Women's Reproductive Rights Under State Socialism in Hungary

CEU eTD Collection Second Reader: Professor ConstantinIordachi Supervisor: Professor Susan Zimmermann Women’s Reproductive Rights under State Socialism In Hungary: In partialfulfillment oftherequirements forthedegree of CentralEuropean University The RatkóThe Era,1950-1956 History Department Budapest, Hungary Michelle Sawyer Master ofArts Submitted to 2010 By CEU eTD Collection the Author. accordance with such instructions may notbemade without thewritten permission of This pagemust form a partofanysuchcopies made. Furthercopies made in and lodged thein CentralEuropean Library. Details may beobtained from the librarian. fullin orpart, may bemadeaccordance in only withthe instructions givenby the Author Copyright in the text ofthis thesis rests withthe Author. Copies by any process, either ii CEU eTD Collection appropriate to the period of attempted totalitarian rule in ruleHungary. socialist period of totalitarian to the attempted appropriate framework meformulate a theoretical allows to Arendt’s and Foucaultworks of combination a and warranted, is also totalitarianism of theories of assessment An reproduction. intimate, mostI arguetobe including life, what of every over aspect control to exerttotal attempt regime’s flaws. of regime’s servesas the example one rather by nomeans responsible for the inability of the Rákosi regime establishto totalitarian rule, but was lackof success This andthen repealed. immediately relaxed werealmost regulations but the not ‘failed,’demographic achieved,not of only Ratkó thestated Era the Isuggestthat goals were officials, exemplified byHealth Minister AnnaIn claiming Ratkó. thatthereproductive policies suggestions) of the Soviet Union. This improvisation was unsuccessful due to a lack of skilled this analysis illustrates how the Rákosi regime cobbled together policies after the model (and press as well in between party as confidential the top memoranda leadership,the circulated as goals. Todemonstrate premise,this Imake use oflanguage and rhetoric employed in popularthe was rather a haphazard and hastily improvised program that did not fully attain any of its stated an 1.004.Through Resolution examination of argue thatreproductive I policies, theRatkó Era described as cause and effect, with both occurrences being the direct result of the “Ratkó Law,” inboom occurred that 1953 and 1954andthesocietal accompanieditchanges that can be baby minor the between relationship the that assert approaches These changes. policy calculated that what I call ‘functionalist’ approaches to the Era treat it as a case of careful planning and totalitarian rule through examplethe of failed the reproductive policies of RatkóEra.Iarguethe This thesis aims toillustrate the nature of the Rákosi regime as afailed attempt to establish Abstract: I apply Foucault’s theory of carceral society and biopower to the Hungarian state socialist to Hungarian state the society and biopower carceral I applyFoucault’s theory of iii CEU eTD Collection assistance of Piroska Kocsis in the Hungarian National Archive. and Professor Miklós Lojkó. In addition I would like to acknowledge the recommendations and which this thesis would notexist: Professor Susan Zimmermann, Professor Constantin Iordachi Acknowledgements I wouldlike to thank following the for people their contributions andadvice, without iv CEU eTD Collection ilorpy...... 65 Bibliography Conclusion...... 62 4.3 Ratkó’s Ministerial Term as ...... 57 Symbolic Politics 4.2 Biography: ...... 54 Life and Career 4.1 The Ratkó Era’s Absent Namesake...... 51 Chapter 4—Anna Ratkó: Biography, Symbolic Politics...... 51 3.3 Rhetoric-based ...... 33 Source Analysis 3.2 Legal Definitions ...... 31 and Language 3.1 The Usefulness of ...... 29 Rhetorical Analysis Chapter Three—Rhetorical ...... 29 Analysis 2.3 Legal ...... 24 Analysis—Implications 2.2 Legal and Policy Sources—An In-Depth Analysis...... 15 2.1 Historical Legal and Policy Developments and their Contexts: 19 Chapter 2 Legal and Policy ...... 1 Developments 1.3 Theory ...... 14 and Methodology ...... 13 1.2 Approaches 1.1 Abortion and Population Policies: State of the Art/ Literature Review...... 11 Chapter 1: Theory and Methodology...... 11 ...... 1 Introduction ...... vi List of Tables Table of Contents...... v Acknowledgements...... iv iii ...... Abstract: Table ofContents eodr ore ...... 66 Secondary Sources Primary Sources...... 65 3.3d The Construction of Gender...... 48 3.3c Popular Press and Internal Documents: A Comparison...... 40 3.3b Audience-Appropriate ...... 36 Propaganda 3.3a Changes over Time...... 33 2.1b Communism: The ...... 10 Take-Over, Legal System 2.1a Chronology: ...... 5 The Ratkó Era 1.3c Totalitarianism...... 22 ...... 19 1.3b Foucault 1.3a Addressing Functionalism...... 14 x x Printed Sources and Materials...... 65 Archival ...... 65 Sources v th and 20 th Cnuis...... 1 Centuries CEU eTD Collection Table 6. Reporton developmentthe of Budapest’s public health situation, with a special look Table 5. Birth-Related Statistics, (p.22) Table 4. Comprehensive Population Data, (p. 21) Table 3. The number of known incomplete pregnancies in Hungary,(p. 21) 1950-1955, Table 2. Individuals Accused of and Sentenced forperforming 1938-1955,(p.21) abortions, Table 1. Live Births in month,Hungary (per 1951-1955),(p.20) List of Tables at abortion, premature labor and gonorrheal diseases, (p. 22) vi CEU eTD Collection born in the period when this legislation was in place were called continued in 1954 andtheresolution was withdrawnofficially in summerthe of 1956. Children measures in year.Relaxation of October that was actually alleviated andpartially act the Ratkó’s tenure as Minister of Health ended just six weeks after the resolution wentinto effect, and alternatively, duration tothe of Law” “Ratkó the (officially March 1, 1953toJune 22,1956). korszak Minister of Health, AnnaRatkó.Another common idiom in is Hungarian the eponymous, to draftstricter sanctions against abortionists andwomen perform who onthemselves.abortions organizations to take fighton the illegal tostop andauthorized abortions the Ministerof Justice childless men and women. The final item, paragraph six, urged all citizens and social the state stipend per child for families with three children or more, and creating a special tax for increasing forleave, maternity time allotted asincreasing the such reforms contained resolution improvement of improvement of socialthe of protection women children.and continuing inthe step newest the announced association women’s Party’s Communist Hungarian nonetheless it was considered to be asa asserious law. to itwas considered nonetheless wasinfact1.004, a ministerial decree andassuch did require not approval; Parliamentary (Budapest: Akadémiai(Budapest: Kiadó, 1988), pp. 147-148. 2 1953, pp.1-2. Mother and Child Protection”) inMother and Child Protection”) továbbfejlesztésér 1 Géza Kilényi and Vanda Lamm, eds., “A Magyar Népköztársaság Minisztertanácsának határozata azanya- ésgyermekvédelem határozata Minisztertanácsának “A Népköztársaság Magyar This legislation in becameThis legislation known Law,”after thecurrent usageasthe “Ratkó popular On February On February 12, 1953, , orRatkó Era, which is used to refer to the period of her service as Minister of Health Ę l” Decision Republic (“TheHungary’sImproving People’s on Cabinet of 1Ę k Lapja 1Ę k Lapja Introduction Parliamentarism andGovernment inaOne-PartySystem ( Women’s Journal ( Women’s Journal 1 2 The six paragraphs listedin the ), official women’s magazine of the 1 This new legislation, Resolution legislation, new This ) Vol. 5, No, 7, February 12, Ratkó gyermek Ratkó (Ratkó children) (Ratkó Ratkó 1 CEU eTD Collection earliest condemnation of abortion on grounds of health. of 4 grounds on abortion of condemnation earliest abortion. was Hippocrates known to discourage the procedure, aswell,making this perhaps the 3 interesting to note that the issue moralof correctness according to a religious or church doctrine the scope of this study, but deserve recognition as central to the abortion problem. Yet it is other normative questions about what is ‘best’ in terms of reproductive policies remain outside developmentof women’s andrights legal in status 1950s Hungary.morality The anddebate among these are the issues of morality, a definition of “reproductive rights,” and the Hungarian history when crimethe of abortion unprecedentedlywarranted punishment; strict citizen?” responsible human rights: has the woman the right tobe in control of her own body,i.e., is she considered a has always been a political issue,for it touches upon one of the most fundamental aspects of alike.governments birth control, but has been discouraged by religious authorities,medical professionals andof expedient primary the as many for existed long has Abortion history. throughout everywhere, Law” infinally “Ratkó repeal the the of 1956. medical need for abortion, the strict 1953 resolution, it’s immediate and gradual alleviation, and astothe decisions of committee-based establishment the of Health, Ministry newly the created appointment of 1956; head tothe years post AnnaRatkó’s periodthese the 1950toencompass term’s social significance. In this study, Iuse the term Ratkó Era in the broader sense torefer to and to this day Hungarians born in 1953 and1954self-identify children,as illustratingRatkó the Hungarian StudiesReview Andrea Pet The Papal Bull of Pope Sixtus V of 1588 was the first official Catholic document toprohibit Several important points mustSeveral important beaddressedwhen considering brief the of period Abortion and control of female reproduction has been an issue of contention for people Ę , “Women’s Rights in Stalinist Hungary: The Abortion Trials of 1952-53,” 3 Andrea Pet 4 29, nos. 1-2 (2002): p. 29, nos. 50. Ę writes, “In Hungary as elsewhere, the termination of pregnancy 2 2 CEU eTD Collection 5 regimes. socialist under women of what Gail Kligman calls women’s “double burden,” a term she uses to refer specifically to productive (and in the case of women, reproductive) work, it is easier to appreciate the validity when one understandscitizenship Soviet tobe contingentupon aperson’s ability do to theoretically enjoyed all and rights the privileges includingmen,of the right towork.However, important tonotethat women hadbeen ‘emancipated’ according model Sovietthe to and them from obtaining abortions. In the context of state socialism under Rákosi in Hungary,it is stop needcoercion choice’ not to ‘right didand the recognized women because longer necessary 1.004 failed had changed ever so slightly to acknowledge the fact that harsh restrictions were no as being capable makingof such Asdecisions. we will see, rhetoric the used once Resolution decide what to do with their own bodies, which connotes a certain degree of respect for women women to freely choose their reproductive destiny.This means roughly that women are free to order to increase population,the itis doubtful issuethe would have been so contentious. official from condemnation church supportingand state determined those toabolish abortion in reprehensible ‘crime.’ But without the weight of the moral argument and a long history of ideaa attitude the toward generally practiceto the wasamorally contributed ambivalent that God. However, the prevalence of abortion in Europe as a wartime necessity also may have a sin against the building of Socialism and the glory of the Soviet Union rather than a sin against rejection of religious traditions and beliefs can account for the fact that abortion was considered Communist Era; Ratkó in the abortion on discourse public the from missing is conspicuously citizens wereformally categorized as productivenonproductive or members of society. Inthis (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998), pp. 25-32. She writes, “Most important, all Gail Kligman, Gail ‘Reproductive rights’ as I use the term entails a variety of circumstances that enable The Politics of Duplicity: Controlling Reproductionin Ceausescu’s Romania 5 This means that women are considered citizens only if the both 3 3 CEU eTD Collection for Stalinist Hungary and there has been more research on these than on the policies of Hungary. of policies the on than these on research more been has there and Hungary Stalinist for reproductive policies of the Soviet Union are important for my study, as they served as a model ed. Ildiko Asztalos Morell, et al. (Eslov, Sweden: Forlags ab Gondolin, 2005) p. 11. The 6 people’” 24-25). (pp. achieving socialism were deemed ‘parasites’ eating away at the healthy, disciplined body of ‘the economy of the state […] In essence, those who did not or could not labor in the interest of way, physical instrumentalizedfor bodies thepurposes the of were citizens of political the that Kiss writes Yudit “question.” rights and suffrage, among other measures, is considered to have been the answer to the woman question.” “the to reduced been often have century twentieth the of half first in the Union Soviet in the children. developed toprovide social welfare network careand for resources the newmothers andtheir for example, a restrictive abortion policy must acknowledge the subsequent need for a well- social welfare issues related to reproductive rights, as these are intertwined with abortion laws; Iam ignoring less important. the if not necessarily with even is lessthese, are not they concerned andrights privilegesencompass that work underreproductive bestthe conditions,my butstudy in measureslarge role play setof a welfare the toabortion. Other access restricting legislation to fulfill both productive andreproductive roles, outside andwithin the home. aidgovernment-sponsored and childbonuses were notsimply buthelpful necessary for women including measures as regime, a socialist of citizens women of in discussions salient especially by workforce, conceiving andraisingmany as aschildren possible. Thus reproductive are rights workforceoutsidefuturehometo the contribute toreproducing andcontribute the the also Ildikó Asztalos Morell, “Introduction,” in Regarding the legal status of women under state socialism, one must note feministissues In discussing in rights reproductive 1950s Hungary,am I primarily with concerned Women were declared equal, on the basis of their equalitywith social […] radicalthis first, change was notfollowed byothersubstantial steps. 6 What has been called the“emancipation of includingwomen,” property Gender Transitions in Russiaand Eastern Europe 4 , 4 CEU eTD Collection 7 unpreparedfully to implementpolicies wouldthat resultin a sharpin rise population growth. measurespopulation. RatkóEraepitomizes The taken by theimprovised was a governmentthat to thefailures andmistakes madeduring toinstitute attempt the total the over authority made responses by and abortion regime in the policies concerning reproductive an effort toadapt legislation changed over time. This shiftin discourse provides an example of the reactions and includethus anexamination how of rhetoricthe and language of abortion and abortion control and state establish totalitarian to failure in of a context the together rights reproductive women’s issues of attempt tie above-mentioned I to the regime. establish atotalitarian attempt to 8 Feminism (Autumn, & Europe” 1991):p.50. Andrea Pet adequately “the woman address question.” The Ratkó Era and subsequent debates about abortion embody this inability of state socialism to beginning in 1919. Abortion laws were onlyliberalized again after death the of Stalin in 1953. SovietUnion’s example, which abortionoutlawed in aperiod 1936 after of unrestricted access Hungary’s abortion laws and involving legislation women’s reproductive rights followed the after the model of the Soviet Union. Of primary importance for this study is the fact that This ignoretendency manyto aspects of“the woman inquestion” wasperpetuated Hungary, Yudit Kiss, “The Second ‘No’: Women in Hungary,” BarbaraEngel, Attempts to establish total upon toestablisha successful apopulation control Attempts over total are dependent As a result of my inquiry into the Ratkó Era, I have come to agree with scholars such as Ę and Michael Pittaway who argue that early state socialism in Hungary socialismwas afailed in argue thatHungary state early andwho Michael Pittaway with. friendship,motherhood, abortion, rape, sexual abuse,were never dealt the constraints ofsocial and family questionsroles, oflove, sex, whole universe of the particularly female experience and practice,like to enablelegal regulation to providing childcare facilities—wascreated them for women to men.[…] Awide objectiveoffunctionrange conditions—from economic and as equal to men. But at the same time the Women inRussia 7 (NewYork: Cambridge University p.Press, 2003), 154. 5 Feminist Review 39, “Shifting 39, Territories: 8 5 CEU eTD Collection unsuccessful totalitarian regime. totalitarian unsuccessful Rákosi regime tobe the former type, and thus unsuccessful that it was employed by an ultimately ‘totalitarianism in Iconsiderpower;’ thepropaganda concerning reproductive policies in the dominationthe ‘scientific’of and racist propaganda) and propaganda employed by on power shereflects (in of to Germany Nazi case usedbeforethe aregime comes propaganda p. 341-363.Arendt1971), makes in distinction the “Totalitarianism in between Power” 9 propagandathrough disseminated by popularthe press. also and coercion mental and control physical of mechanisms through above from citizenry fact maintains populace control; to the government the forced that this complete upon isboth of the acquiescence istheunyielding in in. comes totalitarianism Implicit where propaganda prohibiting contradictory butopinions, also involves promoting stance, the ‘correct’ which is than farther goes abortion about discourse public over Control authority. government’s propaganda program, propaganda butthis programisa part also of totality the the of Hungary was established in government1949, the was under direct the influence of Stalin’s population was rural, primary the industry and agriculture, oncethat the People’s Republic of earlythe isit keep in 1950s, important mindto at that this timea majority of country’s the government. of system totalitarian achieve a attemptof to the is illustration building an socialism of larger context issues within the marriage and the role ofmen and individually women in the field of reproduction policies and of role viewed the How regime Rákosi the apparatus. government state tothe or relation in and other each to in relation both interactions, and roles gender about thought some requires Hannah Arendt, Upon Upon considering abortion policies as a tool of attempted totalitarian rule in inHungary A state attempt to establish control over all aspects of its citizens’ lives inevitably lives citizens’ its of all aspects over control establish to attempt A state The Origins of Totalitarianism 6 (New The York: World Publishing Company, 9 6 CEU eTD Collection Anthropological Quarterly 12 10 was all frequent. too dealing with the aftermath of conquest, when rape at the hands of the liberating Russian soldiers invasion of the Red Army, abortion was easily procured and even considered a necessity in the and War World Second the following that be noted must it sexuality, and reproduction flux. Concentrating on the plight of women in this period, and particularly on the sphere of itplanning,is not implausiblesuggest to thecountrythat was in a state of almost unmanageable meet demands industrialize the rapidlyin tocentralized of modernize and socialistorder World Waralliance with Axisthe powers,occupied by foreign and another power forced to situation. Weakenedby war, havinglost their regain bid to ‘lost territories’ from resulting a First facets provideto beexplored. of that awealth circumstances extreme regimentalization, with all of the above mentioned features of the population combining to create Soviet Union. number of Hungarians, were the desires of the Rákosi government toemulate the Soviet Union arguments hold. factors Other influencing the reproductive program, besides increasing the contributingfactor to newthe reproductivea fundamental not policies, functionalistcause, as War, was doomed to fail unless populations could be increased. However, this is merely a populationthe loss sustained the through treaty Trianonof later and the through Second World following the Sovietmodel were adopted. Furthermore, a drive to industrialize in the context of 11 15-26. in theAgeofStalin legislation inherited from inherited legislation Habsburgerawasignoredthe ornotenforced, László Kürti, “The Wingless Eros of Socialism: Nationalism and Sexuality in Hungary,” Péter György,“The Mirror of Everyday Life, of the Will to aPeriod Style” in Pet Ę , “Women’s Rights in Stalinist Hungary,” p. 51. When Rákosi the regime power came into 1948, Hungary was in a very precarious 10 The period was one of rampant fear and paranoid disciplinarian ed. PéterGyörgy and Hedvig Turai Corvina(Budapest: 1992), pp. Books, 11 However, by 1948, after years in which the punitive anti-abortion 64, no.2 64, (April 1991):p.56. 7 12 reproductive policies reproductive Art andSociety 7 CEU eTD Collection including examples of policies, as isthis important for understanding the rise of bureaucraticthe totalitarian regime. The character of the state socialistjudicial body will also be discussed, failed the of responses improvised the illustrate and inpolicies fluctuation the showcase government. This section analyzes the legal trajectory of the Ratkó Era, in an attempt to documents, internal memoranda and circulated among reports the higher ranks of the chronological events in order to frame my study in the appropriate context; I focus on legal policies. reproductive changing in the exemplified clearly are inHungary policy social influenced duringmarkedstates Iargue ColdWar; that the that Soviet- “improvisations” the debate the up by taken Kenez Soviet andLászlóinfluenceBorhi Peter about insatellite under rights reproductive socialism in Iam central andeastern Europe. also influenced by feminist writers such as Susan Gal and Gail Kligman writing about abortion and 14 Historical Essay 13 assume totalitarian control by “shaping, controlling and ‘policing’ populations,” (often invoked as the best model of statehood for Hungary emulate),to to assert state power and 1956. I drawfrom 1956. Foucault’s of socialiststate population policies asthey were undertaken in Hungary from 1949 to research will Thepurposeisbe toexplain conducted. my ideasthe shaping understanding andsons.” “father its citizens, emphasize nationhood reproductivethrough narratives in relationshipthe between state the and Kürti, “The Wingless Eros of Socialism,” p. 57. Susan Gal and Gail Kligman, The second chapter begins with an overview of the historical context and specific My first chapter will be devoted willchapter My first be within framework whichthisto the devoted theoretical (Princeton, NewJersey:(Princeton, Princeton University 2000),p.19. Press, 14 Discipline andPunish The Politics Socialism:of Gender after A Comparative- 8 and will follow the example of 13 and to 8 CEU eTD Collection the socialist government. Iargue that Ratkó’s identity as aloyal,female Communist Party examine the woman herself as Minister of Health, Communist politician, and symbolic choice of have reproductive that the come be policies it with associated to name,isher to important as Minister of Health as politically symbolic for the Rákosi regime. In order to fully understand of family and Hungarian comparisons Sovietand reproduction, illuminated. cases are motherhood, of ideal socialist the on expanding By rhetoric. political and policies Stalinist between Hungarian and Russian socialism, as the Rákosi regime was simply copying evidence toargue for a failed totalitarian state. This chapter also illustrates the connection analysis of gender roles and the role ofmarried vis-à-vis couples the providesstate further individuals is inapparent public signaling discourse, the paternal of pattern government; an volatile circumstances. 2) The state’s conception of its own role in relation to its citizens as how ill-equippedand and undeveloped reflectthe to changesthus regime reacted these and language used to describe abortion, families, and the role of women changed over time reveals the significance of the following two points: 1) Discourse in the form of rhetoric inassessment of public discourse form articlesthe of brochures andpropaganda newspaper language and rhetoric of documentsreviewedthe in previousthe along chapter with an language in public discourse as a tool meant toestablish totalitarian rule. An analysis of the One. inChapter aswill situation, be tothe be discussed applied can society carceral regarding theory under state socialism in the early 1950s was a carceral society, but many aspects of foucauldian Hungary suggest society donot characterize that and totalitarianism. I mechanisms thatcarceral My final chapter examines the life and career of Anna Ratkó, and the value of her tenure and theRákosi rhetoric that argumentthe regime used three introduces Chapter 9 9 CEU eTD Collection she served as a convenient scapegoat in the minds of least. in minds of public the scapegoat the at she servedasaconvenient may have been anticipated; though she wasnot responsible failure for the of Resolution 1.004, andincompetence meant herineptitude that term Minister of as Health less was successful than her However, the for Communists. voting be demographic a problematic to were considered membermade her anattractive model for regime the topublicize toHungarian women; women 10 10 CEU eTD Collection During andAfter State Socialism Eastern Europe Gender After Socialism Gender After Ceausescu’s Romania, Ceausescu’s researchers. Here I am referring specifically Gailto Kligman’s seminal work on abortion in field work that could begin only after access to the subject in the region was made available to Institute. Research Science Population Office’s Statistical documents pertainingpopulation to policy from early the published1950s, by Central the article about the changing situation of women in Hungary by Julia Szalai, and a collection of arethe examples legislation in aretrospective1991 prompted review abortion of in historicalthe of past inabortion Hungary. Some changes example, for countries; socialist former in topic the on discussion and change of in regimes early the 1990s markedthe beginningof firstthe period of serious and consciousness as well as in international publications. The sudden collapse of Communism eastern Europe has gone through several periods of academic attention, both in the national press Literature Review 1.1 Abortion and Population Policies: State of the Art/ documents related to reproductive and population reproductivepolicies. and related documents to population Intézet, 1992). This is a collection of interior memoranda and other Hungarian Communist Party Program inHungary 15 Az 1952-53.évi népesedéspolitikai programMagyarországon A second series of writing came to press at the end of the 1990s, clearly afteryears of and central socialist in legislation abortion and rights reproductive women’s of study The edited by Ildikó Asztalos-Morrell etal. and by edited Asztalos-Morrell Ildikó Beszél Chapter 1:Theory and Methodology ), (Budapest: Központi Statisztikai Hivatal Központi Kutató ), (Budapest: Népességtudományi Hivatal Statisztikai The Politics ofDuplicity Ę by Susan Gal and Gail Kligman, article “A Short History of Abortion in Hungary” by András Mink, an edited by Rebecca Kay.With the exception of the works by 11 , along with other works, such as Gender Transitions in Russiaand 15 Gender, Equality andDifference Gender, Equality ( The 1952-53Population Policy The Politics of 11 CEU eTD Collection 19 words, her symbolic role in the Ratkó Era. 18 17 Review synthesis of methodologicalgender-sensitive frameworks to follow. which circumstances beenvironment must of 1950s Hungary with approached created the come from a “stable background” a Marxist analysis that focuses on class identity, education and whether or not an individual deal with the increased number of births that resulted from the “Ratkó Law.” Rather than employ Ratkó Trauma—Memories of inTrauma—Memories in Rape Cases Budapest 1945”) budapestitrauma—Az 1945-os nemi er 16 world animage of general strong consensus national identity. unsuccessful efforts to establish totalitarian rule, and a desire to create and also present to the analysis andnew perspectives; rather these point attemptsto inept toemulate the SovietUnion, as nothing more than a way to increase the population after the Second World War, I offer my policies of socialistHungary, and in response tofunctionalistarguments that treat the Ratkó Era misleading.isI am therefore for thatthere thefailed nosimpleanswer convinced reproductive Pet in policies reproductive inHungary early the 1950s. work of Andrea Pet policies. socialism,for themost and part crux the of these relations is reproduction and reproductive Gal and Kligman, these books are collected volumes of essays written on gender relations under Pet See Chapter 4 and Conclusion for an analysis whyof Ratkó was a poor choice, or in other See Chapter 2.1b. Andrea Pet Ę , I issuetake withfunctionalist her treatmentof demographic dataasbeing toosimplistic and Ę 18 , “Women’s Rights in Stalinist Hungary,” p. 53. ) 54, no. 1-2 (1999). ) 54, The best-known authors reproductiveon policies areperhaps Gal Kligman,and butthe as minister of Health can be added to this list, along with the lack of infrastructure to Ę , “Women’s Rights in Stalinist Hungary,” and “Átvonuló hadsereg, maradandó Ę is the most important and relevant for my study, as she has examined 19 as Pet Ę szak emlékezete,” esetek (Transiting Army, Lasting Ę does, I argue that the unique political and social 12 16 While I draw on some of the same data as Történelmi Szemle 17 The choice poor of Anna , ( Historical 12 CEU eTD Collection social justice. Instead, abortion rights are integral to fundamental human rights and to the to and rights human fundamental to integral are rights abortion Instead, justice. social abortion rights is nota self-contained issue of political morality,marginal concernsto about Worldwide: An Essay in Political Philosophy.” Jaggar’s essay “reveals that the question of justicegender as byAllisoninespoused M. “Abortion and Jaggar Rights GenderJustice personal beliefs about women’s reproductive rights and abortion, Iam influenced by theories of dealing with reproductive politics socialism.under state In terms of my and attitudes toward micro-history of interms high extremely bar the set mind in my who Kligman, Gail to mostly Irefer thesubject. extensively on whoadmire havewritten I my from those and take authors cue or individual rights without delving intodebates about what is ‘best,’ ‘right’ or ‘correct,’ but I as abortion.seems It impossible about towrite questions pertainingwomen, to reproduction, or 1.2 Approaches to emulate another. Union, afact which provides context for this study, as it examines one regime’s failed approach assessment of the Ratkó Era. In the case of Stalinist Hungary, Rákosi’s model was the Soviet by extension the strength of the nation), and propaganda directed toward women in my population increase and reproductive policies, the socialistincrease to desire populationthe (and practices. Thus, Iam leaning toward an analytical approach that examines socialist rhetoric about abortion isthe bymoral often question normativeproblematized and aboutdilemmas debates approaching and of thereisnofact“theory abortion” that by the arecompounded complications Hungary many,are with unreliable dataforming only aspect of one problem.the These The difficulties in analyzing data from the early years of Stalinist state socialism in socialism state Stalinist of years early the from data in analyzing difficulties The An especially is approach sensitive required when dealing with as contentious a question 13 13 CEU eTD Collection Philosophy” in 20 or personal participation, stating that they can be bound up in collectivities, which are whole. Talcott Parsons wrote in 1961 a further development of his concept of functionalist roles, terms, states that all parts of society ultimately function to serve each other and act as a unified abortionists, resulted in a minor baby boom in the early 1950s. Functionalism, put in very basic in population,the “RatkóLaw”that embodied the thepenaltiesincreased incurredagainst Functionalism Addressing 1.3a arguments as beingsimplistic too andunhelpful. reproduction and politics as being reciprocally inclusive, along with their functionalist refusal of bodies ofits subjects. I am also espousing SusanGal and GailKligman’s understanding of from policies of the Rákosi regime, I am using Foucault’s social theory of panopticism and other ideas 1.3 Theory and Methodology demonstrate. relevant tomen as well as women, as the far-reaching historical consequences of the Ratkó Era Furthermore, as a woman and a feminist, Iam convinced that the study of reproductive rights is narrative. be theoretical I considerto my influences what composite my what drives and thesis are one socialof most importantthe issue candeal any government thiswith; personalviewis equality of all citizens.” Devine andAlison M. Jaggar (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009),pp.120-179. Alison M. Jaggar, “Abortion Rights and Gender Justice Worldwide: An Essay in Political Discipline andPunish A functionalist explanation of the Ratkó Era holds that the socialist campaign to increase In evaluating the abortion legislation of early Hungary 1950s and the reproductive Abortion: Three Perspectives Three Abortion: 20 Ishare this conviction, andfurthermore feel reproductive that rights to illustrate the degree to which the state acquired control thewhichacquiredover illustrate thestate degreeto the control to , by Michael Tooley, Philip Devine, Celia Wolf- 14 14 CEU eTD Collection functionalist formulae treat it. illustrated by preceding quotation,the reproduction as is politics simply not as simple as p.121 n4. two.” the collapsed haveinadvertently social theories reproduction. Biological isreproduction notthesame as social reproduction, although some controlling and managing in restraint) (or intervention justify that arguments other many among functionalism ignores it, and 2) in a discursive approach “functionalist theories are but one set following reasons: 1) gender plays a large role and thus deserves primary consideration, the while for appropriate wholly isnot approach functionalist a structurally that found have I abortion, reproductive policies that are intended torejuvenate a population, such as restrictions on for argument in functionalist the assessing However, and“build socialism.” industrialize were putinto practiceincrease into the population order beand thus equippedbetter to seemingly obvious relevance; it I wouldbut argue functionalist that consideration approaches merit simply to due their utility and Walby asserts that serious social scientists are right in their dismissal of Parsonian functionalism, time. family) over institutions as the (such for of allow thechanging or toacknowledge refuses 23 p. 63. 22 York: Free Press of Glencoe, 1961), p. xxi. 21 functionalism in society. represented by institutions in some form, and that these act in fulfillunison to needsthe of Gal and Kligman, and Gal Walby, Sylvia Talcott Parsons, ed., Sylvia Walby,leadingin gender sociologist Unitedthe Kingdom, structural critiques 21 Theorizing Patriarchy Theorizing Patriarchy The Politics ofGender after Socialism: AComparative-Historical Essay Theories Society: of Foundations of ModernSociological Theory is true that socialist population policies enforced intrue that socialist population enforced Hungary policies (Cambridge, Massachusetts: BasilMassachusetts: (Cambridge, 1990), Ltd., Blackwell by theit sayingcalling unsophisticated, approach that 15 23 According toGal and Kligman, as (New , 22 15 CEU eTD Collection Table 1.LiveBirthsinHungary (per month, 1951-1955) methodology. a rather than data asstatistical asitis accepted long as useful and isvalid feel information asI below this tables I am a realisticbut truepicture ofwhathappened,representincluding doesn’t or data statistical Abortion Trials of 1952-3.” I am hesitant tofollow this model of analysis because I fear it the Ratkó Era, by Andrea Pet legislation. Ihave found faultin the way demographic data is used to exemplify the ‘results’ of conclude that the demographic changes were the straightforward result of changes in abortion it toomuchandapproach, as for to takeaproblematicgranted rates takes functionalist to tends topic is a quantitative data analysis. Ifind arguments that directly relate abortion policy to birth September February October January August March April June May July An approach mustthat bementioned heredue to its ubiquity in researchintoprior this 16 736 15 671 16 722 16 657 15 548 16 497 17 268 15 868 16 951 15 329 1951 Ę for example in “Women’s Rights in Stalinist Hungary: The 16 042 15 609 14 590 16 781 14 588 15 288 10 179 14 817 16 283 16 124 1952 16 18 683 17 216 16 174 19 192 17 087 17 791 18 275 15 593 18 594 17 265 1953 20 148 19 152 18 052 19 016 18 850 20 344 19 501 16 728 20 106 17 863 1954 17 867 18 969 18 050 17 590 17 367 19 481 19 889 17 023 18 079 16 736 1955 16 CEU eTD Collection Table 3.Thenumber of known inHungary, incompletepregnancies 1950-1955 Table 2.Individuals Accused ofand Sentencedfor performing abortions, 1938-1955 XX-10 [Hungarian National Archives].” 26 XX-10 [Hungarian National Archives].” 25 introduction regulationsthe of limiting abortion.” by live number wasinfluenced earlier the the that births of occasion first the represents 24 Source: Pet Source: Pet Source: Pet “Data based on statistics compiled by the Office of the Chief Prosecutor of Hungary, NAH, “Data based on statistics compiled by the Office of the Chief Prosecutor of Hungary, NAH, “Data provided by György Németh, based on Ministry of Health statistics. The figure in bold November December Total Ę Ę Ę Year Sentenced , “Women’s Rights in Stalinist Hungary,” p. 75. , “Women’s Rights in Stalinist Hungary,” p. 75. , “Women’s Rights in Stalinist Hungary,” p. 75. 1955 1954 1953 1952 1951 1950 Year 1955 1954 1953 1952 1951 1950 1938 190 645 13 714 13 383 not available Abortions 35 598 16 281 2777 1717 1687 185 820 Number of NumberAccused of 14 654 14 865 not available not 1834 1383 1025 785 797 764 17 206 926 15 774 15 282 Miscarriages not available not 39 944 43 096 36 115 43 102 42 029 26 25 24 Number of NumberConvicted of 223 347 17 068 16 619 522 476 506 1568 911 768 447 42 721 44 813 37 800 36 000 78 500 58 310 Total 210 430 14 478 14 900 17 CEU eTD Collection look at abortion, premature labor and gonorrheal diseases Table 6.Report onthedevelopment of Budapest’s public health situation, with a special Archives, Budapest. Open Society Archive’s “Digital ’56 Report:archive,” “Background Hungary,” Open Society Source: “The Abortion Problem in Hungary: A Survey” April 7, 1964, RFE/RL Collection in the Statistics Table 5.Birth-Related 1955. Hungarian Source: Statistical Yearbook, Table 4.Comprehensive Population Data Year Pregnancies* 1963 1962 1961 1960 1959 1958 1957 1956 1955 1954 1953 1952 Year 1955 1954 1953 1952 1951 1950 1949 1948 1947 1946 1945 1944 1943 Year Live Births Live 132 262 130 053 140 365 146 461 151 195 158 428 167 202 192 810 210 430 223 347 206 926 185 820 Live Births Live 210 430 223 347 206 926 185 820 190 645 195 567 190 398 191 907 187 316 169 120 169 091 195 868 178 320 Abortions Births 163 656 169 992 162 160 152 404 145 578 123 275 Induced 82 463 35 398 16 281 2 677 1 715 ? 106 670 112 039 107 443 109 998 106 902 105 718 105 780 117 537 135 486 211 323 165 230 127 760 Deaths 97 848 18 Registered Abortions/ 104 236 106 670 108 273 101 525 103 880 103 645 112 039 107 443 99 672 96 410 97 866 97 848 Deaths Miscarriages Infant Deaths Infant 12 622 13 556 14 647 12 987 15 993 16 759 17 327 18 054 19 975 19 703 28 601 20 098 20 036 Natural Increase Natural 116 677 112 582 88 574 21 780 44 936 47 314 63 557 94 887 78 377 32 620 43 955 60 562 Natural Increase Natural abortion/miscarriage 112 582 116 677 -42 232 94 887 78 377 80 647 88 665 84 680 86 127 69 779 33 634 30 638 50 560 Birth to Increase Percent 12.0 11.4 9.0 2.1 4.5 4.7 6.5 9.9 8.3 3.0 4.4 6.1 18 CEU eTD Collection and surveillance meant in this period. In understanding Anna Ratkó’s role as Health Minister in means, but rather that this concept allows one to glean a better sense of what population policies by Foucault. This isnot to suggest that1950s Stalinist Hungary was acarceral by society any Foucault 1.3b demographicsophisticated review. statistics doesseem butPetapparent, childbearing age.Itis true a that general betweencorrespondence Resolution 1.004 andthe might have attributed to the fluctuations in birth rates, such as the number of women of While Pet simplify the terms I have simply labeled the total number “pregnancies.” (which are always fatal to the fetus), live births and spontaneous miscarriages and abortions. To 27 program Magyarországon in diseases” andgonorrheal labor premature abortion, “ReportSource: on developmentthe of Budapest’s public health situation, with a special look at 1951 1950 1949 1948 1947 1946 The original table listsin column 2 all“birth whichevents” include extra-uterine pregnancies In my analysis of the Ratkó Era I am relying on the theory of carceral society developed Pet Ę Ę ’s reasoning seems logical at first glance, she does not allowfor other factors that , for example, argues in relation to the data presented in Table 1: 42 219 40 132 38 213 28 969 27 791 24 448 abortion, regulation notwithstanding. regulation abortion, an have to way the found families want not did who regulation—those of independent was children have not to or have to desire that is Table (see Table 1 of Appendix).the Whatalsobecomesevident from the summer andfall of 1952,would not have been toapplyable for abortion due to the changingpermitted. It becomes clear from political the study of thenumberof births that, climate,As of 1,1954,abortion January for reasonsdifficulties ofsocial was those who became pregnant in the number 30 72 342 28 72 783 27 72 404 21 73 191 20 75 882 17 79 182 , p.12, adapted by Michelle Sawyer. percent Ę failsprovide to aconvincingsupported by argument 19 number 11 312 10 755 10 387 7414 6477 5062 Az 1952-53. évinépesedéspolitikaiAz 1952-53. 27 percent 27 27 27 26 23 21 2.7:1 2.8:1 2.6:1 2.9:1 3.2:1 3.4:1 ratio 19 CEU eTD Collection Gisela Bockand PatThane (London: Routledge, p.234-235. 1991), and Gender Policies: Womenand the Riseof theEuropean State,1880s-1950s Welfare 28 abortions and sterilization on “undesirable racial elements.” Germany’s population policies, arguing that it was a decidedly antinatalist regime that forced maternity and paternity in National Socialist racism” which addresses thequestion of Nazi national socialist Germany. Here I am referring to a study by Gisela Bock, “Antinatalism, terror was not institutionalized and systematized to the extent towhich it was undertaken in reserved for discussion of Nazi Germany, toa relatively milder period, or at least one in which Minister of Health below, in chapter 1.3d as well as in chapter 2.1b and Chapter Four. totalitarian I program population-growth was instituted. discuss Anna ineptitude as Ratkó’s that points to Anna Ratkó simply serving as the body that filled the Ministerial chair at the time a evidence of in light this say I machinery; bureaucratic inthe a cog becomes individual an how describe Iam Rákosi the known as‘bureaucracy’to aspectof culture using the regime, carceral Foucault’s theory is also relevant for state socialism in Hungary. Ifind this to be particularly true demonstrated the application of panopticism in the form of surveillance to the Nazi regime; Bock regimes. socialist and fascist both to is consistent lives, individuals’ of aspects private ininterest expanding thepopulation along with measures enacted totakecontrol of mostthe apply, particularly the desire to increase the population. This aspect of totalitarian societies, the situation was not nearly as dramatic in terms of sheer brutality,but some of the same concepts is one I would like to parallel, though of course with some modifications. The Hungarian itencouraged (among the wrong and rightelements, respectively). Bock’s foucauldian approach andprevented degree towhichregime pregnancy National then the discouraged Socialist rather Gisela Bock, “Antinatalism, maternity and paternity in National Socialist racism” in racism” Socialist inNational paternity and maternity “Antinatalism, Bock, Gisela It is perhaps toapply problematic idea the of carceral society, whichis traditionally 20 28 This article explains the larger Maternity , ed. 20 CEU eTD Collection p. 43. 33 32 Bock, “Antinatalism, maternity and paternity in National Socialist racism,” p.234-235. Gisela See effect. in the opposite rather resulted be pro-natalist to wasintended what perhaps 31 30 p.1991), 304. (though only supplemented, rather than replaced only (though supplemented, 29 group. “sovereign power,” and which is the pre-modern of use extreme violence against asubject Rákosi’s reproduction politics are not the most extreme example of “natalist” cannoteven claim to own their health or illnesses, as these are also under control of the state. it.” it,on take decisions the they make of they theregistration power, relation of each individual to his disease and to his death passes through the representativesThe of centralized. be constantly must pathological the of registration “The panopticism: medical of Punish theory of biopolitics and biopower in the twentieth century. In the first pages of century, hehasmuch shaped thought on totalitarianism andcontrol of body the histhrough hasthat extensively. beenstudied nation, but is a good reference point for my study, providing abetter known example, and one considered as such) deliberately policies thatcontinuepursuing particular the "race" or the example of a totalitarian regime (or in the case of Hungary under Rákosi, one that strives to be examination of Nazi policies or those of Ceausescu evinces. Nazi Germany is an extreme Mark G. E. Kelly, Foucault, Isimply use the value-neutral term “Natalist” as opposed to pro- or anti-natalist toconvey that Ibid. Michel Foucault, 32 Under totalitarian rule, citizens are subject to the total control of the regime; subjects Despite the fact that Foucault’s fact the Despite exclusively havefocused writings that nineteenth the on in the chapter entitled “Torture,” entitledin chapter the In Society Must beDefended Society Must Discipline andPunish Discipline andPunish: TheBirththe ofPrison The PoliticalPhilosophy ofMichel Foucault , pp.3-31. , “sovereign ispower” updatedin modern the period Foucault described the “technology Foucault knownas “technology of the power” described 21 33 ) to consist of “discipline” and “bio-power,” (New York: Routledge, 2009), (London: Penguin Books, 29 31 policies, as an Discipline and 30 21 CEU eTD Collection 37 36 Hermeneutics 35 2004), ch.4 “A society based on productive labor”, pp.87-108. Hungary, 34 Itwascoined by Communism. and asNazism diverse asideologically andregimes dictatorships of Hungary 1948(from after roughly 1953) some warrants 1949 to definition: of “totalitarianism” and what I later refer to as the “totalitarian nature” of the People’s Republic Andrea Pet theories and the work of Hannah Arendt, the connection being totalitarianism. Iagree with Totalitarianism 1.3c massthrough viacontrol health campaigns (in this case a reproductive campaign). is for anappropriatesettingalso dictatorship/regime useof asit the bio-power is exhibited totalitarian a socialist, establish firmly to attempt an and industrialization rapid of to the rise of capitalism, according toDreyfuss and Rabinow, but Iwould ague that the context system. hadtobealso aproductivebody,for under citizenship acriterion socialistnecessary Soviet the power was to producea human being whocouldbe treated as a ‘docile body.’ This docile body power centered on the body “as an object tobe manipulated […] The basic goal of disciplinary referring latter the tothestate’s life forconcern its fostering the of andgrowth population. Bio- prisons and hospitals.” and prisons Pet Kelly, Hubert L. Dreyfuss and Paul Rabinow, MarkPittaway, Ę , “Women’s Rights in Stalinist Hungary,” p. 50. The word “totalitarian” has its origins in Italian Fascism,but has been applied to a social my of easy bemade between I findcan relatively Foucault’s segue use that 34 The PoliticalPhilosophy ofMichelFoucault The technology in wasperfected barracks, Thetechnology developed and of workshops, discipline 37 with reproductive policies serving as a means to achieve that end. However, my use Ę that the Rákosi regime represents a failed attempt to establish totalitarian rule in rule totalitarian establish to afailed attempt represents regime theRákosi that (Chicago: University Chicago Press,of pp.134-135. 1982), Brief Histories: EasternBrief Europe1939-2000 35 This type of control over bodies and populations is unquestionably tied Michel Foucault:Beyond Structuralism and 22 , p. 43. p. , (London: Oxford University Press, 36 22 CEU eTD Collection abortion. is ingravid state anintimatematter” new tothe possibility concerning of response regulations minutes of the National Health Council, when gynecological expert Pál Kiss asserted that “the 39 38 educational with accompanying programs) canserveand propaganda asatype insurance of has been captured, rest the of is conquestthe much easier. Secondly, reproductive policies (along from above. dictator to be accepted by the population, along with the extreme measures that imposed the will of the has been addressed in this introduction, new the kind of required campaignpolitics apropaganda efficiency in every aspect of the nation’s population. However, as I discuss in chapter 4.3, and as kind of society in which everything was dictated from above, thus ensuring success and these represent a‘new’ kind of politics,in that they aspire to create a revolutionary and original embracing reality. The use of this term has expanded to include other regimes, on the basis that level in “The Doctrine of Fascism” in the 1920s, as the ultimate ends, the ultimate means, the all- ‘totalizing.’ Giovanni MussoliniGentile and Benito totalitarianism defined ideologicalthe at definition a totalitarian regime controls every aspect of its citizens’ lives and is in this way meant tocriticize the Fascists’ militarized politics used to gain a power monopoly in Italy. By journalistItalian and politician Giovanni Amendola in 1923, but was used as a term of disdain, (or party, casemay asthe (or hasbe) control over establishing control over what is arguably the most personal sphere makes it clear that the state first, regime: a totalitarian for importance a twofold has circumstances, ordinary under intimate an such foundation for building a totalitarian society lies within the realm of reproduction. Control over Pet György, “The Mirror of Everyday Life, or the Will a to Period Style,” p.15. Ę , “Women’s Rights in Stalinist Hungary,” p. 50. Pet While measures are enacted to impose totalitarian rule on the rulea given on totalitarian population, to impose areenacted While measures 39 area of personal life, one which is wholly determined by individual choice 38 everything 23 ; when the most important stronghold important most the ; when Ę quotes the January 17, 1949 meeting 23 CEU eTD Collection 40 of state. the apractice becomes reproduction Arendt, to According private sphere. is no this “totality” the body is viewed as just as accessible as any other part of society and thus there certain. is nation morethe security of slightly internal accept rule, the totalitarian to will beindoctrinated against an uncertain future. If a ruler can be assured that new generations will be numerous, and every twenty years—and the consequent cycles of shortage and force abundance in cycles labour shortage the of consequent years—and the every twenty caused “an [that caused] pattern abnormal dramaticpeaks demographic in and recessions births knows her name becauseis it synonymous with an unpopularministerial decree thoughttohave research with the suspicion that Ratkó’s legacy was unfairly assigned her; everyone in Hungary my upon I embarked Ratkó. Anna Minister Health herself, woman the mention to neglect Context as Biography 1.3d restrictive reproductive policies but inrather sustaining them. imposing in problems encounter not did government socialist state patriarchal the Thus children). biological sense but in the sense that a mother is responsible for educating and raising her reproductive freedom, as women are consider core loci of reproduction (not simply in the domination over state’s the mirrors women over inmale domination power; case, this have traditionally also been the explicit property of men, and this is just another manifestation of have by for already been subjugated uncountabletradition and history years.Women’s bodies is an easy acquisition for a totalitarian regime, or any other patriarchal government, as women Hannah Arendt, Because Iconsider Stalinist Hungary to be an attempted totalitarian state, I argue that in My examination of the Ratkó Era would be sorely lacking a crucial element if I were to The Human Condition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1958),p.126. 24 40 Butthis 24 CEU eTD Collection 45 44 Ministerial lastChair”), www.archivnet.hu, accessed1June, 2010. 43 accessed June4,2010. last from Hungarianthe National Archives, available athttp://www.archivnet.hu/old/index.phtml, for aperiod style, that is, part of a series of programmes alsointerpretable as a manifestation of, visual landscape of everyday life and to establish a new system of symbols was part of the wish Society inthe Age ofStalin 42 41 compassionate and sympathetic Ministry of Health that would benefit society. (and messenger future and signatory reproductiveof in measures) order conveyto imagean of a Communistideology. Kocsis writes of the deliberate choice of a woman for Minister of Health andthe a certain attitude was usedtorepresent as asymbolic figurewho but Rákosi the regime, what needed. Party butthe be rather, was done, decideto her what to appointing her to organize the Welfare Ministry into the Ministry of Health, that it was not up to was notactually that at all; in an interview from 1979 Ratkó recalled that Rákosi told her, upon and human infrastructure, jobs, flats, hospitals, crèches, schools.” Law” sharing herexcept in it with name usage. colloquial KocsisAnnahad acknowledges thatPiroska with absolutely do Ratkó nothing to “Ratkóthe more ayear than earlier. werenoted problems the though illustrate Ratkó’s unsatisfactory andwork discussionsthe leadinguptoher replacement in 1953, poorly chosen for the Health Ministry post as popular opinion holds. Internal documents However, research into Ratkó’s biography and career proved her to be as boorish, unpopular and story Annaof Ratkóhad been neglected infavor of had image that the become publicly reviled. Ibid. Ibid. Piroska Kocsis, “A szöv “A leváltáshoz vezet Kiss,“The Second No: Women in Hungary,” p. 54. Thus it turned out that Anna Ratkó’s most important role was not as Minister of Health in Health of Minister as not was role important most Ratkó’s Anna that out turned it Thus Ę út” (“The Road Leading to Replacement”), collection of six documents Ę Péter György writes of Hungary, that “the effortmade to change the székt Ę l a miniszteri bársonyszékig,” (“From The Loom to the 25 42 43 A carefully researched work by Her agency as Minister of Health 41 I was convinced that the was convinced the true that I 44 45 In Art and 25 CEU eTD Collection totalizing regime. totalizing politics of socialism that were meant to lend themselves to the public perception of a powerful, measures can performance reports, andpoor reproductive be viewed aspartof symbolic the 46 or will power.”to, György, “The Mirror of Everyday Life, or the Will a to Period Style,” p. 15. 46 Thus Ratkó’s term as Health Minister, in light of the unsuccessful 26 26 CEU eTD Collection emlékezete,” pp.86-89. emlékezete,” 1878lawthe criminalized that abortion all under circumstances. authorities’ response was to make abortion legal and free of charge; a temporary suspension of Hungarian women were the victims of rape at the hands of the Soviet Army in 1945. The subject research extensive on the hasin resultedthatanywhere from estimates to200,000 50,000 was inherited from the penal code of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, from 1878. Andrea Pet its consequences abortion and law concerning in force the contemporary of country, control the Kremlin. of the influence from the Austro-Hungarian Empire and, later on, in the context of Sovietization and the 1950s and reproductive under rights Rákosi the regime in contextof the inheritedthe penal code the following I describe the legal history of abortion in Hungary, with particular attention to the simply manipulatingas means attempting of (or to manipulate) populationthe andbirth In rate. themselves, of and in Era Ratkó in the abortion regarding changes legislative these understand to important isit However, Hungary. in legislation abortion and abortion of history brief story of reproduction policies in Hungary. RatkóEra The needs be putinto a context through population policy in 1956,Hungary, 1953to isfocus narrowly to too very on a small partof the 47 Contexts: 19 Legaland 2.1 Historical Policy Developments andtheir Pet Ę , “Átvonuló hadsereg, maradandó trauma—Az 1945-os budapesti budapesti 1945-os ernemi , “Átvonuló trauma—Az maradandó hadsereg, To focus exclusively on a very brief period containing the most drastic changes in After invasion the of Redthe Army in 1945,while various political forparties clamored Chapter 2Legal and Policy Developments th and20 th Centuries 1 47 Before this suspension, the Ę szak esetek Ę ’s 1 CEU eTD Collection 51 1877-1878 in prison.” years five with punished be will after immediately or birth before and infanticide: “A mother who, outside of marriage, has a child and intentionally kills the child actions. For example, paragraph 285 does not provide a degree of difference between abortion or of isinclusive a variety of circumstances more language that contains century, twentieth severe punishment of fifteen years in prison. second party, and in the case of the mother’s unintentional death, which warranted the most punishment were created for induced abortion carried out by the mother alone, with the aid of a with sentences varying in accordance to the mother’s marital status. In addition, categories of birth”), (1878 Penal Chapter 18,Code, paragraph284“Punishmentfor offences againsthuman life and 50 will that below. beinfanticide discussed 49 period. this in reasons medical for acceptable was laws) abortion liberal with places most in seventh month, which falls into the realm of third-trimester abortion, which is considered a (the crime week twenty-eighth the until abortion fact, In murder. and abortion between correlation period of study that might connote a correlation between abortion and infanticide, oreven a mention afterof a time in birth”) or inmy sequence(“before amended abortion regulations Penal Code of 1878, theintentional “driving out” of orinfantfetus a of periods hardship andduring Statute wartime. According V, paragraph to 284 of Hungarianthe 48 argue thethat shiftfrom nineteenththe century inclusion of andabortion infanticide underthe enforced; abortion was the primary form of birth control for most people, legal code that had been kept intact for more than half a century had not been very strictly Ibid.,paragraph 285. 1878Büntet The statute uses both words ‘fetus’ and ‘infant,’ indicating a relationship between abortion and Pet Ę , “Women’s Rights in Stalinist Hungary,” p. 50. Hungarian abortion legislation in the nineteenth century, in comparison to that of the of that to in comparison century, nineteenth in the legislation abortion Hungarian Magyar Törvénytár:1877-1878. éviTörvényczikkek ), (Budapest: ), (Budapest: Franklin-Társulat,MagyarIrod. Intézet és Könyvnyomda, p. 1896), 145. Ę Törvény Fejezet,CikkXVIII. “Az 284 emberélete elleni büntettek és vétségek” 2 ( Hungarian Law: Law Articles 49 wasapunishable offence, 48 particularly during 50 There is no such 51 I 2 CEU eTD Collection 54 53 were put in effect by direct and specific ministerial decrees (which carried the same weight as a before parliament in order to avoid conflict. Iwould add that in the Ratkó era legislative changes Pet Beszél 52 Pet Andrea outcry. in resulted public rape when the commonplace particularly by war,this until ignored occurrence, wasapracticeduring authorities 1945, after illegal is was acommon whileitabortion that clear However, century. of twentieth the half first the of events tumultuous the into and century the of turn the through in place remained the population increase serious criminal aspect of abortion is the ‘subversive’ act of undermining the socialist plan to legislation of the Ratkó Era makes no such claim. Whatis implied instead, is that the most András Mink writes that the 1878 penal code classified abortion with homicide, is socialism state under construed is it as abortion of couldThe legal of tothefact implications languagediscrepancies criminality these point the that beis to in infanticide samecategory of the nolonger indicatescrime. that considered whatsoever same penal measures to the Ratkó Era abortion legislation that does not include infanticide Pet Ibid.,p. 23. András Mink, “Kis magyar-abortusztörténet,” (“A Short Hungarian Abortion History”), Ę explains thatabortion legislation 1945wasafter handled decrees through were that notput Ę Ę , “Women’s Rights in Stalinist Hungary,” p. 51. The officially laws, anti-abortion strict in place since 1878butnot actually enforced, ( Speaker instead the matter was regulated through direct ministerial orders. ministerial direct through regulated was matter the instead issue; new a with government coalition country’s of the ranks the in daily communist-dominated Ministry of Health did not want to exacerbate the deliberately created a judicial uncertainty about the issue. The emotional outbursts in the domestic political arena, Hungary’s rulers unavoidable prevent to order in laws, abortion the of revamping facilities At the time governmentthe freemade abortions permissible at health care of charge, if authorized by a medical officer. During this ), November 30, 1991, p. 22. 3 not based on the taking of life, murder. of a the or on based taking Ę explains: 54 52 whereas the 53 3 CEU eTD Collection legality. that of the Soviet Union since 1936, when abortion was re-criminalized after a brief period of After powerin theCommunists 1948, took policy abortion the was mirror changed to immediatethe period, post-war until in official the communist take-over 1948. it. regime existed,spoke andnoCommunistone of that rape committed by the soldiers of the Red Army was considered taboo as long as the writing behavior, soldiers Russian the at dismay and desperation Communists’ the acknowledges 55 reform grew, though “the law itself was easily cheated” as women could simply gain the strong demand for a relaxed regulation of abortion as early as 1947. Agitation for abortion encourage family growth. However, the People’s Welfare Council was very much swayed by the to in order increased repeatedly family were of nation, the allowances industrialization efficient blamed.” even more difficultby the “bad behavior of the soldiers of the Red Army for which we are made people was in of Hungarian gain the eyes the to credence struggle Communists’ that the the Red Army’s “sexual lust, revenge, and […] desire to demonstrate power,” in afurtive and incontestable manner. measure)imposeavoid the also party’sbut to willonthe to people conflict parliament-approved 58 inquoted Kenez, p.45. 56 Press, 2004),p.56. 57 Regime inHungary,1944-1948 László Borhi, Engel, Kenez, Peter Henrik“Dokumentumok Vass,ed., Rákositól—Rákosiról.“ Concerning the wave of abortions and sexually transmitted diseases leftin the wake of 58 57 Women inRussia In response to Stalin’s call for an increase in the work force, required for the quick and Despite Communist the this, Party’spopularity influenceand grew tremendously in Hungary from theNazisHungary from to theSoviets: TheEstablishmentof theCommunist Hungary in theColdWar, 1945-1956 , p.154. (Cambridge: Cambridge University p.Press, 2006), 44. 4 56 Rákosi wrote for help to Moscow, citing (Budapest: Central (Budapest: European University Múltunk nos.2-3 (1991): 247, 55 Peter Kenez Peter 4 CEU eTD Collection primary source for women to learn about ‘mother and child protection’ measures in the form of homemaking andmotherhood. This was theprimary forsource party news and as such was the official mouthpiece of the MNDSZ, and parlayed official party news as well as advice on dramatically different form, as it is nolonger politically affiliated. It was originally formed as the Question andHungarianSocietyinour Century helped found themagazine (Hungarian Women’s Democratic Alliance, or MNDSZ), in 1945 is worth mentioning. Ratkó 59 her role in the Communist women’s organization, Magyar N is necessary. of events description achronological Thus in socialism Hungary. nature of early state totalitarian turnover in the sphere of reproductive rights, and is deserving of attention as an example of the lasting until January 1, 1957.Thisperiod represents an atmosphere of extreme turmoil and rapid Law” was officially repealed in the summer of 1956, with the very last vestiges of the decree June of 1949, which is where Ibegin my study, and ministerialthe known decree the as “Ratkó in ofWelfare in Minister became femaleas firstHungary minister the Anna Ratkó definitions; my focus years tothe 1956. 1949 Thisto isconsidered RatkóErain the broadestthe of Stalinist Hungary, aperiod otherwise known in common usage as the Ratkó Era, I am narrowing Era Ratkó The Chronology: 2.1a compassion. cooperation of requiredthe internist andgynecologist bribery through someor human appeal to FerencSzabó, Ratkó’s years as the Minister of Health are the most important for our purposes, though For the purposes of this study, which is concerned with the reproductive policies of 59 Az abortuszkérdés amagyar és társadalom századunkban 1Ę k Lapja ( Women’s Journal 5 ), (Budapest: Magyar Napló, 1999), ), which still exists today, though in a Ę k Demokratikus Szövetsége , ( The Abortion p. 28. 5 CEU eTD Collection 62 “A szöv (Interview, 1979. January. History of politics and Szakszervezeti Levéltár.)], quoted in Kocsis, life. herpath of about Annareminiscences [Ratkó Levéltár.) és Szakszervezeti Politikatörténeti 61 60 public health on November 23,1950,following example the by set Sovietthe Union. June 11,1949.It wasproposed thisthat Welfare Ministry bea into reorganized ministry of from government, Dobi István formed newly in the take-over communist the after immediately illegal inabortion Resolution 1.004. in increases maternity leave, medical care during pregnancy,andfor the increased punishment December 16. did notstart until mid-way through the year, with Anna Ratkó taking the helm officially on organization. of powers for herproven public agency health to from welfare department transformation technician certification, Ratkó was chosen to lead the Ministry of Health during its havingnomedical training andnohigher education outside of party courses and textile 1949 meeting of 1949 meeting of country’sdoctorsthe senior-most reveal adiscussion distributionabout the and pregnancies) in the firstfew years after the Communists came to power. Minutes from a January unwanted prevent the freedom to in abortion, words, other accessto aswell as contraceptives having todowith measures restricting freedom reproductive (which includes access to office; in colloquial usage and the minds of Hungarians the Ratkó Erais comprised of everything as theyindeed were. notindicatematters administered Welfare not underthe does that of Ministry, were public health Kocsis, “Aszöv Kocsis, Mrs. Gyula Králl, Ratkó Anna visszaemlékezése életútjáról. (Interjú, 1979. január. Kocsis, “Aszöv Kocsis, Annaserved Ratkó as Minister of Welfare ministry (the was initially increated 1945) I consider the Ratkó Era to be more than just the period connected with Ratkó’s term of Ę székt 61 62 Ę The Ministry of Health’s existence became official on January 1, 1950, but work It should be noted that simply the lack of an official Health Ministry before 1950 l bársonyszékig.” a miniszteri Ę Ę székt székt Ę Ę l a miniszteri l miniszteri bársonyszékig.” a l a miniszteri l miniszteri bársonyszékig.” a 6 60 Despite 6 CEU eTD Collection 19-21. of Procured Abortions,”) in szabályozása tárgyában,” (“Ministry of Health Order No.81/34/1952concerning Regulation the 65 a ‘Law’”) in a ‘Law’”) Story of the Table, People Seventeen atthe Anna Ratkó: Past, the of (“The Witnesses története” 64 Archives,National Levéltár MOL), Budapest. (Hungarian hereafter Contraceptive Devices,” Documents of Ministry of Health, XIX-C-9 15 81/34/1952,was order signed byRatkó on May 1952. 29, live of number increase the births) thus (and of number abortions todecrease the action taken and socialism,”“build acampaignmore need and wouldwhich morebe workers realized.to World WarIIwascompounded by newly the socialists’reigning desire toindustrialize rapidly 63 were eitherits conditions lifecasethat these of toterm.the In ifit would affect were carried that health would be endangered, or if the fetus has undergone damage or has a hereditary disease would be allowed by the state in the first twenty-eight weeks of pregnancy if a woman’s life or achild.” “amarriageis nothing that without worth interview 1949 show. Notsurprisingly, Minister Health sharedAnna Ratkó view,this in andstated a 1974 well shared by as many, public discourse entered before RatkóEra, minutes and the from the reproduction, as being not only a national obligation, but the sole object of sexual relations, was normal, norm. isnot otherwise the conception toward against attitude This or unhealthy, without considerable risk tolife andlimb, implying thus sex that without intentionthe of term whoto carry a pregnancy are unable to those for only are suitable devices contraceptive pregnancy will endanger the woman’s health or life. opinion that contraceptives should only be prescribed by a physician when itis proven that a advocacy of use of contraceptive devices. Not surprisingly, the doctors give their professional “Az egészségügyi miniszter 81/34/1952. Eü.M. 81/34/1952. számú “AzEü.M. a miniszter megszakításának terhesség egészségügyi utasítása EndreVárkonyi,id “Múlt Minutes of January 3, 1949:“Fogamzásgátlószerek forgalombahozatala Besides measures undertaken to limit the availability of contraceptive devices, the firstthe devices, of contraceptive tolimit availability the measures undertaken Besides Magyarország Az 1952-53.évinépesedéspolitikai program Magyarországon Ę ( Hungary k tanúi, Anna: Ratkó Tizenheten az asztalnál, Egy ‘törvény’ ) 39, (1974) p. 21. ) 39, 7 63 Dr Losonczy makes it clear that 65 This mandate stated that an abortion 64 The population loss sustained in th box, Magyar Országos , ” “Distribution of “Distribution ” , pp. 7 CEU eTD Collection beginning with Resolution 1004/1953, known colloquially as the XIX-C-2-S, 2. Doboz XIX-C-2-S, 2.Doboz I.1 1947-1963, MOL, Budapest. Homeland,”our Ministry 1960, Documentsof Health, 00158/1960,” of Ministry of Health, 68 67 percent).” (19.6 birththe 20 percent. In1951 rate to 1952thebirth returnedrate average to the of 1938 to1944 to 1946thelower rateof decreased18.7 percent averagethe years of the 1947to1950,making Hungary between 1936 and vacillated birth 1952the between andrate 18.5 21percent.In1945 inabortion were enacted fightorder to population decline. from Areport “In1960 claims, as known party, all (such measures concerning rights reproductive as increasing leave, maternity paid and reasons. monetary dangerous, or cases where the woman was simply unwilling to have a child for financial or weed out cases woman where the was perhaps incorrectly her pregnancy be would convinced abortion carried out, unless it was really considered a medical emergency. This was intended to have hersteps to all complete necessary the awoman chances the could decreased and therefore made mandate theprocess moremuch difficult. The bureaucratic process was made longer much 66 finalof Ina decision. period when forabortions medical reasonswere easily procured, power the which held to committee, second the thedecision appeal could petitioner the abortion, hear a woman or her doctor’s petition for an abortion. If the first commission ruled against provided the order met, for medical classes thecreation to of and of organization two committees “Jelentés: a születésszám alakulásáról hazánkban,” “Report: On the State of the Birth Rate in On Rate Birth State of the the “Report: hazánkban,” alakulásáról a születésszám “Jelentés: Ibid. Pet Ę , “Women in Stalinist Hungary” p.52. According to official reports and information circulated within the highest levels of the of levels highest the within circulated information and reports official to According anya- és gyermekvédelem anya- 68 The report outlines the major changes in reproductive rights legislation, rights in reproductive changes major the outlines report The 67 , or mother, or andchild and protection) especially concerning 8 Ratkó Törvény Ratkó , or“Ratkó 66 this 8 CEU eTD Collection marked the first alleviations of resolution. the alleviations of first marked the 73 72 71 továbbfejlesztésér 70 147. suchgrounds, as lack of housing. first of 1954, officially creating committees that would hear petitions for abortions on social January effectinto on went A order confidential in October. restrictions the taken to relax were years. following in the observed was that schools and nurseries in overcrowding the for 1960, and other statistical data. The increase of the birth rate to pre-war levels was responsible palpable increasethat reached its highest level in according1954, totheofficial from report wasa wasenacted after1.004 Resolution occurred that Thebabyboom scale. unprecedented according toKilényi and Lamm in parliamentary rules of the day a ministerial decree could carry the same weight as a law, legislation in spite of the fact that it was rather a ministerial decree, not alaw; under the 69 unpopular, and after the shock of Stalin’s March 5 population forced birthpolicy the which of each andeveryfoetus;” classical period ‘fifties’ of pre-1956 Stalinism by wasdominated anda strict anti-humanist and childprotection measures,” would beallowed for health reasons. decree the forwhich provided of thecreation if 1952, todetermineof anabortion committees second,the andincluded ameasure increasing for complementingabortionists, against penalties Law.” Pet Julia Szalai, “Abortion in Julia“Abortion in Szalai, Hungary” Kocsis, “Aszöv Kocsis, azanya- ésgyermekvédelem határozata Minisztertanácsának “A Népköztársaság Magyar Resolution 1.004 wasgiven nicknamethe “Ratkó Law” by Hungarians,contemporary the Ę 69 , “Women in Stalinist Hungary,” p. 52. Kocsis, however, says that October 10, 1953 The new Imre Nagy government took more steps to relax the anti-abortion regulation, This includedresolution sixitems thatwereintended to“continue the increase motherof Among Ratkó’s ministerial decrees that are included in this study, the “Ratkó Law” is Ę Ę l,” in székt Ę 1Ę l a miniszteri l miniszteri bársonyszékig.” a k Lapja 70 73 with the last item calling for the restriction of abortion on an on abortion of restriction the for calling item last the with Parliamentarism andGovernment inaOne-PartySystem Parliamentarism (1953), pp.1-2. Feminist Review 9 th death had subsided over the summer, actions 29, (Summer 1988), p.98. 29,(Summer 72 thus Resolution thus 1.004 was 71 “The , p. 9 CEU eTD Collection 74 in participation deliberationsthe oflocal organs.” decision-making Soviet even or in Moscow consultations political to intervention military from ranging forms political entity under Soviet control. According to László Borhi,“intervention took a variety of influence in Hungarian affairs were increasing, despite the official sovereignty of Hungary as a proper control. shortsightedness orblindness caused by ideological zealousness, and simple inability assert to attempt wasimitation, of install Rákosi duetoineptthe leadership regime to totalitarian beMoscow, to discussed below). This is useful for understanding thedegree whichto failedthe Imre Nagy, and the relaxation of the abortion restrictions were mandated by authorities in and policies of the Soviet Union, but also by direct instruction (for example, the appointment of System Legal Take-Over, The Communism: 2.1b 2/1956, which allowed women applyto for abortions within firstthe monthsthree of pregnancy. Hungarian Communist Party and Soviet Union) witnessed the enactment of Ministerial Decree the by counter-revolution a (called revolution October the to up led that and tension, increasing comparable to periodthe following end the World War of The II. summer of 1956, aperiod of scarcely seven months, and after June 24, 1956, the law became much more liberal, even hadrate 19 dropped percentto by 1956. The strictest period of abortion restriction lastedhad and the mini baby boom came to an end, with the Ministry of Health report stating that the birth moderate or radical changes” in domestic policy. Hence Imre Nagy’s rise to the post of minister purpose the of interventionthis between 1953and 1955(after deathof the Stalin) “induce wasto Borhi, At the time of the Communisttake-over, and as the 1950s progressed, Moscow’s This section examines waysinthe was influencedwhich Hungary notonly by practices Hungary inthe Cold War, p. 10. 10 74 He continues, asserting that 10 CEU eTD Collection Visszaemlékezések, 1940-1956 Visszaemlékezések, masses” with Rákosi, contact thatdidhavethe not direct in jobs, suchas work, editorial that Jews played in the Hungarian Communist Party, the ‘Jewish Comrades’ should be employed suggested […] Rákosi into that, not order to call unfortunatelyattention to the very large role 78 Revai] had nolives or interests outside of the Communist movement.” 77 76 p. 64. Pittaway also comments on Soviet pressure for the appointment of as strong as Rákosi’s,Imre was appointed deputy prime minister.” Nagy in Imre Nagy Communist took the the InteriorFinally Ministry;proposal. while Szakasits, Communist whosethe allegianceaccept to to Moscow need the was of easily leaders Smallholder the advisor] tookthematter into theirhands. own Theyhad an unexpectedly ineasy time convincing Interiorget the Ministry Voroshilov […]. and Pushkin [Allied Control politicalCommission instructed to renegotiate positions governmentthe for HCP[Hungarian the CommunistParty] to which ‘operated as an organ of the Soviet military command and was subordinated to it’] was helped [him] topower in 1953”: “Voroshilov [Chairman of the Allied Control Commission, 75 interior,of and the subsequentreform government wereinstigated by Kremlin.the ideology years inMoscow, were tied directly to Kremlin,the heldnothing sacredsave Communist Hungarianthe Communistincluding Party, Revai, Rákosi, Ger major aswell. notthat from Itmustthe beforgotten players of Moscow influence considerable from Moscow. commands to reactions must be stressed that the reforms of Imre Nagy and others were “autonomous ideas,” and not Furthermore, they were also all Jewish, adding to their outsider status. the situation, or, conversely, according to the so-called totalitarian paradigm, as the controlled asthe paradigm, totalitarian so-called the to conversely,according or, situation, the on hadbedepending adapted that to asetofimprovisations from West, andtherefore the actions were Sovietized. thoroughly process process that was taking place was imposed from above, and even the Hungarian agents of this Ibid., pp. 22-24. Kenez writes that “Georgii Dimitrov, the ex-leader of the defunct Comintern Kenez, Borhi, Ibid. Borhi, The Soviet influence in its satellite territories has been interpreted aseither to aresponse hasbeeninterpreted territories satellite influence inits The Soviet 77 Hungary inthe Cold War, Hungary from theNazisHungary from to the Soviets and were in this way to a certain extent alienated from people. Hungarian from the in alienated acertain and extentthis were way to Hungary in theColdWar, , vol. 2,pp. 924-925, quoted in Kenez, pp.23-24. p. 10. 76 Yet before the end of Rákosi’s reign in 1954, there was pp. 10, 37, 77, explains the “Soviet interference that 11 , p. 23 explains “They [Rákosi, Ger Ę , and Farkás had allspentlong 78 The “Sovietization” The Brief Histories 75 Ę However, it , Farkas and 11 , CEU eTD Collection infrastructure to handle growth. infrastructure population the ultimately failed. The laws were eventually due inrepealed part tolack planning of proper and itsthat astrategy creation, of aspect acknowledge not totalitarian does the but Hungary” factory and the womb served the state’s utopian goal: the creation of a communist nation-state of deployed strategies Kürti byboth that the Further, ‘number crunching’ writes “perversethe responsible for the“population boom.”argue I that much approach this takes fortoo granted. by provided “successful,”incentives” because 1.004 thatthey heposits Resolution were directly 81 80 relations.” of East-West assumed that “the expansionist politics of the Soviet Union were responsible for the deterioration 79 and machinations calculated following blueprints. precise Communists and seek the leastdamaging andshould Communists them or resist seekthe one compromise, step of every remained, was it better to “recognize that there was no alternative tocooperation with the advantageand internal of parties; wasableto take other the the plaguing thequestion divisions 1950s illustrate inadequaciesthe of regimethe andits policies. control,” imposition Communist of endcomplete the warandthe of between the primarily in SovietMoscow. policy was aseries ofimprovisations, andit developed gradually the Hungary Nazisfrom tothe Soviets far as reproductive policies are concerned, the short-lived the areconcerned, policies far asreproductive totalitarian rule in Hungary shows a different side of the communist take-over; specifically, as establish an ever-growing sphereof Soviet influence.Yet failurethe establish to maintain and claim that a finely structured plan was implemented and carried out in stages, in an attempt to “totalitarian paradigm.” Proponents of this paradigm, such as Hugh Seton-Watson, for example, Union the Soviet of politics the place expansionist blame forthe tendency Kenezcalls to the that note to interesting is It policies. reproductive changing in the than exemplified better nowhere would arguethat improvisationthis continued theCommunist after power grab, and thisthat is Kürti, “The Wingless Eros of Socialism,” p. 58. Kürti calls the “economic and ideological Ibid., p. 1. Ibid., p.2 n2. Kenez uses the phrase “so-called totalitarian paradigm” torefer to those who After the Second World Second AfterWar, the Party Communist the wasthefirst toorganizein Hungary, that “What happened in“What happened decidedthat elsewhere, Hungary was 12 81 79 abortion restrictions of the early I agree with Kenez’s argumentin 80 though I though 12 CEU eTD Collection 85 84 83 82 way?” the Political Committee.” Political meetingsinter-party at decrees discussed scope of powersCommunist influence. were Its severely limited andthenation was governed by political heritage of this dictatorship.In 1946 “parliamentwas afigleaf concealed that the true struggle andmanipulations of immediatethe post-war years, thus itis appropriate todiscuss the forbut therest history.” of showdown, a“’struggle’ which would decidewhowas to rulenot for atemporary of period time, consider the election part of the democratic process but more along the lines of an all-important to make sure theirfuture success wouldbe According secured. toBorhi, communists the didnot than the rule of Rákosi and perhaps two more of his political associates.” out points thethat “political system in inHungary theearly not1950s amounted to much more Soviet Union. This model was taken on in both a formal and bureaucratic sense, though Borhi It was goods. indetermined electionthis Hungary that would model Stalinistthe adopt of the leadingperiod election, with uptothe pricemanipulation and controlling supply the consumer of parliament” when “the socialist pattern institutionalized in the Soviet Union and […] Eastern […] and Union Soviet in the institutionalized pattern socialist “the when parliament” about the nature of socialistforms of government, even acknowledges “the fictitious role of andGovernmentParliamentarism inaOne-PartySystem Ibid.,p. 203. Ibid.,p. 81. Borhi, Kenez, The Communist dictatorshipbegan that in certainly1948 was by colored power the Hungary inthe Cold War, Hungary from the NazisHungary from to the Soviets 82 This struggle powerwasmarked for by manipulative efforts the of communists the 84 The communist idea of democracy was revealed by actions taken in the 83 p. 125. a posteriori 13 , p. , 81. sanctioned by a select legislative body, the legislative byaselect sanctioned , intendededucate nationsother , to 85 The 1988 13 CEU eTD Collection or precept” or example, Health. example, parliamentary approval and requiringinstead simply signature of the Ministerthe for of, government. act as a law, but does not require parliamentary approval,instead being issued by the degree of legislation,degree of approval. bearing parliamentary 0Ħ szótár 91 90 89 88 role lack and specifically 3. agency in thereof)(or of Ratkó Chapter synonymous. According to less last or more two with being terms the and Decision Order, Decree, Law, respectively, degrees offormal significancelegal of measures, with a rough intotranslation English being, 87 see” (p.58). the whole to world nation—for of entire the consensus general people—the one function: demonstrate to itsthrough existence and national operation the unity the of The inParliament early the practically 1950s is further: described “Parliament, speaking, hadbut 86 countries.” European regulation. even of the or wasinwriting conceiving for decree responsible fact not with that associated backedsignature infamousthe legislation abortion of 1953 and whose name has forever been Ibid.,p. 240. Ibid.,p. 95. Ibid.,p. 202. Imre Móra, Kocsis, “A szöv Kilényi and Lamm (eds.), szaki szaki Vállalat, 1992,p.Fordító 235. ), In Hungarian, words the törvény 87 91 ) refer to specific mandates issued directly from ministerial chairs, circumventing Határozat Magyar-Angol jogiszótár is an “act, law, statute; statutory law, Act of Parliament.” Ę székt 86 This gives credence to Kocsis’s assertion that Anna Ratkó, whose (“resolution, decision or verdict” Ę l a miniszteri bársonyszékig.” I will discuss this legislation and the The Hungarian-English LegalDictionary Parliamentarism andGovernment inaOne-Party System törvény, rendelet,határozat , ( Hungarian-English Legal Dictionary 14 Rendelet 90 ) and and is a “decree or order” utasítás utasítás ( Magyar-Angol jogi (“directive, instruction 88 denote the different the denote This is the highest is This the ), Budapest:), 89 , p.57. and can 14 CEU eTD Collection népesedéspolitikai program Magyarországonnépesedéspolitikai Directive 81/34/1952 in Object the with Abortion”), of Regulating No. Minister’s (“Health tárgyában,” szabályozása megszakításának aterhesség utasítása 93 firsttrimester. or the twelve weeks, first tothe limitwas restricted timean the abortion, request to reasons valid allowed considered appeals her first refusal) approves the abortion. Note that in 1954, when social reasons were health reasons, granted that a team (or two teams, depending on whether or not the woman 92 pregnancy Rule number one allowed abortions to be performed in the first twenty-eight weeks of committees which are set up by this order to rule whether or not an abortion will be permitted. terminatingand for determinescopeof for the then reasons apregnancy, the and organization discourage legal whichframe abortions the through thirteen rules undertaken to delineate time 29, 1952by Minister of Health Anna Ratkó.This Collection ofLaws and Ordinances as actual laws,in published reproductive rights in the Ratkó Era. I have included the internal memoranda and reports, as well 2.2 Legaland Policy Sources—An In-Depth Analysis mentions that abortions seriously endanger “the pregnant woman’s life, health, ability to work it when directive in the explicit made is This place. in still was abortion criminalizing law abortions performed under circumstanceslegality of such as they in were 1952, when 1878 the concern the election, jurisdiction and composition of abortion of committees. the composition and jurisdiction election, the concern directives itsthe restof life.The would compromise seriously hereditary that disease or defects The title orderconfirms of the “Az this: egészségügyi 81/34/1952. miniszter Eü. M.számú This is equivalent to seven months, and means that late-term abortions were permissible for The first documentto be addressed is Minister’s Directive 81/34/1952,signed onMay major represent the The following women’s legalchangesconcerning documents This directive wasissuedin toregulate abortion; order 92 if the mother’s health or life was in danger, or if the fetus was at risk for birth Rendeletek és Törvények HivatalosGyujteménye ésTörvények Rendeletek ), publishedyearly. , pp. 19-21 , 15 utasítás was a directive of the Health Ministry 93 namely to reduce the numbers of Az 1952-53.évi ( The Official 15 CEU eTD Collection knowledgeable experts in fieldthe of obstetrics and giventhe woulddisease be responsible for most the medicalcommittees, abortion of the the for organization provisions tothese According manner: following awoman’s around body. tighter weredrawn “Foucault” in one,subchapter as adeterrent.Thus, themechanisms of society as introduced chapter carceral bureaucracy and confronting committees of unknown persons with a personal problem would act legitimately eligible for an abortion for health reasons to apply, as the prospect of navigating the unable procurean to abortion. The directive would women discourage thus whowere not 95 94 inforce legislation tothe according gained permission thus and unwanted) was pregnancy the but existed, none in reality (when problem medical their of physicians private their convince to able been have might who women that likely is it health, withconfronted teams of whowoulddoctors determine definitively her state of reproductive difficult, and imposing more and more criteria for permission. Given that women were will be grantedpermission for an abortion medicalon makinggrounds, the process much more hand.”other and future fertility on the one hand, and the establishment of the number of the births on the Pet Ibid.,p. 19. Ę , “Women in Stalinist Hungary” p.51. According to the directive, the first-degree medicalfirst-degree committeewould directive,According tothe in becomposed the the 94 The following enclosures establish medical committees to determine if awoman determine to committees medical establish enclosures following The among specialists of the pregnant woman’s disease. from member third commission’s the choose will leader commission The office. of terms council city Budapest to according years three an be internist;to these two is standing members will who be chosen/replaced every member, second the as as well leader the commission’s choose will council county of the division health the and council city The permanentmember who and is required gynecologist.to an obstetricbe health institution. The commission must have a leader whowill be a commission to determine the judgment, which must be organized in a first-degree ofa use the requires decree present of the (1) Section 16 95 would, under the new directive, be 16 CEU eTD Collection the need to stimulate growth needthe population the to host of and factors other decliningled statistical trends, drafting tothe of reports numerous on Folyóiratkiadó, 1953),p.173. Collection ofLaws andOrdinances 1953 inMother and Child Protection”) továbbfejlesztésér 98 Magyarországon Increasing Population Growth,”) July 8, 1952, in 97 for families with three children or more were all part of the scheme to encourage population time off from work along with an increase in financial relief) and expanded family allowances for pregnant women,improvements in maternity leave (which was a combination of increased medical care State-provided vigor. illegal with relentless abortion andprosecute adults, childless nation.” our of cause common is the children and motherhood isman(kind) importance, and of “increased the marriage,that family, protection greatest of reproduction. The Resolution goes on at length about socialist values which proclaim that be taken to improve conditions for mothers, children and families, thereby encouraging officially enacted on March 1. In six paragraphs, the resolution laid out the measures that would which intoResolution effect1.004/1953, wentless yearthan one later. 96 Century in to byFerencSzabó been attested ashas regulations, these ofleewayaround therewasadegree necessary. However, absolutely be unless itwas an permitted surely not abortion would meaning that woman’sthe care, “1.004/1953.(II.8.) számúminisztertanácsi határozat azanya- és gyermekvédelem for Measures (“Necessary intézkedések,” szükséges emelkedéséhez “A népszaporodás Szabó, The three aims of this resolution were to increase the number of births, tax the income of The nextdocumentis thepublished resolution 1004/1953, signed February 8, 1953and . 96 Az abortuszkérdés és a magyar századunkban,társadalom The limited success of the directive creating these abortion committees, along with a , p.25. Ę l,”Council’s (“Minister 1.004/1953about Resolution No. Improvement the of Rendeletek és Törvények Hivatalos Gyujteménye 1953 ésTörvényekRendeletek HivatalosGyujteménye The AbortionQuestion and Hungarian SocietyinOur ), (Budapest: Jógi és Államigazgatási Könyv- és 97 andled ultimately a‘solution’to as embodied by 17 Az 1952-53. évi Az 1952-53. népesedéspolitikai program 98 p. 28. ( Official 17 CEU eTD Collection could becould would surethat unspecifiedbe extremely sentences butstrict handed down for those againstpeople. the todiscourageenough of thepractice, If acts subversive werenot this then one tolerated and furthermore a network of attentive citizens would be watching each other for signs telephones and enlisting local spies, atmosphere of systemic paranoiainduced by Communists’the consistentpractice of tapping effort to prevent illegal abortion. However, what this translated into, given the contemporary not making anylegal simplychanges, stricter sentencingencouraged andacommunity-based 101 100 99 and the Trade Union Council were enlisted to join the war on abortion. organizations such theHungarian as Red Cross, theHungarian Women’s DemocraticAlliance punishmentsdoctors, againstmidwives and who sham doctors performed abortions, but Department of Justice (the Attorney General’s Office) called upon to come up with harsher the was only Not effective. more it make to law existing the supplement to path innovative occurrence during and after wartime. Thus the “Ratkó Law” was an effort to take a creative and needno frequent place its a new wastodraft law, there despite illegal was technically asabortion abortion, titled “The FightAgainst Abortion.” Becausethelaw from 1878 was still intechnically socialism. of building when couplesunproductive andindividuals spared expense this and werenot contributing tothe rationale being that itis unfair to those who must bear the expense of raising children to do so (age twenty to forty-five), comprising roughly 4 percent individual’s of an annualincome, the growth. A special tax was created for childless men (age twenty to fifty) and childless women Ibid.,p. 176. Borhi, Ibid.,p. 176. Paragraph six is more important for my purposes, as this is the section dealing with Hungary in theColdWar, 99 101 p. 124. was an implicit warning; illegal abortion would not be not would abortion illegal warning; implicit an was 18 100 The resolution, while 18 CEU eTD Collection police investigatory andimplicit recordsarelauded,work police the is arrest message investigatory that the While measures and rates of more than with arrests punitiveabortion numbers. concerned with be would naturally memogeneral quite from attorney the The have decreased. numbers abortion punishmentsin bringingmore abortionistsjustice, to but there is nomention of whethernot or therefore more criminally culpable. The report acknowledges the success of the harsher threatas knowledge health tothe are woman’s medical and lack agreater generally they pose handed down to doctors and midwives, than to sham doctors, despite the fact that sham doctors performing abortion. According to the report, and illustrated by statistics, harsher sentences were officials thedire reveals legal situation by created too-harshthe doledpunishments for out The first item,issued byAttorney General Kálmán Czako toComrade Rákosi and other top party inforce,sentencing practices andan decree (both October draftdated accompanying 7,1953). months of 1953, aproposal for adjusting Resolution 1.004 torectify “excessivethe andsevere” memorandum August(dated 6,1953)reporting on sentences against abortion in firstthe six Rákosi regime was poorly andlackingorganized asufficientinfrastructure. These include a failure of and Resolution 1.004/1953, indicate extentto which the reproductivethe policy of the in follow nextchapter. will the exposition analysis of rhetoricalthis alongtool, with language-basedother methods of persuasion and unknown consequences of actions that were very clearly being listed as unacceptable. An vague might resolution inspire more fear andtherefore caution and compliance dueto the caught(and caught they would be). surely Onecan imagine that ambiguously this andworded The following three documents represent the government’s reaction to theapparent representreaction government’s documents the The following three 19 19 CEU eTD Collection 105 104 K/11/D/613/1953, in for Abortion,”) of Punishment Directive the Concerning Committee Political the 103 1953, in andjudgment court because of crimethe of inabortion firstthe six months of 1953”), August6, (“Memorandum to Comrade Rákosi’s division about continued police and prosecutorial work handed down to the majority (seventy-five percent) of doctors who were not acquitted. disproportionate number of acquittals for doctors, as well as the maximum sentence being buthow it was This(mis)understood. misunderstandingisaccounted what for the impunity against those who perform abortions. Note that the blame is laid not on the legislation, justice with rights of that the to persecute havebeenmiscarriages regarding of there courts the lawyers, doctors and wholepublic.” the lawyers, doctors abortion,” and in such a way that the new legislation is able to become a conviction among harassment and excessive sentences,making it necessary “reformulateto the punishment for 1.004/1953. This ‘misunderstanding’manifest, accordingwas tothe proposal,in unsubstantiated hónapjában folytatott rend hónapjában properly” restrictions Minister President’s council acknowledge that the courts “did notunderstand the sense of the 102 proposal from the office of the Attorney General and a corresponding decree ( months after Resolution 1.004/1953 was signed, and seven months after it became active. A deserving. if haslegislation backfired, people beingthe the punished most are notnecessarily most the Ibid. Ibid. “Javaslat a Politikai Bizottsághoz a magzatelhajtás büntetésének rendezésére,” (“Proposal to (“Proposal rendezésére,” büntetésének amagzatelhajtás aPolitikai Bizottsághoz “Javaslat “Feljegyzés Rákosi elvtárs részére a magzatelhajtás b magzatelhajtás a részére elvtárs Rákosi “Feljegyzés The nextitems in the chronology of the Ratkó Era are from October 7, 1953, just eight Az 1952-53.évinépesedéspolitikai program Magyarországon 102 103 Az 1952-53.évinépesedéspolitikai program Magyarországon and therefore misinterpreted the power allotted allotted power misinterpreted the andby them Resolution therefore Ę ri ítélkezéséra bíróságok valamintmunkáról, és ügyészi 104 Thus itis formally (yetacknowledged notpublicly) 20 Ħ ntette miatt1953. évels ntette , p. 119-122. , p. rendelet Ę hat , p. 125. , p. Ę l,” ) from the 105 20 CEU eTD Collection ever promulgated. As inever illustrating bureaucratic the promulgated. process documents legislative socialiststate andand new the made by that decreebepropagated tobe andunderstood jurists all doctors. instruction for thepunishment of abortion, modifications with according tothecircumstances, new publish MinisterofHealth a presidential the council,the that cabinet decreeto enclosed Given these principles, the proposal goes on to suggest that the Minister of Justice submitthe 107 106 or never endorsed by the Ministry of Health) is based: made it decreewasneverofficial in the is given not number accessibledocuments; possible the a Ibid.,p. 125. Ibid.,p. 125-126. There is no evidence to show that these suggestions were enacted, or that the decree was decree the or that enacted, were thatthesesuggestions show isevidence to noThere The proposal The proposal lists underlying the principles on which correspondingthe decree (which is for financial gain). financial for abortions performing or integrity, corporal and health risking (repeatedly circumstances special with cases concern do not punishments proposed 5. The draft sets milderalso according to the penalties of endangering life and limb. penalties punished for the compared notonlyabortion according to the penalty,referring but accordingly and to responsible held be the would midwife or present doctor the practice. 4. ThisdraftThe eliminates the presentcriminal practice, whichmeant that minister. health the to be dangerous outside of reasonsmentioned here, bythe permission of her seriousillness, orin special when cases the pregnancy is determined to order in rescue pregnancy the of interruption deliberate the allows thedraft This 3. pregnant the woman'swoman’s health). life,dangerous or harmful circumstances, resulting in the violationserious of under executed to was abortion the protectif or gain, monetary for performed is her from different aggravating circumstances offenses,(repeated iforan theabortion increasepunished with 2 years. This establishes draft reducedin penalties basedon qualification will bepunished with years,three whiledoctora will be 2. The currentdecree proposes without aperpetrator medical a general criminal rules. suspension of punishmentpregnancy outside of marriage, the issentence 2to years. As3 for the or in a justifiedcensure case, for a fine punishment to months6 forrepeatthe offenders, and to public judicial is allowedfirst by offense,the1. Regarding pregnant the woman'spunishment, reduces draft this the as opposed to the current one. In cases of 106 21 107 21 CEU eTD Collection 109 would(who not technically be considered doctors butarguably havedo “medical skills”),for skills,”yet is this difference, an is as ambiguous there noseparate category formedical students about Abortion”)in about (“The Presidential Council … magzatelhajtásról,” 1953 People’s Cabinet Decree No. Republic’s 108 in prison.” years deliberately performs the abortion with the woman’s consent, the sentence will be one to three skills medical no with a person if however, in prison; years two to months six of asentence given be will consent woman’s the with abortion an performs who doctor “A sentences: recommended mentioning this issuedirectly. Inparagraph sixtwo, punitive categories listedare along with the abortionists (including pregnant the woman herself) according medical to training, butwithout as indicated in proposal the by whatpunishments shall precisely delineating be given differentto cabinet council declares abortion to be a crime which warrants serious punishment.” is in whole protection presidential of mothers’ interest our the the improving nation, “Because will growinghomes the that serve population. andmaternity kindergartens builtnurseries, newly the mentioning in Hungary, mothers for conditions of improvement the extol draft the of the problems that have resulted from the stricter abortion penalties. The introductory lines of understanding andutilization of law,the while thecorresponding decree makesdraft mentionno incorrect are due to the courts’ in andsuspension sentencing inconsistencies the that number of arrests and sentences handed down for abortion offenses during a given period, noting members, and drafts of decrees that would be made public. The proposal discusses in detail the be committee political seen small nevercontrolling intended the to circle were of outside that internal between reports andinformation in difference factual details the show Hungary, these Ibid. Paragraph 2, items 1and 2,p.127. “A Népköztársaság Elnöki Tanácsának 1953. évi … számú törvényerej The draft decree addressestheproblemThe draft many severely, beingof too too sentenced doctors 109 The decree distinguishes between doctors and those “not having medical having “not those and doctors between distinguishes decree The Az 1952-53. évi népesedéspolitikaiAz 1952-53. programMagyarországon 22 Ħ rendelet a rendelet , p.127. 108 22 CEU eTD Collection 113 in prison. If 5 years however, to up the womanwith dies as a be punished result will of the abortion, consent the punishment woman’s the is 10-15 years without in prison.” abortion an performs five years if the abortion is done for monetary gain. According to Paragraph 286: “Whoever criminal who performs the abortion with the woman's consent, however, the punishment is up to opposite case, she can be punished with up to three years in prison. The same punishmentis for a pregnant marriage outside of can be punished up with to 2years in However,prison. in the woman who deliberately drives out her own fetus, or destroys it by some other means, became Törvény Fejezet,CikkXVIII. 285“Az emberélete elleni és büntettek vétségek:” “If pregnantthe 112 111 110 their lose effects. penal code legislation from 1878; Paragraph 5explicitly “Paragraphsstates that 285 and 286of 1878 the children. carry doctors, as when the procured abortion resulted in the woman’s later inability to conceive or non- or doctors for same be the would punishment the when of mention explicit is also There distinction refers to the difference between doctors and back alley abortionists orsham doctors. example, as there is in the proposal urging this decree draft. It is clear, however, that this woman’s consent. woman’s on women who are married or single, and between abortions performed with or without the maiden, glorious!” in light of the infamous quote from Anna Ratkó: “To give birth for a woman is a duty, but for a but altogether eliminating anymention marital of Thisstatus. is importantan change, particularly force, alleviating prison sentences slightly and and distinguishing among doctors non-doctors, following section, “Legal Analysis—Implications.” the issue of the state’s control and monitoring of marriage in the context of the birth rate in the of the state toward not only marital relations, but gender roles and norms as well. I will address Kürti, “The Wingless Eros of Socialism” p. 58. Ibid. Paragraph 5, p.128. Ibid. 2, item Paragraph 5, p.127. Magyar Törvénytár: 1877-1878. éviTörvényczikkekMagyar Törvénytár:1877-1878. Perhaps the most important step taken in this draft decree is to formally retract the is formally retract in decree step to taken this draftimportant most the Perhaps 110 112 113 The proposed decreewouldhave effectively in the1878legislation replaced Furthermore, thischange proposed in legislation implies a differentattitude 111 ” These items make the distinction between abortions performed abortions between distinction the make items ” These 23 , p.145. According to the 1878Büntet the Ę 23 CEU eTD Collection Instead, the very short decision ( very short the Instead, no mention of statistics, or of the vast improvement in the situation of mothers and children. and Punishment of Procured Abortions.” There is no narrative introduction to this decision, and 1956 section “Cabinetof Council’sthe the Decisions” 2.3 Legal 2.3 Analysis—Implications committee. regional abortion of hospital-based the arguments hearing fees, the andafter pay to appropriate she wereable the health or social situation, if she wanted an abortion, she would be able to get permission forit if important aspect of this legislation, however, is highlighted above. Regardless of a woman’s punishment of abortion, and urging all citizens jointo fightthe illegalagainst abortion. Themost dealtwithLaw” the that “Ratkó of the specifications law the makes defunct abortion Thus the appears“1.047/1956 3.)Cabinet (VI. Council QuestionsDecision: Relating Rulesthe to The last document requiring attention is the so-called abortion law from June of 1956. In lose their effect. provisions in listed six ofparagraph Resolution 1.004/1853(February 8) for abortion made after thisdecision. Simultaneously, the contrary regulations asdescribed in one point (1) above apply to all applications 3. Thisdecision goeseffectinto immediately, and Health the Minister’s a low price. 2. Contraceptive devices will be readily available for distribution, and at must pay the appropriate fees herself. valid. Ifanabortionis fornon-medical permitted reasons the petitioner committee will decide if a medical expert’s advice in favor of abortion is advice, thecommission will give permission much asthepetitioner insists onthe abortion inspite of thecommittee’s persuading against abortion, if the application appears unjustified. Besidesgiving permission committee for abortion,is the for responsible it. require circumstances social if special or dictate, reasons medical where cases in permitted is Abortion regionally. and hospital, every in works which committee designated the from obtained be can which permission, proper with hospital a in performed be only can Abortion 1. határozat ) contains just three brief points: 24 Official Official Collection of Laws andOrdinances: [emphasis added]. The In as 24 CEU eTD Collection 115 during the early 1950s, weighed in on the side of the reformers.” that split the Hungarian party. Intellectuals,incensed at the ‘crimes’ committed by the regime and of allies Rákosi between reformists struggle apower initiated minister Imre Nagy as prime generated serious political by crisis 1956. In Hungary, appointment, the underSovietpressure, of 114 be would increase a population that idea the law; in abortion changes the driving reasons of population after the Second World War. However, there are more facets to be explored in terms Law;” there was indeed a very strong and prominently verbalized desire to increase the socialism and desire industrialize to rapidly drove that pro-natalist policies such the“Ratkóas influenced social policy changes. unexpected death of Stalin, orthe installation of Imre Nagy in 1954 were some of the factors that moreeven the but of de-Stalinization, process the example, For improvisations. of spontaneous United States and the West, thus making the policies of the Hungarian Communist Party a series as well from the as actions and developments economic circumstances unexpected to reactions of theCold amatter Warwassimply including during Hungary, in its states, satellite interference very strong liberalization of abortion legislation. As has been argued by Kenez, Soviet were not specified or ignored, resulting in the failure of the Resolution 1.004, followed by the context and circumstances in which tendency a restricting maintained Hungary in Era Ratkó arguments such as those of Pet andauthority. power asserting state’s power to discipline, population control was a biological and scientific approach to relationship to its subjects. According to Foucault’s theory of biopolitics in the context of the rapid andrepeal retractions illustrates. anddecrees variousof resolutions Michel Foucault, Pittaway writes, “The limited de-Stalinization initiated by the new-course policies had by policies new-course initiated the de-Stalinization “Thelimited Pittaway writes, The trajectory of the above decrees, drafts, resolutions and internal reports from the The changing course of abortion regulations in this periodis also indicative of the state’s Discipline andPunish 115 Ę , Kürti, Szalai and others that focus on the simple building of In this context we can understand the value of functionalist of value the understand can we context this In 114 The legal trajectory of abortion legislation shows this, as the , p. 308. 25 Brief Histories , p. 64. p. , 25 CEU eTD Collection introductory introductory paragraphs of 1952 the Commercial,Planning and Financial Commission report in rate birth of the the and growth corresponding the marriage rate growing the made between ineither measuresthe before 1953inor Law;” “Ratkó the an implicit is instead, connection of an Important Resolution” in Resolution” of an Important for attempting to“solve the problem”abortion. through made pariahs of women who had children out of wedlock, but would also punish them severely before was communistpast, the take-over of one allegedly “hypocritical morals.” Thishypocrisy legislation, which would allowfor abortion under almost any circumstance, the attitude of the 116 from facilitated by an abortion ban is only one side of the story. Another approach, utilizing ideas to a1956 article in that an unmarried woman is ever so slightly justified in her desire to have an abortion. According prescribed for unmarried womenwhohad abortions were less than for married women,implying based onthe maritalwas differentiated of measures pregnantwoman.status the Punitive nineteenth lawthe century, apartof whenHungary abortion Austro-Hungarian was Empire, the statein the regard tothe idea marriage andstatus of asbeing significant topopulation In growth. population. domination of all aspects of life, resulting in the manipulation at will of, for instance, the nature of asa Hungarianthe state tool of totalitarianism, with general the goal being of one total instrument of totalitarian rule. In this way we can understand the paternalist, all-controlling and be RatkóEra the considers accompanying legal an concerningto reproduction changes “A szül Discipline andPunish After the communist take-over, no mention was made of the woman’s marital status An important component of thisat attempt totalitarian iscontrol theattitude assumed by Ę k döntik el: egy fontos határozat margójára” (The Parents Decide: Onto Decide: Margin the Onto Parents (The margójára” határozat egy fontos el: k döntik 1Ę k Lapja aswell work on as totalitarianism by Hannah Arendtandothers, (the mouthpiece of MNDSZ) discussing the new abortion new the discussing MNDSZ) of mouthpiece (the 1Ę k Lapja vol.8,no.23, (June 8,1956,)pp.1-2. 26 116 26 CEU eTD Collection and population ingrowth popularthe pressused word“family” the andimages conjured of births—even out ofwedlock!” births—even out statement of Kocsis:“ […] propaganda was continued in interestthe increasingof the number of exclamatory in the is evident values contemporary and traditional with incongruent was unorthodox recommendation. That this encouragement in favor of children born out of marriage propagation as of quote the shocking andunconventional for time the indicates this that was an literature on reproductive policies in socialism,Hungary state during and continued the 121 120 119 118 programMagyarországonnépesedéspolitikai honor” attributed to Anna Ratkó, “for amarried woman to bear a child is obligation, for agirl,it is and references to both Rákosi and Stalin as “fathers” exemplify this. László Kürti writes: 117 husband.” a have to had had behad andthe women child born, asexlife to who “every conceived asfollows: practices” made of in favor neware the family legislation for name a“norm of fertility the defining values, for RaisingMeasures “Necessary Population the Increase” Kocsis, “A szöv Ibid.56. p. Kürti, “The Wingless Eros of Socialism” page 57. Pet “A népszaporodás emelkedéséhez szükséges intézkedések,” in emelkedéséhez intézkedések,” “A szükséges népszaporodás Ę 120 Yet there was a contradictory side to as this evincedwell, as by infamous sloganthe , “Women’s Rights in Stalinist Hungary” p. 70. as referred toabove in 2.2,note chapter 109. This quotecan be foundfrequently in the both are replaced by the communist secretary. wasthere matriarchy, first systems: conjugal of succession the then targeted reign patriarchyof Rákosi’s took its place,best father to all andhis country’s sons’). A common joke during the heightin communist societyone slogan, that describedas ‘fathers,’ inspiring numerous idolized novels, poems,were films, songs and posters Stalin and theirRákosi Mátyás chief party Hungarian heroic the Both deeds for the ‘socialist patria.’ According to Ę székt 118 Ę The state thus assumed a paternalistattitude towards its “children,” Rákosi a legjobb apa,Rákosi szereti a ismindenfia l a miniszteri bársonyszékig.” 121 Contemporary usedin reproduction to encourage rhetoric Contemporary order , p.25. 27 119 and Resolution 1.004. Az 1952-53. évi Az 1952-53. (‘Rákosi is the 117 Appeals in Appeals 27 CEU eTD Collection was a mainstream value. (fromperiod 1948 to1956),supportingmy claim having that children in context ofmarriagethe in consistently this “parents” and significantly pluralized the “marriage,” “family,” of rhetoric 122 placemarriage. within and took families,married practice nuclear normative reproductive suggestingthe couples that Articles from 1Ę k Lapja 122 and MNDSZ propaganda pamphlets (seechapter use 3.3d) pamphlets and propaganda this MNDSZ 28 28 CEU eTD Collection abortion legislation and reproductive rights were gathered together and legislationin weregathered publishedabortion rights together and reproductive a single comparison with public Themost documents. pertinentof these communiquéssecret regarding discussion about the ultimately unsuccessful abortion measure, and allow for a fruitful internal the record offices. These government highest issued within the memoranda internal life was take-over Communist andpregnancy harder, all.was notactually at a blessing gyermekáldás publicthe andinternal Communist Party of discourse RatkóEra.In the fact, just uses onesource from absent significantly are these but connotations, positive more have which childbirth), with after the other andpoverty increased.” the other after what frequently ‘being blessed with childbirth’ meant in the old world. The children came one “Letus only remember morals:” “Hypocritical entitled comes section from the following quote állapotban van as such waystoexpress ‘pregnant,’ other of burden a childinherbody. are There butactually means ‘encumbered,’‘burdened,’ or referring awoman to carrying the weightor Hungarian expression for ‘pregnant.’ The word is usually translated into English as ‘pregnant’ often conveys more than the denotative definition. The example is example The definition. denotative morethan the often conveys and neutral, is not language that illustration an as serve can example salient another presently but Hungarian. Iwill discuss the implications of the various terms used for ‘abortion’ in chapter 3.2 of idiosyncrasies linguistic the of explanation some requires and in English, challenges ofRhetoricalAnalysis3.1 TheUsefulness 123 “A szül Along with and other examples from popularthe my press, includesanalysis confidential Attemptinglanguage and rhetoric analysis of Hungarian sources provides several Ę k döntik el: egy fontos határozat margójára” in rather than rather (in blessedstate), a Chapter Three—Rhetorical Analysis terhes , and this is done ironically, referring to the fact that before the gyereket vár 29 (waiting for achild), or 1Ę k Lapja terhes , (1956), pp.1-2. The, (1956), gyermekáldás , the most common áldott (blessed 123 29 CEU eTD Collection 127 program.propaganda 126 125 124 regime. good greater of measures,the contributed thus and to overallthe failure of totalitarianthe Rákosi these tools of totalitarianism, andpropaganda, rhetoric is Hungary that insocialist abortion policy material aspects of written concerning the two these these works differ greatly depending on the intended audience. The point Iargue in stressing in employed The rhetorical 2) andevents; tools attitudes with contemporary accordance The language and changed usedin rhetoric documents overtime,these reflecting in adaptations newspaper andmagazine Twopoints will articles. emerge asbeingof 1) primary importance: policies of socialist Hungary, along with other documents from the National archives, and documents, which were specifically aschosen relevantrepresentations of reproductivethe volume by Politicalthe History Institute in 1991. known for the light of truth it shines on social matters, and so aspecific case study in which the that favored by they largely improvised, an Kenez.were argument Peter can propagandizing) I measuresshow different or the tactics takenby leading and officials, the in legislation and accompanyingbenefits, about theneed tochange thelegislation, punitive about change the (about legislation abortion the concerning works in different employed tools stylistic lookingin fifties. By atthe of society the Hungarian aspects totalitarian evaluate the which to belying manipulateattempt an public to opinion. memorandasecret isincongruentwith both reality and the reasoning offered in press,the thus See chapter 2.1b. Seechapter forneed aneffective for more 4.3 ontotalitarianism’s and chapter See“Introduction” György, “The Mirror of Everyday Life, or the Will a to Period Style,” p. 15-26. See Chapter 1.1. Irefer 1.1. to SeeChapter An analysis socialistof rhetoric provesvaluable inproviding aunified theme through 126 Ifurther arguethat reasoningbehind thechangesthe inlegislation as givenin these Az 1952-53.évinépesedéspolitikai program Magyarországon 30 124 What follows is a rhetorical analysis of these 125 failed to convince the population of the 127 Propaganda is not . 30 CEU eTD Collection English Dictionary (OED), the terms “abortion” and “miscarriage” both refer to the natural or mother’s body, Iwill use the English term “abortion.” In English usage, according to the Oxford 3.2 LegalDefinitions and Language György public Péter the toacceptpropaganda. explains: eager strategies of the Rákosi regime) is the compromised circumstances of a given population,making propaganda program (and in this case, responsible for the partial success of the rhetorical Hungary in the early 1950s. However, an essential element necessary for the success of a fundamental to the success of a particular regime’s propaganda, asin the case of Stalinist motherhood and changing legislation (again, two articles) in Szabad Nép in law changing the about Román József minister health current with interview an articles), (two Mother,”Good a February spreadin1953 two-page followingthe four publisheditems: A brochure from “The1948 or1949: Working is Woman a following chapter Iwill examine the documents considered above, in Chapter Two, as well as example of the attempts of Rákosi’s regime to control society and social cognizance. In the istruth in twisted two opposing directions by socialist propaganda is a particularly salient When I referto conscious,the deliberateattempt toexpel fetusa developing from the is it when instance in an ignored be cannot style rhetorical of importance The dated May dated and27, 1956, aJune spread 1956two-page about virtuesthe of condition for the establishment of the new totalitarian society. newtotalitarian of the establishment forthe condition confusion and whichserved anindispensabledisorientation as about the lifebrought for everyday necessary common sense invalidateasunder. programme The and devised annul to the additional blows were deliveredtoapublic consciousness torn with buildingnew society the between 1947and the of 1949, concomitantly when, patterns social their of destruction the with associated trauma the WorldWar and of Second the by havoc the shock caused withthe terms hardly had to come in People Hungary 31 1Ę k Lapja 1Ę about the changing legislation changing the about k Lapja. 31 CEU eTD Collection of this act. simply refer to the act of terminating a pregnancy, but not necessarily to the legality (or morality) abortion. Dictionary English Dictionary, above). The of Oxford the 4.a. in abortion usage(seedefinition common or miscarriage, deliberate procured, means “fetus expulsion,” and translated literally; thus translated magzatelhajtás sense I use the word in Hungarian than in English. These include cognate Hungarian the pregnancy.” profession,in but popular use 129 age&first=1&max_to_show=10 http://dictionary.oed.com/cgi/entry/00310973?single=1&query_type=word&queryword=miscarri n&first=1&max_to_show=10. Definition for miscarriage: http://dictionary.oed.com/cgi/entry/50000605?single=1&query_type=word&queryword=abortio 128 before it is viable; an instance of this. formiscarriage, definition 4.a. contains: “The spontaneous expulsion of a fetus from the womb drugs orperformed surgically, term the and modern general use the generallyunmodified word refers toinduced abortion, whether caused by mother or a third party. Under the definition 1.a. of abortion in the OED is the following: “In the by taken action any of independent body woman’s the by afetus of expulsion “spontaneous” Móra, Oxford English Dictionary on-line, last accessed October 17, 2009. Definition for abortion: However, there is a greater number and variety of terms used to refer to abortion in the 129 Magyar-Angol jogiszótár ) contains only term only the ) contains Terhesség megszakítás Because there is just one term used to denote the crime of abortion, all other words 128 The word “abortion” in English comes from the Latin , and (m Ħ abortusz terhesség megszakítás terhesség vi) vetélés vetélés abortion , which is used in the same sense as definition 1.a. above. Magyar-Angol jogiszótár is a polite term, but not a euphemism; itis rather a more . Each term means abortion, but has different connotations if magzatelhajtás , p.159. indicates amiscarriage, with indicates Spontaneous abortion is associated chiefly with deliberate termination of a miscarriage means “pregnancy interruption,” “pregnancy means 32 , as this is the term used for the crime of is used for spontaneous abortion.” As ( is the term preferred by the medical Hungarian-English Legal terhesség megszakítás terhesség m Ħ vi abortio vetélés referring toa or aboriri magzatelhajtás , as does , 32 CEU eTD Collection reader is reassured and reminded that the situation of Hungary is much better in the hands of the hardships of the “old world.” This remains constant in newspaper and magazine articles, that the constantly stress the positive aspects of life after the Communist take-over by comparing it to the György it, wasto calls asPéter machine,” of “Rákosi practice propaganda the standard writing as well as the newly adopted propaganda strategies that reflected these attitudes. The Time over Changes 3.3a 3.3b. whatI callwhich propaganda, bewill audience-appropriate discussedinits own subchapter, mention and instead they is benefits ideological the reasons would oneaspect This receive. of the penal code; it is enough to mention that the fight is now stricter than ever, give party-based Lapja where that aspect of the truth (reality)is unimportant to the audience. E.g., women reading in or omitted cases ignored areoften significance explicitconsiderable of details that found have I analysis; my in prominently figure also contradictions and changes Differences, message. idea is conveyed differently than in the official party records in order to convey what specific rhetorical elements, and in the instance of newspaper articles and propaganda, at how the same and some policy of documents, confidential) Iwill them be lookingcommon atlanguage, at 3.3 Rhetoric-basedSource Analysis Abortus arteficialis official medical term than would not be so interested in the criminal aspect of abortion or a detailed description of The change in discourse reflects both the attitudes held by leading officials at the time of time the at officials leading by held attitudes the both reflects in discourse change The In each document analyzed here (there are six items from the popular press and six legal six and press popular the from items six are (there here analyzed document each In . abortusz , though sometimes the Latin is used in medical discourse, in medical isused Latin the sometimes though , 33 1Ę k 33 CEU eTD Collection 132 131 population policy from shifts health tocriminalconcerns The titlesones. documentsof included rate. abortion the to as opposed rate, birth on the andaptitude by thearticle steadilyimproving the engendered conditions government, the focuses alleviations.” alleviations Resolution of 1.004 itstates “birthrates developed that healthily the despite insidious tactic liesin misleadingthe language employed in article.the Concerning the 1954 condemnation from the issuing authorities; this is a self-preservation method. Yet the more after from threeyearsstricken books withstandthe of wouldunrest understandably criticized for being rigorous too andinciting “understandable discontent.” images describe the period the images describe byhalf.” mortality infantdecreased and“the in ranking,” rose international the birthrate the conditions “medicalcareimproves of “Hungary’s protection,” and childbirth,” pregnancy Positive images were “women stressed: “the equalrights,” gain governmentensures family family of life. socialist encouragement increased the and children, and women for in benefits increase its for isextolled Resolution as springboardthe from which ‘mother and childprotection measures’ can be The improved. issued Resolution positive1.004, the spin given contemporarythe to livingstandard of is posited 130 example, For in legislative tack. a present Communists it than was ‘before;’ changing the variable is how this news’ ‘good is applied tothe Ibid. Ibid. “A szül Changes are apparent inChanges are apparent confidential memoranda aswell. of The focus Hungary’s Three years anarticle later,same the repeal Three featured about the magazine thisof law. Ę k döntik el: egy fontos határozat margójára” in 132 In attempting to persuade the reader of both the government’s administrative government’s of both the reader the persuade to Inattempting before the implementation of Resolution 1.004. The resolution is resolution The 1.004. Resolution of implementation the 1Ę k Lapja 34 article from 1953 discussing the newly 1Ę k Lapja (1956),pp.1-2. 131 A resolution that is 130 These 34 CEU eTD Collection 121, andpp.127-128, respectively. magzatelhajtásról”) in magzatelhajtásról”) Elnöki (“A Tanácsának 1953. évi…számúNépköztársaság törvényerej RepublicHungary of 1953 Presidential Cabinet decree number …about crime the of abortion” “People’s and rendezésére”) büntetésének a magzatelhajtás Bizottsághoz a Politikai (“Javaslat “Proposal to the Political Committee about the direction of punishmentfor the crime of abortion” improvised solutions. of method characteristic trial-and-error the reflecting time, over changed policies reproductive ( to Cabinetthe Council”in questions about and toabortion related decree 3401/VI.5./1956 Resolution 1.004 is enacted all use the term for crime of abortion, criminal is abortion inmedical,not means that discussed terms. titles. hónapjában folytatott rend hónapjában 1953” (“Feljegyzés: Rákosi elvtárs részére a magzatelhajtás b prosecutorial works, and court judgments of the crime of abortion in the first six months of 134 respectively. évi népesedéspolitikai1952-53. programMagyarországon, Eü.M. számú81/34/1952. a in utasítása terhesség megszakításának szabályozása tárgyában”) in regulate interruption81/34/1952: pregnancy”miniszter order to the of (“Azegészségügyi OrderNumber “Health Minister’s megbetegedésekre”) and ésgonorrheas koraszülésre különös tekintettel Budapest közegészségügyi (“Jelentés helyzetének alakulásáról, az abortuszra, public health situation, with a special look at abortion, premature labor and gonorrheal diseases” 133 “Ratkó Law”documents use pre- Resolution 1.004 hadproven its failure (asearly 1953). It Augustas should also benoted thethat 8, 1953, to penalties andsentencingforthe in practices crimeabortion after of period the health medicalreports, statistics and population measuresgrowth in periodthe before February in the collection published by the Political History Institute reveal a change in priority from terhesség megszakítás terhesség These are “Memorandum; ToComrade Rákosi’s division on the continued police and Two documents refer to abortion in the title, “Report on the development of the Budapest 134 However, after 1956, medical terms are used once again,in the May 10 1956 “Proposal Az 1952-53.évinépesedéspolitikai program Magyarországon, ) from ) from June 2,1956.Thus itis apparent that attitudesthe about controlling Ę ri ítélkezéséra bíróságok valamintmunkáról, és ügyészi abortusz and terhesség megszakítás 35 pp. 12-13, andpp.19-21, Ħ ntette miatt 1953. év els 133 The three documents after magzatelhajtás to refer to toabortion; this Ħ rendelet a rendelet intheir Ę pp.119- l”), Ę hat Az 35 CEU eTD Collection beginning of the explicit discussion about abortion, though the article “The Parents have Parents “The article the though abortion, about discussion explicit the of beginning Communist Party’s women’s association women’s Party’s Communist 1953, though 1953, though actual printedthe in discourse magazinepublic, the different. Public discussions of reproductive rights were rare, if notcompletely absent before terminology. preferred leadership’s The change is particularly relevant when looking at party publications, as these conveyed the terms before 1953, and terms 1953, before then by were replaced of founding the after andespecially however, casein the Party.wasnot This practice, Communist MNDSZ) was formed in 1945 and was meant tofunction as an organization outside of the terms the party reports secret Rákosi regime. As mentioned above in chapter 3.3a, I found that in the internal memoranda and trend could that lend my credence to ideas languageabout and propaganda employed by the writings, particularly in titles of legal decrees and headlines; my aim was to find a pattern or terms for abortion defined above in chapter 3.2 were used in official as well as in journalistic words were used when and for what purpose. I counted the number of times the four different 135 newspapers, major communist the justice, orministry of health memoranda and ministerial decrees, as well as articles published by were used for differentaudiences. Inanalyzing the language used ininternal ministry cabinet, of in order to achieve specific ends confirms the thesis that different language and rhetorical tools themselves, as discussed in chapter 3.2, an analysis of their usage in public press and propaganda Propaganda Audience-Appropriate 3.3b The Hungarian Women’s Democratic Alliance (Magyar N 1Ę k Lapja This was also the case for the four published sources, but the situation is slightly Given the different meanings and levels of connotations inherent in the words in the inherent connotations of levels and meanings different the Given , the primary disseminator of Party news and information for women. abortusz Szabad Nép , terhesség megszakítás 135 ) began in1956. The summer of marks1956 the magzatelhajtás and 36 1Ę k Lapja , which refers to the criminal act. and Ę , I paid close attention to which k Demokratikus Szövetsége or 1Ę vetélés k Lapja were the dominant the were , (the organ of the of organ (the , 36 CEU eTD Collection exhibits theirmaternalist “A attitude: N Dolgozó and therefore having no ulterior motives. “outside“ the Communist Party and therefore appeal to women as being free of the party agenda, Communistorganization.” front 136 as such publications andthrough newspapers—officialthe of organs Hungarianthe Communist Party abortion,and private warranted for whichremained suitable not discussion. socially thanmedically abortion more publicmatter or that is a as acrime indicates considered there are no polite ordiscreet exclusions of these criminal terms from headlines or titles. This and isused, terminology criminal legal, the People”) Working the of Abortionists—Enemies továbbfejlesztésér az anya- határozata Minisztertanácsának ésgyermekvédelem A 1953, Magyar Népköztársaság publicly. However, when discussing the crime of abortion, as in the even under ‘legitimate’ circumstances and sanctioned by the state, is still not to be discussed abortion, is implication that The choice.” and“mother’s such as “mother childprotection” and inabortion orheadlines,titles andby talking ‘around’ subjectthe and using vague synonyms warranted for medical and (after 1954) social reasons are especially discrete, by not referring to it in abortion would wherebe toward cases magazines of and theapproaches newspapers period; andpolite euphemistic or terminology language regardingand abortion inare standard this in not only discretion title.The phrases, the many margójára”)euphemistic contains határozat Decided: Onto the Margin of an Important Resolution” (“A szül Kenez, Information policyabout filtered changes down massesto the throughthe means of party Szabad Nép Hungary fromtheNazis tothe Soviets Ę l” NépEllenségei”“Magzatelhajtók—A and 1956, (“Criminal Dolgozó ( Free Nation ). Discussed in chapter 2.1a, MNDSZ, was intended tobe 136 A documentpublished by inMNDSZ latethe 1940s 37 Ę , p. 191. Kenez calls MNDSZ a “typical Jó Anya” (probably This1948). pamphlet Ę k döntik el: egy fontos 1Ę k Lapja articles from articles 37 CEU eTD Collection 139 138 motherhood, and poverty.” and motherhood, potentialthe joy achildraising of against heavy the weightoffamily allowances, working class preceding the then ongoing Communist take-over: “from the first minute, [couples] had to weigh iseffort made toacknowledge the hardships formerly by endured mothers in period the Party. of Every Communistis made byandmeasures homethe and the easier policies outside the Anya” is to teach by example and show women how lucky they are now, that their work inside Magyar N 137 and with abortion dealing legal first restrictions between the on difference the when wereflect materialchoose mereprosperity (or subsistence) over having children. certainty (the reproduction of the nation) was transformed into the burdensome possibility to couples (having asmany children as possible) wassubordinated tofinancial concerns. Anatural married tendency familyof ‘natural’ in thatthe of concept the hadin corrupted regime old the cause of socialism and continuing the nation. The object of the pamphlet “A Dolgozó N woman, and a goal that is desired notsimply for awoman’s own reasons, but for furthering the isextolledexample asthe“bestteacher” The Soviet strives to achieve the ideals set out by the exemplary women and mothers of the Soviet Union. system (especially under the old regime, that of Miklós Horthy). details, with emphatic Communist rhetoric, exactly how much mothers suffer under the capitalist including whichagainst mothersHungarian must measure themselves. Asin all MNDSZ’s of publications “A Dolgozó N Chapter 3.3b Chapterdiscusses 3.3b “A Dolgozó N This change in official attitudes toward abortion is particularly relevant for my study for relevant particularly is abortion toward attitudes in official change This “A Dolgozó N 1Ę Ę k Demokratikus Szövetsége,ca.1948), p. 10 k Lapja Ę Ę Jó Anya,”, p. 2. Jó Anya,” (“The Working Woman is a Good Mother”), pamphlet (Budapest: until 1956, Ę Jó Anya” declares the model mother to be a worker, who internalizes and 1Ę 139 k Lapja This statement implies that capitalism and lack of socialist values 138 motherhood is assumed to be the ultimate goal of every ‘s acknowledgment of the abortion question. 38 137 and repeatedly on as amarker andcalled repeatedly Ę Jó 38 CEU eTD Collection 142 141 65, Population Policy, Control: Birth Open Society Archive, Budapest. 140 Party’s role in their success, it is merely implied. The traditional ideals of motherhood are still Communist the of made is mention explicit no members, party also coincidentally of are who pieces anumberpamphlet together of fulfilled ofhappy,mothersexamples working Hungarian raise her children?” and “Howshould the working mother raise her children?” was taken in 1953, with the enactment of the “Ratkó Law.” would harm the nation (implicitly,not having children). The completed shift a to punitive stance forsearching food, disease, unhappiness and early death, thereby discouraging any act which constant regime marked byhunger, to old references asbeing the repeated through socialism, the of benefits the about women convince to sought propaganda Second, mothers. and motherhood 1953 (and as after, well) positive through extolled reinforcement that the glory andvirtues of thereby increase the birth rate. This was first done in 1948 until Resolution 1.004 was enacted in beginningthe of attitudethe shift punitivethe toward meant measures abortion todiscourage and motherhood,” about “glory of the educated now citizens, female their that in acknowledging compassionate beclaimed to that state mechanism of a socialist the through madechoice was possible years of Law,” “Ratkóthe 1953 1956), andto finally back toachoice. However, after 1956 this a strictlyover), to prohibited andseverely crimepunishable socialistthe against (during state the take- until period Communist the interwar (the material criteria on financial based or choice unmentionable “one-time sin” an from changed a pregnancy of Termination century. twentieth in the into evolved they what Ibid.,pp.2, 9. “A Dolgozó N “The Abortion Problem in A Hungary: Survey” April 7, 1964,Fond33-1-25, Hungary 1956- “A N Dolgozó 141 were capable of making the ‘right choice.’ “A Dolgozó N Ę Jó Anya,” p. 1 ff. Ę Jó Anya” important asks questions:two did “How the workingmother 140 (roughly until and during the enactment of the 1878 laws) toa 39 Ę Jó Anya” illustrates 142 While the 39 CEU eTD Collection within the home. the within status of women under the Soviet system who were required towork “two shifts,” outside and 143 Hungary in 1948 and 1949.Both articlethe and resolution begin with these facts,encouraging This refers to the triumph of the Communist Party and establishment of the People’s Republic of increasecontinued eversince to living the “elevation of standardof for workingthe our people.” infant mortality rates have decreased to their pre-war level, while marriage and birth rates have in socialism. confidence of similar, and actually mirror each other; the general tone of each document is optimistic and full resolution, Resolution 1.004. However, the article and the actual text of the resolution are quite style would notbe appropriate taken up, but there is not even a mention of the official title of the resolution; this might be expected in a women’s magazine, where the use of legal jargon and children andhelpspecificand women legal No theirnew the aregiven about offspring. details encourage couples have to that areintendedto by toincreasemeasures made government the Decision on Improving and Mother Child the article Protection” thenewest describes decision which would affect everyone. Under the headline, “The People’s Republic of Hungary’s Cabinet islegislation, new center thereadershipabout to informing spread full devoted two-page made publicthe available to inParty Communist other newspapers, such as the AComparison Documents: Internal and Press Popular 3.3c held, theSovietcriteriafor whichreflects citizenship: (re)production. valued, but at the same time women are held to the same standard to which male workers were SeeIntroduction for adescription Gail Kligman’sof use “doubleof burden”toreflect the The article opens with ‘good news:’ according to the introduction of this new resolution, In an issue of Women’s Journal from February of 1953, just as the new legislation was 40 143 Szabad Nép , a 40 CEU eTD Collection was before the war.” was before the what it mortality decreasedto infant increased, andthe rate birth marriagerates and people, the Cabinet’s resolution withshows that, elevationthe of living standardthe of for ourworking továbbfejlesztésér 145 more on the relationship between establishing totalitarian rule and propaganda chapter 4.3. 144 itwell was received, prescribedthe measures. Becausethe success of Resolution 1.004 partially depended on how of necessity the assert and attention” “capture to betrying necessarily also must itself resolution perhaps necessaryeven for continuedthe of success nation.the Butby reasoning,this then the way reader’sattention the followsof whatand even herthat convincing capturing istrue and Further, this emphasis on the positive by opening the article with achievements and success is a being referred to and identify with that phrase as pertaining to her country’s recent history. is a what asshe create would reader, sense recognize the for is intended to community of above do in this so many words. and in fact the article offers an abbreviated summary of the resolution, though it doesn’t claim to (alongside/as a result of) the elevation of the standard of living.” but the article simply states, “that marriage rates and birth rates have increased significantly with take-over, communist of achievedthe asaresult have been increases thatthese suggestion the statementssupport of Demographicbirth encouragingconfirm analysisrates. would perhapsnot version. it merely an a layman’s article for magazine; was apopular the article similar to describing reader opinion; is this visible in propagandisticthe tone of introduction,the which sounds very “A Magyar Népköztársaság Minisztertanácsának határozata azanya- ésgyermekvédelem határozata Minisztertanácsának “A Népköztársaság Magyar SeeHannah Arendt, I would arguethatthis use of synecdoche (partrepresenting whole) the in quote the However, neither article nor resolution offers proof in the form of numbers or statistics to Ę l” in 144 itis credulous that a rhetorical style would be employed to manipulate The Human Condition 1Ę k Lapja (1953),pp.1-2. A translation reads, “Theintroduction to the (Garden City, New Jersey: Doubleday, 1959) for 41 145 According Table to 4in 41 CEU eTD Collection type ofjob of emphasis, where itis written, “In these types of jobs, women must be moved per the description I provide above; the following sentence shows an example of the second kind forbidden to work in any job that is hazardous to their health. This entire concept is emphasized, women are now learn that of an idea,aswhen acertain we aspect emphasizing italicized, are words In selected case,only other the average. its pre-war has decreasedto mortality infant first paragraph, what is most important is that marriage and birth rates have increased, and that a group of complete sentences are italicized this is to convey an important message. Thus,in the it. butparaphrases verbatim, they appear. Infavor of readability, the article does not provide the same text of the resolution text of the resolution in terms of division of text into separate paragraphs, and the order in which comparison with the text of the resolution (1.004/1953) shows that the article closely follows the shows the author’s prediction of what information readers should find most valuable. Further, a sentences to denote sub-sections or paragraph headings. These are helpful for my analysis, as it which included italicized phrasesmeant toattract particular attention and thespacing some of reasons, the end of World War II being perhaps a decisive factor. may and rates livingmarriageforincome,of oraveragehave birth any rates of increased number Communists. One could arguethat, regardless of any measurable change in Hungarians’ standard the standard of living is a direct result of and even equivalent with the rise to power of the implies risein is the what thethat sentence but isfactually correct, this 1.3a, information chapter It appears to me that certain words and phrases are italicized for two reasons. First, when is article, style the tothereader, of noticeable the organizational isWhat immediately by the end of July 1953.” This selective emphasis makes it clear that a woman will be 42 to adifferent 42 CEU eTD Collection propaganda. Three women offer their stories, which are peppered with what today might be women about the new resolution, and displays even more rhetorical strategies one could liken to without mentioning indicating source the or adirectquote. The article in article The just one section of chapter six, “The Fight against Abortion:” továbbfejlesztésér 147 146 invading Red Army. in of adopted rape in frequentoccurrence order to address the by Hungary of soldiers the technically though notpractically been in force since 1878) after a lenient post-war policy was since 1948, when the communist government made efforts to re-enforce the legislation (that had restrict abortion in manyso words. The truth is that abortion had been illegal all along, or at least as has been discussed previously, this ‘law’ (besides noteven being alaw) did notactually proven to be the most memorable part of the “Ratkó Law,” the restriction on abortion. However, money. earning for potential other no with jobs, their leave able continue to working,it presupposing that may be misunderstood women that will have to “A Magyar Népköztársaság Minisztertanácsának határozata azanya- ésgyermekvédelem határozata Minisztertanácsának “A Népköztársaság Magyar Pet Ę The article on the lower half of the two-page spread contains the testimony of Hungarian The article goes on to explain the six paragraphs of the resolution, ending with what has , “Women’s Rights in Stalinist Hungary,” p. 51. 1Ę every citizen, of to duty ensurethe is the familyabortion has a against healthy fight and the happy further life. that and too, punished someone perform an abortion or who performs her own abortion must has be who woman a that emphasize we work instructive our In abortion. against fight the increase to organs social other and Cross Red Hungarian the Alliance, Democratic Women’s Hungarian the Council, Union destroys morality and life.family The Cabinet council called on the trade is dangerous forthemother’s well as as thewhole people’s health and very strongly against abortion in widestthe of area social life because it This decision expresses strongly everyonethatin every area has to fight k Lapja Ę l,” 146 1Ę What is quoted directly from Resolution 1.004 in the quoted abovequoted k Lapja, 1953, pp. 1-2. uses one paragraph of Resolution quoting1.004, it 43 147 1Ę k Lapja article is article 43 CEU eTD Collection ésegy szánkó is hever kint. Mily nagy család! Az övé mind, törpe. meg mackó ni, köztük Hét baba, hét ágy áll körbe, testvérek. a sorba jönnek Az egyikkel, ahogy végzett, neki. dúdol egy dalt máris betakarja, lefekteti, covers it up, lays it down, doll, the soothes hajasbabát, a altatja Lányom, lányom virágos ág: My daughter, my daughter, flowery branch: mother with many ischildren compared aflowering to branch metaphor:through illustrate a scene in which a girl is learning the value of large families and the role of women. A her ‘children,’ dolls and toys. Iambic tetrameter in a consistent ABAB rhyme scheme is used to ahappy below, invokes of forimage girl a young poem’scaring stanza, reproduced 2. The first 148 branch” girl pictured. Adding to this emotional manipulation is a poem entitled, “My Daughter, flowery little the isabout story following the that impression the is given one that is such juxtaposition am glad to be a mother.” Below this quote is a picture of a little girl laughing, and the the article is a quote taken from one of the women’s stories: “I am truly glad to be alive today, I manipulate attempt emotions indiscreetisthe to absolutely of seen readers for headlinewhen the layoutand illustrating choice of accompany photograph to collectionthis testimonies;of an Rákosi regime, which is an attitude to be expected. What is a bit surprising, however,is the and loyalty. These stories are typical party praise and paint apositive picture of life under the before, the women are grateful for what they have and thank Comrade Rákosi with earnestness called “folksy” idioms and sayings, and the bottom line is that life is better now than it was naturally naturally be expectedtocreatepropaganda andmanipulative and articles produce illustrations. attempt to generate a sense of community, orin this case, sorority. rally a deceitful Thisis infact cry faux-feminist someone’s daughter. about story specific Béla Vikar, “Lányom, Virágos Ág,” (“My Daughter, Flowery Branch”), Yet amagazine founded andrunby communistthe party’s women’s organization would 148 adding to the initial impression that the lower section of the page is devoted to a 44 also the sledge lying outside. What abig family! All hers, between them, look, ateddy bear and a doll. round, stand beds seven babies, Seven row. a into come siblings the With one completed, it. for song a hums immediately 1Ę k Lapja (1953),p. 44 CEU eTD Collection high education.” example of the Soviet Union,” which includes the women’s good health, high self-awareness and 151 továbbfejlesztésér 150 socialist principles to recognize the glory of motherhood as well as the wisdom of the party women, who are to be admired and emulated by Hungarians, are educated and aware enough of appropriateness of Resolution 1.004’s repeal is tolaudthe exampleby set Soviets.the 149 sympathy. womenoutcast and children livingin conditionsterrible broughtup invoketo pity and hypocritical morals and harsh restrictions of the past. An emotional tack is taken, with images of added sentimentabout women poor the needlesswhose aboutsuffering wasbrought by the similar to that of the article from three years earlier, but “The Parents have Decided” contains an made lawPlans torepeal are the and completely, thesummerafter of 1955. Atthis Ratkó the point Lawhas beenalleviatedstill but stands. manipulative. anddeliberately are contradictory, forced torespondquickly public to reaction andin resulted this andtactics relations public that abortion restriction known as the Ratkó law was extremely short-lived, thus the regime was reproductive restrictions proved tobe difficult implement,to unpopular and and divisive, the number of rhetorical elements that serve to manipulate reality as well as reader opinion. The a share ones published and documents secret the both though sources, news in implemented internal anddocuments popular press:themost obvious andmanipulative strategies areonly reproductivethrough regulations). Andherein lies most that noticeable between difference This is rather resultthe improvised of decisions intendingcontrol to populationthe (in case this Ibid., The Soviet Union’s Health Minister, M.D. Kovrigina is quoted about „the good “A Magyar Népköztársaság Minisztertanácsának határozata azanya- ésgyermekvédelem határozata Minisztertanácsának “A Népköztársaság Magyar Kocsis, “A szöv An example of this is an editorial article from the same women’s magazine, 150 Another strategy employed in this article to convince readers about the Ę Ę l,” székt 1Ę k Lapja Ę l a miniszteri bársonyszékig.” (1953), pp. 1-2.See chapter 1, 3.1,note above. 45 1Ę k Lapja reports on the decision. The style is style The decision. the on reports 1Ę 151 k Lapja These 149 , 45 CEU eTD Collection 152 legislation. with previous the dissatisfaction years frustration and of of be expression inevitable seems the to This contradiction that: discredit decree 1004, of working unpopularrestriction article to the the 1953, abortion states in later, Three paragraphs year. with each passing centers day-care and nurseries schools, since 1948, the article states that benefits are increasing for mothers and that there are more reasoning and contradictions are still apparent. First, in praising the work of the government faulty obviously but manipulations), stylistic indiscreet still are article the illustrate to chosen is less obvious pandering andthelanguage isnotas patronizing, but the fontused andimage examined in3.3d, below.chapter pamphlet entitled “A N Dolgozó to the Communist cause. This use of the Soviet example is similar to that used in an MNDSZ are the women who shoulder the ‘glorious burden of motherhood’ as their duty, being dedicated educated andmake cannot theproper choices duetovarious circumstances andontheother side into the Soviet Union. A dichotomy is formed; on one side are the poor women who are not leaders, and thus donot need abortion restrictions todissuade them from morebringing children Ibid. The rhetorical skills exhibited in from this article 1956 may be (there more sophisticated will be overcrowded in a manner hindering education. have possible been look to ahead years and several oursee that schools nurseries accommodate to such an increase day in or the population. Itwould beds, hospital homes, maternity enough not are there that things, is to cradle their baby. Decree 1.004 did not reckon with, amongother when young girls takeaheedless step, seriousor the consequence of which abortions, having into forced practically are children grown have We do not talk those about glaring cases when olderwomen who already Ę JóAnya” (“The Working Woman is a Mother”), Good 46 152 46 CEU eTD Collection legislation, which will make abortion more accessible. He claimed that birthrates did not numbers down, he claimed, but punishments were inconsistent, thus warranting the new in bringing these effective were measures Strict didrates. so abortion in early 1950s, the claimed that birth rates “grew auspiciously” after “our liberation,” but that while birth rates grew abortion history he, not surprisingly, omitted some important facts while focusing on others. He the medical term for abortion is used, and in the Minister’s optimistic re-telling of Hungary’s brief history of abortion in Hungary and the significance of a change in legislation. In the article newspaper. Minister of Health József Román,succeeded who isAnna Ratkó, interviewed for a presencethe of discourse on reproductive in mainstream policies more the Communist with József Román, Health Minister”), be A made discussion easier? procedures can (“How abortion miniszterrel,” József egészségügyi 154 program Magyarországon,népesedéspolitikai afterpunishment, supplementary resolution in1047/956/VI.3”) 3401/VI.5/1956 about questions relatingabortion to andregulations criminal abortion kiegészítése,” (“The People’s Republic of Hungary’s Council of Ministers Resolution No. és amagzatelhajtás büntetésér kérdések szabályozásáról a számúmegszakításával terhesség határozata 3401/VI.5/1956 kapcsolatos Minisztertanácsának abortion, Proposal to the Council of Ministers”) and “A Magyar Népköztársaság szabályozása, El szabályozása, 153 the Rákosi regime. of strategies propaganda anddesigned calculated specifically the illustrating ways, indifferent of are expressed themes emotional occurrences reasons, but without explicit descriptions and examples individualof cases. Thus similar However, the terminology is less emotional, with mention being made only medicalof or social and medical terms for abortion, rather than the criminal term marks this shift of method. line with tacticsthe employed in from unpublished documents 1956; usinga return to theofficial “Hogyan enyhítik a terhesség megszakításával kapcsolátos eljárást? Beszélgetés Román eljárást? Beszélgetés kapcsolátos megszakításával “Hogyan aterhesség enyhítik These documents include “Tárgy: A terhesség megszakításával kapcsolatos kérdések include These megszakításával “Tárgy: documents A terhesség kapcsolatos An emotional strategy which focuses on the consequences for women and families is in The appearance of in of an The appearance article Ę terjesztés a Minisztertanácshoz,” (“On the questions related to the rulesfor tothe related questions (“On the aMinisztertanácshoz,” terjesztés Szabad Nép Szabad Szabad Nép pp. 167-170 and p. 173,pp. 167-170andp. respectively. 47 154 , vol.14,(May 27, 1956). ( Free Nation Ę l határozat szóló1047/956/VI.3.sz. Az 1952-53. évi Az 1952-53. ) in May 1956demonstrates 153 47 CEU eTD Collection and showsawillingness toadopt non-traditional sociallyor models disfavored of ifreproduction growth, population encourage to attempts frantic the of indicative is values and norms traditional and thus wanted, even if they were born outside of marriage. This temporary suspension of a married woman is obligation, but for a girl is an honor!” prenatalmedical involvedYet (e.g., wordscare). the attributed toAnna “togive Ratkó, for birth isit wherein only mother be would “women” clearthat “mothers” only the contexts and to couples to have more children. The wording of the resolution refers to “families” in general,but promoted normativefamily Communists the enacted the encourage married model and tried to discourses and policies of the state socialist regime. It is clear that before Resolution 1.004 was is incomplete without a discussion of howmen and women were constructed in the context of the Chapter 2.2a including Communistlegislation such as the Family Law of 1952. Yet this analysis relationship toits subjectsin of terms gender roles andnormative reproductivein practices ofGender Construction The 3.3d woman’s organization ostensibly outside the Party’s control. a miniszteri a miniszteri bársonyszékig.” 156 155 women themselves.” families and their children. This joyful act is enough to let us leave the decision of motherhood to provesthus that “majority the of women were predominantly sacrificing themselves for their werealleviated in after therestrictions1.004 of anddecrease considerably Resolution 1954, this of the Communist Party, Communist the of László Kürti, “The Wingless Eros of Socialism” p.54. Also, Piroska Kocsis, “A szöv Ibid. We have seen how the changes in abortion legislation in the period indicate the state’s the indicate period in the legislation in abortion changes the how seen have We 155 There are many, obvious similarities in the rhetoric of the official organ Szabad Nép , and that of 48 1Ę k Lapja, 156 imply children that were needed, the mouthpiece of MNDSZ, the Ę székt Ę 48 l CEU eTD Collection productively for good the of society. Women were doubly burdened with this duty, astheir work Jó Anya”). True citizens of state socialist regimes were workers, those who could labor in propagandathe extolling of virtues the working(see 3.3d, motherhood above, “A N Dolgozó disseminatingresponsible for and model promoting preferred the wasapparentof womanhood) father to all his sons.” to notonly also motherhood on imagine but perform their with Rákosi as“theacting own, best mentioning the role or duties or rights of the father, the resolution makes it possible for women if married. notnot she function autonomously wereBy amother could theoretically stipulations, attributed to Ratkó, to wordingthe Resolution 1.004. Under of “family these protection” can connect the encouragement for single mothers to attain the honor and glory of motherhood, who provide childcare even when they are notneeded specifically to nurse, for example). be ones to the only are considered meaning years women fourteen that of age, up to children (for sectionthe of Resolution how1.004 delineatingmuch time off fora womancan take childcare all in mentioned arenot at fathers “family” in thebroad to“family terms protection;” reference 158 1953),p.173.Államigazgatási Könyv- ésFolyóiratkiadó, Gyujteménye I,paragraph chapter Mother andChild2, in Protection”), továbbfejlesztésér 157 publications in or of party leadership top secretcommuniqués the the in nowhere the either mentioned made feasible. in then case) were society, this socialist rule andanindustrialized, goal ultimate (totalitarian the László Kürti, “The Wingless Eros of Socialism” p.53. “1.004/1953. (II.8.) számú minisztertanácsi határozat az anya- és gyermekvédelem The maternalist attitude of the Communist Party (and by extension, MNDSZ which was Fathers’ andmen’s andrights duties in behaviorreproductive and within families are Szabad Nép 1953 Ę ( l,”Council’s (“Minister 1.004/1953about Resolution No. Improvement the of Official Collection of Laws andOrdinances 1953 158 and 1Ę k Lapja. The closest mention of fathers or men is in the is men or fathers of mention closest The 49 Rendeletek ésTörvényekHivatalos Rendeletek ), (Budapest: Jógi és 157 One 49 Ę CEU eTD Collection assessment of shiftingthe assessment of regulations. only if this term indicates the rise and fall of the birth rate as being a reflection of public 159 women.” which these patriarchal simultaneously underminedtendencies and the status elevated of early 1950s are instructive indices of Stalinist redefinitions of gender roles and the ways in unpopularity reproductivethe of policies. Kürti writes thatthe“demographic changesduring the The contradiction implicitin the assignation of these two roles to a single body lent itself to the entailedfor caring children, husband andhome along with inparticipation publicthe workforce. Ibid., p. 58. 159 Heuses the “demographicterm changes”quite vaguely,I support his but premise 50 50 CEU eTD Collection története,” p.21. története,” 162 Monographs, 2003),p.88. 1.004. Resolution of result direct the 161 been have to thought popularly are that phenomena measurable of increase birthrate of the overcrowding andsubsequent schoolsnurseries, 160 a workdevotedtofemale in her politicians mentions Hungarian sentence one only. disseminated. Ratkóis notconsidered a remarkably figureimportant in Hungarian history; even as there is a dearth of information about Ratkó, and the information that does exist is not widely namesake, their about little very know children” “Ratkó as identify voluntarily who those even after Resolution 1.004 was enacted in 1953. Yet, those who know what the Ratkó Era is, and in thatmanyovercrowding schools tohaveconsidered resulted Hungarians, especially thoseborn in 1950s,the asshe is generally held responsible for the eponymous Ratkó Era, focus of this study, was named. She is a familiar figure to most 4.1 TheRatkóEra’s Absent Namesake biographicalin portrait a 1974issue of EndreVárkonyi,id “Múlt Andrea Pet As has been addressed in chapter 2.1a, it is unlikely that the “Ratkó Law” was the sole cause Chapter 4—Anna Ratkó: Biography, Symbolic Politics The first female minister of Hungary, Anna Ratkó, is the person after whom the Ę encyclopaedia however. of an entry catchword the into fits hardly life person's interesting An retirement she was an associate of the National Peace Council. became the ofthe secretary trade union council and (SZOT), up until her Health Minister and membera of Parliament; from1954to 1956 she movement positions. From 1949 until 1953she was the Welfare, then Afterour liberation held variousshe trade Party women’sunion and blacklisted. was a result as and wars two the between demonstrations and of strikes organization in the part took person, young a as movement labor the entered She this: less or more say all—would at her mentions it tenementon oneof flat thebusiest roads Buda. in encyclopaedia—if The her in lives and retired today is Ratkó Anna née Bíró, Károly Mrs. , Women inHungarianPolitics, 1945-1951 Ę k tanúi, Anna: Ratkó Tizenheten az asztalnál, „törvény“ Egy 162 Magyarország 51 ( Hungary (Boulder, Colorado: East (Boulder,Colorado: European 160 ) opens with: opens ) from the small baby boom baby small the from 161 A 51 CEU eTD Collection tenure as Minister of of Health. as Minister tenure by repeal the of Resolution is1.004, more significant than policiesthe implemented during her documents, Iwould argue that legacythe of Era,which Ratkó the includes legalthe set precedent reproductive policies and their consequences. Regardless of the reason behind this removal of explanations exist,including toconceal attempts ongoingthe discussion and researchinto the preserving becausethey failurepointed to the repeal and of Other Resolution 1.004. possible not considered to be worth preserving, or that these documents were not considered tobe worth among conclusions, other documents that concerning reproductive policies andRatkó’s role were methodical excision informationof pertaining to reproductive rights.This absencemight mean, experiencedmy throughout of research particularthis topic andperiod indicated planned,the on a systematic comparison of all documentlists in the Hungarian National Archive, what I example, that only the “Ratkó years” were “weeded out.” While Icannot claim to have embarked “weeded out.” I found again and again that in a list of statistics for the years 1938 to 1962, for numbers of listsdocument werestamped, years about1954, significant the statisticsparticularly 1952to Ratkó andreports period,the primary insources archivesthe is perhaps another story. Inlooking fonds through pertaining to general history texts which completely omit any mention of the woman. obviously do consider the importance of Ratkó’s role in this period. Iam referring more to 163 part of Hungarian historians may also play a role. the on interest of lack a information; of lack a simple besides something of indicative be may Ratkó’s life from than her biography. missing Ratkó’s presence from pagesthe of history books With this statement I am notdismissing the work of historians such as Pet Paradoxically, Ithink that more can be gleaned from the dearth of information about kiselejtezve 52 163 However, the lack of information and information of lack the However, , which can be translated as “discarded,” or Ę and Kocsis, who 52 CEU eTD Collection in order to gain perspective on her life and understand Ratkó as a symbol. life Ratkó her understand and on gain perspective in to order define exactly what her legacy is and how it was created; a brief biographical study is important discussion of the value of Ratkó as a symbolic figure for state socialism,it is worthwhile to in the Rákosi regime that has led to her being left out of major discourse. Before engaging in a 166 65, Population Policy, Control: Birth Open Society Archive, Budapest. 165 164 hasAnna been made,Ratkó Minister and the decisions made while she was in office. Yet at least one detailed examination of legacy,Ratkó, her and thepolitics behindboth her appointmentas firstthe female Hungarian Rákosi. of Mátyás thetruearchitect early policies the after of reproductive the “Rákosi 1950s, children” inminor a Ithas position of children”beenpower. “Ratkó the that suggested benamedinstead discourse and the need to assign ‘blame’ or agency to aparticular person, and in this case to one say less about the woman as a person and as a politician than they do about the nature of popular era is also named for her, as well as the age cohort born in 1953 and 1954. Yet these associations best known for Resolution 1.004, which was linked with her name in unofficial discussion. The Hernamearrogant. issometimes equated with in Stalinism Hungary,early 1950s Minister of Health, but attitudes of today dismiss the woman as being uncharismatic, boorish and infour, is 1927. It difficultto gaugepublic about Annaat opinion Ratkó timethe shewas and then union secretary; she first joined the Hungarian Communist Party at the age of twenty- Kocsis, “A szöv “The Abortion Problem in A Hungary: Survey” April 7, 1964,Fond33-1-25, Hungary 1956- Pet Ę Anna Ratkó’s professional career began as afactoryprofessional unionAnna career began Ratkó’s trade worker, representative Few authors have carried out an in-depth examination of the role of Health Minister Anna 165 , “Women’s Rights in Stalinist Hungary,” p. 49. Ę székt Ę l a miniszteri bársonyszékig.” 166 indicating that perhaps it is a lack of awareness about Ratkó’s role 53 164 and sheis 53 CEU eTD Collection 168 167 interview, Ratkó explains that she was chosen to organize the Welfare Ministry into the new the ‘new world’ and thus welfare and the Welfare Ministry were nolonger necessary. In a 1974 rationale behind the dismantling of the Welfare Ministry was that poverty nolonger existed in social policy concerning public health. This may have been the real reason, but the official Ministry of Health in 1950, expanding the duties of the Ministry to include administration of invalids requiring public health care justified thetransformation of Welfarethe into Ministry the followed byKároly Oltand then Anna According Ratkó. toPiroska Kocsis, high the number of After the Welfare Ministry’s foundation in 1945, Erik Molnár was the first Health Minister, in June of 1949, after the Communist take-over and formation of the István Dobi government. the union trade ironof tool machineand in fitters Párkánynán. socialism was perhaps ingrained in her at an early age, as her father was the founding member of andthen representative. worker union become ahigh-ranking Ratkó began working in a factory at the age of twelve and quickly moved though the ranks to humble beginning. After six family members were called simultaneously to military service indeed one of triumph over adversity, asshe rose to the highest ranks of government from a very the eleventh of thirteen children in a working-class family in modern-day Slovakia. Her story is her as a sort of representation of the value of hard work under state socialism. She was born as treat written beforeRatkó 1989 few about articles The lifeof herbe drawn. can picture complete while she was living, and a study of Anna Ratkó’s life and career written in 2002, a fairly 4.2 Biography: and Life Career Ibid. Ibid. Ratkó became the Minister of Welfare and the first female Minister in Hungary’s history theuse Through Lexicon, anumberof of articles Hungarian publishedthe Biographical 54 167 168 Herdevotion unions trade to and 54 CEU eTD Collection p. 21. 173 virtue of hard under work socialism,butdismissed their for help petitions nonetheless. the educate them about meantwere to that letters answered were with directly for aid but Ratkó 172 171 with “unqualifiedother Communists,’ seebelow,21. note diplomatic delegate, Emil Weil, who was said to have assisted Ratkó gain the appointment, along from newspapereditorial with concerned status American residentthe of 1952, a Hungarian 170 p. 21. 169 Trade Union Council, tobe a “good organizer.” Ministry of Health because she had proven herself, through her years as the secretary of the party affiliation. party more severely punished for minor offenses, and were even dismissed from their posts due to their personnel who were members of the rival parties, the Smallholders and Social Democrats, were with herloyalty to the Party; as Minister of Welfare Ratkó saw to it that doctors and medical morehad todo appointment Ratkó’s that asserts life Kocsis andcareer, of Ratkó’s study detailed actions as Health Minister: her refusal to let 800 orphans in the care of the state leave the remand matter. Kocsis takes pains to illustrate this in her recounting of several of Ratkó’s more notorious blindly orders andinstructions,took fulfilling themfurther question without or thought the on to doand how Iwant to doit, but rather that I have todo what the Party requires,” new Ministry of Health where she says “Comrade Rákosi said that I may not choose what I want assistance. to herfor again beand dismissive again to anddevoid of empathy for the plight who of those reached out writes. Kocsis sympathetic, probably chose her to head the Ministry of Health because she was a woman and would appear Várkonyi, “Múlt id Várkonyi, “Múlt Ibid. Kocsis writes of workers, disabled veterans and families of refugees that applied to Ibid. Kocsis, “A szöv id Várkonyi, “Múlt It seems tofollowfrom 1974 quote aboutRatkó’s her role informing andorganizing the 170 In addition to Ratkó’s obviously tough stance on party loyalty, Rákosi Ę 172 székt Ę Ę k tanúi, Ratkó Anna: Tizenheten az asztalnál, Egy „törvény“ története,” Egy az asztalnál, Anna:Tizenheten k tanúi, Ratkó k tanúi, Ratkó Anna: Tizenheten az asztalnál, Egy „törvény“ története,” Egy az asztalnál, Anna:Tizenheten k tanúi, Ratkó Ę l a miniszteri bársonyszékig.” This is also corroborated by an 171 Yet this was inconsistent with the truth, because Ratkó proved 55 169 However, in her thoroughly-researched and 173 that she that 55 CEU eTD Collection signature on documents, indicating that the Minister herself was less directly involved with the with involved process variousof measures. authorizing directly less was herself Minister the that indicating documents, on signature 176 speak my language.” notice not Letthem wasa let word. take one them I of textile the factthat understood technician, doctors in honor of her appointment toMinister of Health, “what the professors said, I 175 174 arrogant displays ignoranceof infront of qualified medical personnel and doctors in choosing Minister an appropriate of Health. Numerousreports of ineptitudeRatkó’s and even above, is question butone prompted importanceto loyaltymedical of party the over experience post of Health Minister for her provenabilities toorganize have been discussed in 4.2 chapter yet with the aim of removing Ratkó from office. Reasons for the appointment of Ratkó to the reports of deficiencythe in leadership and undertaken work by Ministry the were lodged, but not thus “Ratkó had crushed the child protection system which had been rebuilt after the war.” that interview in an recalled Kun Miklós Dr families. individual by be raised to in order homes abdicated from the Ministerial chair just six weeks after Resolution 1.004 went intoeffect, minimal, if it even involved more than the signing of her name (by her secretary). in furtherdiscussed 4.3,below.chapter made that her appointment to Health Minister was largely for symbolic reasons; this will be been have claims which on basis is the training or knowledge medical no had she that fact the Ratkó an exemplary figure, and one which could provide useful ineptitudepublicity. Ratkó’s and However, her Party affiliation was also afactor; being both a Communist and a woman made would give apositive impression about Health the Minister’s sensitivity and sympathetic nature. and awoman because she was largely office tothe was appointed Ratkó that totheories credence Ibid. Kocsis writes that Ratkó’s secretary was the one whomost often stamped Ratkó’s Ibid. For example, Ratkó admits in a 1979 interview, when discussing a visit of top medical Kocsis, “A szöv Already in 1952, after Ratkó had served as Minister of Health for less than a full year, Anna Ratkó’s role in drafting the resolution that bears was hername in usage that in resolution common the role drafting Anna Ratkó’s Ę székt Ę l a miniszteri bársonyszékig.” 56 176 175 She lend 174 56 CEU eTD Collection unimportant matters and that her leadership was unsatisfactory.Weil went on to say that in spite United from States 1951 to1953)calledinefficient, Ratkó claimed shesquandered energy on 179 Health”). as Minister leváltása,” (“The replacementof miniszter Anna Anna of Ratkó egészségügyi “Ratkówork”), Anna pártbüntetései,” (“Anna punishmentRatkó’s from Party”)the and “Ratkó (“Memorandum concerning the deficiencies in experienced healththe ministry's leadership and az Egészségügyi vezetésében és munkájábanMinisztérium hiányosságokról,” tapasztalt (“Anna Ratkó’s contact with her colleagues, aReport on the work of the Ministry”), “Feljegyzés Anna munkatársaival,“Ratkó azEgészségügyi munkájáról,” Minisztérium kapcsolata Jelentés of Ministry”), Work the aboutthe Memorandum Emil’s (“Weil munkájáról,” minisztérium from the Hungarian National Archives. These documents are: “Weil Emil feljegyzése a 178 177 Minister. policy regarding abortion, this document shows at the very least that Ratkó was a problematic as the symbolic champion of what turned out to be a controversial and unpopular population to prove that Ratkó was retained as Minister of Health in light of these problems in order to serve is Whileway there no record. performance unsatisfactory Ratkó’s of acknowledgement Rákosi’s problemsnumerous and mistakes as early 1951.Theas confidential memorandum show Ratkó’s own words) was appointed to head the Ministry, but why she was kept on board after problematic tenureas Minister arerelated less towhy an unqualified “textile technician”(touse Ratkó’s4.3 Term Ministerial as Politics Symbolic was responsiblefor of thepoororganizational Health Ratkó the developmentMinistry. and aconfidential memorandum from 1951 carries Rákosi’s endorsement of opinionthe that Health Minister. as her duties from Ratkówas simplyleading speculation escape illness the that trying waspsychosomatic, to to claiming poorhealth. Amedical examination performed atthe end of March 1953concluded that Ibid. In the memo, addressed to Comrade Rákosi, Emil Weil (Hungarian minister to the vezet “Aleváltáshoz Ibid. The questions that follow from the internal communication that reveals reveals Ratkó’s from that follow communication that internal The questions the 179 Reasonable speculation might imply that Ratkó was kept on as Health Minister in Minister Health as on kept was Ratkó that imply might speculation Reasonable Ę út” (“The Road Leading to Replacement”), collection of collection of six documents út” Leading(“The Road toReplacement”), 177 Ratkó had a history of being reprimanded byher superiors, 57 178 57 CEU eTD Collection 182 181 180 Boot,” Anna Ratkó’s facilitating appointment for to cabinetminister, responsible was and George E. Sokolsky, Ministry, “Dr. Emil Welfare Weilin the Should Get Yankexperts” “non-Communist replaced the who Communists” “inexperienced the who recommended Weil wasthe person of of a1952 herself.exhausting According to article Washington newspaper in blamedHe her eagernesscomplied. not to prove had she to all months, that shetwo was healthy past in the and capable, behavior but in factimproved was in dangerRatkó’s for hopes his of for whatit forhave than important whatsheactually to symbolize was meant more been might an effort toconform to this style. Iwould argue that Ratkó’s term of office as Minister of Health continued stint as Health Minister, despite her poor standing with the highest party leaders) was models, and views of Man himself.” spectacular notonly changes in alsobut traditional arts, the atthelevellife-style of propaganda, byAdopting which achieve styles. […] thiswere characterized period they ideology, to aimed shared by rulingthe their elite: erawould be“analogous to greatepochsthe of history,world was kept on despite her poor work in 1952 simply to save face, or for other reasons. Ministry well before the negative effects had been assessed,it might also be the case that Ratkó order to serve as a scapegoat for the failed reproductive policies of 1953, but since she left the everyday lifeHungary, in everyday Stalinist in andGyörgy’s apparent assertion of manipulated ‘period controlled style’ a deliberately werebeingsteps make taken to afar-reaching propaganda life. partof everyday line In with a polished public imagedespite whateverinnerturmoil havemay been important taking place, the Communist after take-over. legitimacy establishan were partof to attempt between the state and the people. Attempts to mimic the Soviet Union in style and aesthetics wouldthat build thelink between politics and everyday life, orin words, other bridgethe Ibid. Ibid. György, “The Mirror of Everyday Life, or the Will a to Period Style,” p.15. Tri-City Herald Totalitarian regimes, whether they be fascist, Communist orNazi, hold a common belief , December 5,1952,p.4. 182 180 Ratkó’s appointment to the Ministry of Health (and her Thus image and representation were the connective tissue connective were the Thusimage representation and 58 Tri-City Herald 181 In maintaining In , 58 CEU eTD Collection constraints constraints were placed onfecundity behavior.” and reproductive specific sexual (1980: 33-34) isdiscourse applicable toStalinist-totalitarian as well,states where a modernattempts the to regulate model. state observation that Foucault’s masculine gender life, and the general subordination of women to men concomitant with the solidification of a extraordinary were the measures taken to curtail women’s rights, sexual practices, and family 184 due wartime male voters. lossesof electorate, to of the percent more likely to vote conservatively, as they had proven in 1945, when women made up sixty 183 in in of conclusion. success the the a theory successof the versus practice a theory determining unreliability when dealing with control of a population, will also be considered asinstrumental in failure of Rákosi’s attempt to establish totalitarian rule in the conclusion. These elements of itnotdirectlydoes benefit individual the be as will discussed for variables problematic the changewhen authoritative to nature andresistance Human impossible. practically totalitarianism of aspect and will men’sandmakesthis free of error women’s nature human yetthe outcomes; to establish totalitarian rule require reliable government agents who can achieve reliable more charismatic figure as Minister of Health might have changed the outcome of events. Efforts a that one couldHowever, argue former. did cause the latter not the by AnnaRatkó; championed policies reproductive failed by the exemplified only are regime Rákosi the of aspirations conservativelyvote men to and againsttheCommunistparty. devoted female communist, thus setting an example for women, who were more inclined than Minister of Health primarily because she was a woman, but more precisely because she was a of Communistthe government. soon after the Communist take-over, Ratkó may be considered a symbol of the egalitarian nature achieved. As firstthe female of minister Hungary, andby virtue of factshethe so was appointed See chapter 3.3d for more on Rákosi as father symbol. Additionally,Kürti writes, “Equally Kenez, Rákosi’s ‘father cult’ as it has been given attention in this paper, I agree with the conclusion drawn by Piroska Kocsis, that Anna Ratkó was chosen to be Hungary fromtheNazis tothe Soviets 59 , pp.95,100. According Kenez to women were 183 The failure of the totalitarian 184 posits the leader as 59 CEU eTD Collection 185 woman question.’” on “debates nature andmeans the ‘the achievingequality of sexual were generally reduced to add movewas intendedmachine.political to that to the propaganda totalitarian role traditionally assigned to mothers. I suggest Ratkó’s appointment to Minister of Health was a to Minister of Health, apost that implies the provision of care and nurturance for the nation, a appointment in her implicit is motherhood) by extension (and womanhood her of importance the tactic. Though Ratkó has never explicitly been posited as a “mother” figure, Iwould argue that in but more role general was castnational thisevery the wasa woman mother, symbolic of figured was Of neglected. incourse, have urging women to children and nation,the reproduce mother thatacomplementary itseems odd relations, sexual marriage and reproductive families, the father of the nation (often alongside Stalin and Lenin). As per the regime’s attitude toward 186 Socialism of appointment the behind intentions the about Questions seen. have we as ineptly, sometimes in tobenefitand causeof Party socialism, the the order was calculated government feminization of the office of Health Minister was a political move, as every decision made by the ‘egalitarian’ society of state socialist Hungary,itis unnecessary askto whether or not the attention to the model Communist woman, among other possible explanations. In the reproductive policies presented by a woman, or if Ratkó’s high position was meant to attract appointment to that particular post had rather more to do with the regime’s hope for successful toapply attempted wasa asses whether Ratkó femaletoken orifin her Rákosi’s government equally vague ‘answer’ in ineffectual the Health Minister Anna Ratkó. In this I chapter have Rebecca Kay, “Introduction” in Rebecca Kay,“Introduction” Kenez, According to Rebecca Kay, under state socialism in the Soviet Union and satellite states Union Soviet satellite and in socialism the RebeccaKay, state to According under (NewYork:Palgrave p.3. MacMillan, 2007), Hungary fromtheNazis tothe Soviets 185 Isuggestthat this vaguely ‘problem’ described accordingly received an Gender, Equality Gender, Equality and Difference During State andAfter 60 , pp.1-2. 186 though 60 CEU eTD Collection scapegoat. came to be seen instead as the despised minion of a repressive regime, and in fact aconvenient when she was perhaps meant tobe an inspiring example of socialist work ethic and loyalty, she elements in the building of state socialism, she was an uncontrollable human variable. Thus, in the structure of state socialism as it was envisioned by Rákosi and others, but like all other brick be another to Ratkó Anna understand We can nonetheless. important, remain questions The acknowledgedlimited that information has leftus with slightly more than answers.speculative personal contribution to the Rákosi regime in the larger context of socialism. Yet itmust be Anna RatkótoMinister of Health can beaddressed an through examination Annaof Ratkó’s 61 61 CEU eTD Collection demographic pattern demographic when “normal”pattern isnotdefined (if it exists). 1.004 caused demographicthe change, and then uses “abnormal” as fora qualifying term I consider to espouse a functionalist approach, as she first states unequivocally that Resolution 187 Era. Ratkó the behalf of the population in the area of reproductive policies was just one aspect of the failure of cohesion and the inability coordinateto governmentagents and thus mobilize aunited front on ofmanyone socialism thatcharacterizedelements state incongruentin Hungary. Alack of need for women to participate in (re)productive work both within and outside of the home was maternalist agenda, which held that all women should want and did want tobe mothers. The Party’s Communist Hungarian the of application concurrent in the lie industrialization population against decline. population over ashort period in 1950s the achieved nothingin of terms enduring protection Hungary still struggles with a declining and aging population and the small increase in the leastbecauseachievethe demographic enduring failedto its goals; effect Resolution 1.004 stated enduring, despite the continued ‘ripple-effect’ population Icallgrowth. demographicthe change is just the most visible after-effect of the Ratkó Era, but at the same time possibly the least “abnormal pattern” demographic of segments society led toovercrowdingin schools and other stateinstitutions, andinitiated the practices against the crime of abortion alongside the launch of a war on abortion among all Kiss,“The Second ‘No:’ Women in Hungary,” p. 54. I have included Kiss among the authors The contradictions apparent in the promotion of gender equality in the context of context in the equality gender of promotion in the apparent contradictions The sentencing implementation of the stricter after occurred minor boom that The baby 187 that reoccurred every twenty or so years. In examining This Conclusion 62 62 CEU eTD Collection 188 in by roles a leadingideology. The repeatedly amended reproductive policies the epitomize multiple factors, not least of these being human nature and the unreliability humanof actors cast metaphor. a fitting dolls, matryoshka like other each into fit politics socialist ineffectual (highly Sovietized) of examples These power. asatotalitarian regime underleadership,which reflect enacted failure herthe policies on reproductive of Rákosi the expectations. Ratkó’s unsuccessful stint leading the Ministry of Health mirrors the failure of the unsuccessful policies and ona personal level, inabilityin Ratkó’s liveto upto partythe leader’s desired air of control and contentment with the government’s proposals. created an atmosphere of confusion and lack of control, rather than establishing the opposite, misguided this regulations; back-and-forth volley of improvised population policy measures industrialization and the building of socialism were countered with attempts to correct the totalitarian control. Multiple attempts to increase the birth rate in order to support the politics of relying onhelpfrom Moscow regime of the (constantly as awhole ineptitude the and establish control to ideals. Theeagerness perhaps unrealistic to shape society according to attempt alargely in unsuccessful fifties; the Hungary, among other things. The legacy of the Ratkó Era is part of the legacy of state socialism leastwere, atin part, responses livingto the conditions and economic situation of 1950s both increaseingranted, the legislation numberthe of andtherepeatedly abortions adjusted consist of the rise in the number of state-sanctioned abortions. This approach takes too much for Kenez, The Hungarian citizens’ response Resolution to 1.004 has been said by various authors to Ultimately, the success or failure of a regime orsystem of government is dependent on Anna Ratkó’s term as Health Minister was fraught with challenges, both on the level of Hungary fromtheNazis tothe Soviets 188 ) worked to the ultimate disadvantage of the attempt to establish disadvantage attemptthe of to totheultimate worked ) 63 , pp.1-2. 63 CEU eTD Collection rights werebeingrights delimited. reproductive whose individuals the and Ratkó Minister both of case inthe element, human the of failed attemptto establish totalitarian control Rákosi,under asthey illustrate unpredictabilitythe 64 64 CEU eTD Collection Primary Sources x x Magyar Törvénytár: 1877-1878. éviTörvényczikkek.Magyar Törvénytár:1877-1878. Román eljárást? Beszélgetés kapcsolátos megszakításával aterhesség enyhítik “Hogyan “A szül “A Magyar Népköztársaság Minisztertanácsának határozata azanya- ésgyermekvédelem határozata Minisztertanácsának “A Népköztársaság Magyar Printed SourcesandMaterials “The Abortion Problem in Hungary: A Survey” April 7, 1964,Fond33-1-25, Hungary On Birth of State the the (“Report: hazánkban,” alakulásáról aszületésszám “Jelentés: Devices”),” of Contraceptive (“Distribution forgalombahozatala,” “Fogamzásgátlószerek “A leváltáshoz vezet “A N Dolgozó Archival Sources Ę 1896. 1877-1878 May 27, 1956. easier? A discussion with József Román, Health Minister”). be madeJózsef (“Howcan procedures miniszterrel.” egészségügyi abortion no.23, June1-2. 8,1956, the Margin of an Important Resolution”). Margin of Important an the no.7, February 12, 1953,1-2. Improving Mother andImproving Child Mother Protection”). továbbfejlesztésér 1956-65, Population Policy, Birth Open Control: Archive,Society Budapest. 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