Ukraine for the 2010 Presidential Election
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Ukraine Nuclear Fuel Cycle Chronology
Ukraine Nuclear Fuel Cycle Chronology Last update: April 2005 This annotated chronology is based on the data sources that follow each entry. Public sources often provide conflicting information on classified military programs. In some cases we are unable to resolve these discrepancies, in others we have deliberately refrained from doing so to highlight the potential influence of false or misleading information as it appeared over time. In many cases, we are unable to independently verify claims. Hence in reviewing this chronology, readers should take into account the credibility of the sources employed here. Inclusion in this chronology does not necessarily indicate that a particular development is of direct or indirect proliferation significance. Some entries provide international or domestic context for technological development and national policymaking. Moreover, some entries may refer to developments with positive consequences for nonproliferation. 2003-1993 1 August 2003 KRASNOYARSK ADMINISTRATION WILL NOT ALLOW IMPORT OF UKRAINE'S SPENT FUEL UNTIL DEBT PAID On 1 August 2003, UNIAN reported that, according to Yuriy Lebedev, head of Russia's International Fuel and Energy Company, which is managing the import of spent nuclear fuel to Krasnoyarsk Kray for storage, the Krasnoyarsk administration will not allow new shipments of spent fuel from Ukraine for storage until Ukraine pays its $11.76 million debt for 2002 deliveries. —"Krasnoyarskiy kray otkazhetsya prinimat otrabotannoye yadernoye toplivo iz Ukrainy v sluchaye nepogasheniya 11.76 mln. dollarov dolga," UNIAN, 1 August 2003; in Integrum Techno, www.integrum.com. 28 February 2002 RUSSIAN REACTOR FUEL DELIVERIES TO COST $246 MILLION IN 2002 Yadernyye materialy reported on 28 February 2002 that Russian Minister of Atomic Energy Aleksandr Rumyantsev and Ukrainian Minister of Fuel and Energy Vitaliy Gayduk signed an agreement under which Ukraine will buy reactor fuel worth $246 million from Russia in 2002. -
Decommunization, Memory Laws, and “Builders of Ukraine in the 20Th Century”*
ACTA SLAVICA IAPONICA, TOMUS 39, PP. 1–22 Articles Decommunization, Memory Laws, and “Builders of Ukraine in the 20th Century”* David R. Marples INTRODUCTION This paper provides a critical overview of the Decommunization campaign in Ukraine up to the spring of 2017, which marked two years since the beginning of the program introduced by the four Memory Laws ratified by Ukraine’s president Petro Poroshenko in May 2015. In reality, the process of removing Soviet statues and memorabilia began well before Euromaidan, especially in Western Ukraine where Lenin monuments and others of the Soviet period were swiftly removed from the late 1980s into the early years of independence.1 But I address the formal campaign headed by the Ukrainian Institute of National Remembrance (hereafter referred to as INR), which began in the spring of 2015. I provide an analysis of the program and its results, the results of opinion polls, some critiques and also the reasons why it remains controversial, particularly outside Ukraine. The particular focus is 20th century “builders of Ukrainian independence” as defined by these laws because this question has solicited the most attention, along with the physical changes that have resulted to the map of Ukraine, mon- uments, and memorials. Decommunization has a wider context than the Mem- ory Laws, including a program of administrative decentralization and a new Education Law, introduced in draft form on September 5 and approved by the president on September 25, 2017, which will gradually render the Ukrainian language as the only language of instruction in schools and higher educational institutions.2 Clearly the decentralization program cannot be fulfilled while a conflict situation remains in the eastern parts of Donetsk and Luhansk regions. -
Yes 2012 Report.Pdf
CONFERENCE OPENING Dear Friends, Today, countries are in a global race that gets faster and faster. I am not a political scientist - as an art collector I like to use art when I speak about global challenges. Let me use the famous photographer Andreas Gursky’s “Boxenstopp” as an analogy. A pit stop in Formula 1. One team is blue and yellow. This is Ukraine; these are Ukraine’s colours. What is the Ukrainian team doing? I believe - reforms. In the global race, reforms are pit stops allowing you to change and speed up. Some countries which were slow before improve their position. Like cars that put on the right new tires and fill up with the right amount of gasoline, they can overtake others. Others put on the wrong equip- ment or lose too much time in the pit stop and fall behind. I hope Ukraine’s team will be successful. And I hope for all of us this conference will be an intellectual pit stop where we refuel and re-equip ourselves, take in new energy and ideas, to help all our respective countries become smarter, better, more productive, more just. For this, we have fantastic speakers with us in Yalta, political leaders, business leaders, social leaders, intellectuals. I look forward to our discussions. Victor Pinchuk, Founder and Member of the Board, Yalta European Strategy 1 AGENDA 9th YALTA ANNUAL MEETING Ukraine and the World: Addressing Tomorrow’s Challenges Together AGENDA Thursday, September 13 21:20 – 21:25 Welcoming Remarks Aleksander Kwasniewski, President of Poland (1995-2005); Chairman of the Board, Yalta European Strategy -
FROM DESPAIR to HOPE LGBT Situation in Ukraine in 2014
FROM DESPAIR TO HOPE LGBT situation in Ukraine in 2014 LGBT Human Rights Nash Mir Center Council of LGBT Organizations of Ukraine Kyiv 2015 From Despair to Hope. LGBT situation in Ukraine in 2014 This publication provides information that reflects the social, legal and political situation of the LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender) community in Ukraine in 2014. Here are to be found data and analyses on issues related to the rights and interests of LGBT persons in legislation, public and political life, public opinion, and examples of discrimination on the ground of sexual orientation etc. Authors: Andrii Kravchuk, Oleksandr Zinchenkov Project Manager of Nash Mir Center: Andriy Maymulakhin The authors would like to thank NGOs Association LGBT LIGA, Gay Forum of Ukraine, Lyudy Bukoviny, LGBT Union You Are Not Alone and all active participants in the LGBT Leaders e-mailing list and Facebook groups who collect and exchange relevant information on various aspects of the situation of LGBT people in Ukraine. Very special thanks to J. Stephen Hunt (Chicago, USA) for his proofreading of the English text and long-lasting generous support. The report is supported by Council of LGBT Organizations of Ukraine. The report “From Despair to Hope. LGBT situation in Ukraine in 2014” was prepared by Nash Mir Center as part of the project “Promoting LGBT rights in Ukraine through monitoring, legal protection & raising public awareness”. This project is realised by Nash Mir in cooperation with the Norwegian Helsinki Committee, within the framework of the program "Promotion of human rights and rule of law for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender persons in Ukraine" which is funded by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. -
Report on the Project
Report on the Project: Dimensions, Opportunities and Benefits of Ukraine - NATO Relations. Impact of NATO Enlargement on Ukraine’s Foreign Policy Process NATO - EAPC Research Fellowship Programme, 1999 – 2001 By Dr. Sergiy Tolstov, Supervisory Research Fellow, Institute of World Economy and International Relations, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, and Director of the Institute for Political Analysis and International Studies 28 June 2001, Kyiv (Ukraine) 2 Conents: 1. Introduction 2. Dimensions of European and Euro-Atlantic Security Cooperation (concepts and scenarios) 2.1. The New World Order 2.2. Strategic Approaches and Perceptions 2.3. Towards the New European Security Architecture 3. The Internal Factors and Features of Ukraine’s Development in the Context of European Transformation Processes 3.1. General Trends 3.2. Constitutional Referendum 2000 and Political Opposition 3.3. The Tapegate Affair 3.4. Situation in the System of Power 4. Monitoring of Domestic Debates on Foreign Policy Matters. 4.1. The Foreign Policy Concept 4.2. Peculiarities of the National Foreign Policy Process 4.3. Parliamentary Debates and the 1999 Presidential Elections 4.4. Security Issues in the Domestic Political Discussion 5. Impact of Ukraine - NATO Cooperation on Ukraine’s Foreign Policy. 5.1. Developing Ukraine – NATO Partnership 5.2. Ukraine’s Security Prospects in the Context of NATO Enlargement 5.3. State Programme for Cooperation of Ukraine with NATO, 1998 - 2001 5.4. State Programme for Cooperation of Ukraine with NATO, 2001-2004 6. Tendencies of International Relations in Central Eastern Europe 6.1. Results of Transformations in the Central Eastern Europe and the Post-Soviet Space 6.2. -
TO EFFECTIVE PARTNERSHIP (Analytical Report of Razumkov Centre)
NATIONAL SECURITY & DEFENCE π 4 (108) CONTENTS 2009 UKRAINE-RUSSIA: FROM CRISIS – TO EFFECTIVE PARTNERSHIP (Analytical Report of Razumkov Centre) ............................................................................................. 2 Founded and published by: Section 1. POLITICAL FACTORS OF BILATERAL COOPERATION ....................................................... 3 Section 2. BILATERAL ECONOMIC COOPERATION OF UKRAINE AND RUSSIA .........................15 Section 3. RELATIONS OF UKRAINE AND RUSSIA IN THE ENERGY SECTOR .............................. 24 Section 4. HUMANITARIAN ASPECT OF UKRAINE-RUSSIA RELATIONS ......................................28 Section 5. STATE AND PROSPECTS OF UKRAINE-RUSSIA COOPERATION IN THE MILITARY SECTOR ......................................................................................... 33 UKRAINIAN CENTRE FOR ECONOMIC & POLITICAL STUDIES Section 6. CONCLUSIONS AND PROPOSALS ............................................................................. 37 NAMED AFTER OLEXANDER RAZUMKOV PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS OF UKRAINE-RUSSIA PARTNERSHIP (Round-table by correspondence) .................................................................................................... 43 LONG-TERM FRUITFUL AND MUTUALLY ADVANTAGEOUS COOPERATION Director General Anatoliy Rachok OF UKRAINE AND RUSSIA IS OF OUR MUTUAL INTEREST Editor-in-Chief Maryna Melnyk Victor YUSHCHENKO ........................................................................................................... 43 Layout and design Oleksandr -
Compendium on Cyber Security of Election
Protecting the Digital Infrastructure of Democracy Liisa Past [email protected] “There’s been a lot of claims that our election system is unhackable. That's BS. Only a fool or liar would try to claim that their database or machine was unhackable.” Jake Braun, DefCon hacker voting village POOR SET-UP TO TACKLE CYBER THREATS • Terminological ambiguity • Digital governance is a national matter • Diverse systems, organizational set-ups • Lack of operational cooperation • Civil servants not cyber security experts HOWEVER • Most elections rely on some technology • Attack vectors and adversary often similar • Technology-related threats undermine democracy GEORGIA (2008, 2019) UKRAIN E (2014) Actual result Name Res Rank ult % Dmytro Yarosh 00.7 11 Petro Poroshenko 54.7 1 Yulia Tymoshenko 12.8 2 Serhiy Tihipko 05.2 5 Oleh Lyashko 08.3 3 Vadim Rabinovich 02.6 7 Image: https://www.stopfake.org/en/russian-first-channel-informed-of-yarosh-victory-in-ukraine-s-presidential-elections/ Screen grab: https://motherboard.vice.com/en_us/article/zmakk3/researchers-find-critical-backdoor-in-swiss-online-voting-system Image Flickr CC, https://www.flickr.com/photos/147597828@N03/34208529880/in/photolist-24SJJLe-2c9YEhm-22jgpYM-Ui7UB5-Tinopk-U7TE8j-SYpxFh-Uve1UW Graphic: The Hacker News PARTIES AND CANDIDATES (2016/17) LATVIA (2018) Screen grab: https://eng.lsm.lv/ Voting Election technology Attacks on auxiliary systems, facilitators and vendors Integrated information operations Compendium on Cyber Security of Election Technology (2018) • Under the Cooperation -
IFES Faqs on Elections in Ukraine
Elections in Ukraine 2019 Presidential Election Frequently Asked Questions Europe and Eurasia International Foundation for Electoral Systems 2011 Crystal Drive | Floor 10 | Arlington, VA 22202 | www.IFES.org March 22, 2019 Frequently Asked Questions When is Election Day? ................................................................................................................................... 1 Why is this election important? .................................................................................................................... 1 What is the role of the president? ................................................................................................................ 1 What is the legal framework governing the elections? ................................................................................ 1 What is the electoral system? ....................................................................................................................... 2 Who are the candidates? .............................................................................................................................. 2 How are elections administered? ................................................................................................................. 3 Who can vote in these elections? ................................................................................................................. 4 How do citizens register to vote? ................................................................................................................ -
INTERNATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION Ukraine — Presidential Election, 17 January 2010
NATO Parliamentary Assembly Assemblée parlementaire de l’OTAN INTERNATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION Ukraine — Presidential Election, 17 January 2010 STATEMENT OF PRELIMINARY FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS PRELIMINARY CONCLUSIONS The first round of the 17 January presidential election in Ukraine was of high quality and showed significant progress over previous elections. This election met most OSCE and Council of Europe commitments. Civil and political rights were respected, including freedom of assembly, association and expression. Election day was conducted in an efficient and orderly manner. This election saw a diverse field of candidates representing alternative political views, offering a genuine choice to the electorate. Candidates were able to campaign freely across the country without impediment. The campaign period was generally calm and orderly. Unsubstantiated allegations of large-scale electoral fraud negatively affected the pre-election atmosphere and voters’ confidence. In contradiction with the law, administrative resources were misused by candidates in official positions. More transparent campaign financing is necessary during the pre-election period. By voting in large numbers and freely expressing their will, Ukrainians have shown the desire to decide on the course of the country. The intertwining of political and economic interests had a negative influence and undermined public confidence in the political process, posing a challenge for Ukraine’s leadership. Election rules have to be set clearly and should not be a permanent subject of discussion. Regrettably, a unified election code has not yet been adopted in Ukraine. The existing election law as amended in August 2009 was a step backward compared to previous legislation. As a result, the legal framework remains unclear and incomplete. -
Center for Civil Liberties
CENTER FOR CIVIL LIBERTIES ANNUAL REPORT 2019 ANNUAL REPORT OF THE CENTER FOR CIVIL LIBERTIES 2019 ADDRESS: 9g Baseina Str., of. 28, Kyiv, Email: [email protected] www.ccl.org.ua fb.com/ccl.org.ua Rapporteur — Serhii Okuniev Kyiv 2020 CONTENTS 1. Opening remarks 4 2. About Center for Civil Liberties 7 2.1 Reorganisation 8 2.2 Volunteers and interns 9 3. Coalitions and initiatives of the CCL 12 3.1 Activities of the Human Rights Agenda Platform 13 3.2 Overcoming the effects of armed conflict 19 3.3. #SaveOlegSentsov Campaign and actions in support of all Kremlin prisoners 24 3.4 OZONE Public Watchers Group 30 3.5. Euromaidan SOS 36 4. Protection of human rights and certain vulnerable groups 40 5. Human rights education and enlightenment 42 6. International advocacy 45 7. International solidarity 47 8. Achievements 50 9. Center for Civil Liberties team 52 10. Communications and cooperation with mass media 55 11. Financial report for 2019 56 WWW.CCL.ORG.UA 1. OPENING REMARKS re-election 2019 interim when I went to the platform The situation is complicat- year summed up the was a phone talk of a train ed by fragmentation within P previous five post- station employee — “Have you civil society itself and the Maidan years. Unfortunately, seen the faces of those scoun- widening gap within the after the Revolution of Dignity, drels in Parliament?” We move general public. The number there was no fundamental on to the next stage of course of of citizens involved in reset of political elites. -
Opora Final Report on Observation at the 2019 Regular Presidential Elections in Ukraine
OPORA FINAL REPORT ON OBSERVATION AT THE 2019 REGULAR PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN UKRAINE Kyiv― 2020 The publication was made possible due to support of American people pro- vided by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). Any opinions and statements expressed in this publication may not coin- cide with the official position of USAID and US Government. Authors Oleksandr Kliuzhev Oleksandr Neberykut Olha Kotsiuruba Robert Lorian Iurii Lisovskyi Grygorii Sorochan Endorsed by Olga Aivazovska Translation Svitlana Bregman Design by Viktoria Arkhypenko ISBN 978-617-7142-56-9 © OPORA, 2020 CONTENT ABOUT OPORA OBSERVATION 5 BACKGROUND INFORMATION OF THE REPORT 7 DETAILED SUMMARY 13 ELECTORAL SYSTEM AND ELECTORAL LAW 31 REGISTRATION OF CANDIDATES FOR THE POSITION OF THE PRESIDENT OF UKRAINE 35 CAMPAIGNING ACTIVITIES OF PARTIES AND CANDIDATES 39 Peculiarities of the early campaigning 40 Format of campaigning activities and early campaigning subjects 41 Campaigning activities of candidates within the electoral process 46 Campaigning activities of candidates during the preparation for the second round of voting 51 ADMINISTRATION OF THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN UKRAINE 55 CEC operations 56 Formation and activities of district election commissions 64 Establishing district election commissions 64 The first sessions of district election commissions 69 Rotation of the DEC membership 72 Formation of precinct election commissions 72 Launch of operations of precinct election commissions 78 Formation and organization of DEC operations -
UKRAINE AFTER the TYMOSHENKO VERDICT Andrew Wilson
EUROPEAN COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS POLICY MEMO UKRAINE AFTER THE TYMOSHENKO VERDICT Andrew Wilson Summary The trial and sentencing of the former Ukrainian Prime Minister Yuliya Tymoshenko in October 2011 generated many bad headlines. It also placed in doubt the two key agreements with the European Union that Ukraine has been negotiating since 2008: the Association Agreement and Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA). This memo argues that the EU-Ukraine summit on 19 December should initiate a twin-track approach. The agreements cannot be formally signed, but should be kept alive until Ukraine is ready to implement the conditionality laid out in resolutions by the European Parliament and other bodies. But lecturing Ukraine on human rights at the summit will have little effect. The EU should also move towards sanctions that show its red lines have not been dropped; targeting the individuals most responsible for democratic backsliding and signalling more general vigilance against the Ukrainian elite’s free-flowing travel and financial privileges in the EU. The trial and sentencing of the former Ukrainian Prime Minister Yuliya Tymoshenko presents a double challenge for the European Union. Its credibility is on the line after the Ukrainian authorities first ignored clear warnings from Brussels and key member states and then failed to deliver on promises of compromise. But the impasse is also testing the EU’s soft power and transformative capacity. Even Ukraine’s friends, who have long recognised its difficulties in transforming itself, would claim that this is at least in part due to the absence of any reform incentive comparable to the membership perspective enjoyed by the accession states of the 1990s.