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Journal of Hindu-Christian Studies

Volume 28 Article 6

2015 Hindu-Christian Relations in the Everyday Life of North Indian Pentecostals Julia Kuhlin Uppsala University

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Recommended Citation Kuhlin, Julia (2015) "Hindu-Christian Relations in the Everyday Life of North Indian Pentecostals," Journal of Hindu-Christian Studies: Vol. 28, Article 6. Available at: http://dx.doi.org/10.7825/2164-6279.1605

The Journal of Hindu-Christian Studies is a publication of the Society for Hindu-Christian Studies. The digital version is made available by Digital Commons @ Butler University. For questions about the Journal or the Society, please contact [email protected]. For more information about Digital Commons @ Butler University, please contact [email protected]. Kuhlin: Hindu-Christian Relations in the Everyday Life of North Indian Pe

Hindu-Christian Relations in the Everyday Life of North Indian Pentecostals

Julia Kuhlin Uppsala University

OVER the last few decades, Hindu-Christian relationship with the Hindu surroundings in relations in India appear to have taken a new their everyday life. The study proceeds from a worrying turn. Since 1998 violent attacks Social Identity Theory (SIT) framework, against Christians in India have increased accordingly paying particular attention to the significantly, and there are no signs of decline. construction and perception of group relations. Pentecostal and Pentecostal-like groups have A central finding of the study is that the been afflicted to a greater extent by this recent informants did not perceive Hindu-Christian development and are disproportionately relations as a matter of “we and them” but targeted in attacks in comparison to other described both groups as internally Christians.1 Considering the explosion of differentiated. This understanding of the academic studies on Pentecostalism worldwide, Christian in-group and the Hindu out-group it is striking that so little attention has been meant that Hindu-Christian relations, for the paid to the contemporary situation of Indian informants, did not simply involve two Pentecostals. In particular, there is a notable religious groups relating to each other, but lack of studies dealing with Indian Pentecostals’ consisted of various Christian and Hindu sub- everyday life from a non-church perspective. groups with complicated interrelationships. The aim of this case study—consisting of in- Furthermore, the Christian in-group and the depth interviews with students at the Hindu out-group were overlapped by various Pentecostal college Doon Bible College2 in identities and relations, such as caste identity, Dehradun (Uttarakhand)—is to explore from a the village community and families. The micro perspective how North Indian dualistic worldview which is often associated Pentecostals perceive and experience the with Pentecostals did not conform to either the

Julia Kuhlin is a PhD candidate in World Christianity and Interreligious Studies at the Faculty of Theology at Uppsala University, Sweden. Kuhlin’s major research interests are focused around questions concerning the Pentecostal movement in India and Hindu-Christian relations. Her PhD project concerns lived religion among Indian Pentecostal women in New Delhi. The present article is a condensed version of her Master's thesis Love Thy Hindu Neighbor as Thyself (2014) and deals with North Indian Pentecostals’ everyday interaction with the Hindu population and experiences of Hindu- Christian relations.

Journal of Hindu-Christian Studies 28 (2015):40-54

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informants’ perception of Hindu-Christian given a significant boost, and a Pentecostal relations or their everyday interaction network began to be established.5 The question patterns. All informants had Hindu family of origin has become a burning issue within members or close Hindu friends with whom Indian Pentecostalism due to the commonly- they frequently interacted. In addition, as a held opinion among Hindu nationalistic groups result of the arrangement of village life, the that Christianity is a foreign import. As a informants coming from rural areas consequence, the rather Eurocentric intermingled to a great extent with members of description of the Pentecostal movement’s the Hindu out-group who were neither family history in India (which tends to place a great nor friends. Hindu-Christians relations were deal of emphasis on the efforts of foreign described as mostly trouble-free on micro and missionaries) is being revised, and attention is meso-levels; conflicts were perceived as called to the role played by indigenous exceptions to a normal peaceful coexistence. adherents of the movement. However, the informants expressed fear and While the Pentecostal movement worldwide anxiety concerning Hindu-Christian relations experienced a considerable growth during the on the national level. first part of the 20th century, it had a comparatively slow beginning in India.6 Even Pentecostalism in India though churches and Bible schools had been The origin of the Pentecostal movement in founded around the country, the movement India is a much-disputed topic. The discussion had difficulties in reaching out to a larger generally concerns whether Indian public. After independence in 1947 the Pentecostalism is to be regarded as an movement got an upswing as the Charismatic American import arriving in the early 20th wave found its way into the Catholic Church century or an indigenous Indian spiritual and mainline Protestant denominations. At the movement. Scholars of the latter position argue same time increasing numbers of independent that Pentecostal-like revivals3 have taken place Pentecostal churches started to emerge, and within India since the late 19th century, and the growth of Pentecostal and Charismatic even though American missionaries played a Christianity accelerated dramatically. With the crucial role in linking the various revivals and appearance of a wide range of independent groups into a movement, the foundation for the Pentecostal churches a space was opened up for movement had already been laid by the time of lower caste Pentecostal leaders, which has been their arrival.4 However, the Mukti revival in an important factor in the movement’s success, Maharashtra, led by Pandita Ramabai, and the yet has also contributed to its vulnerable events in Khasi Hills (in present-day Assam) are 7 position. usually regarded by researchers of both A main characteristic of the Pentecostal positions as having been vital for the movement globally, including India, is its establishment and spread of the Pentecostal emphasis on mission. Initially, there was a movement in India. With the arrival of strong belief that the end times were rapidly missionaries from Azusa Street the ideas and approaching and, as a consequence, there was experiences that came out of the revivals were an urge to save as many souls as possible. Even

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42 Julia Kuhlin

though the belief in an encroaching end times have the protective network of a strong has, to some extent, been toned down in India, denomination that other churches may have.13 Pentecostal groups nonetheless tend to put He also highlights Pentecostals’ strong strong emphasis on the importance of engagement in the areas of healing and spreading the gospel.8 However, methods of exorcism, which makes them competitors with evangelism have changed over time, and other religious groups. nowadays many Indian churches have started An emphasis on signs and wonders is to shift their focus from evangelistic work to another major characteristic among Indian social work. Pentecostals are often accused of Pentecostals. In meetings, the experiences of using aggressive methods of evangelization, but the Holy Spirit, spontaneity and emotionalism recent research indicates that this is not a are often given prominence. There is typically a uniform tendency within the contemporary strong belief that any Christian (lay or Indian Pentecost movement, but limited to ordained) can be empowered by the Holy Spirit parts of the movement.9 and be given “spiritual gifts,” such as the ability Evangelism and conversion have been major to “speak in tongues,” perform healing, caste sources of conflict and disagreement within out demons and prophesize. In his work on Hindu-Christian relations throughout 20th south Indian Pentecostalism Michael century. Sebastian Kim has neatly traced this Bergunder14 describes that healing and debate in his book In Search for Identity.10 Among exorcism provide an overlapping set of other things, Kim11 describes the discussions practices between Pentecostals and Hindu preceding the formation of the Indian popular spirituality that leads to contact Constitution in which the question of between the two groups. Instead of rejecting conversion and proselytization was much in commonly-held Hindu popular beliefs that focus. Even though the right to proselytize was spirits affect daily life, Pentecostal churches inscribed in the Constitution, the issue over tend to embrace these and offer their own conversion was never resolved and has solutions on how to deal with them. Bauman continued to be an ongoing conflict within draws a similar conclusion and, furthermore, Hindu-Christian relations. It is often argued argues that the emphasis on healing is a major that Pentecostals are disproportionally explanation for the Pentecostal movement’s targeted in attacks due to their focus on growth in India.15 mission. However, in the newly published book The Pentecostal tendency to embrace other Pentecostals, Proselytization, and Anti-Christian spiritual worldviews is, however, often two- Violence in Contemporary India, Bauman12 sided. Even if Pentecostals tend to embrace the suggests that this factor is just part of a much ontological claims of the existence of a spiritual more complicated situation. Bauman brings realm, they seldom accept the beliefs that complexity to the matter by, for example, accompany them. Other religions are often highlighting the vulnerable situation of demonized and a sharp division is made Pentecostal churches, which are often situated between Christians and non-Christians.16 To be in traditional Hindu-dominated areas, contain a Pentecostal often involves following a rigid high numbers of women and Dalits, and do not moral code derived from a rather literalist

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reading of the Bible. According to Bergunder, relations in the context of the everyday life of the discussion over ethical norms is an Pentecostals. The primary material was incendiary topic among Indian Pentecostals, gathered using semi-structured in-depth generating conflicts among pastors as well as interviews. Each informant was interviewed laity. In terms of the discourse about Hinduism, twice during a period of two weeks in January findings of recent research indicate that the 2014. The interviews were subsequently fully tendency to demonize other religions has transcribed, coded and analyzed following Jens lessened somewhat in recent years. Anita Rennstram & David Waterford’s20 mode of Suneson17 found that the Pentecostals she procedure for analyzing qualitative material. interviewed in two churches in Bangalore tried I aimed at reaching maximum diversity and to speak diplomatically regarding Hinduism variation among the informants in terms of and Hindus in order to avoid causing offense. religious background (converted/non- Similarly, the pastors Lukose18 interviewed converted), gender and rural/urban stated that their former perception of non- background in order to be able to compare how Christians as being “destined to hell” has been such variables could influence experiences and replaced by a more positive attitude, e.g. as understanding of Hindu-Christian relations. “future believers” and “pre-Christian The informants have been given code names, neighbors.” and certain sensitive information has been This brief background of Indian excluded in order to maintain anonymity. Pentecostalism has hopefully shown that it is a The informants consist of seven men and vibrant movement undergoing continual two women. All informants are between the changes. Although this introduction has mainly ages of 20-30 years. Three grew up in a focused on what distinguishes the movement as Christian family, and the other six had, a whole, it should be underlined that individually or together with their family, Pentecostal churches diverge to a high degree. converted from Hinduism. Out of the nine The focus on practice and experience rather informants, four grew up in a rural setting. The than on a formulated theology, as well as the informants originate from six different states lack of a unifying denominational structure and one union territory: Chhattisgarh, means that churches are often highly Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, West influenced by local contexts. Bengal, and Delhi. The choice to interview students at a Method Pentecostal college means that this study does This case study includes nine informants not represent the average Indian Pentecostal. from North India,19 who, at the time of the Moreover, the informants were persons with interviews, were studying at the Pentecostal the opportunity, qualifications and most often college Doon Bible College in Dehradun, with an interest in studying theology. The Uttarakhand. The purpose of the study is not to factor that all informants were between the provide conclusions that could be generalizable ages of 20 and 30 may also have influenced the for Indian Pentecostals as a whole, but rather to result, as interaction patterns, experiences of bring to light and discuss Hindu-Christian Hindu-Christian relations and attitudes

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regarding the Hindu out-group may differ The idea, first properly formalized by Leon between age-groups. Festinger,26 that people understand who they are by reference to others – that is, through Theoretical Framework social comparison – has become a significant The present study adheres to the approach component in the SIT paradigm.27 Within SIT, of social identity theory (SIT) originating in the however, it is primarily used for comparisons of academic works of Henri Tajfel (1919-1982), and in-groups and out-groups.28 fully formulated in cooperation with John In the study, the informants’ perception of Turner in the mid- to late-70s.21 The reason for the Christian in-group and Hindu out-group are the choice of this particular approach to social discussed, as well as the favoritism/prejudice identity in the present study is because of its associated with the two groups. Thereafter, the strong emphasis on intergroup relations. informants’ understandings are analyzed and Social identity concerns the individual’s compared with their interaction patterns with identification with a social group, and his/her members of the Hindu out-group and their social categorization of people in their experience of Hindu-Christian relations. surroundings.22 Tajfel has defined social identity as “that part of an individual’s self- Negotiating Social Identities concept which derives from his knowledge of The informants’ perception of the two social his membership in a social group (or groups) groups “Christians” and “Hindus” diverged together with the value and emotional from a basic SIT model in several respects. significance attached to that membership.” 23 A Although the informants identified themselves social group that an individual identifies with is as part of a Christian in-group and termed in-group, while social groups the acknowledged the existence of a Hindu out- individual does not identify with are called out- group, they tended to point to the differences groups. within these two groups rather than exaggerate SIT was originally developed and inspired the similarities. Therefore, both the Christian from a series of laboratory experiments. In the in-group and the Hindu out-group were experiments Tajfel et al. used simple social fragmented into sub-groups. This perception of categorization (e.g. eye color) as a means to Hindus and Christians mitigated a one- investigate the influence of social belonging on dimensional in-group favoritism and out-group group behavior and formation of attitudes. This negative stereotyping. Moreover, this also form of experimental method grew to be meant that the informants’ perception of termed the “minimal group paradigm”. The Hindu-Christian relations in their everyday life result showed that simple social categorization did not simply involve two different religious was the only element required to create in- groups relating to each other, but an group favoritism.24 Moreover, in our tendency interaction between various Christian and to group people together we tend to exaggerate Hindu sub-groups. the difference between groups as well as Despite the tendency to differentiate the similarities within a group.25 Christian in-group and the Hindu out-group, the informants did express some generalized

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opinions and understandings of the two social care of anyone, when I became a Christian, I groups. In particular, a clear distinction was [began to] think about my neighbors.” Second, made between those belonging to the Christian several informants stressed that Christians in-group and those who did not (namely non- have attained extraordinary knowledge about Christians). This rigid division between “us and the world and God, to which non-Christians do them” is a common characteristic among not have access. For example Neeraj argued Pentecostals in India,29 as well as globally.30 that “Christians are different, [because] they There has been a tendency among Pentecostal follow reality, that’s why I follow Christianity. groups to perceive “the world” as potentially Christianity is reality.” threatening to a Christian lifestyle and, as a However, this in-group favoritism did not result, a clear division between Christians and mean that all Christians were regarded as non-Christians has been set up. However, caring or enlightened. Several informants research has shown that the understanding of emphasized that there are Christians who are the world as a threatening place has been selfish and have not obtained “true knowledge downplayed in various places across the globe of God”. Moreover, strong in-group criticism and replaced by a perception of it as a space was put forward by several informants. Ravi that should and can be transformed.31 Despite experienced that churches in his hometown the informants’ clear division between were corrupt and cared more about money Christians and non-Christians, their than being “focused on the spiritual,” and perceptions of the world were more in line with Shankar expressed a strong disappointment this latter view. They seldom talk about non- with churches in his home-village, which he Christian space as space that should be avoided. believed did not teach their members proper In contrast, several of the informants Christian ethics and theology. Accordingly, the highlighted that it is important that Christians informants did not express one-sided do not isolate themselves but live as Christian favoritism as regards the Christian in-group. examples among non-Christians. The Christian in-group was primarily The informants’ in-group favoritism was divided into micro-groups by appealing to the mainly displayed in two forms. First, there was behavior of Christians. Three major types of a strong understanding that Christians in Christians are found in the interview material: general are more caring than non-Christians. Christians “living like Hindus” (most commonly The social work Indian Christians are involved “village-Christians” and Catholics), Christians in and their efforts to “save souls” were who know Jesus but do not live in accordance highlighted as signs of Christian’ unselfishness with the Bible, and Christians that had and compassion for others. Moreover, the personally encountered Jesus and followed him informants with Hindu backgrounds in their actions. All the informants essentially emphasized that becoming Christian resulted in identified themselves with the latter group, to an increasing concern for people around them. which they also showed clear in-group As Sanjay described his conversion, “When I favoritism. This group was described in very became Christian my total behavior got positive terms and it was repeatedly changed, you know. Before I was not taking emphasized that a Christian should have a

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personal relationship with Jesus, as well as in general were rare. Even when the informants strive to “follow the Bible” as much as possible. retold stories of how they had been badly Denominations were only used to treated by Hindus, they were careful to stress differentiate between different types of that most Hindus do not act in this way. Some Christians to a minor extent. A few informants informants referred to Hindus as “brothers.” drew attention to various denominations—such For example, Ajay said that Christians do not as Catholics, Baptists and Methodists—but did want to think negatively about Hindus, because not seem to regard denominational belonging “we have to save our brothers.” and loyalty as important. Only three of the nine Pentecostals have been described as informants categorized themselves as fostering a culture “against culture” and a Pentecostals. The other informants did not community that tends to demonize other identify with any denomination but preferred religions.34 However, this tendency was not to simply call themselves Christians.32 The found among the informants with regard to latter group argued that being a Christian was their attitudes towards the Hindu out-group. not about following a certain denomination but Lukose35 and Suneson36 have argued that rather following Christ. Furthermore, a couple Pentecostals in contemporary India are of informants expressed that they thought that adjusting their language and behavior towards denominational labels cause more troubles Hindus in order not to offend anyone, in a than they solve. situation where religious intolerance towards Lukose33 highlights how the definition of Christians is an increasing phenomenon. Even Pentecostalism causes tensions among if this conclusion cannot be drawn from the churches in Rajasthan. There are those arguing material in this study, there was a strong for a broad and inclusive definition, while awareness among the informants that others are not comfortable, including the large Christians’ ways of speaking and behaving and diverse number of independent Pentecostal towards Hindus affected Hindu-Christian churches. However, the problem of definition is relations. not limited to intra-church contexts; it also While there were few negative statements of affects researchers, who have difficulties in the Hindu out-group as a whole, the informants finding a satisfying definition of did, however, have notably different Pentecostalism. As Charismatic expressions are perceptions and opinions about various groups growing increasingly widespread among Indian within the Hindu out-groups. The majority of Catholic churches and mainline Protestant Hindus were regarded as “normal Hindus”: churches, and Pentecostal-like churches are people who lived according to their tradition increasing, the problem of definition is likely to without much reflection and practiced their be a major topic of future discussion within religion as it had been performed for Indian Pentecostal research. generations. Several informants stated that the In terms of the Hindu out-group, the “normal Hindu” usually accepted Jesus as a god informants portrayed it as an out-group, but and did not mind the presence of churches, as not in a hostile or intimidating manner. long as Christians kept to themselves. There Unambiguously negative statements of Hindus was, however, a prejudice among the

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informants that the Hindu acceptance of Jesus example, spreading negative attitudes as a god was a result of their lack of knowledge regarding Christians. It is striking that the about his/her own religion. For example, Renu informants were most affirmative about made the following comment about Hindus’ strongly committed members of their in-group attitudes towards Jesus: “normal Hindus, they but most critical about this within the Hindu will accept him, because they don’t know many out-group. things even about their own religion. So they The informants did not directly connect will accept him as [a] god.” Hindu nationalistic groups with the Hindu out- The informants did not regard themselves group; accordingly these groups’ actions and as being in tension with “normal Hindus,” but attitudes were not regarded as correlating with rather perceived them as potential converts, a the Hindu out-group as such. Instead, they group that could be transformed and integrated were described as “Hindu-biased people.” The to the Christian in-group. There was something attitudes towards Hindu nationalistic groups like an evangelistic optimism present among varied. Several of the informants expressed fear the informants in the view that the majority of and concern about their rising influence in Hindus could be transformed. Therefore, rather Indian society, though a few had Christian than perceiving “normal Hindus” as a group to friends who were BJP members and did not see be avoided, there was an eagerness to reach out a direct conflict between a Christian identity to this group and create good relations, which and a membership of a Hindu nationalistic in turn could lead to opportunities to share the group. The informants were well aware of the gospel. Accordingly, rather than perceiving anti-Christian discourse circulating among “normal Hindus” as a competing out-group, Hindu nationalistic groups, and several they were regarded as potential members of informants considered that the goal of such the Christian in-group. groups was to create a Hindu India. In contrast In contrast, “Hindu leaders” and “strongly to Hindu leaders and strongly religious Hindus, religious Hindus” were regarded with suspicion however, Hindu nationalistic groups were not and the informants expressed openly negative regarded as a competing group but rather a attitudes towards this category of Hindus. Some part of society one feared somewhat but had to informants described them as a competing live with and adjust to. group in the endeavor to gain converts. Overall, it was clear that the informants’ However, while Christians’ efforts to reach out identification with the Christian in-group did with the gospel were described as an act of not lead to their seeing themselves as totally compassion, Hindu attempts at conversion differentiated from the Hindu out-group. For were portrayed as a way of increasing their example, an informant from a high-caste power and gaining more money. Normally background clearly regarded his caste identity Brahmins do receive gifts for performing as overlapping the Christian in-group and rituals, but the informants had a very negative Hindu out-group. Similarly, another informant and stereotypical perception of this system. All expressed a strong affiliation with his village, informants argued that they were influencing which he consequently referred to as “my the “normal Hindus” in a negative way, by, for people”. The village was Hindu-dominated but

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included Christian, Muslim, as well as Buddhist identity. A frequently-cited example of this was minorities. However, the most common way in Hindu festivals which offered two major which the Christian in-group and Hindu out- dilemmas: (1) to what extent can one group overlapped was through families and participate in Hindu festivals, and (2) to what relatives. Seven out of nine informants had extent can one financially contribute to Hindu Hindu family members or close relatives and festivals? The second dilemma was the were thus part of a potentially strong in- foremost concern of informants from rural group—the family—that consisted of both areas, as it is customary in many villages that Hindus and Christians. Moreover, eight out of every family financially contributes to the nine informants had close Hindu friends. larger (Hindu) festivals. Even if the informants held ambivalent feelings regarding Interaction patterns contributing financially to Hindu festivals, all There are three main findings in terms of informants’ families living in villages did give the informants’ interaction with the Hindu out- money. These informants, however, argued group. First, the informants did not show any that if you live in a village you have to follow indication of trying to avoid everyday contact the system, e.g., “because we live in a village, with members of the Hindu out-group. we need to give. We ask for something, and we Pentecostals are often described as an exclusive give something. It is like that.” The other religious group due to their understanding of dilemma, concerning participation in Hindu salvation, their tendency to embrace a strict festivals, troubled all informants; they were in moral code, etc. However, in this case study agreement that it was a sensitive matter for this form of exclusiveness did not imply that both themselves and their Hindu family and the informants restricted themselves to only friends. The degree of participation varied interacting with their religious in-group. All between informants, but all expressed a desire informants had family members, relatives or not to offend their Hindu family members and close friends that were Hindus, with whom they friends while nonetheless remaining true to frequently intermingled. Consequently, the their own religious identity. informants had close relations with members of The second main finding concerning the Hindu out-group that bridged the two interaction patterns is that there was a religious groups in everyday life. It is likely that significant difference in the ways that the informants’ everyday interaction with informants from urban and rural areas members of the Hindu out-group contributed interacted with the Hindu out-group. The to a more nuanced perception of the out-group informants living in villages described village and may be the reason why negative life as being part of a multi-religious stereotyping of the Hindu out-group as a whole community, which worked together and helped was rare among the informants. each other in day-to-day life. As a result, these The informants’ association with multi- informants did not only intermingle with religious-groups (such as their family or Hindu friends or family members, but also had village) implied that there were times when a significant amount of daily contact with other they had to negotiate their own religious members of the Hindu out-group. Moreover,

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social religious identity was much more respecting the norm of the majority to a larger prominent in villages, which implied a extent. vulnerable situation for Christians living as a The third main finding concerning the minority. The informants who lived in villages informants’ interaction patterns with the emphasized that Christians needed to adjust Hindu out-group is that, even if it was evident their behavior due to the unequal power- that the informants regarded evangelism as relations between Christians and the Hindu vital—as Pentecostals tend to do—it was not a majority. primary way in which they interacted with However, interaction patterns varied as a Hindus. Moreover, the majority of the result of the specific circumstances that informants held the opinion that the gospel prevailed in each particular village. For should be shared within already-existing example, one informant had left the village he relationships—and were thus critical of street grew up in several years ago, since neither his evangelism. The optimistic attitude that high caste family nor the rest of the village “normal Hindus” were potential Christians was accepted his conversion to Christianity (which downplayed as the informants described the they perceived as a low-caste religion). In difficulties in talking about the gospel with another informant’s village, Christians and Hindus. They knew from experience that the Hindus intermingled to the extent that inter- idea that the Christian God is the only true one religious marriage was not unusual. was offensive to Hindus and, therefore, instead For the informants living in cities, solid- hoped that their actions would show the way to religious identity seemed to play only a minor Christ. Evangelistic efforts primarily occurred role in the interaction with people they did not among family and friends. personally know. These informants did not Three informants were or had been involved describe random interactions with colleagues, in evangelism directed towards strangers: one rickshaw drivers, or shopkeepers as interacting in street evangelism and two in team with “Hindus.” Moreover, the informants living evangelism in villages with their churches. in cities were not part of larger multi-religious These informants described how they were communities that brought Christians and often met with suspicion, anger and on Hindus together and thus interacted with the infrequent occasions, violent acts. Despite this, Hindu out-group to a lesser extent. they had a fairly positive attitude towards Despite this difference in interaction “street- and village evangelism.” Bauman patterns between informants from urban and describes in his recent book on Pentecostals rural areas, they did not have notable different and anti-Christian violence that he perceptions of the Hindu out-group. In other encountered churches where violence in words, additional contact (beyond family and connection with evangelization is glorified friends) with Hindus did not seem to affect the rather than problematized through reference informants’ perception of the Hindu out-group. to biblical passages about the righteous being On the other hand, the informants living in persecuted.37 In one informant’s church this rural areas emphasized the importance of attitude seemed to be present. When asked if he wasn’t afraid of what might happen when he

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and his church travelled to unfamiliar villages nine informants had themselves, or knew for evangelism, he responded that his pastors somebody, who had experienced some sort of had taught him: “[there is] no need to be afraid physical harassment due to being Christians. In of people. They are just persecuting and we are spite of such incidents, the informants preaching. Just let them do their job and let us generally experienced that the Christian in- do our job.” As Bauman argues, this type of group and Hindu out-group were getting along fatalistic attitude towards Hindu-Christian in their hometowns/villages. Tensions, relations is highly problematic and may conflicts and incidents of harassment of contribute towards worsening relations. Christians were regarded as exceptions to the general state of peaceful coexistence. The Experiences of Hindu-Christian Relations conflicts that occurred on these levels were The informants described their experience understood as exceptions to a largely trouble- of the relationship between the Christian in- free coexistence, and were often explained by group and the Hindu out-group differently on the recollection that the persons causing micro, meso, and macro levels. Close conflict were Hindu leaders or strongly relationships with members of the Hindu out- religious Hindus who didn’t like Christians. group (family, relatives and friends) were Therefore, the informants did not experience portrayed as predominately well-functioning. Hindu-Christian relations in their nearest However, there was a difference between how surroundings to be in a critical state. the relationship with Hindu friends was The informants did however experience experienced in comparison with Hindu family that there existed a great deal of prejudice members. Belonging to different religions towards Christians within their Hindu seemed to play a minor role in friendship, but surroundings. They often encountered did, at times, cause conflicts and disputes prejudice from Hindus that Christians were within families. Those informants who had immoral, were supported by foreigners and converted described how this had initially were of a low caste religion. The most common given rise to strong reactions within their negative preconception the informants family. However, all families—except one—had encountered from Hindus was that Christianity, now accepted their conversion. Nonetheless, as a “foreign religion,” does not belong in India. even if the families had accepted their According to the informants, this common conversion, discussions and, to some extent Hindu nationalist standpoint is widespread disputes, over religious matters were not among the Hindu population. unusual. When the informants talked about their Several informants stressed that they more general experiences of Hindu-Christian experienced an unequal power-relation relations in India, they expressed distress and between Hindus and Christians in their seemed worried. Several informants mentioned hometowns/villages; that it was noticeable that the Kandhamal Riots in Orissa 2007-200838 and Christians lived in a minority situation. In one the burning of the missionary Graham Staines informant’s city, Christians lived together in and his two sons. The riots were evidence for colonies for the purpose of safety. Eight out of the informants that Hindu-Christian relations

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were, in fact, unstable. The informants living in The informants perceived the social groups cities, in particular, stressed Hindu-Christian “Christians” and “Hindus” as internally divided. relations in rural areas as being tense. Consequently, Hindu-Christian relations Moreover, the majority of the informants involved various sub-groups within both the experienced that politicians were “Hindu Christian in-group and the Hindu out-group biased” and did not properly protect or care for relating to each other (e.g. “strong Christians” the Christian minority. The informants also with “normal Hindus”, or “Christians living like expressed fear of the effects of the BJP winning Hindus” with “Hindu religious leaders”). The the national elections and Narendra Modi majority of Hindus—the “normal Hindus”— becoming prime minister. Eight out of nine were perceived as potentially Christian rather informants believed that it would have a than as a competing out-group. In contrast, negative impact on Hindu-Christian relations. Hindu leaders and “strongly religious Hindus” Accordingly, while the relationship between were regarded with suspicion and portrayed as the Christian in-group and the Hindu out-group a rival out-group by several informants. on a national level was described as worrying By focusing on the informants’ everyday and unstable, the experienced relationship on interaction patterns with the Hindu out-group, the micro- and meso-levels was described as the study has problematized the common largely conflict-free. This discrepancy may be assumption that Pentecostals are an exclusive due to media coverage, what the informants and predominately insular religious group. In have read online, what is said in churches etc. addition to interacting with Hindu family In the informants’ description of their members and relatives, eight out of nine encounters with Hindus on the micro- and informants had close Hindu friends with whom meso levels, they presuppose that the majority they regularly intermingled. Moreover, it was of Hindus are what they called “normal regarded as positive to have close relationships Hindus”—to whom they had a quite positive with members of the Hindu out-group, since it attitude. However, when distancing themselves provided a starting-point for a sharing the from their local context, this understanding of gospel. Further, there was a notable difference the Hindu out-group seemed to be forgotten in how the informants described their and was replaced by an understanding that experiences of Hindu-Christian relations on diverged from their everyday experiences. micro- and meso-levels compared to a macro one. Within close relationships, as well as in Conclusion their home-towns/villages, conflicts between The aim of this study was to better understand Christians and Hindus were regarded as Hindu-Christian relations in the everyday lives exceptions to a more or less peaceful of north Indian Pentecostals. The article has coexistence. In contrast, fear and anxieties focused on (1) the perception of the two social characterized their description of Hindu- groups “Christians” and “Hindus”, (2) how the Christian relations on a national level. informants’ experience Hindu-Christian In order to get a more nuanced portrayal relations, and (3) how they interact with the and in-depth understanding of the everyday Hindu out-group. lives of Pentecostals and their relation to the

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52 Julia Kuhlin

Hindu majority, further and more extensive school in Sialkot in 1904. These revivals were all ethnographic studies are needed. Considering characterized by Spirit manifestation, such as the contemporary situation, where violence speaking in tongues, prophecy, visions, bodily against Christians—particularly Pentecostals shaking and falling down (Wessly Lukose, and Pentecostal-like groups—has risen Contextual Missiology of the Spirit: Pentecostalism in significantly, further investigation of the Rajasthan, India (Eugene, Oregon: Wipf & Stock, situation and lives of Pentecostals is perhaps of 2013), 36-44; Yabbeju Rapaka, Dalit even vital concern. Pentecostalism: a Study of the Indian Pentecostal

Chruch of God, 1932 to 2010 (USA: Emeth Press, Notes

2013), 23-34. 1 Chad Bauman & Tamara Leech, ”Political 4 Arun W. Jones, “Faces of Pentecostalism in Competition, Relative Deprivation, and North India Today” Society 46, no. 6. (2009):504- Perceived Threat: a Research Note on Anti- 509 Christian Violence in India,” Ethnical and Racial 5 Michael Bergunder, The South Indian Pentecostal Studies 53, no. 12 (2012): 2213. Movement in the Twentieth Century. (Grand 2 Doon Bible College started as a short term Rapids, MI: Eerdmans Publishers, 2008), 23-36 Bible course by Harry Liddle in 1943 in Agra. In 6 This especially applies to the Pentecostal 1945 Liddle moved to Dehradun were he movement in North India. In contrast to South continued his work and extended the education India, where a strong Christian presence has to a two-year long training program called existed for centuries, the movement in North Maranata Bible School. As the school started to India constantly found itself in Hindu received more and more applications from dominant—surroundings. As a result, the different Indian linguistic regions in the early Pentecostal movement in North India has to, a 1950s, the language of instruction changed to greater extent. focused on establishing English, and the school was renamed Doon orphanages, schools, leper asylums, etc. See Bible School (DBC). Since its inception DBC has Stanley Burgess, “Pentecostalism in India: an had close connections with the Swedish Overview,” Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 4, Pentecostals movement, relations which have no. 1 (2001): 91-94 continued to the present day. Today the college 7 Chad Bauman, Pentecostals, Proselytization and is open for both men and women and enrolls Anti-Christian Violence in Contemporary India. between 60-70 students each year. The highest (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 27. academic program offered at present is a 8 Bergunder, The South Indian Pentecostal Bachelor in Theology. See Barbro Andreasson, Movement in the Twentieth Century, 136, 191-208. Eric Andreasson & Billy Johansson, Svensk 9 See e.g. Bergunder, The South Indian Pentecostal Pingstmission i Indien (Huddinge: Movement in the Twentieth Century; Bauman, MissionsInstitutet-PMU, 2000). Pentecostals, Proselytization and Anti-Christian 3 For example: the revival in Tirunelveli in 1860, Violence in Contemporary India; Lukose, Contextual several indigenous revivals in Kerala during the Missiology of the Spirit. period of 1873-1908, and the revival at the girls’

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Hindu-Christian Relations in the Everyday Life of North Indian Pentecostals 53

10 Sebastian Kim, In Search for Identity (New 23 Henri Tajfel Social Identity and Intergroup Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2003). Relations (London: Cambridge University, 1981), 11 Ibid. 37-58. 255. 12 Bauman, Pentecostals, Proselytization and Anti- 24 It had earlier been assumed that group bias, Christian Violence in Contemporary India, 173-193. both in-group favoritism and out-group 13 Ibid. 78-83. prejudice, derived from cooperative 14 Bergunder, The South Indian Pentecostal dependence among group members. Tajfel and Movement in the Twentieth Century, 123-129. his colleagues challenged this theory and 15 Bauman, Pentecostal, Proselytization, and Anti- proposed that affiliation was not necessary for Christian Violence in Contemporary India, 94-130 in-group favoritism to emerge; social 16 Joel Robbins, “The Globalization of categorization was enough to create support Pentecostal and Charismatic Christianity,” for in-groups. See Korostelina, Social Identity and Annual Review of Anthropology 33, no. 1 (2004): Conflict, 23-25. 127-130. 25 Henri Tajfel & John Turner, “The Social 17 Anita Suneson ””Everybody His Own People” Identity Theory of Intergroup Behavior,” In Pentecostalism and Religious Plurality in Psychology of Intergroup Relations, eds. Stephen Bangalore,” Swedish Missiological Themes 96, no 3 Worchel & William G. Austen (Chicago: Nelson (2008): 272-274 Hall, 1986): 7-24. 18 Lukose, Contextual Missiology of the Spirit, 85-86. 26 Leon Festinger, “A Theory of Social 19 Research for this study was originally Comparison Processes,” Humans Relations 7, no. undertaken for a Master’s thesis, which is the 2 (1954): 117-140 reason for the small size of the sample. For a 27 John Turner, “Some Current Issues in full version of the thesis see Julia Kuhlin Love Research on Social Identity and Self- Thy Hindu Neighbor as Thyself: A Field Study of Categorization Systems,” in Social Identity: North Indian Pentecostals’ Perceptions of Hindu- Context, Commitment, Content eds. Naomi Ellmers, Christian Relations. Lund University, Centre for Russell Spears & Bertjan Doosje (Oxford: Theology and Religious Studies (2014). Blackwell, 1999), 8 20 Jens Rennstram & David Wästerfors “Att 28 The motivation for comparison with others is analysera kvalitativt material,” in Handbok för most often explained as a desire for positive kvalitativ metoder, eds. Göran Ahrne & Peter self-evaluation. Svensson (Malmö: Liber, 2012): 194-209. 29 Bergunder, The South Indian Pentecostal 21 Michael A. Hoog, Deborah J. Terry &Katharine Movement in the Twentieth Century. M. White, “A Tale of Two Theories: A Critical 30 Robbins, The Globalization of Pentecostal and Comparision of Identity Theory and Social Charismatic Christianity Identity Theory,” Social Psychology Quarterly 58, 31 See e.g. Hans G. Aasmundsen Pentecostalism, no.4 (1995): 259. Globalisation and Society in Contemporary 22 Karina V. Korostelina Social Identity and Argentina (Huddinge: Södertörn University, Conflict (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 2013); Simon Coleman & Katrin Maier 23. “Redeeming the City: Creating and Traversing

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54 Julia Kuhlin

‘London-Lagos,’ Religion 43, no. 3 (2013):353-364; Barbara Bompani & Terreni Brown A “Religious Revelation? Print Media, Sexuality, and Religious Discourse in Uganda,” Journal of Eastern African Studies 9, no. 1 (2014):110-126. 32 Even if several of the informants did not want to categorize themselves as Pentecostals, they all showed a typical Pentecostal-like approach towards various issues, e.g. the mission, the Holy Spirit, the Bible, salvation, and can therefore, from an etic point of view, be defined as Pentecostals. 33 Lukose, Contextual Missiology of the Spirit, 71. 34 Robbins, The Globalization of Pentecostal and Charismatic Christianity. 35 Lukose, Contextual Missiology of the Spirit, 85-86. 36 Suneson, ”Everybody His Own People”, 272-274. 37 Bauman, Pentecostals, Proselytization, and Anti- Christian Violence in Contemporary India, 188-189. 38 The Kandhamal Riots were triggered by a dispute over Christian Christmas decorations in Brahmanigao and a claimed attack by a group of Christians on Swamie Laxamanananda Saraswati’s car on his way to the town. However, the riot exacerbated a long-standing tension between Hinduized adivasi Kandhas and Christian Dalit Panas. In the riots nearly a hundred people were killed, hundreds of homes and many Christian institutions were destroyed, and thousands of people fled from their homes. See Chad Bauman & Richard F. Young, “Minorities and the Politics of Conversion: With Special Attention to Indian Christianity,” in Minority Studies, ed. Rowena Robinson (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2012), 193-196.

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