by a separate Code, and which follow the syllabus and curriculum with their sec­ tions, Primary, Middle and Secondary as one single unit lead­ ing up ordinarily to the Indian School C ertificate Examina­ tion conducted by the Council for the Indian School Certificate Examination, New Delhi, in co-operation with the Cambridge Syndicate and are under an obligation ordinarily to admit An^o-Indian pupils who are willing to pay full fees up to 50jb of the Annual admissions and to provide freeships or part-freeships to Anglo-Indian pupils numbering not less than 556 of the total enrolment of the school,

This statement embodies the view that the trust schools as a whole are

formally committed only to the form of Western education; th a t th e ir interests encroach on the prerogatives of the Anglo-Indian Community;

that they should maintain a structure and standards approved by the

^*^The Review. Proceedings a t the I 963 Annual General Meeting, December-January, 1964, pp, 32-33. 37 Community; and that they are charged with a clearly defined minimum obli­

gation to provide for the education of Anglo-Indians.

Proposals to isolement the terms of the trust show an awareness

that there is really no effective way to enforce their fulfillment. The

incident dted above called attention to the fact that mediation by

persons from Western societies is neither discreet, nor is it likely to

be forthcoming. Appeals to Government were indicated only in lim ited

contexts, such as cases of willful exclusion of An^o-Indians or in requiring'the schools to keep a record of their services to Anglo-Indian

children. I t was f e l t th a t more in d n siv e use of Government assistance was likely to backfire in tighter controls and loss of facilities on technical grounds. More effective representation of Anglo-Indian inter­ est at various levels of the administrative structure was sought in proposals to fd.ace particular questions before Conferences of the Heads of Schools, the Inter-State Board for Anglo-Indian Education, the Senate of the Church of South India and individual bishops. In one proposal,

State Councils of the Anglo-Indian Association in cooperation with branch organizations were urged to play a watchdog role in protecting and assert­ ing the Community's interests in schools in their respective areas.

It is apparent, however, that the sources of support for Ando-

Indian education are scattered, and that the Association is seeking to mold the fragments into a coherent framework idiick will serve the needs of the Community.

The second problem that has emerged in independent India is evident in the Association’s efforts to expand the Community’s formal obligations to i t s members, and to encourage a more d iv ersified 38 participation in society. It is an attempt to adapt the basic cultural

interests of the Community to the emerging patterns of life in the new

national society,^

So. in the post-Independence period, the All India An^o-Indian

A ssociation has given top p rio rity to the Community's educational needs.

This is indicated in (a) the presidential addresses at the Association's national meetings, (b) the deliberations of the delegates at the national meetings, (c) the readiness of the Association to act formally and vigorously to p ro tect the Community's in te re s ts in education, as evidenced in the various court actions, and ceaseless "lobbying" before government officials, (d) the watchdog role adopted in regard to the trust sdiools,

(e) the ambitious "Schools Scheme." (f) the activity of the branch organ­ izations on behalf of Anglo-Indian children living in their respective areas, (g) the establishment of an All India examination to standardize and maintain the high level, and ensure the continuation of An^o-Indian education, and (h) the expansion of the Community's h is to ric a l educa­ tional responsibility to include higher education, teacher education and vocational training.

The Association has assumed formal responsibility for Anglo-

Indian education on the following grounds:

1. The future of the Community as "a cultural and linguistic minority" depends on access to the kind of education that was available to Anglo-Indians in British India in the system of European schools.

^ S e e Appendix C fo r d e ta ils on the discussion of the Community's expanded commitments to education. 39

2. Although most of these schools are still conducting an

education in the English medium, the system has been alienated from the

Community’s educational needs and interests by

a, "Indianization" of their administrative structures,

b, the growing incidence of non-An^o-Indian teachers at

the higher levels, and

c, commercialization of the commitment to Western

education.

3. Western resources in India cannot be counted on to promote

Western culture openly and on a continuing basis.

4. ••Western" education provided by other agencies (such as government) are only technically available to the Community.

5. An Anglo-Indian education can only be provided in India by a system rooted in the Anglo-Indian way of life, independently supported and administered by Anglo-Indians, and staffed largely by Anglo-Indian teachers.

6. The Community’s stake in education has expanded beyond the type and amount th a t prevailed in B ritish India.

This definition of the Community’s educational needs shows that

Anglo-Indian interests were implicit and essentially secure in the frame­ work of European education in British India. However, the fact that this school system was turned over to non-Anglo-Indians after Independence offers a significant insight into the status of Anglo-Indians in the

Colonial society. 40

While the participation of Anglo-]hdians in the schools was accepted as normal (many of the schools were founded specifically for

An^o-Indians), Anglo-Indian claims on the school system, apart from th e ir membership in th e European community, appear to have been invalid. In other words, separated from other Western people, the

Anglo-Indians were no longer viewed as an obligation of Western society.

Yet the force of the Community* s commitment to Western culture can scarcely be denied. The Association is bent on mustering every avail­ able resource to keep alive a pocket of Western culture in an *alien" and sometimes hostile environment. How far i t will succeed and what the new accommodation of Western culture w ill be to the demands of the changing society in India is an intriguing question. But what is more pertinent here is the fact that in no sense can the Community* s problems and interests as a marginal people be understood without taking into account the vigor of the commitment of Anglo-Indians to the Western way of l i f e .

Orientations to Western society

Apart from the issue which covered the 1956 convention. The

Review data constitute a fairly continuous record of the All India

An^o-Indian Association*s affairs from I 96I through I 963 inclusively.

The questionnaire responses were gathered during the same period and they lend considerable support to the view of An^o-Indian 41

commitment as it is revealed in the discussion of education presented

above. More than that, these data contain some significant indications

of the ways in tddch participation in Western society comes to have

varied meanings fo r members of the Community.

That Anglo-Indians are still actively and personally bound to the

Western world is abundantly dear.

Since 1945, at least ten of the correspondents had spent some

time in England and/or the United States. Two of them had emigrated

to England during the "fifties" but had subsequently returned to India.

The one had achieved literary distinction through publication of a novel

during a three-year stay abroad. He was drawn back by his ties to

family and friends. The other had been away from India for about ten

years but had returned to accept a position lAich seemed to be highly

compatible with his career interests.

Two persons had availed themselves of vacations in England

facilitated by the terms of their employment. One is now in voluntary

retirement in India and the other (it was learned recently) has

emigrated to the United Kingdom. A third informant had been sent to

En^and by his firm on a two-month training assignment.

Three persons had come to the United States to further their

education. Two of them, a married couple, had returned to India on 42

connoting their studies. The third traveler to the United States

completed a graduate degree, married an American citizen, and is now resident in 1±is country.

Two other persons referred to their personal experiences in the

United Kingdom without specifying the occasions for their visits abroad.

The following question was included in the inventory of personal data: Where would you like to live if you were free to move? Of the sixteen persons responding, one indicated "no place in particular, at home anyidiere. Would like to have the community nearby, " and another—

"not at present." The other fourteen persons expressed a definite preference, eleven listing one or more Western countries. Five of these eleven persons were satisfied with their present circumstance. The number of times each country was chosen is given below:

IM ted Kingdom .... 9 United States ..... 3 Canada ...... 2 New Zealand ...... 2 A ustralia ...... 1

The respondents generally seemed to be in rather close contact with Anglo-Indian emigrants, the bulk of whom were living in the Western 43

countries of the British Commonwealth, dhis was indicated in several ways:

Twenty-six persons were aware of substantial An^o-Indian settlement (involving fifty or more individuals) in one or more English- speaking Western countries. Nineteen of these named specific regions, cities or towns in En^and, Australia or New Zealand in idiich Anglo-

Indians were living today. At least twenty-four informants or members of their immediate families were in direct correspondence with emigrants to these countries. Data on the frequency of such correspondence were not available. Seven persons identified their correspondents as rela­ tives, and five of these were included among the eight who said they were in contact with friends. Eight persons had correspondents in more than one country.

Eighteen persons offered some specific item of information about the experiences, attitudes, and circumstances of Anglo-Indians living outside India.

Several items on the questionnaire gave the respondents an opportunity to use "Western Society" as a reference point in their responses.12 The responses were given in four contexts which were

12 Two images of Western society are involved in this discussion: the European community in British India, and conteioporary Western society. The latter refers primarily to the Western countries of the British Commonwealth—the United Kingdom, A ustralia, New Zealand, and Canada. Some respondents included the %ited States in this category. 44

differentiated on the questionnaire. (See items III, IV, and V in

Appendix D.)

The references to Western society provide an unusual perspective

on the imÿLications of marginality. An essential element in the various perceptions of Anglo-Indian interest, both before Independence and after, was a well-defined awareness that in fundamental respects the Anglo-

Indian experience in the framework of Western institutions was non­ problematic—a striking departure from the problem-laden view of marginality.

Descriptions of the colonial experience.—Descriptions of life in

British India typically mentioned the protection and priorities by which

Anglo-Indians were afforded access to "suitable" education and employment.

Some referred to this circumstance as a kind of dependent kinship with the British "godfather," "foster father," or "paternal regime." Others pointed to particular sources of security such as the ease of employment,

"the chance to prove our mettle" in the absence of high educational qualification (especially in competition with Indians), high standards of commitment to duty, discipline, efficiency and moral Christian purpose, and a general climate which fostered confidence in the administration.

More frequently, the pre-Independence situation was recalled indirectly by noting the decline today in the quality and availability of certain 45

types of experiences such as informai associations based on personal ties

and shared interests, "the British sense of justice and fair play,"

relig io u s and recreatio n al opportunities, employment secu rity and impersonal standards of public morality. In addition to broad compari­

sons of this sort, several persons observed that the Community's "normal" interests had become insecure in the new national society. Mentioned in this connection were the uncertain future of the English language, shrinking access to the economic and educational resources needed to

"maintain cultural standards," and a growing unwillingness to admit as a basis for special consideration the Anglo-Indian tradition of public service in certain areas of governmental activity.

The most interesting feature of these responses, however, is the fact that they do not idealize the period of Western domination.

In substance, they refer almost exclusively to features of society idiich ensured the minimum conditions necessary to maintain any semblance of the Western way of life. Moreover, the various elements of security were not dted in simple statements of preference for "the old days," or in depredation of the Independent sodety. On the contrary, they were spelled out in fairly spedfic terms, in relation to particular aspects of the Anglo-Indian situation, and often in recognition of their

"unfortunate consequences for the Community, In this connection, the implications of Western domination were differentiated in a number of ways.

One type of response focused attention on certain general standards of conduct such as the emphases on individual m erit and 46

adiievement, efficiency, responsible and courteous treatment of the pub­

lic, and respect for law and orderly procedure. This point of reference

was used to describe various aspects of the Anglo-Indian circumstance in

India today. The deterioration of these standards was associated with

personal and/or diffuse anxiety felt by members of the community, the

"mass exodus" to Western countries, and limitations of motive in job performance and social participation in general. Some persons noted the particular significance of these impersonal standards for members of the

community, in the absence of effective group support and influence, and one correspondent was pleasantly surprised ly the signs of progress in the Independent society.

Another type of response expressed the feeling of being at home, and of support for the personal and social interests of An^o-Indians provided by access to Western peoples and institutions. This sense of identification and security was indicated in references to changes in the personnel and climate of certain contexts of experience that were intimately bound up with the life of the Community in British India. Of particular concern were the Indianization or de-Westernization of Christian churches, An^o-Indian schools, and social events that fostered personal j^endships and marital bonds.

A third type of response referred to the limitations of the colonial experience. Although the facts of security were readily admitted, i t was frequently observed that the period of Western domination had served to mold the Community according to minimum specifications of interest and performance. This type of qualification was inserted quite 4?

ençhatieally In references to the employment security enjoyed in British

India.

In most instances, the correspondents excluded thanselves from

the application of this advantage, and related it to the circumstance of

Anglo-Indians in general.

It was generally acknowledged that the Community* s way of life in

India was sustained by p a rticu lar types and lev els of employment, and that the colonial society had endorsed these occupational interests.

Most of these observations related the protections enjoyed in this regard to conditions of dependence created by the Community*s specialized role in British India. Prominently mentioned in this context were the dwindling prospects for Anglo-Indians without formal educational or technical qualifications, devaluation of the historical commitment of An^o-Indians to specific areas of employment, and the decline of Western standards of cooqpetence and performance. (The latter was indicated in references to the Indian language requirement as a condition of enqJ.qyment or advance­ ment, the problem of understanding the Indian superior, and of putting up with inferior standards of performance.)

The responses included a variety of critical comment concerning the nature and the effects of British subsidy in the field of employment.

Such comments were addressed to the very same features that had been defined as sources of security; namely, the ease of em{d.oyment, the protection of paternalism, and access to reserved jobs. The focus of concern was the low level of aspiration prescribed by these safeguards, and their psychological impact on the Community. Sane persons emphasized the fact that the Community* s potential had been restrained by the 48

h is to ric a l p attern of protected employment in subordinate p o sitio n s. In

this connection it was noted that the lure of particularistic advantage

had diverted An^o-Indians from educational achievement» high aspiration,

noteworthy incentive, initiative, and diversified con^tence. In other

instances, the personal and social characteristics idiich had developed in

the pre-Independence framework were seen to be a major source of diffi­

culty in the Independent society. The respondents did not all agree on

the nature of the problem presented in this context. For some of them

the source of concern was the changed society which did not appreciate

the Community's historical rd e nor grant the légitimaqr of its special

interests. For others, the situation called for re-orientation to a

circumstance which was not inherently inimical to Anglo-Indian interests,

and still others merely indicated an awareness of the several dimensions

of the problem. The point is, however, that all of them associated the

security of the colonial experience with a historically specific and

lim ited p a tte rn of vocational commitment.

Another type of comment contrasted the ease of emi^oyment in

British India with the greater opportunities for diversified and high

occupational achievement today. An interesting version of this perspec­

tive called attention to the challenge of cultural diversity presented by

de-Westernization in the An^o-Indian school and the church congregation.

Contemporary Western society.—In their assessments of contemporary

Western society, the respondents showed a similar awareness of its promise

of basic security. This feature of experience was cited in various ways—

as a motive in migration, in descriptions of the experiences of 49 Anglo-Indian emigrants, and generally, as a favorable condition of life

in Western countries. The elements of security were defined by

1. the guarantee of conditions "idiioh facilitate a decent

standard of liv in g , " Mentioned in th is connection were ready emj^oyment,

minimum wages, medical facilities, particularly the health plan in the

IMted Kingdom, "the prospect of working *til disabled and then being looked after with pensions etc. . . . ," opportunities for women, and public welfare ; and

2. the normal prevalence of conditions which favor the com­ munity’s social interests and cultural commitments, such as the absence

of "casteism or corruption and nepotism on the scale that is ruining our

country," the nonexistence of the language problem as a limitation to opportunity, facilities for "the purchase of essential and luxury com­ modities on the installment system," "the organization and lack of dis­

crimination in maiqr things apart from the general cleanliness that cannot helped be noticed," "the cultural life and opportunities afforded for travel abroad," the quality of entertainment, "opportunities for n i^ t school for the ambitious," a life lAich "meant continuing in the British tradition—the only aspect of life to which the An^o-Indian is wedded," and better opportunities for one’s children.

The sense of personal identification and involvement associated with Western institutions in British India was not evident in the response. Apart from the feeling of cultural invigoration sponsored by the conditions cited above, there were reports of personal satisfaction from emigrants: "Some of my very close friends write and say they wouldn’t change the U. £. for any other country"; "Most (emigrants) in 50 England claim to be vexy happy there”; "• • • But at least two of ly

wife*s friends consider Britain ”God*s own Country" and wish they had

settled there sooner"; "In New Zealand the Anglo-Indians are very well

appreciated and liked and are the happiest"* and "I have gone out of my I way to make enquiries about migrated An^o-Indians, and there does not

seem to be a sin^e mother* s son or daughter idio regrets the decision to

migrate." The only specific indications of intimate personal experience

were some references to marriages between An^o-Indians and the natives,

and contacts with other emigrant members of the Community.

Here, too, however, the sense of security and cultural "at home­

ness" was not asserted as an uncritical endorsement of life in contem­

porary Western society. Most of the informants indicated some aware­ ness of its limitations.

In some instances, the object of concern was the behavior of

An^o-Indian emigrants:

. . . Some like to cling, some like to forget their origin and try and avoid fellow Anglo-Indians. Some even hide the fact they come from India—God knows idiy? We are a funny peopleI

Generally, Anglo-Indians abroad try to keep together for fear of discrimination by the local people. Those with fair skins and of European appearance, however, are inclined to identify themselves with the British, and avoid revealing their Anglo- Indian background.

Yes [concerning contact between An^o-Indians abroad]. . . . But many have identified themselves with the natives! ! I—i.e . in England, U.S.A., A ustralia, Canada.

M|y experience has been that they shun one another. In point of fact, I believe they fear the ingOd.cation of meeting or acknowledging one another. The community in the small circle of the family is running away from anything that sug­ gests a hub in h eritag e. In other instances, the problem of dis crimination was viewed as a feature of certain Western societies; thus,

[in] Australia*—‘for entry# But once admitted [An^o-Indians] have been treated well, and given a good deal#- Most Anglo- Indians I think have settled in the U# E# I do not know of the numbers# The f a ir e r ones have gone to A ustralia# From what reports I receive most Anglo-Indians seem to have been given a square deal in the U# K. A few however have written there has been discrimination, but probably they would say this of any country#

Other references to Australia included the following ccmments :

Unless you are really British in appearance, it is difficult to progress in Australia#

Australia [cited as a place lAere An^o-Indians have experi­ enced the greatest hardships ]—owing to the colour bar and the general attitude towards India#

Some _____ friends and acquaintances migrated to Perth and Melbourne and are hapRr there# They have persuaded fair Anglo-Indians here to join them#

As far as I know Australia appears to have provided the great­ e s t hardships fo r A n^o-Indians idio have emigrated or lAo wished to do so#

One correspondent questioned the importance of discrimination in

En^and after relating the circumstance of

Mrs# _____ , an A n^o-Indian lady, widow of a Railway man, a l l of whose . - d a u ^ te rs are now in the U#K#, 3 of them happily married to young Britons# *s husband is an Anglo-Indian, Both these young people resigned good jobs in and got "better ones" in the U#K# The two youngest girls, who are looking after their babies, are cultured and educated girls, tdiose English husbands consider them an acquisition# Their eldest sister - married a British serviceman, in 1946, in India, and went home with him# This started the bridgehead# When all her children had migrated, Mrs# left _____ , by air, about 2 years ago# You notice her sentiments in regard to India# She would be glad to be able to be of service in a land of vdiich she has much experience, but her children in the U#K# are the counter-attraction# All the girls are pigmented and Frank Anthony [President of the All India An^o- Indian Association] says there is a colour bar in the U#E#, but you would not suspect if from what has just been written by Mrs# _____ # 52 Another observed, in citing various advantages of life in

En^and, that "against this, the An^o-Indian has to face prejudice in some places like Birmingham idiere the colour problem is acute"; idiile still a third remarked, "You have probably been reading [in] the English newspapers of discrimination against people from overseas, but the exodus

[of Anglo-Indians] is not abated yet,"

The impact of this concern is revealed in the poignant musings of one correspondent:

But what if enjoyment the other side is going to be diffi­ cult if not nigh impossible. Is it worth leaving substance in a country idiere we are treated as first-class citizens and even looked up to, to go to a strange place where we may be looked down on? One receives so many conflicting reports that it*s very troubling. "When are you leaving" is the common question idien two Anglo-Indians meet.

A striking feature of the response was the awareness of important differences between India and Western societies, in the styles of life they sustain. Some pointed to the demanding routines of daily existence, and their implications for other aspects of life. Writing of the advan­ tages and disadvantages of New Zealand and England, one person observed:

One has so much to do—housework and one’s job—that one lives a rather self-centered life with little time to think of others and meet in the happy "socials" that one enjoys in India. One hasn’t the time even to attend good pictures, I gather, the way we can in India.

The notion of an attenuated existence was a recurrent theme in observations about Western society:

There is not much time for social visits in En^and and Anglo-Indians come together usually only at Christmas to celebrate in the manner they are accustomed to and with old frie n d s. 53 • • • and the continuous drudgery of housework gets even the young people down. . • . There is no shame in taking up any kind of work but people soon learn how l i t t l e one gets for one's money, and you must work to get it. The life is hard, and speaking from my knowledge, I am sure—and my opinion has been confirmed—that many people would like to return but have not the means to do so.

Nursing is hard work there, [and] They [emigrant colleagues] have found life hard in En^and, Australia and New Zealand in con^parison with India, but have now got used to that kind of l i f e .

[Regarding informal association among emigrants]. No—unless they are; family members, the time they fin ish work and household chores they are too tired to see anyone,

, , , Some have come back [to India], for reasons of health or because they could not face the drastic change in living con­ ditions abroad. Those with grit have settled down happily; and perhaps they are doing better abroad than they would have done had they remained in India, , , ,

In other instances, it was noted that the various amenities in modern Western countries were promises of advantage modified in fact by the h i^ cost of living, and the availability of comparable and/or off­ setting conditions in India, The following observations were interspersed among other responses:

The emigrants are main]^ railway people or industrial workers, who e a sily find employment on sa la rie s th at are much higher on their face value. , , , In New Zealand though jobs are pro­ cured and salaries covetable, letters say that cost of living is very high, , , , But living in India has its advantages too. If one cannot so easily procure friges, cars etc, communication (by bus, railway etc.) is I gather much more expensive in Eng­ land and New Zealand, I know shoes and clothes are much cheaper in India, And tailoring expensive as it might seem in is ten times more so in New Zealand and England. And Indian products are, indeed, improving in quality.

The Disadvantages [of life in Western countries] are for the older generation idxo cannot fit in to a life where there are no Cooks, Bearers, Dhobis and Sweepers,

I do not correspond with many An^o-Indians abroad. But from what I have heard, quite a number of them would ^ a d ly retu rn to 54

the country of their birth and infant nurture, because India is s till the cheapest and most comfortable country in idiich to liv e .

In reply to the question concerning hardships faced by emi­ grants: The question seems to apply more to individual cases—difficult to generalize. . . . Most An^o-Indians in England claim to be very happy there. . . . They piss their servants but have adjusted wonderfully in most cases. The Dhobi [Washerman] is mourned very much I believe.

The older members of the community who migrated are not so happy because of unaccustomed rigours of climate, lack of servants etc. They have found it more difficult to adjust. They would I am sure have been b e tte r o ff i f they had stayed on here. For one thing th e ir pensions and/pr savings would have had a greater purchasing power in India where the cost of living is very much lower.

According to letters received the amenities in En^and more than make-up fo r the hardships such as lack of servants e tc .

Though domestic help is an advantage in India, the lack of it is scarcely a disadvantage in the U.S. since there is so much efficient labour-saving equipment.

The problem of social isolation, brought on by the uncertainty of acceptance and the lack of time and opportunity, is evident in some of the statements cited above. Further elaborations of this theme are given below:

There seems to be little doubt that Anglo-Indians who have gone abroad have endeavoured to s e ttle down udiere Anglo- Indians have grouped together, because then they have peofxle vAio have much in common with them. I have known cases of people moving out from one p a rt of En^and to another because they felt isolated amongst solely British neighbours. The An^o-Indian likes social life and not much of this is offered in England.

In describing his present situation: . . . for anyone Wio would do away with Indian intrusion, would perhaps be better off away from India. Personally I doubt this; it has been my e:Q)erience that people idio have left the shores of India have an awfully lonely existence. They do not fit into the scheme of things and therefore are "men of 2 worlds." . . . [Concern­ ing his contact with emigres]. Yes. U.K., and thpy are not 55 acclimatised. • • • [And in assessing the advantages and dis­ advantages of life in various countries outside India], The fa c t th a t the Anglo-Indian i s an in te rlo p e r in any community he endeavours to join outside India, has created a "Ghetto" vherever he goes. He does not fit in^he exists I " [at the time of writing this person had visited En^and several times and held an exceptionally lucrative job in India. More recent information indicates that he has emigrated to the United Kingdom.]

Ho matter what reasons cauge Anglo-Indians to emigrate, they are not able to forget or cease to yearn for India and the real life that they are accustomed to. Bred in this soil, there is the pull in this direction. It is a pity that eco­ nomic hardships are driving Anglo-Indians away from India, the only country in the world that connotes "home" for the An^o- Indians.

From reports I get they speak nostalgically of India. A strange ambivalence11

The rigors of climate were mentioned frequently, especially in

relation to older persons, and the United Kingdom; some persons introduced the problem presented by "menial work" and one person observed that "in

other countries, because of the competition, Anglo-Indians do not find it easy to distinguish themselves. ..."

Accounts of the emigration experience show that contact between

An^o-Indians abroad is instigated in a variety of ways. The emigrant*s in itial encounter with the host country is often mediated by an earlier arrival. A respondent idio had returned to India after several years of residence in England observed:

The Indian Government insists that before a Passport is issued to a person going to the United Kingdom, he must have a letter showing that he is offered accommodation which in turn means that he is met at the docks or at his destination by an An^o-Indian vho in turn would have been in the country for a few years. [A similar pattern was revealed by another informant:] Often people arriving in En^and from here, stay first with friends/relatibns and then obtain accommodations close ty. This also causes gatherings to be near each other. 56 Other observations suggest that residential clusters refer to scattered instances of proximity in a given neighborhood rather than vicinal con­ centrations of any great size* !Qie descriptions of contact and inter­ action show an irregular pattern of circumstances*

That An^o-Indian emigrants are rather well-informed about the presence of fellow members of the Community in certain locales is indi­ cated by the channels of communication th a t have emerged* Knowledge of the emigration experience was based on direct contact between the respondents and their relatives, friends, and acquaintances abroad* Some of the informants had met emigrants in various localities in their sojourn overseas, and reported the eadstence of non-local associations.

Appreciable numbers of emigrants had returned, and it was also evident that members of the Community abroad were in touch with Anglo-Indian organizations in India* Moreover, the exodus appeared to be a salient topic of conversation among Indian residents*

At the same time, the reports as a whole show wide variation in the incidence and types of interaction experienced by the emigrants.

They cover a range of circumstances lAich include

1* the tendency of some to avoid or be uninterested in the company of other emigrants ;

2* a sense of isolation and a strong desire for social contact with other An^o-Indians ;

3* a desire for contact which is inhibited ly the strenuous routines and the dispersal of emigrants;

4* occasional gatherings of the reunion variety; 57 5* close contact lAich involves getting together periodically in connection with special events or occasions ;

6« informal clusters of organized recreational activity lAich give ini^rested An^o-Indian emigrants an opportunity for frequent and regular association; and

7* close and frequent contact in a variety of informal situ­ atio n s.

Some of these patterns of experience were included in statements

That they all hail from India, irrespective of idiich part of i t , forces a "bond" which brings members of the community living outside India together. Things iddch they perhaps would not think seriously about in India become "links" once they settle outside India.

As far as I can gather An^o-Indians . . . tend to concentrate in a locality where they can be near each other. . . .

!Diere are many An^o-Indians living in the United Kingdom, but they never seem to exist in sizable numbers, perhaps because they are not concentrated in the same areas. West Indians and other immigrants live in groups in particular areas; I did not find this in the case of Anglo-Indians, though they do keep in touch with each other.

Usually they are too busy to get together. But they do love to meet on holidays and festival days, arranging picnics or sightseeing trips. Often as old students of some particular school do they find occasion to meet.

But of those that I know the ones y/dxo do come together are representative of 3 groups. (1) Railway people. (2) School friends (School Reunions). (3) Church friends (members of a p a rticu la r church in In d ia).

Those in the United Kingdom sometimes get together and fellowship say every 3 months in a fellowship which has been 58 formed by members of our churdi iAo have gone to settle there. The fellowship is known as Old Mission Church Overseas Fellowship,

I have no knowledge of A n^o-Indians, in general who have se ttle d abroad. But I do know th a t ex-students of La Hartinere Schools in Lucknow and Calcutta and also of Dr, Graham^s homes, Kalimpong take a pride in m aintaining contact with each other, in lAatever country they may be, and have annual "reunions" idienever possible, I presume that ex­ students of other Â-I schools display a similar spirit of "esprit de corp" and regard for "the old school tie,"

Generally An^o-Indians idio live in the same city outside India and Pakistan come in contact with each other and some­ times there is an effort to form a dub similar to the ones they have left behind in India, Another factor which helps them to come together is that many An^o-Indians abroad prefer not to alter their eating habits, , , ,

I have heard of a dub in Dondon made up of older An^o- Indian men and women tdio get together weeldy for bingo, and maybe dancing or some favourite Indian food, I can imagine that among dder emigrants there is the desire to keep in contact with others in the area. However, there does not seem to be any organized e ffo rt to keep the community mesh- bers in touch with each other. Frankly, I don't think the younger generation desires such contact, ühe An^o-Indian i s very lik e the chameleon by virtue of h is d iv e rsifie d inheritance, and can adjust to and be absorbed into most English-speaking cultures. Our physical characteristics range from the blue-eyed, blond lass, to the raven-haired, dusky beauty, I think that any study of the young Anglo- Indian emigrant will show that a great proportion took mates other than from the A h^o-Indian community. They are therefore anxious to identify with their mates and be absorbed into the society and culture to vMch their mates belong. There is no unique religious, cultural, physical or national stra in th a t can bind the community to g eth er. For the older generation memories of their life in India will hold them together, but when that cord is cut there w ill be nothing.

, , , Those Anglo-Indians th a t do get together do so soci­ ally—a party, wedding etc, I remember an A-I wedding in London th a t I attended. There were about 30 guests—a l l but 1, Anglo-Indians, It's quite interesting to note that in the U.K. A^Is marry A-Is, A-I men at times marry English girls, but A-I girls seldom marry En^sbmen, and when they do, the marriages seldom last long, A-Is, I think, treat their wives better than Englishmen. 59 Usually they [emigrants] are in fairly close contact— Indians are less conservative than the average Englishman— they are a very friendly and sociable people; they like visiting and being visited—they are hospitable to a fault. There are Associations in En^nd that help to bring An^o-Indians together, e.g., the An^o-Indian Association, the Indian Church Aid Association and the ŒSIAN Society (the society of ex-students of the B.E.S. Schools). I attended in London a meeting of the Indian Church Aid Association and also of the Besian Society - At the former, I vas surprised to see the number of Anglo-Indian clergymen who now held important livings in En^and and at the latter there must have been nearly two hundred ex pupils of the B.E.S. schools, mapy holding responsible positions in En^and.

The observations cited above refer primarily to the IMted King­ dom where most An^o-Indian emigrants appear to be living today. They show patterns of residence and contact lAich include Anglo-Indian concen­ trations in particular localities such as regions, cities, towns and suburbs; an awareness among emigrants of the locales of Anglo-Didian residence; varying degrees of interest in associating with other members of the community; and marked v ariatio n s in the frequency and types of association.

Review and analysis.—So. in their descriptions of the Anglo-

Indian experience in the framework of Western institutions, the corre­ spondence data reveal

1. a wide range of dis criminating perceptions; and

2. a well-defined,awareness of its problematic and non- problematic dimensions.

The non-problematic dimensions of experience were distinguishable elaborations of a sense of security as far as conditions necessary to maintain minimum levels of acceptable existence are concerned; and a sense of cultural identification or "at homeness" associated with the 60

normal prevalence of certain general standards of conduct and value.

In relation to British India, the orientations included a

sense of personal identification with certain established contexts of behavior—an experience lAich was only hinted at as a possibility in associations of emigrant An^o-Indians in contemporary Western society.

The problematic dimensions of experience were defined by certain

conditions which were seen to be limiting in their implications. In

British India, the focus was on the consignment of Anglo-Indians to a specialized occupational role lAich was sustained hy particularistic considerations. This circumstance was seen to have molded the community to Unfortunate specifications of commitment and performance. In contem­ porary Western society, the concern was addressed to circumstances which impinged on the q u a lity of experience available to members of the community.

This pattern of perceptions was sustained despite differences in personal desire to emigrate:

None of the informants expressed unqualified approval or dis­ approval of the emigration alternative; of the persons who would choose residence in a Western country if they were free to move, all but one cited one or more of its problematic implications, Included in their perceptions were—nostalgic references to India by emigrant corre­ spondents, discrimination in general or in specified locales, hard work, lack of domestic help, the likelihood of "m »nial" employment, s tif f e r competition for recognition, the problem of adjustment, the return of dissatisfied emigres, basic security as the only allusion to advantage, and the undesirability of emigration as the answer to the Anglo-Indian problem. 61 All but three of the persons who did not express a desire to emigrate supported the general pattern of favorable perceptions of

Western society. Several of them were d e a rly committed to a l i f e in

India, barring unforeseen circumstances such as the elimination of

English as a language spoken in India.

fragmentation of interest: The responses reveal another signif­ icant pattern. Cutting across the problematic and non-problematic definitions of experience was an awareness that the implications of life in contemporary Western society did not apply equally to all members of the community. The emigration experience was seen to be selectiv ely desirable or favorable for children, families with growing children,

"those idio cannot obtain higher education or technical training,"

"destitute or semi-destitute Anglo-Indians," persons with specific tech­ nical skills, and those with light complexions. Each of these categories is defined by a particular type of effective interest in society which segregates the persons involved from other members of the community. The difficulties faced by older persons were seen to set them apart in this sense by reason of their limited occupational mobility, their fixed incomes, their deeper memory of experience in India and their physical condition. The sharpening of differences within the Community was indi­ cated in other ways;

1« The problems faced by the emigrants were defined primarily as matters of individual concern;

2, There was no hint whatsoever of the existence of, the desire to form, or a recommendation that there be established an organization 62

to represent or deal iiith the collective interests of An^o-Indian

emigrants ; 3. While there was some indication that shared loneliness or isolation did induce a desire to live near other emigrants, the physical dispersal and the differentiation of social interests would tend to limit its actual occurrence. To what extent such informal proximity was instigated by factors other than kinship and personal friendship, or idiether the sense of oommnnity did operate to promote other than passing contact was not evident. Perceptions of marriage patterns varied from general references to the wide incidence and approval of "exogamy," including its specific occurrence, to direct knowledge of marriages between An^o-Indian emigrants, and including allusions to its preferred prevalence in fact. The specific references to organized activity involved associations which did not encompass the undifferentiated interests of Anglo-Indians as a idiole. J The Anglo-Indian sub-culture: The relationships between Anglo-

Indian emigrants show the emergence of sub-cultural patterns similar to those idiich prevailed in British India. The awareness that they are

An^o-Indians in some diffuse, collective sense appears to be relatively unimportant as a basis for interaction. Kinship, personal friendship and physical proximity are indicated as the immediate contexts in which the collective implications of Anglo-Indian identity are being defined. The occasions that bring them together in other ways, such as School Reunions,

Ifeetings of Railway People and Church Fellowships, were familiar features of the An^o-Indian e^qperience in British India. In the colonial, situ­ ation, these fragments of shared interest were linked with Anglo-Indian 63 identity by formal definitions of statns, physical and social proximity, high visibility, kinship ties and prospective participation. For the emigrant, they represent memories alienated from both present experi­ ence and commitments to the fu tu re. Hence they would seem to be selec­ tively important for older persons, and those for whom the quality of experience afforded by the "normal" patterns of Western society is in some sense problematic. In this connection, the Indian Church Aid

Association provides an interesting case of a laudable commitment to the marglnality^indudng source of identity. But more importantly, activi­ ties of this sort serve to further differentiate the interests of emigrants; and the varied expressions of interest can scarcely be regarded as different degrees or ways of being Anglo-Indian (in the sense of a simple response to invidious distinction, rejection or exclusion on that account). In other words, the immediate bonds of identity with other

Anglo-Indians do not encompass a l l the emigrants, so th a t th e ir in te re s t in fellow members of the community i s d istrib u te d unevenly. I t would seem then that in the host country, the notion of a collective, uniform

Anglo-Indian identity is an abstraction lAich may be brought into focus situationally, but that its sustained relevance in the behavior of the emigrant is not apparent.

The commitment to Western culture: The most fo rcefu l feature of these definitions of experience, taken as a idiole, is the importance given to values and norms of conduct associated with Western culture.

The reference points commonly involved in the discussion of marginality; namely, culture conflict, exclusion, disparagement of identity, status dilemma and the lik e were evident in various ways. However, descriptions 64 of the substance of these experiences and their implications for behavior did not ^ rect attention to the psychological interests they are presumed to prescribe in the literature. The dominant concern was the desire to fu lfill a variety of commitments to the Western way of life. The "pull" of Western society was defined the problems involved in adhering to this way of life in India, and the prospects for their resolution throu^ migration; and not as a simple desire to be accepted by the society which constituted the reference group. Allusions to the exodus are character­ ized by thoughtful consideration of the implications of life abroad, and its impact on the community in India. Ihere was little evidence of a preoccupation with "the pigmentary handicap." ühe awareness of dis­ crimination in Western society was joined with assessments of its strategic relevance in decisions to emigrate, and with its consequences for association between An^o-Indian emigrants idiose relation to each other, in any case, was seen to be attenuated by their differentiated interests. The issue was raised here not as an indictment of Western society but as a factor vbxch had a bearing on the quality of experience sought or available to members of the community. The awareness of being different from other Western peoples was indicated in references to the style of life in India to idiich Anglo-Indians were accustomed; but the responses did not include a display of chauvinistic commitment to its elements as a preferred basis for identity, or of assimilationist rejec­ tion of its forms. (The asserted tendency of some Anglo-Indian emigrants apparently to avoid contact with their fellows is subject to alternative descriptions and stipulations of motive, only one of which may imply a denial of identity. Qiven the fragmentation of interest, the historical specificity of the bonds between An^o-Indians, and the primary commitment to being a Western people, the abstract notion of self-denial appears to 65 be more a manner of speaking than an analytical concept, since it pre­

supposes an Anglo-Indian self—an entity idiose fictionalized substance

and arbitrarily prescribed relevance [ty the dominant society] is the

source of marginality in the first place.) The Anglo-Indian way of life

was characterized essentially as a variant form of Western life which was

d ifferen t enough to induce 1. nostalgic reference to life in India; 2. a sense of familiarity with people, places and things

connected with India;

3* references to the Indian experience as a basis for evaluating

life in Western societies ;

4. the problem of adjustment to life in Western societies; and

5. the development of certain patterns of interaction with

other emigrants Iqr virtue of a specific shared interest in India.

Commitments to this style of life appeared to vary according to

the individual*s interests in the (giality of experience afforded ty the

normal framework of Western society. The extremes were indicated on the

one hand lay a preference for Western society based on the quality of

entertainment available and the conveniences of modern technology, and

on the other, by the dissatisfaction of returned emigrants idio preferred

"the kind of [Western] life in India." Regular contact between emigrants other than personal friends and kin was immaterial to some, and i t s incidence a source of comfort to those who were burdened by their active memories of extended experience in India. In other instances, the meeting of emigrants was a source of added color and enrichment through the reunion type of activity or other special interest organizations. CHAPTER IV

REVIEW AND CONCLUSIONS

Many of the terms used in the literature to identify the marginal man apply to the Anglo-Indians of India.

Most members of the Community may be described as racial hybrids, within the span of social memory in Wiich the designation is supposed to be meaningful, and in the sense in idiich racial labels are used to differentiate categories of people. They may also be regarded as cul­ tural hybrids in that they can be said to have experienced more than one culture. And the idea of an existence on the borders of two cultures, although a physical image, probably fits them as well as any other likely empirical prospect. If culture conflict means anything, then it cer­ tainly fits the relationship between the two cultures with lAioh their lives have been meshed, and at times conflict has even characterized the relation between the two societies involved.

Shifting now to terms that describe the form of the grotç experi­ ence, the designation Anglo-Indian itself indicates an inconclusive group \' affiliation, at least in conception. And the description is appropriate tdiether one chooses the Anglo or the Indian. Eerckhoff and McCormick too would appreciate the closeness of fit to their model of the marginal status-cum-marginal man; a design in tdiich the individual is directed by his socialization to membership in one group, and defined out of that group by being ascribed to another. 66 6?

Next, if one looks at experiences (such as status ambiguity, role

ambiguity and the strain of inferiority), that are projected from the

group positions given to the marginal man, once again they all apply to

members of the Community f a ir ly w ell. And i f one moves up to experiences

that are regarded as efficient sources of the marginal personality, for

instance, rejection, exclusion, frustration of one*s goal-interests,

uncertainty about one's acceptability, or isolation from group support

which may collectivize the individual burden of marginality, even here

the Anglo-Indians fit the bill of particulars.

So Anglo-Indians have been enpirically available on all these

levels on idiich the events associated with marginality may be located.

Even Green, who gives the term "marginal man" an indifferent status as a

rigorous analytical concept because it encompasses the variety of cir­

cumstances noted above, is willing to make a concession, thus, "And

unlike the Anglo-Indian who lives in a true half-caste world, who comes

close to exemplifying the ideal-type marginal man, the American mulatto

has always been as absolutely segregated as the unmixed Negro. In

other words, he sees the Anglo-Indians as an unusual empirical conver­

gence of elements th a t are normally scattered among a v ariety of phenomena.

The only difficulty with these models is their relation to behavior. It is one thing to say An^o-Indians were rejected by the

British, and another to argue that the behavior of Anglo-Indians was motivated by the experience of rejection. Or one thing to note, as Hedin

^A. Green, "A Re-examination of the Marginal Man Concept," Social Forces. XXVI (December, 19^7)» 169. 68 does, that ", « . almost every An^o-Indian is a member of one or other of the Christian sects," and another to add, as he does, that ", . . religions affiliation [is] one more -way of identification with the dominant race and distinction from the subject race," and that the phenomenon of church membership is "the same struggle for status" (see

Appendix A).

The behavior of An^o-Indians as revealed in this study gives little support to the view that members of the Community were or are typically a psychologically embattled people. This is all the more significant since they are no longer being "carried" (as their interest in Western society tends to be described) by the institutions of the

Western Community in India, For the Anglo-Indians, through the All

India Anglo-Indian Association, seem to have become the sole vehicle for openly and forcefully asserting the "benefits" of the historical tie between India and the Western world, as well as the more desirable aspects of the Western way of life. More than that, the Association is seeking to sustain that way of life under conditions that scarcely give i t the protection enjoyed by the purveyors of Western culture under

British domination.

As far as the context of marginality is concerned, An^o-Indian in te re s t in the peoÿLe and in stitu tio n s of Western society cannot be written off simply as an effort "to identify themselves with the dominant

European population," or to be idiat they are not, or to implement a spurious desire to go "Home," or a desire to escape identification with a socially inferior group, or a reflection of the scorn for Indians, or 69 of demoralization, or a pathetic reaction to personality difficulties, or a desire for sta tu s, or an expression of th e ir commitment to being

"servile hangers-on of officialdom [so] that there is little doubt of their attempting to curry favor '«ith Hindus or Moslems or both if there seems to be a prospect of complete native rule in India," or the actions

"of a parasite idiose hold on its host is none too secure" (see Appendix A).

On the contrary, the data presented here give a rather different p ictu re:

The Review data reveal the beginnings of a strong sense of ethnic solidarity founded on the structure and activities of the All India

An^o-Indian Association. The sense of common bond, common interest and common purpose implied here is being forged within the framework of an emerging official history of the Community. The elements of this history include (1) an accounting of Anglo-Indian accomplishments, (2) a definition of the Community’s role as a vehicle for implementing the national inter­ est, for maintaining political stability, and for sustaining a high sense of civic duty and responsibility, (3) a perceptive analysis of the

Anglo-Indian experience in the colonial society, and (4) an assertion of

Anglo-Indian commitment to Western values and norms in the Independent society.

In addition to the task of extricating the Anglo-Indian experi­ ence from the colonial past and recasting it as a distinctive An^o-

Indian tradition, the Association has taken upon itself the responsibility to replace the institutional framework that had sustained the Community in British India. In this unenviable role, the Association is conducting a remarkable campaign to establish the legitimacy of Western educational 70 values, norms and forms of organization as a viable cultural alternative

in India* Moreover, in this effort the Association has had to outstrip

the apologetic posture towards Western culture taken by Western agents

of Western influence in India, combat the commercialization of Western

interests by Indianized agents of Western values, and prod an uninter­

ested and sometimes hostile national society into a recognition of the

fact that An^o-Indian interests are consistent with the national good.

The questionnaire correspondents as a idiole show an extremely

sophisticated awareness of the realities of their situation and of

Anglo-Indians in general.

1. Their descriptions of Western society indicate anything but

the phantasy-image to lAich they were presumed to have been dedicated in

earlier accounts.

2. Their assessments of Anglo-Indian experience and prospects in

Western society are far from an expression of a desperate desire to be found acceptable in Western eyes.

3. Their definitions of personal interest and motive reveal a

concern with what may be described as the "quality of cultural experi­ ence" rather than a preoccupation with psydiic distress.

4. Their judgments about cause and consequence in regard to the

"An^o-Indian problem" assigned as much if not more responsibility to

Anglo-Indians as they did to either British or Indian society.

5. Their descriptions of the interests of Anglo-Indians in

Western societies included the following elements:

a. That English-speaking Western societies did offer members 71 of the Gomnnmity a basic security as far as the pre­

requisites for maintaining "the Anglo-Indian way of

life" are concerned.

b. % at these basic conditions were more important for some

members of the Community than fo r o thers.

c. That beyond the lev^ of basic security and "cultural

at-homeness," and compared to l i f e in India, Western

society offered Anglo-Indians a higher qualiiy of eoqperi-

ence in certain areas such as entertainment and recrea­

tional opportunities, better prospects for families with

growing children, an inferior quality of experience as

fa r as intim ate and active p a rticip a tio n in lif e beyond

the immediate family is concerned, and the likelihood of

being disparaged as an inferior element of society.

d. That in te re s ts beyond the le v e l of basic security were

not identical for all Anglo-Indians.

So i t would seem important to take into account a commitment as discerning and powerful as is revealed here, in order to understand the behavior of the .Anglo-Indian people. In this connection, the data further suggest that the interest in Western society was more varied than a simple, uniform desire to secure undifferentiated participation in the Western way of life . The crucial question seemed to be: How important is the normal institutional framework of Western society for sustaining the value interests of different segments of the Anglo-Indian Community? 72

Some segments of the Commtmily were much more dependent on the basic resources of Western society than others. Of those idio were com­ m itted in th is way, some, by th e ir value in te re sts, were ,more widely and intimately involved in the mainstream of Western life than were others, and some of them bore the "stigna" of their association with India more

clearly than did others. So the differentiation or fragmentation of value interest and experience in a specific category of marginal men would seem to be an essential aspect of the marginal man’s situation.

In this sense, a l i ^ t skinned, uneducated An^o-Indian can be expected to differ in the substance of his commitment to Western culture from a well-educated, dark skinned member of the Community. Both of them may see themselves as Westerners by culture, but idiat they mean a satis­ fying life and what they need to do to achieve it can scarcely be treated as identical.

So the study indicated two basic propositions concerning the marginal man’s interests in the social context in idiich he is deemed m arginal:

1. That the marginal man is a member of the group in question and committed to i t s basic norms and values, and

2. That the importance of participating normally in the group can be expected to vary in a given category of marginal men.

In these terms, the presumption of psychic distress is reduced to a condition which may develop if normal participation in the group is both io^ortant to the individual by virtue of his particular value inter­ est in the group, and if such participation is denied him. Or, it is conceivable that although being a participant in the normal sense is not 73 important to him, the range of cnlturally alternative forms of partici­

pation do not satisfy him in sane way*

The data indicate certain additional lines of inquiry but their

speculative character does not warrant a more detailed elaboration of the

concept of marginality. They do indicate, however, that the marginal

man's normal interests are not to be trifled with, and-that any consid­

eration of marginality must include a specification of the value interests

of the individual in the group in which he is simultaneously a normal

participant and an intruder.

As far as the An^o-Indians are concerned, the future of this island of Western culture is uncertain. Much of what happens will depend on the success of the All India Anglo-Indian Association's efforts to blend a %stem cultural alternative into the unfolding structure of national life in India. But in this effort, the Anglo-Indians appear to be the most effective instrument available for achieving a positive and

creative rapprochement between the interests of the Western world and the needs of Indian society today.

It is the writer's hope that this study will open up areas of investigation which will give the sociologist greater confidence in the merits of his discipline. The language of psychological abstraction has come to acquire a ring of sophistication which makes it an attractive vehidLe for commanding a hearing in some academic quarters. But the everyday concepts of sociology are much more immediately connected with empirical events—a fact which is often ignored because the language is more familier and the analysis begins to sound obvious. One part of 74 knowledge may be to make the familiar problematic, but the conversion of that which..is problematic into terms of the obvious is the foundation of

"scientific" understanding. And the obvious does not imply customary usage but terms üiat have acquired a familiarity by their shared avail­ ability as tools of understanding. In this sense psychological pre­ sumptions may offer familiar usage, but they are neither obvious nor do they encourage inquiry into the familiar.

The marginal man is now a familiar object—he remains to be discovered. APPENDIXES

75 APPENDIX A

CHÂMCIERISTICS OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMHDNITY

The An^o-Indians are not a community in the usual sense of the term. They do not occupy a given territory, nor are they held together by patterns of thou^t and action that have provided them in the past with an effective basis for group solidarity or collective effort. Yet they were historically and are today formally recognized as a unit in political and administrative concerns of government, and to a lesser extent in the affairs of Christianity in India,

The Community embraces anywhere from one to two hundred thousand persons drawn from a variety of ethnic origins, social interests, occu­ pational strata and educational levels. This heterogeneous population is widely dispersed across the land, forming dLusters in the more obvious locales of Western influence such as the large cities and towns, rail­ road centers and outposts of the national administration. Members of the

Community are ordinarily distinguished as a highly westernized Christian people whose mother tongue is English and who bear European names. They are more widely known as the Eurasians of India and as such, they are familiar figures in the literature on colonial life and Western intrigue in the Orient,

During the period of British rule, An^o-Indians had become an integral part of the colonial establishment. Their unswerving loyalty to the Crown is readily apparent in the annals of Empire, and the literature 76 77 abounds in disparaging comment on their efforts to sustain a European

style of life "among the natives," They were committed in other ways to

the machinery of B ritish control over In d ia. Most of them were govern­ ment employees in strategic branches of the colonial administration such

as the Railways, Police, Customs, Telegraph and Postal services; and within these vocational fields, An^o-lndians were clustered in certain

types of jobs on prescribed levels of employment.

The colonial establishment had also sustained the Community in its religion, its political interests and in the education of its members. As Christians, Anglo-Indians were committed to beliefs and practices that were alien to the commonly accepted traditions of Indian so c iety . However, the au th o rity of % ste rn domination had validated

Christianity as a normal feature of life in India and Christians had even enjoyed a basis for privilege by virtue of their religious identi­ fication with the rulers. Similarly, Christian institutions had been subsidized by the power and influence of British control. They were essentially overseas projects undertaken by European and American church organizations to serve the spiritual needs of Western people in

India and to work "among the heathen"—objectives that were promoted by the uLimate of colonialism,

An^o-Indian education had developed as a facility for persons of European origin vho were fated to a more or le ss permanent domicile in the colony. Most of the schools established for this purpose were sponsored by the Christian enterprise and they were set apart from institutions serving the "natives" of the country. The responsibility for this special educational concern was defined as a diffuse moral 78

obligation of Western society rather than a function of colonial govern­

ment, However, the B ritish government had endorsed the operation of

such schools with grants-in-aid from public funds and a system of

inspection administered by the Department of European Education.

Politically the Community had been absorbed in administering the

policies of the British government and in protecting the viability of

its claims on the resources of the colonial establishment. Both these

interests were adapted to the colonial pattern of society which had placed a premium on the imperatives of Empire and on institutions

sponsored by Western domination. In effect, Anglo-Indians were cast as indigenous instruments of the British government and they were aligned

against nationalistic sentiments and aspirations ty the normal demands

of their role-commitments in the colonial society.

D escriptions of the Anglo-Indian dilemma are quite ambiguous and

often dramatized in the literature. It is generally accepted, however, that the Community occupied a rather precarious position in British

India. On the one hand, Anglo-Indians were committed to the traditions of Western life in the colony, but they were denied "the ultimate spiritual benefits of being Englishmen." On the other hand, as persons

consigned to permanent residence in India, they formed a class of neo­ indigenes idio were alienated from the dominant traditions of the land in which they liv e d . In th is sense, the Conmunity was poised on the periphery of two social worlds and its link with the one served only to vitiate its standing in the other.

When the British withdrew from India, Anglo-Indians were called upon to choose between th e ir commitment to l i f e in India, and th e ir 79 spiritual and cultural dependence on the peoples and institutions of

Western societies. Many Anglo-Indians did leave India and are known to be resident in various Western countries of the British Commonwealth, such as the % ited Kingdom, Australia, Canada, and New Zealand.

(Estimates of this emigration vary but they go up into the tens of thousands.) It appears, however, that the majority still live in India.

So the study of the Community today encompasses the behavior of a class of peoples at a time idien the historical basis for their status in society was rendered obsolete. In this context it may be observed, th a t as fa r as the Community's existence in India is concerned, a sig n if­ icant shift has occurred in the problem of An^o-Indian identity (idiich is another way of describing the An^o-Indian dilemma). In British

India, An^o-Indians were set apart socially in the institutions of the dominant society, even though they were committed to its values and norms of conduct, whereas in Independent India, An^o-Indians are being called on to demonstrate an identity of social interest and purpose with the non-Western peoples of India, because their way of life is regarded as alien to the dominant institutions of the society in which they live.

In these terms, i t may be hypothesized that the Anglo-Indian dilemma in

India has changed its focus from a problem in marginality to a problem in the perpetuation of a devalued ethnicity.

The basic characteristics of the Community outlined above are supported by the data presented in the works of several social scientists.

These data are readily available in the official records of the colonial government and in the writings of travelers, social critics, novelists, and Anglo-Indian authors. Goodrich*s exhaustive bibliography is 80

essentially a vastly expanded version of such materials—going back in

history to the early days of the European venture in India.

The chief difficulty ijith the sociological writings is their willingness to accept the preponderance of critical materials as objec­ tiv e characterizations o f the Community. I t seems more appropriate to view these materials as information about the persons who wrote them.

The following descriptions of An^o-Indians are offered as data by various social scientists.

Mary Helen Lee;^ " L ittle wonder i s i t th a t the Eurasian i s often slight and weak I For a woman of this type ([lAose] birth is unwelcome,

[idiose] physical life is outraged, [whose] mental life is stunted and

[whose] spiritual life denied existence . . . slight in body, small in face, bearing in every line and movement the impression of a lack of strength in muscle, mind, and will . • . ) is the mother of the Eurasian in India; and he partakes of her social inheritance." And in references to their dependence on "native" servants and their being "coddled out" of a capacity for initiative, ", . . as a consequence, all the stronger traits of manhood are feebly developed in him. Hence the men are not found in employment requiring hard labour. They do not make sa ilo rs nor soldiers. While some become engineers with native helpers, they do not seriously compete with Scotch or German engineers." (p. 12)

Mary Helen Lee, "The Eurasian: A Social Problem" (A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the Graduate Divinity School in candidacy for the degree of Master of Arts, Dewrtment of Practical Sociology, The IMversity of Chicago, CMcago, 1912). SL

Hedln^ d te s an exchange between a Kp. Kikabhai Premchand and an unidentified Angio-Indian witness which was recorded in the hearings before the Simon Commission in 1928. At th is hearing a witness con­ cludes, "Had you said that [the hostility of Indians is due to the super­ cilious attitude of Anglo-Indians] ten years ago you would have been quite right. Today it [that attitude of An^o-Indians] is practically dead." Hedin continues, "The witness* answer to the last question to the effect that the supercilious attitude of mixed-bloods toward Indians is practically dead does not agree with the report of disinterested observers." The disinterested observer cited here is Gertrude Marvin

%Uiams idio was quoted earlier in the article as saying, "The most p a th e tic of In d ia 's m inority grovpsare the mixed bloods. They were formerly called Eurasians j but they coveted the name Anglo-Indian. # . ,

They number 113,000 and, c a ll them what you w ill, there i s l i t t l e chance of mistaking the mixed blood for the pure. Some of the women are almost blond and very pretty. Most of them have an anemic look. They speak in a metallic falsetto with a curious sing-song accent. They always wear

European clothes. . . . They are ostracized by both English and Indians.

They in tu rn look down on the Indian with a scorn th a t i s acid with hatred. . . . They always speak of England as 'home* though they may never have been there." (p. 168)

^Bjmer L. Hedin, "The Anglo-Indian Community," The American Journal of Sociology. XI-(September, 1934), 1?0 ff. . 82

Stoneqpist^ cites the same passage from Gertrude Williams to

illustrate his own observations on the demoralizing effect of their

situation on the Eurasians# His version adds the sentence omitted in

Hedin*s artidLe as follows: "They fawn iq)on the English and make ]d.tiful advances to them." He also refers to Hedin*s study.

Cressev:^ The stigma of bastardy haunts many individuals, and is often referred to by them as sufficient explanation for their lack of morals and ambition. This demoralization is reflected in the fact that in the larg e c itie s numerous Anglo-Indian women are to be found engaged in professional or semi-professional prostitution." He too cites sentences from the passage by Gertrude Williams. Then, referring to

Anglo-Indian petitions to the British government, "Still others have dispatched numerous appeals to the B ritish government begging for a continuance of special An^o-Indian privileges under the new Indian constitution [1935]* The pathos of such petitions is represented in the words of one of the spokesmen of th is group.

Ask us to sell our British heritage for a mess of political pottage . . . the answer is instant and dear. . . . [It] speaks in the hearts of each of us. It throbs in the blood that minxes with our breath. It leaps to our lips in the soul-stirring appeal—"0 England! Who are these if not thy sons."

3 E. V. Stonequist, The Marginal Man. with, an introduction by R. E. Park (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1937)»

^Paul Frederick Cressey, "The An^o-Indians : A Disorg Marginal Group," Social Forces. XIV (December, 1935)» 263-268. 83 "During the current century the position of the

conmunity became even more tenuous and unstable. Relations with the two

parent groups became increasingly strained; their identification with the

British increasin^y pathetic and unrewarding; and the An^o-Indian

mentality reached even more marginal lim its « " (p. 230)

^Allen D. Grimshaw, "The An^o-Indian Community, The Integration of a Marginal Group," The Journal of Asi^n Stud^as. XVIII, (February, 1959), 227-240. APPENDIX B

THE PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESSES AT THE ANNUAL GENERAL MEETINGS

OF THE ALL INDIA ANGLO-INDIAN ASSOCIATION

In recent accounts of the Anglo-Indian Community, i t has been

argued cogently that the "Eurasians of India" are a self-conscious, 1 organized, and articulate entity. This is primarily an allusion to

(l) the historical recurrence of bursts of protest and limited clusters

of organized activity by individuals and associations considered to be

representatives of "Eurasian life," and (2) the heroic proportions of the

All India An^o-Indian Association, uhich was conceived in its present dimensions (according to its foremost authority and unceasing chanson,

Mr. Frank Anthony) shortly after World War I, and which officially, formally, and by the scope of its membership and influence today, may well become the An^o-Indian Establishment in the new national society.

The Review is published and edited for the All India Anglo-

Indian A ssociation by i t s p resid en t, Mr. Anthony. Mr. Anthony assumed leadership of the organization in 1942, and since that time, has fashioned the scattered fragments of the Community*s historical identity

Doris Goodrich, "The Making of an Ethnic Group: The Eurasian Community in India" (unpublished dissertation, Ihiversity of California, Berkeley, 195^)* A llen D. Grimshaw, "The Anglo-Indian Community, The Integration of a Marginal Group," The Journal of Asian Studies. XVIII (February, 1959), 227-240. 84 85 in to a mold %hidh offers every prospect fo r dynamic and creative p a rtic i­

pation in Indian society. The publication is a remarkable record of the

Association’s ongoing efforts to find an effective identity of purpose

among Anglo-Indians, and to add their distinctive social and cultural

patterns to the emerging strands of national identity in India.

The issues of The Review available for this study ranged over four Annual General Meetings of the national organization. The meetings were held in different cities: Secunderabad in 1957, Bangalore in I 96I,

Calcutta in 1962, and Madras in 1963. In each instance, the convention report consisted of a condensation of the marathon address (indicated in the last three reports as having lasted at least two hours) delivered ty the president, and separately, a detailed summary of the proceedings which occupied several sessions of discussion on the various problems confronting the Community. Three of the reports included articles contributed ly delegates to the conventions.

From the information contained in these materials, it is apparent that the Annual General Meetings are high points in the Association’s activities. They are well-supported by delegates from the widely- dispersed branches across the land; they generate open discussion of the

Anglo-Indian situation in its varied aspects ; and they foster a deep sense of corporate solidarity among the participants. The record is sprinkled with repeated references and forceful expressions of sentiment to this effect by delegates, in the course of their participation in the proceedings. The spirit lAich prevails ^ d the impact of the occasions are graphically portrayed in a summary of the president’s concluding 86

remarks in his official address before the I 96I assembly: "Hr, Anthony

said that the annual general meeting of the Association represented a

kind of Mecca fo r the community. To i t An^o-Indians from every p a rt of

the country came as on a pilgrimage. From this annual general meeting

the workers and representatives of the community drew fresh inspiration

and renewed their faith to continue their work on behalf of the

community,"

!Die presidential address is reported as the highlight of the

meetings. This is indicated in the coverage given to it in The Review.

the excitement, an ticip atio n , and impact communicated in allusions to i t

by delegates, and the distinctive jlace it occupies in the proceedings,

A review of An^o-Indian history appears to have become a prominent

feature of the address. On each occasion, extended references to the

past formed an important part of the presentation; and scattered comment

showed that delegates not only expected to hear about the historical

record, but that in the telling, they were being treated to an experi­

ence idiich captured their interest and stirred their emotions. As one

veteran delegate put it in her impressions of the 1963 meeting held at

Madras in October, "Many of us old stagers attempted to wager idiere in

the history of the Community, Frank [Anthony] would commence this time I

But his 21st address had as fresh an approach as it had when I sat

starry-eyed as a young delegate maiqr, many years ago, hearing him pour

out the poetry of his language with never a pause,

^The Review. November-December, I 96I , p, 18, 3 The Review. December-January, 1964, p, 5» Ihrs, "Cookie" Fernandes, the writer of the article containing this extract was described 87

One of the themes embodied in these h is to ric a l accounts a sse rts

the Anglo-Indian heritage of respectability, high and varied achievement, lo y al and crucial service to the B ritish Government occasioned by the

particular shape of social and historical circumstances, and pioneering

effort in the modernization of India. The various elements of this theme are clearly discernible in the several extracts cited below in other contexts. A rather pointed elaboration of the Community's origins is contained in the 1957 report. It makes the following observations:

The history of the Community has been a checquered one. The Community has passed through many vicissitudes. But, by and large, it has been a notable history and of which any much larg e r community could be ju s tifia b ly proud. The Community has lost the lustre of the achievements of many of its great sons and dau^ters, because the credit for these has been filched by the British historian for the British peoÿLe. IMLike the rather current figment of the penny-shovelling muck­ raking novelist, the Community's origins were extremely proper and legitimate. The Community was brought into being as a result of a deliberate official policy of the Directors of the East India Company. This policy was represented ly an official communique to encourage the marriages of British officers and soldiers with the women of this country. Not only were these marriages solemnly finaliséd, but they were subsidised: in fact, awards were made according to the number of children in each family. The origin synchronised with a period of unions between the most distinguished European and Indian families. Some of the most notable names in Indian history have been the products of these unions. To mention only a few, . . . Up to 1791 the An^o-Indian Community was one of the most wealthy and influential in the country. Up to that time in the words of the Archbishop of Canterbury the Anglo-Indians were foremost in the civil, administrative and commercial business of the Con^)any. For long they enjoyed prosperity, but in that year . .

as *. . . Secretary of the Maharashtra State Council of the Association, [and idio] is a well-known figure at our Annual General Meetings. Apart from her long service to the Association, she is one of our ablest lady speakers and debaters." U The Review. January 1958, pp. 6-7. 88

A second theme is the categorical discrimination faced l:y

Anglo-Indians in the colonial establishment. Included here were refer­ ences to the East India Company’s orders of 1791 and 1808, excluding

Anglo-Indians from the Covenanted Services and depriving An^o-Indian officers of their Commissions; and discharging all An^o-Indians from

British Regiments. "After that a dense, iu^regnable wall of social and econonic discrimination was drawn around the Anglo-Indians. In the future to be an Anglo-Indian was to be earmarked for subordinate service."^

In 1961, the reference to discrimination related it to the present situation:

Mr. Anthony said, that ïAile there was unemployment which was a general featu re of an underdeveloped economy, i t was also tru e th a t in many ways the community was g ettin g i t s fin e s t opportunities in Independent India. After 1800 A.D., because of o f f ic ia l policy, i t became v irtu a lly impossible for an Anglo-Indian as an An^o-Indian to achieve a position of supreme trust and responsibility commensurate with his charac­ ter and capacity. Anglo-Indians employed in British firms were stigmatised as local hands and could not rise beyond Rs. 800 a month. All that had changed. Since Independence several Anglo-Indiiuis had become heads of departments, particularly on the railways. In the firms many members of the community earned several thousands of rupees a month. It was perhaps in the Armed Forces where the traditions of so ld iering in the community had made themselves evident. Several hundreds of Anglo-Indians were in the officer cadres of the Armed Forces. There were today at least three An^o- Indian Generals, about a dozen Brigadiers, scores of Colonels, maiqr commanding the fin e s t b a tta lio n s .”

^The Review. January, 1958, p. 7,

6The Review. November-December, 96 I I, p. 17. 89 ' At the 1963 meeting Mr. Anthony offered a more systematic state­

ment of Anglo-Indian history in idiich he said that

• • • it vas important for the growing generation of An^o- Indians to be given a proper psychological conditioning in their schools. The Community had been criticized, perhaps rightly, for a certain schizophrenia. But it was also true to say that Indians generally had a certain dichotomy. This was the result of both social and historical circumstances. It was necessary that the rising generation of Anglo-Indian children should be given a balanced outlook. They had to realize that they were, in many ways, specially qualified. They had a double heritage from two great races. Their way of life represented a synthesis between East and West. They did not have to indulge in any kind of chauvinistic glori­ fication of the community's qualities. At the same time the CommuniV had to be taught its history in an objective way. Much of this has been lost in the mists of time: much of this had been filched by the British historian for the glory of the "British." But he had been able to salvage a good deal of their history lAich he felt would be a proper inspiration for the Community. This account would show, without being chauvinistic, a fine history of lAich any much larger community could be justifiably proud.7

He divides the history into five periods, three of which were described e x p lic itly as ( l) the period of pro sperity, 1639-1791» (2) the period of repression, 1791-1857» and (3) the period of the Mutiny. The period of repression included references to two additional limitations that had been imposed on An^o-Indians, namely, "they were not allowed to hold land or property, and they were not allowed to go overseas for their studies." At the same time he called attention to the fact that this period was not without its record of achievement, producing "a galaxy of famous An^o-Indian Soldiers in the service of the (Indian)

P rinces."

n The Review. December-January, 19^3» PP. 45-46. 90 A more personal note was evident in the I 963 address, in tddch

the president recounted his own fight against dis crimination during

% rld War H ;

As a member of the National Defence Council presided over by the then Viceroy, Lord Wavell, I had to wage frequent, bitter fights against discrimination against the Community. I had occasion bitterly to criticise the deliberate dis crimination against the Anglo-Indian women tdio constituted 80^ of the W.A.C. (I). Indian colleagues were shocked idien I told them that although 80^ of the corps was An^o-Indian, of the 49 Senior Commanders one and only one was an A n^o-Indian. For three years on the floor of the Central legislature I had fought against the d iffe re n tia l emoluments as between the European Commissioned and Indian Commissioned o ffic e rs. I remember how Lord Wavell tried to justify i t on the ground of the British officer having to maintain two establishments and the necessary higher needs of the British-Commissioned offi­ cers. How amused and hapRr were my Indian colleagues and how equally debunked and unhappy was the Viceroy when I produced a lis t of a number of so-called European Commissioned Officers on the one side and Indian Commissioned Officers on the other. In one lis t were the An^o-Indians, the Indian Commissioned officers: in the other list were their brothers. One list was of those 1A0 refused to deny their parentage and their com­ munity and the other was of renegades, rejecting their parent­ age and their Community, with a financial premium being placed on th e ir renegadism. No longer could the Government ju s tify d iffe re n tia l emoluments between brothers . , .&

A third theme expressed the idea that the growth of Anglo-Indian

solidarity was effectively thwarted by certain features of the colonial

situation. The substance of this theme was indicated in references to

1. the tendenqr on the part of the British to appropriate the

credit for Anglo-Indian accomplishment, for instance, T?y counting An^o-

Indian winners of the %.ctoria Cross award as British heroes;

2. the premium on renegadism as a consequence of the limited opportunities available to An^o-Indians ; g The Review. December-January, 1964, pp. 10-11. 9L 3* "the complex of disunity and ultra individualism" idiich characterized the community a t th a t tim e, so th a t i t was "esse n tia lly unorganized and inarticulate";

4. the unwillingness of the British authorities to honour collective représentations of Anglo-Indian interest, evidenced in repeated betrayals of Anglo-Indian trust, and rejection of their claims to recog­ nition as a distinctive social entity.

The following extracts reveal the elements of this theme, and they are virtually interchangeable with similar expressions in each of the other addresses:

Some escaped [the wall of discrimination] by claiming to be Europeans. They achieved wealth and distinction. A premium was thus placed on renegadism. And yet history shows that the same repudiated descendants were largely responsible for shaping events in the critical uprising of 1837. There is nothing for the Community to apologise for in the decisive part they [^.ayed in this critical period. Because of historical and social forces the Community's courage and character were thrown in the scales on behalf of the Adminis­ tration and but for that weight Indian history would have been differently written. . . .9

Today the Community is organised: it is articulate. That has been a comparatively recent expression of the life of the Community: i t has been made possible because of this highly organised, cohesive, highly disciplined Association of ours. While during its history the Community has produced many famous sons and daughters, there was very little organised, effective expression of its needs, its hopes and aspirations. That organised expression began to take shape with the emergence of the first real all-India leader of the Community, ngr prede­ cessor in office, the late Sir Henry Gidney. One of the ordeals that Sir Henry faced, it was a long and persistent ordeal, was division, disorganisation in the Community- parochial, narrow, regional minded bodies unable, and indeed, unwilling to subordinate their regional, parochial interests to

9 The Review. January, 1958, p. 7. 92

the common good of the ^ o l e Community. I t was @Ldney*s continuing and greatest achievement that from this welter of parochialism, dissidence, lack of cohesion he forged an all- India body and achieved, for the first time, comparative unity throughout the Community. In spite of his ability, his devotion to the Community, nevertheless he continued to face, till the end, not only the dissidence but also the malevo­ lence of dissident organisations especially in Bengal and Madras. Despite the back-stabbing of some dissidents, Gidney really put the Community on the map of political India as a recognised entity.

[And after he was elected president of the Association in 19^2 a t the age of 34] . . . I remember ^ e n I had to make my f i r s t major address to the Community, iMch was at the Bombay Annual General Meeting, two issues stood out clearly before me. One was th a t the Community could no longer stand on two p o litic a l stools. That is lAy at that first public meeting I made Tdiat to me seemed an axiomatic statem ent of policy—th a t the Community was Indian, that i t had always been Indian and that it had an inalienable Indian birthright. . . . [And when his leadership was challenged] . . . I reminded the opportunists of the perfervid declaration of the good old Dr. Wallace of the high-sounding Imperial Anglo-Indian League that "Britishers we are and Britishers we will always remain": the only reward for his exaggerated loyalty was the publicly expressed sarcasm of the arrogant Curzon. Fortunately, I was able to mobilise an overidielming majority of the leaders who had enough vision and imagination to reject the old absurdities which would have meant extinction for the Community. I have never had occasion to deviate from that announcement in the past 21 years. . . . The second great issue was internal, but equally critical fo r the Community. I t was the issue of increasing organisa­ tional strength of the Association so that it could speak with a sin^e voice, authoritatively, without faltering, for the whole immunity in the sub-continent...... In spite of his ability and devoted service, I took over from Sir Henry an organisation with many moribund branches with virtually no money in its General Fund. According to one of our reports the balance was Rs. 42/- and barely 30 function­ ing bran<^es.

BRITISH BETRAYAL

. . . The Community* s betrayal by the Cripps* Mission, the refusal of recognition of the Community in the Cripps* formula had provoked lA at was almost (MLdney*s death cry, "The Community has been sacrificed at the altar of political expediency." 93 While I hoped for the best, I realised that in this context of the betrayal of the Community, in the context of a history of constant, recurring betrayals, I dared not place its life in the basket of British promises. • • •

BRITISH BBTRiXAL AGAIN

COMPLETE EXCLUSION

The British pattern of betrayal was to persist. In April 1946, I met the [British] Cabinet Mission. . . . Though the Cabinet Mission met me before they met the representatives of larger communities and listened with seeming sympathy, my basic request for a sin^e seat for the Community in the pro­ posed Constituent Assembly was rejected. M7 statement issued shortly afterwards reflected the bitterness of my sense of betrayal. I pointed out that if the proposals with regard to the smaller minorities had been left in the hands of Indian leaders by the Cabinet Mission, the Indian leaders would have dealt with the minorities with much greater consideration, fair play and justice than the Cabinet Mission in spite of the British Government’s alleged solicitude for the minorities...... I called an extraordinary General Meeting of the Community on the 22nd June where we passed a resolution con­ demning the criminal disservice gratuitously rendered by the Cabinet Mission and by the Viceroy . . .

. . . The resolution . . . calling upon the Anglo-Indians to resign from the Auxiliary Force came as a shock to some An^o- Indians. But we were fighting with our backs to the wall. As a result of further talks by me with the Indian leaders, the position of the Community, tddch seemed lost, was not only retrieved, but it was retrieved out of all recognition. The ruling party [Congress] agreed to give us 3 seats in the Constituent Assembly. One of the conditions laid down by Sardar Patel was that our MLAs would vote as I directed them to do. . .

Another theme running through these speeches is the commitment to being an En&Lish-speaking Western people. This theme was elaborated in recurrent applications of the principle that "without its language,

English, and without its schools the Community could not survive, because

^^The Review. December-January, 1964-, pp. 8-14-, essentially we are a Community based on language and a way of life idiich give us our distinctiveness and distinctive recognition, Â more forceful assertion of the link with the British was reported in the

1961 address :

The community has a proud history, which hovers a period of 300 years, starting from 1639 with the founding of the British Settlement at Fort St. George in Madras. During this period the community has emerged as a single radal-cum - linguistic entity lAose mother tongue is En^ish. The descend­ ants of other European communities, such as the French, Protu- guese and Dutch have intermarried with the community and been assimilated in it historically, culturally and linguistically. For over 100 years, the community was essen tially endogamous, i.e ., marrying within its own ranks. The diaracteristics which the community has drawn from i t s European ancestry are essentially British, The Anglo-Indian community is both a recognised and recognisable corpus of persons.^^

Although this penetrating official definition of the Anglo-Indian experience in B ritish India is bound up with the Community* s e ffo rts to achieve a place in India today, it is by no means an apology for past

"Anglo-Indian loyalty" to the British Government; nor does it indicate an expedient "change of color" adapted to the nationalistic temper of

Indian society. On the contrary, one sees here a vigorous commitment to the Western way of life and a dedicated effort to establish it as a viable a ltern a tiv e w ithin the broad framework of Independent In dia.

11The Review. December-January, 1964, p. 19.

^^The Review. November-December, I 96I, p. 13. The context here was the "false claims of the Feringis to be classified as Anglo-]hdians." In differentiating them from Anglo-Indians, it was noted that the "Feringis of Kerala were a backward class of Indian Christians, and were not and had never been Anglo-Indians." 95 Recounting his esqierienoes in the Indian Parliament in 1959• lAen the Com­ munity's protected status mas under consideration, Mr» Anthory observed, • » • There mas opposition from sections of all parties including Congressmen, the P.8.P, and especially the Com­ munists» The Communists made a special a tta c k on the Com­ munity through their Deputy Leader, Qiren Mukerjee, idio said that we did not deserve the safeguards, as the Community had not identified itself with the Country. In a slashing reply to Biren Mukerjee I pointed out that loyalty, patriotism are not measured in terms of cheap bravado, loud proclamations from the housetops. Throughout our history, Wiich was a notable one, indeed, and of which any much la rg e r community could be justly proud, one characteristic ran throu^ it like a golden thread, the characteristic of courage and loyalty. And this characteristic had shown itself abundantly after Independence. I said the story of the critical Kashmir campaign might have been differently written but for the notable part played by the Air Force ^ere the majority of pilots ware An^o-Indians. More than half the awards for gallantry were made to Anglo- Indians • » • [details] I continued that a microscopic com­ munity had made contributions out of all proportion to its size in building major national assets, such as the Railways, TbLegraph and the Customs. Identification was one thing: effacing by assimilation was another. We had no intention of being effaced: we had every intention to maintain our identity as the Parsees had done, as the SLkhs had done.^3 So in the official view of the All India Anglo-Indian Association, the Anglo-Indian situation in British India was characterized by a legitimate historical association and cultural identification with the B ritish community; a record of high achievement by individual members of the Community; categorical denial of open access to the prized goals of Western life; undifferentiated appropriation of An^o-Indian accomplish­ ment, by the British community; unwillingness of the British authorities to officially validate separate representations of Anglo-Indian interests, and the consequent fragmentation of Anglo-Indian interests and motive, and the failure of the Community to develop an effective basis for collective action to secure differentiated legitimacy.

13 The Review. December-January, 1964, pp. 20-21. APPENDIX C

THE ANGLO-INDIAN EFFORT ON BEHALF OF WESTERN EDUCATION

ClEgaBi,8s.4..Ast3jdLi.Y On separate occasions, the Association has launched and won

major legal battles against two state governments (Bombay state in 195^

and Kerala state in 1958), and Gujarat University in 1962, on constitu­

tional questions concerning educational guarantees to linguistic

minorities.1

"In November, 1958, through the Inter-State Board for Anglo-

Indian Education, the Council for the Indian School Certificate Examina­

tio n was inaugurated.This was an effort to avert the "threat from

certain States to discontinue the English-medium examination."

In 1956, the All-India Anglo-Indian Education Society was estab­

lished as the trustee of a program to "set up 20 schools within the next

ten to fifteen years."3 The first of these schools was opened in Delhi in 1956 (the Frank Anthony Junior School), and the second in 1959 (the

Frank Anthony Public School). Together they have an enrollment of I 9OO

children. An important part of this "Schools Scheme" is the provision of

Details on the Bombay schools case are available in Allen D. Grimshaw, "The A n^o-Indian Community, The Integration of a Marginal Group," of Asian Studies. XVIII (February, 1959). 227-240.

%hBigeview. December-January, 1963» p. 43.

^The Review. December-January, 1963» p. 44.

96 97 massive scholarship aid to Aa^o-Indian children throughout the country— a program which is being implemented today to the tune of at least

Rs« 100,000 (approximately $20,000).

A major activity of the Association has been the continuous effort to “ensure that our education grants are fully paid"^ and after i 960, when the constitutional provision for such grants had lapsed, to have them extended on a reasonably predictable basis. The Association's representations to the State governments have elicited some support for continuation of the grants, but on an ad hoc basis. In addition, the operation of some type of education fund to assist local youngsters appeared to be a fairly widespread activity of the various branch organizations.

Discussions, a t the Annual General Meetings

General characteristics

In the 1961 and I 962 reports of the Annual General Meeting, the discussion of education was presented under the following headings:

1261 1. Expansion of facilities for higher education 2. The larger context 3* The linguistic revolution in the country 4. Promotion of technical education 5. Anglo-Indian education grants 6. Diversion of Anglican Schools from Trust Purposes 7. Entry into the teaching profession 8. Support for our Schools Scheme

^The Review. January, 1958, p. 12. 98

12^ 1. Facilities for AnÿLo-Indian children 2. Three types of Anglo-Indian schools 3. Role of parents decisive 4. Renegade Anglo-Indian schools 5* Poorer children being kept out 6. If parents make the grade so do the children 7. Every school must underwrite education of minimum number 8. Scholarships for teacher trainees 9. Every school should underwrite a: trainee 10, More applicants if adequate scholarships 11, Inter-State Board to circulate information 12, Training in general college desirable 13# Urgent need for post-graduate trainees 14. Steps for increasing facilities for university education 15# Merit scholarships l6. Railway schools change of academic year 17# Frank Anthony Schools* Scheme scholarships 18, Education cess 19# Mrs. (hrice condemns "loafer** branches 20. Resolution (regarding education levy) as finally adopted

The accounts include the names of the major participants and what

they had to say at various points in the proceedings. In the report of

the 1961 meeting, eleven persons representing ten different areas in

India were id en tified in th is way. The towns and c itie s involved were

Calcutta, Delhi, Poona, Kolar Gold F ields, Allahabad, Bangalore and

Lucknow, In addition, three Anglo-Indian representatives to state

legislatures were listed as prominent participants. The states were

U ttar Pradesh, Andhra and West Bengal. The I 962 report recorded the

participation of twenty-seven delegates from the following towns and

cities: Poona, Calcutta, Bombay, Allahabad, Lucknow, Jabalpur,

Jamshedpur, lÿderabad, and Delhi; and state legislators from Uttar

Pradesh, West Bengal, Madras, Bombayi Andhra and K h a r. Nine persons were named in both reports. From the coverage given to it in The Review. the subject was quite obviously a major concern. 99

,gra?U w g An inventory of restrictive practices reported by the delegates

reveals

1, outright rejection of An^o-Indians, especially but not exclusively, those unahLe to. pay the high fees which are normally asked in the schools;

2, the tendency in some schools to give preference to wealthy non-Anglo-Indians ;

3, the emphasis on m aintaining a good school record ^diich often results in ne^ect of An^o-Indian children ^Ëio are more inclined to practical pursuits;

4, the classification of Anglo-Incüan children into A, B, and C grades according to those tdxo pay full, half or reduced fees;

5* use of entrance examinations to keep out An^o-Inciian children;

6, dismissal of Anglo-Inc3ian children in the final year of school because their performance on the examination would not bring credit to the scdiool; and

7. evasion of transfer certificates.

In recognizing the existence of restrictive practices, several persons added the caution that particular instances of seeming exclusion or discouragement may have been merited or misunderstood. References to

Anglo-Indian teachers elicited a number of comments about their dedica­ tion and their demonstrated willingness to spare no pains to help An^o-

Indian children. What appeared to be firmness or harshness may well have been a spur to achievement. In turn, the performance of An^o-Indian pupils itself invited comment. It was felt that too many of them showed little desire to excel in scholarship and they tended to be among the low achievers. In reply to a question, one schoolteacher delegate observed that the level of performance had dedLined appreciably after Independence. 100

Some of this was attributed to the fact that the proportion of non-Anglo-

Indian students in the schools had increased substantially in recent years. Poverty of An^o-Indian students was also cited as a relevant factor, especially in comparison to children from other communities who were generally from wealthier families. The question of motive intro­ duced the role of parents as a decisive influence. Among other factors, there were references to the prevalence of pre-Independence commitments to limited career objectives, and the fact that some parents continued to foster the sojourner image of life in India with their constant allusions to going “Home."

trainips. gf. Wgherg The importance of staffing the Community*s schools with Anglo-

Indian teachers was underscored at the I 962 proceedings with an inclusive inquiry into the problem of training teachers. The dearth of Anglo-

Indian teachers, noted earlier, was explored a little more fully.

Delegate accounts contained the following reasons for the lack of quali­ fied Anglo-Indians in relation to the need:

1. The exodus of qualified Anglo-Indians ;

2. The controlling image of Anglo-Indian teachers, tAich had consigned them in the past to the middle grades and "to run about the games field with the boys";5

3. Unattractive sdiolarship offerings;

4. The two-year duration of the training program;

^The Review. December-January, 963 I , p. 29. 101 5» Up-grading of the middle-grade - sohools;

6, The contemplated up-grading of the curriculum from an 11-year pattern to 12 years; and

7. The development of state codes requiring teacher training as a condition to permanent employment. In th is connection, i t mas indicated that Anglo-Indian teachers fell into three categories: (a) untrained teachers mithout college degrees, (b) trained teachers without college degrees, axd (c) trained graduates.

In reviewing the facilities available to the Community for teacher

training, it was revealed that the Rangers Club of Calcutta (an Anglo-

Indian social and athletic club), and the Rangers Education Fund had

contributed ten and twelve scholarships respectively. Several "An^o-

Indian" schools too had developed programs such as "Study Leave Rules,"

and "financial Benefit Rules" to encourage teachers to complete their

training and/or degrees* Other sources of assistance included the

Laidlaw Trust administered by the "European Schools Improvement Associ­

ation" (a pre-Independence organization), whose benefits were restricted

to Protestants, and Government stipends offered by some states. It was

noted that government help (specifically in the cases of West Bengal,

Uttar Pradesh, and Kerala) hinged on residence requirements and/or

commitments to teach in particular geographical areas. The government

stipends were generally quite small, and the State Assemblywoman from

Madras observed th a t the ra te of Rs. 20/- a month had ex is te d in her

state for the last fifty years.

There were some references to "our" colleges which prepared

teachers for Anglo-Indian schools. Their present capacity was estimated

at about a hundred trainees a year, while at the same time, the demand would e asily absorb a t le a s t two hundred women teachers. 102 Is.skii,9ai and YgçaU9pal,.tr^BjiBe The promotion of technical and vocational training was one of the subjects ^diich stimulated considerable discussion. Assessments of the situation were addressed to three areas of concern, namely, access to technical education, cultural deprivation during the training period, and access to employment opportunities.

Regarding admission to technical schools, the following experi­ ences were cited by the delegates:

1. Anglo-Indian boys had been turned down by the authorities because they said "he was too good fo r th a t kind of job";

2. Anglo-Indian boys lack the necessary educational qualifica­ tions ;

3. Anglo-Indians are squeezed out in the crush of candidates for admission;

4. Probable discrimination;

5. Disinclination of boys to go into a training institution and bind themselves to the country for the training period.

The question of cultural deprivation referred to the level of living entailed in taking up apprenticeship training and other types of technical schooling in preparation for skilled jobs in industry. This avenue was f e l t to be quite im portant, however, fo r the larg e number of persons who did not have or go beyond a high school education.

The m atter of emfdoyment opportunities included references to discrimination and overcrowding, especially at the lower levels, plus the attitudes of "skilled workers of other communities . . . [idio] treat an 103 An^o-Indian as a Sahib and • • • said they do not know idiy a Sahib should come down and tcüce away th e ir bread.

Higher education

A rather significant and bold direction of interest was incor­ porated in a resolution to consider "the expansion of facilities for higher education through the medium of English. Ihe chairman* s review of tdiat he described as the "larger, more basic context" reveals the basis for this concern. The following elements were indicated in the substance of his remarks:

1. The Community’s existence depended on the future of the E n^sh language;

2, "Many Anglo-Indian teachers had l e f t and inai^r Heads of Anglo- Indian schools had left the Country because they felt English would be wiped out even before I 965." The Community now has reason to feel secure that En^ish is here to stay.

3* The future of English depends on the Community’s ability to provide a stable institutional setting where it may be kept alive. The trust and other English medium schools cannot be expected to do this.

4, "English flourished in the past because it was the language of the ruling class and of the administrative elite. " Con­ tinuation of English is essential to the integration of India as a nation. The country is composed of linguistic fragments, and many of the future political leaders will know only their regional languages.

5* The massive problem of education in India inhibits develop­ ment of schools which will put English in competition with the regional languages. "The Association has not the resources [to do th is ] , the Anglican Church has not the w ill nor the capacity, the Roman Catholic Church has the capacity, but perhaps it is not particularly interested in the English language."

^ The Review. November-December, I 96I , p. 37.

^The Review. November-December, I 96I , p. 24. 104

The Association is willing to undertake this task if someone were to offer the means. In any event, the preservation of English and of the Community converge in what the Association does about the situation.

Application of this viewpoint to university education was dramatized at the 1962 meetings in light of the Gujarat University case.

Althou^ the Association had won in this Supreme Court decision, and

"En^ish in the Universities ràiere the medium of education is English would continue," it was recognized that this decision would not apply to new colleges. So_ "üie existing facilities were likely to stay constant and States would concentrate on the development of non-English facili­ ties. In this context, university education in En^ish was added to the

Association*s responsibility, and there were some indications that steps in this direction had been taken already. APPENDIX D

THE QUESTIONNAIRE

ABOUT THIS STUDY'1

For some time now I have been gathering materials for ngr Ph.D. thesis in Sociology at the Ohio State University. Ihe study is an attempt to show how national independence in India has affected the lives of Anglo-Indians and Domiciled Europeans. In this work I am chiefly inter­ ested in recording their experiences and in presenting a reliable account of their situaidon today. To this end I wish to invite your personal knowledge and in sig h t.

The bulk of my information is drawn from correspondence with persons who were keenly aware of and sensitive to the current of events around them. Like you. most of them have been in positions of consider­ able influence and are persons of integrity and discernment. I have no doubt therefore that your participation in this study will be a valuable contribution.

My interest in this topic is not entirely academic. A large part of my experience and training in India was stimulated and directed by my associates a t the C hrist Church High School in Bombay. Throu^ them I acquired a respect and admiration for the community that impels me to write of their circumstances today.

For your part I have attached a questionnaire asking you to write on a variety of subjects. Let me urge you to "speak your mind" freely and to add anything that needs to be said at any point on the question­ naire.

Please feel free to write to me apart from your response to the questionnaire. I am particularly anxious to secure references to books, articles, studies, reports and other sources of information on the experi­ ences and activities of An^o-Indians since World War II. Your help in th is connection w ill be more than welcome. I sh all be happy to take care of any costs you incur in making such materials available to me. Let me know too if you would like to receive a summary of this research. Until I hear from you then. I remain.

Sincerely yours,

S. J. Malelu 1The space allotted to the respondents has been reduced for convenience of presentation. 105 106 1. General Information

1 . Yonr age ____ , sex and marital status ______

2, Your b irth p lace .

hometown (in British India) ______

present residence (city and country)

VIhere would you like to live if you were free to move?

3» What was your occiçation in British India? ______

What is your present occupation? ______

Would you prefer to be employed elseidiere? If so, idiere

4. What are some of the organizations (including religious groups) to which you belong?

5» In which of these groups do you participate most actively?

II. Personal Kistorv. The space below is for a brief sketch of your life and career since 1945. I have in mind here, idiere you have lived, worked and travelled; the important organizations, activities and events in tdiich you have taken part; the positions that you have held; the advances and setbacks that you have experienced; your achievements; honours and other recognition accorded you, and in general idiatever you feel have been the significant experiences in your life to date.

Note: The items that follow may not cover everything you wish to say on the subject. Let me urge you again to add anything that has a bearing on the problems discussed in this study.

III. Present atuation

How would you describe your circumstances today? On the lAole, are you satisfied or do you find yourself wishing that things were differ­ ent? Bbw does your situation today con^iare with life in British Lidia? How do you feel about the people with idiom you work; your friezxls and - associates; your neighbours ; your social life in general? (These are some of the ways in which you may express your feelings about your present circumstances. IndLude anything else you wish to say about your life and experiences today.) 107 IV. In the following items I am interested in anything you can tell me about the movement of An^o-Indians across the ^obe, their experi­ ences in various places, and your contact with them.

1. As far as you know, in which of the cities and towns of the world (outside India and Pakistan) would you expect to find sizable numbers of Anglo-Indians living today? (Py sizable I have in mind roughly f i f ty or more persons.) >

2. To the best of your knowledge, are Anglo-Indians %dio live in the same city (outside India and Pakistan) usually in fairly dose contact with each other? If so, what.are the circumstances, situations or occasions that usually bring them together?

3. To what extent and in what ways do you associate or come in contact with Anglo-Indians today?

4. Do you write to or hear from Anglo-Indians living in other countries? If so, where do your correspondents live?

5» As far as you know, in what country or city have Anglo-Indians experienced the greatest hardships? Where have they found life to be most compatible with their needs and interests?

6. How would you describe some of the advantages and disadvantages of life in the various countries in which An^o-Indians live today? (Induding India and Pakistan)

V. What are the most important problems faced by An^o-Indians today? How do you think these problems can best be solved? To idiat groups or agendes would you assign the responsibility for coping with these problems? AEPENDH E

SELECTED CHARACTERISTICS OF THE RESPONDENTS

No. Age Sex M arital Birth Place Hometown Present Status Residence

1 41 F Married Asansol, Asansol Bombay W, Bengal W, Bengal

2 48 M Married Maynyo, Mhow, MP Bombay Burma

3 47 F Married Madras Golden Bombay Rock, S. India

4 39 Married Bombay Bombay Bombay

5 38 M Married Brighton Bombay Bombay

6 43 M Married Madras Madras Bombay

7 64 M Married Nagpur Bombay Panchgani

8 31 M Married Bulsar Bombay- Bombay

9 34 M Married Madras Madras Madras

10 34 M Married Madras Dehra Baroda, Dun Gujarat

11 60 M Married Lahore CHiaziabad, Agra Ü.P.

12 27 M Single Kasauli, Dehra Dun New Delhi Punjab

13 32 M Married Calcutta Calcutta Calcutta 14 61 M Married Mirzapur, Chunar, Going to Ü.P. U.K.

15 58 M Married Bombay Karachi Calcutta

16 55 M Married Calcutta Calcutta Calcutta

108 109

M arital No. Age Sex Birth Place Hometown Present Status Residence

17 57 F Married Henzada, Cuttack, Calcutta Burma Orissa

18 35 M — — — MM

19 60+ M — — MM 20 32 M Married Calcutta Poona Poona

21 32 F Married Calcutta New Santa Delhi Rosa, U.S.

22 30 M Sa.n^e Bangalore New Delhi New Delhi

23 31 M Married Khand w-a Old Delhi Bangalore

24 39 M Married Calcutta Calcutta C alcutta

25 54 F — Agra Bombay Poona

26 39 M Married Bombay Bombay Delhi

27 60+ M MM C alcutta

Group Memberships Occupation

Women*s Conference, Church of Primary teacher: High School South India, W.S.C.S. in a Methodist Church, Choir, Sunday School

.All India A n^o-Indian Associ­ Assistant Master: High School ation, Bombay State Bharat Scouts and Guides Association

All India An^o-Indian Associ­ Senior M istress : High School atio n , Mothers* Union and Parishioner in Anglican Church, Inactive member of Old Students* Association of an Anglo-Indian School n o

No. GroTQ) Memberships 0 collation Christian Scientist, An India Frei^t Arbitrator: Shipping An^o-Indian Association Company

Controller of Stores: Dock Company

IMGA, Bible Society, Toe H, Methodist Minister Masonic Lodge, Boys* dnb. Aged Spinsters* Society, Bombay Confer­ ence of the Methodist Church, Rotary, Student Christian Movement, Horticultural Society Church of India, Burma and Ceylon, Angncan Minister Society of St. Peter

8 Freemason; Director, Bombay Educa­ O fficer in O n Coiq)any tion Society, An India An^o- Indian Association

Church Crusaders; Home Missionary Bank d e rk Society; Christian EniJ.oyees* Fenowship; India Council for Christian Leadership; An India An^o-Indian Association; Indian Institute of Bankers; Bank Staff % ion 10 IMCA, SCM, Toe h. A ll India Anglo- Methodist Minister Indian Association, Youth Vfork and Sunday Schools n All India An^o-Indian Associa­ Garage Manager tio n ; Church of England

12 Freelance Writer, Program Assistant in American Relief Organization

13 Gran dub. All India An^o-Indian Bank Assistant Association; Basketban Associ­ ation; Softban Association

14 Angn^m Churdi; Freemason ; An Schoolmaster iDidia Anglo-Indian A ssociation

15 Anglo-Indian Teachers Association, School teacher Cathonc Teachers* Gund I l l

No. Group Memberships Occupation

16 All Indian Anglo-Indian Association; Welfare Officer, Anglo- Home Missionary Society; Bible Indian Committee, Bengad Society; Fellowship of Christian Workers ; Church

17 lig h t Opera Group and Society; Confidential Secretary W.S.C.S.; Wesleyan Service Guild; Church Choir; Cathedral Special Choir

18 Manager, Branch Services in Chemical Company

19 Retired member of executive staff of leading business concern

20 All Indian Anglo-Indian Association Teacher: Training College

21 Church and Choir L ibrarian

22 ÏMCA; Church Recreation d u b ; An^o- %Lth American Relief Indian d u b ; Community Theatre ; Organization Office Society

23 dble Society; IMCA, Board of Production Manager, Bible Directors and Chairman, Young Men^s Society of India and Work Division Ceylon

24 Church; Sports dub; Church group; A ssistant, Rope Company Bible Society; Home Missionary Society; Old Pupils Association of Anglo-Indian School

25 Roman Catholic Church Retired Nursing Sister (Matron)

26 Array officer (Major)

27 Include, AH India Anglo-Indian Schoolmaster Association; Anglo-Indian Trust and Welfare Organizations; education societies and religious groups APPENDIX F

SOCIOLOGICAL ARGUMENTS CONCERNING MARGINALITY

Bt B*..ParK-and Y. When they initiated the sociological application of the term.

Park and Stonequist attributed the marginal condition to simultaneous involvement in disparate social worlds—a circumstance lAich they pre­ sumed to be most readily engendered in the offspring of "mixed marriages."

They differed, however, in their perceptions of the irregularity induced by this circumstance. For Park, the divergent social worlds became at once a description of personality, and the marginal man was one tdiose

"... mind is the crucible in which two different and refractory cul­ tures may be said to melt and, either >daolly or in part, fuse." Conse­ quently, the individual was seen to acquire a rather broad and flexible perspective on the personal significance of cultural definitions. So

"inevitably he becomes, relatively to his cultural milieu, the individual with the wider horizon, the keener intelligence, the more detached and rational viewpoint. The marginal man is always relatively the more civilized human being."

For Stonequist, the important feature of the marginal man was the fact that "... the individual’s sentiments and career are bound up with two so cial worlds." In the la t t e r situ atio n , idien membership in each social world is based on ascribed criteria, such as birth or ancestry, and in effect precludes membership in the other social world, 112 113

the person \ùio is connected 'uith both of them is faced with a problem.

To idiich of these worlds does he belong, and which one may he use to

define his ri^ ts and obligations in society? This is the marginal

man*s Hiiamma and th is i s the problem which makes him vulnerable, on

the psychological level, to doubts about his identity in society. When

these doubts are reinforced ty recurrent experiences that call attention

to his peculiar position, he becomes extremely self-conscious and sensi­

tive about his identity.

Hudies

The marginal man is a social hybrid -»dio represents a new and

unexpected combination of status characteristics (such as Negro-physician;

boy-college-president; woman-senator).

The convergence of these statuses creates confusion concerning

the incumbent*s identity in the various social relationships in which he is involved.

In the absence of generally accepted guides to behavior, the incumbent is in a quandary over the proper status to use in his conduct.

This is his status dilemma.

The individual is in a marginal position so long as he experiences

a status Hjlftwma and he is regarded by others as a contradiction.

The marginality of such persons may be reduced as follows:

1. "All such persons could give up the struggle, by retiring

completely into the status with which they are most stubbornly identified by society. ..." 114

2 . "One of the statuses couLd disappear as a status. The word

* woman' could cease to have social meaning, and become merely a biologi­

cal designation without any status or role connotations. . ,

3. "Persons of marginal position might individually resign from

the sta tu s lAich in te rfe re s with th e ir statu s aims . . . A Negro would declare himself no longer a Negro. . .

4. "One or both of the statuses might, without disappearing, be so broadened and redefined as to reduce both the inner dilemma and the outward contradiction."

5« The social system may be elaborated "to include a marginal group as an additional category of persons with their own identity and defined position. ..."

In the medical profession, of which it is a part, chiropractors have a marginal role.

This role is deemed inferior according to certain standards that prevail in the medical profession. Such standards include "(a) the amount of technical competence which chiropractors possess, (b) the breadth of scope of their practice, . . . (e) their prestige standing.

On the average, chiropractors rank below physicians and osteopaths in these respects. ..."

The strain of inferiority is transmitted to persons idio occupy the role because chiropractors want to be accepted as doctors. 115 Soldberg

Marginality is not inherent in the drcmstances described by

Park and Stonequist; that is, in "an existence on the borders of two

cu ltu res,"

Through a combination of circumstances, th is existence may be

converted into a culturally valid experience.

Thus, the cultural hybrid may find his situation in society personally comfortable, emotionally sustained by his intimates, and defined by distinctive forms of participation in society.

Under these conditions, and in the absence of other sources of psychic stress, such a person would not be a "true" marginal man. On the contrary, h is culture would be ju st as normal for him as the non­ marginal man’s culture is to him.

Green

Park and Stonequist are much too naive in their attempts to translate culture conflict into personality conflict. The population categories covered ty the marginal man concept (such as American Jews,

American Negroes and mulattoes, and second generation American students of Greek and Polish ancestry), do not always, nor can they necessarily be expected to exhibit marginal personality traits. They may eaqierience the impact of their situation in different ways due to the degree of difference between the cultures involved; the attitudes of people on both sides of the culture contact situation; the existence of parallel or substitute opportunities within the ethnic community; the individual’s ) interests, aspirations, group ties and group identifications, 116

The situation which fosters marginal personality traits is ambiguity concerning one's acceptability in the group to lAioh one asp ires.

Here, too, the in ^ ct of ambiguity may be lessened by various combinations of factors. So the term ^marginal man" includes a hetero­ geneous assortment of individuals idio would manifest marginal person­ ality traits in varying degrees.

The marginal status should be distinguished from the marginal man.

The marginal status is a position which encourages its occiqiant to identify with both the dominant and the subordinate groups.

The "marginal man" is an occupant of a marginal status who in fact identifies with the dominant group. When he does so he is using a non-membership group (from which he is excluded) as a reference group.

At the same time, his "socialization has not been such as to prepare him to play the role assigned to him in the social sphere." The personality traits commonly associated with the marginal man can be expected to develop most clearly in such a person. This is because

the marginal man is one who has internalized the norms of a particular group (thus it is his reference group) but he is not completely recognized by others as being a legitimate member of th a t group (thus i t is not his membership group). As long as this relationship prevails, his role in countless situations will be ill-defined (or defined in one way by him and in another by those about him), and he will suffer the effects of uncertainty, ambivalence, and the fear of rejection and failure. . . . 117

The various elements of a situation idxlch involves marginality

may be listed as follows:

1. A lasting culture contact situation (or it may be sub­

cultures in contact) in which

a*' one of the cultural systems is marginal in relation to

the other. Marginality here implies relative disad­

vantage due to subordination or lower reward potential.

b. the cultures are not entirely compatible with each

other, and

c. the persons involved have access to both cultures.

2. The cultural orientations fostered by this situation. Thus

a. members of the non-marginal culture "are not particu­

larly influenced ty or attracted to the other, the

marginal culture," and

b. members of the marginal culture internalize both cultures

but are attracted to the non-marginal culture "by the

promise of the greater rewards offered,"

3. The forces which obstruct the goal interests in the non­ marginal culture, acquired by members of the marginal culture ; namely,

"the barriers between the two [cultures which] tend to be hardened by discrimination from the one side, and by pressure against 'betrayal* from the othep." 118

For the member of the marginal culture, this situation fosters a polarity between the world defined by his marginal culture and the world beyond. So his response to this situation may be described by the extent to which he leans toward one world or the other. BIBLIOGBAPHÏ

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