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ACTA UNIVERSITATIS STOCKHOLMIENSIS

Stockholm Studies in Classical Archaeology 14

Attitudes towards the Past in Antiquity. Creating Identities

Proceedings of an International Conference held at Stockholm University, 15–17 2009

edited by

Brita Alroth and Charlotte Scheffer

ACTA UNIVERSITATIS STOCKHOLMIENSIS Stockholm Studies in Classical Archaeology 14

Attitudes towards the Past in Antiquity Creating Identities

Proceedings of an International Conference held at Stockholm University, 15–17 May 2009

edited by

Brita Alroth and Charlotte Scheffer

Stockholm 2014 ACTA UNIVERSITATIS STOCKHOLMIENSIS Stockholm Studies in Classical Archaeology 14

Editor: Arja Karivieri Institutionen för arkeologi och antikens kultur SE-106 91 STOCKHOLM

The English text was revised by Dr. Janet Fairweather

Published with the aid of grants from Professor Birgitta Bergquist’s Fond, Granholms Stiftelse and Gösta and Marie-Louise Säflund Foundations

Abstract Brita Alroth & Charlotte Scheffer (eds.) Attitudes towards the past in Antiquity. Creating identities. Proceedings of a Conference held at Stockholm University 15–17 May 2009. Stockholm Studies in Classical Archaeology, 14. Stockholm 2014, 325 pp., 129 figs. and 6 tables in the text. ISBN 978-91- 87235-48-1.

This volume brings together twenty-eight papers from an International conference on attitudes towards the past and the creating of identities in Antiquity. The volume addresses many different approaches to these issues, spanning over many centuries, ranging in time from the Prehistoric periods to the , and covering large areas, from Britain to and and to Minor and . The papers deal with several important problems, such as the use of tradition and memory in shaping an individual or a collective identity, continuity and/or change and the efforts to the past with the present. Among the topics discussed are the interpretation of literary texts, e.g. a play by Plautus, the , a speech by Lykurgos, poems by Claudian and Prudentius, and of historical texts and inscriptions, e.g. funerary epigrams, and the analysis of the iconography of Roman coins, Etruscan reliefs, Pompeian and Etruscan frescoes and Cypriote sculpture, and of architectural remains of houses, tombs and temples. Other topics are religious festivals, such as the , foundation , the image of the emperor on coins and in literature, the significance of intra-urban burials, forgeries connected with the , and Roman martyrs.

Keywords: The past, identities, memory, tradition, continuity and/or change, mythology, religious festivals, funerary inscriptions, forgeries, Trojan War, Hippocrates, Lykurgos, Etruscans, the François Tomb, Caecilius Iucundus, , , Britain, , Cyprus, , Capitolia, Christian martyrs.

Cover illustration: Part of Roman sarcophagus relief, c. A.D. 300. NM Sk 185. © Medelhavsmuseet. Photo: Ove Kaneberg.

© Respective authors and Acta Universitatis Stockholmiensis 2013 The publication is available for free on www.sub.su.se

ISBN 978-91-87235-47-4 (electronic) ISBN 978-91-87235-48-1 (print) ISSN 0562-1062

Typesetting and layout: Textgruppen i Uppsala AB

Printed in Sweden 2014 Edita Bobergs AB, Falun CONTENTS

CHARLOTTE SCHEFFER, Preface ...... 7

The past of early Greece CAROLYN HIGBIE, and the forging of Homeric pasts ...... 9 JOHANNES ENGELS, Lykurgos’ speech Against Leokrates. Creating civic identity and educating Athenian citizens ...... 21 LONE WRIEDT SØRENSEN, Creating identity or identities in Cyprus during the Archaic period . 33

Etruscan pasts CHARLOTTE SCHEFFER, The Etruscans—in the eyes of Greeks and Romans. Creating a bad memory? ...... 47 ANNETTE RATHJE, Self-representation and identity-creation by an Etruscan . The use of the past in the François Tomb at ...... 55 MARJATTA NIELSEN, In the mirror of the past: the three “key-note” ash-chests in the Purni Tomb of Città della Pieve ...... 67

Displaying the past ARJA KARIVIERI, Mythic, public and private memory: creation of a Pompeian identity in the House of Caecilius Iucundus ...... 87

The past and mythology PETER SCHERRER, Hunting the boar—the fiction of a local past in foundation myths of Hellenistic and Roman cities ...... 113 DAVID M. POLLIO, Nec te Troia capit: re-creating the Trojan War in Vergil’s Aeneid ...... 121

Material culture and the past NASSOS PAPALEXANDROU, Messenian tripods: a Boiotian contribution to the symbolic construction of the Messenian past? ...... 127 ANNA KOUREMENOS, A tale of two Cretan cities: the building of Roman and the persistence of in the wake of shifting identities ...... 139 HADWIGA SCHÖRNER, Revival of the intraurban burial in Greek poleis during the Roman imperium as a creation of identity ...... 151 INGRID EDLUND-BERRY, Archaeological evidence for Roman identity in ancient Italy ...... 163

Religious settings CATHERINE MORGAN, Archaeology of memory or tradition in practice? ...... 173 RABUN TAYLOR, The cult of Sirens and Greek colonial identity in southern Italy ...... 183 KALLIOPI KRYSTALLI-VOTSI and ERIK ØSTBY, The temples of at Sikyon ...... 191 J. RASMUS BRANDT, Blood, boundaries, and purification. On the creation of identities between memory and oblivion in ...... 201

Different Roman pasts TATIANA IVLEVA, Remembering Britannia: expressions of identities by ‘Britons’ on the continent during the ...... 217 MARIETTA HORSTER and THORALF SCHRÖDER, Priests, crowns and priestly headdresses in Imperial Athens ...... 233 LYNN E. ROLLER, Attitudes towards the past in Roman Phrygia: survivals and revivals. Extended abstract ...... 241 SARAH E. COX, Innovative antiquarianism: the Flavian reshaping of the past ...... 243 IDA ÖSTENBERG, War and remembrance: memories of defeat in ancient Rome ...... 255

The literary production of the past in Rome EWA SKWARA, ante oculos! A comic image of an enemy ...... 267 MATEUSZ ŻMUDZIŃSKI, The image of Emperor Gallienus in ancient historiography— between manipulation and narrative ...... 273

Aspects of Graeco-Roman memories ANDRZEJ WYPUSTEK, Beauty and heroization: the memory of the dead in Greek funerary epigrams of the Hellenistic and Roman ages ...... 277 JULIUS ROCCA, Present at the creation: ’s ‘Hippocrates’ and the making of a medical ideal ...... 285

The Late Antique world BRUNO BUREAU, Idealised past and contested tradition: Claudian’s Panegyric for the sixth consulate of Honorius and Prudentius’ Contra Symmachum ...... 301 DENNIS TROUT, From the elogia of Damasus to the Acta of the gesta martyrum: re- staging Roman history ...... 311

INGRID EDLUND-BERRY, Attitudes towards the past in Antiquity: creating identities. A summary of themes and ideas ...... 321 PREFACE

In 2008, the staff at the Department of Classical Archae- The conference was made possible by grants through ology and Ancient History at Stockholm University de- Professor Birgitta Bergquist’s Fond and Granholms Stif- cided to celebrate the centenary of our subject being telse. Many thanks also go to the staff of the department taught in Sweden with a conference in 2009. In Lund for their excellent work, especially to Dr. Lena Sjögren, and Uppsala the subject has been taught since 1909, now lecturer and senior research fellow at the depart- while Stockholm University had to wait till 1932. In ad- ment, to Janet Fairweather who corrected the English dition, the conference would honour our first professor, language of the volume and to Dr. Brita Alroth who, as Gösta Säflund. After much discussion we named the usual, did the final editing and saw the book through the conference ‘Attitudes towards the past in antiquity. Cre- press. ating identities’. The subject we chose turned out to be very interesting. The conference took place on May 15–17, 2009 and As we had expected, the past was used to honour your gathered many scholars. After the conference, 28 own people and to show contempt towards the defeated speakers submitted their papers for a collected volume. enemies. A summary of themes and ideas, written by Professor Ingrid Edlund-Berry, provides a good view of the many Charlotte Scheffer, Prof. em., head of the department at interesting papers given at the conference. the time

GREEKS AND THE FORGING OF HOMERIC PASTS

BY CAROLYN HIGBIE

Abstract acceptance of the past as manifested in objects which be- Because of the importance of the past in Greek thought, objects longed to the prominent figures of the past made poss- which were found in the landscape, usually temples or graves, ible the forgery of antiques. For this preliminary investi- could be identified as belonging to heroes of the Trojan War gation into forgeries, I would like to use three Homeric and other adventures. Authors like and Ampelius de- antiquities which caught the attention of antiquarians in voted much attention to the description of such votives, weap- ons, documents, and even bones, and depended on the Homeric the first and second centuries AD. Two of these antiqui- epics to identify these objects and their owners. This promi- ties were written documents, one an object. I have cho- nence of the past in the Greek world led to the fraudulent identi- sen these three, not because they are unique, but because fication of objects and their forgery: the letter of Sarpedon, the we have enough information reported about them that journal of Dictys, and the scepter of form the basis we can draw some conclusions about their significance for this preliminary investigation into ancient frauds. How forg- ers created and authenticated their forgeries, how Greeks re- to Greeks and Romans in the Hellenistic and imperial sponded to such objects and argued for or against their authen- Roman worlds. ticity, and the significance of these forgeries in the world, from In a history of papyrus,1 Pliny describes a letter which the Hellenistic era through the Second Sophistic, are the subject the and antiquarian Mucianus had seen in of this essay.* a Lycian temple (13.88):2 Sometime in the late second century or the early third, praeterea Mucianus ter cos. prodidit nuper se legisse, Ampelius wrote a pamphlet dedicated to the emperor cum praesideret Lyciae, Sarpedonis ab Troia Macrinus which catalogues many of the wonders, both scriptam in quodam templo epistulae chartam, quod natural and human, of the world. In it, he devoted a long eo magis miror si etiamnum Homero condente Aegyp- section to the treasures held in the temple of Apollo at tus non erat: aut cur, si iam hic erat usus, in plumbeis , including many from the Trojan War: Agamem- non’s shield and sword, ’ cloak and breastplate, * I would like to thank Timothy W. Boyd, Joey Williams, Ge- ’s bow and arrows, the letters of , and nevieve Maynard, and the organizers of the conference. I would ’s loom ( Memorialis 8.5). Some of these also like to thank Prof. José Gonzalez for organizing the confer- ence on diachrony at Duke University in which I was able to items have a special association with their owner and present a paper, “Cultural change and Greek perception of it”, their place in the story of the war, such as Penelope’s on ideas related to these. loom, but others seem merely generic. There is little ap- parent significance, for example, in the cloak and breast- 1 On this passage, see Bülow-Jacobsen 2009 and the sources plate of Odysseus. Still, they were all part of a collection which he cites there. 2 All translations of Pliny are by H. Rackham. Mucianus, who of objects which made a link between Sicyon and the died sometime after AD 75, in addition to having served as con- mythological past, though there was no inventory or nar- sul and having been instrumental in Vespasian’s rise to power, rative—at least, none which survives—which specifi- seems to have been interested in antiquities. Pliny also notes cally tied the city or temple to the objects and their do- that he examined the corslet given to Lindia by Amasis (19.11–12; 12.5.9), which was famed for the number of fine nors. threads which made up the fabric. casually refers to Both Ampelius’ list and the objects themselves inside Mucianus as a collector of old documents, someone who knows the temple would have caused no surprise to Greeks or his way around antiquarians’ libraries (Dialogue on orators 37). Romans from the Hellenistic era on. They might have We may imagine that his testimony about the genuineness of debated some of the identifications or argued that the Sarpedon’s letter would be worth something, though it’s clear from Pliny’s discussion that it was not decisive, nor is Pliny same objects were claimed by another temple, but they claiming that Mucianus discovered or rediscovered the docu- would not have doubted that such votives existed. This ment. See Higbie 2003, 114–115. 10 Carolyn Higbie

linteisque voluminibus scriptitatum constet, curve Ho- The author of the letter then explains his work on Dictys’ merus in ipsa illa Bellerophonti codicillos da- text (BNJ 49 T5): tos, non epistulas, tradiderit? nobis cum in manus forte libelli venissent, avidos ve- Moreover the Mucianus who was three times consul rae historiae cupido incessit ea, uti erant, Latine dis- has stated that recently, when governor of Lycia, he serere ... itaque priorum quinque voluminum, quae had read in a certain temple a letter of Sarpedon writ- bello contracta gestaque sunt, eundem numerum ser- ten on paper at —which seems to me even more vavimus; residua de reditu Graecorum quidem in remarkable if even when was writing, unum redegimus atque ita ad te misimus. did not yet exist: otherwise why, if paper was already As the books have by chance come into our hands, in use, is it known to have been the custom to write keen to learn true history, the desire came over us to on folding tablets made of lead or sheets of linen, or tell them in , just as they are ... So we have kept why has Homer stated that even in Lycia itself the same number of books for the first five rolls, in wooden tablets, and not letters, were given to Belle- which the events of the war are related; the remaining rophon? ones, however, on the return of the Greeks, we have reduced to one book and this is how we have sent it to Pliny is suspicious about this document not because it is you. a piece of writing from a time which was generally ac- knowledged not to use writing nor because it survived so This document has undergone a number of transforma- many centuries, but because of an anachronism which he tions, from Phoenician to Attic and then into Latin, when perceives in the material on which the letter had been it was also reduced in length, before it was published. written.3 A separate preface tells much the same story, The letter itself is not quoted by Pliny, so we do not though the tin box containing the linden tablets comes know its contents, but the second ancient document to light because of an (see also T2c), which does survive, complete with not one, but two introduc- is a convincing detail in a seismically active region tions. This is the journal of Dictys, the companion to 4 like the eastern Mediterranean. Eventually the tablets, Idomeneus in the Cretan contingent at Troy (BNJ 49). not yet translated from “the Phoenician alphabet” In the introductory letter, the reader is told that the (Punicas litteras) into Greek make their way to Nero journal was written originally in “the Phoenician (BNJ 49 T4): script” (litteris Punicis), spread by and Agenor throughout Greece. The journal was discovered when haec igitur cum Nero accepisset advertissetque Puni- the tomb of Dictys at collapsed from age (BNJ cas esse litteras harum peritos ad se evocavit, qui cum 49 T5):5 venissent, interpretati sunt omnia. cumque Nero cog- nosset antiqui viri, qui apud fuerat, haec esse pastores cum eo devenissent, forte inter ceteram rui- monumenta, iussit in Graecum sermonem ista trans- nam loculum stagno affabre clausum offendere ac the- ferri, e quibus Troiani belli verior textus cunctis inno- saurum rait mox dissolvunt, non aurum nec aliud tuit. quicquam praedae, sed libros ex in lucem prodituri. at ubi frustrata est, ad Praxim dom- When, then, Nero had received them and recognized inum loci deferunt, qui commutatos litteris Atti- that they were in Phoenician script, he called in ex- cis—nam oratio Graeca fuerat—Neroni Romano Cae- perts in this script, who arrived and explained every- sari obtulit, pro quo plurimis ab eo donatus est. thing. And when Nero realized this documented a man of long ago who had been at Troy, he gave instruc- [S]hepherds who arrived there, by chance came upon tions for it to be translated into the , as a tin box, skilfully locked, amongst the other rubble. a result of which a truer account of the Trojan War be- So thinking it was treasure they presently opened it. came known to everyone. But what came to light was not or anything profitable, but books of linden bark. As their expecta- tions had been disappointed, they took them to Praxis 3 On depictions of writing in the heroic age, see Easterling the master of the place, who transcribed them into At- 1985, 1–10. 4 See also the work identified as that of the Phrygian priest tic script—because it was in Greek—and took it to Dares (Frazer 1966 is a helpful introduction). Nero, the Roman Emperor, in return for which he got 5 All of the translations from Dictys are by Ken Dowden (BNJ many gifts. 49). Greeks and the Forging of Homeric Pasts 11

The preface expands on a detail in the letter: the purpose `OpÒsa de e‡nai tîn `Hfa…stou poihta… te °dousi of translating and publishing the diary is so that “a truer kaˆ tîn ¢nqrèpwn ºkoloÚqhken ¹ f»mh, toÚtwn, account of the Trojan War”—truer than the Homeric— Óti m¾ tÕ 'Agamšmnonoj skÁptron, ¥llo ge oÙde}n would be available.6 ¢xiÒcreèn ™stin ™j p…stin. LÚkioi mšn ge ™n A third from the Trojan War past was seen by Pat£roij ™n tù naù toà 'ApÒllwnoj calkoàn Pausanias in Chaeronea: the scepter which Agamemnon ™pideiknÚousi kratÁra, ¢n£qhma e‡nai f£menoi inherited from Thyestes, made by for Thlšfou kaˆ œrgon `Hfa…stou: kaˆ sf©j, éj ge ( 2.101–108). Pausanias devotes some attention to e„kÒj, lšlhqe QeÒdwron kaˆ `Ro‹kon Sam…ouj this scepter, as it was worshipped in Chaeronea e‡nai toÝj diacšantaj calkÕn prètouj. Patre‹j 7 (9.40.11–12): de} oƒ 'Acaioˆ lÒg± me}n lšgousin Óti `Hfa…stou qeîn de} m£lista Cairwne‹j timîsi τÕ skÁptron Ö po…hm£ ™stin ¹ l£rnax ¿n EÙrÚpuloj ½negken ™x poiÁsai Di… fhsin “Omhroj “Hfaiston, par¦ de} 'Il…ou, œrg± de} oÙ paršcousin aÙt¾n qe£sasqai. DiÕj labÒnta `ErmÁn doànai Pšlopi, Pšlopa de} have sung, and the tradition of men has fol- 'Atre‹ katalipe‹n, tÕn de} 'Atrša QušstVÄ, par¦ lowed them, that Hephaestus made many works of art, Qušstou de} œcein 'Agamšmnona: toàto oân tÕ but none is authentic except only the scepter of Aga- skÁptron sšbousi, DÒru Ñnom£zontej: kaˆ e‡nai memnon. However, the Lycians in show a mšn ti qeiÒteron oÙc ¼kista dhlo‹ tÕ ™j toÝj bronze bowl in their temple of Apollo, saying that ¢nqrèpouj ™pifane}j ™x aÙtoà· fasˆ d' ™pˆ to‹j dedicated it and Hephaestus made it, appar- Óroij aÙtîn kaˆ Panopšwn tîn ™n tÍ Fwk…di ently in ignorance of the fact that the first to melt eØreqÁnai, sÝn de} aÙtù kaˆ crusÕn eÛrasqai bronze were the Samians Theodorus and Rhoecus. toÝj Fwke‹j, sf…si de} ¢smšnoij ¢ntˆ crusoà The of Patrae assert indeed that Hephaestus genšsqai tÕ skÁptron. komisqÁnai de} aÙtÕ ™j t¾n made the chest brought by from Troy, but Fwk…da ØpÕ 'Hlšktraj tÁj 'Agamšmnonoj pe…qo- they do not actually exhibit it to view. mai. naÕj de} oÙk œstin aÙtù dhmos…v pepoihmšnoj, ¢ll¦ kat¦ œtoj ›kaston Ð Pausanias dismisses as forgeries the bronze bowl in the ƒerèmenoj ™n o„k»mati œcei tÕ skÁptron: kaˆ oƒ temple of Apollo because he believes the techniques qus…ai ¢n¦ p©san ¹mšran qÚontai, kaˆ tr£peza used to make it were not available to Hephaestus and the par£keitai pantodapîn kreîn kaˆ pemm£twn chest of Eurypylus because the people of Patrae do not pl»rhj. display it; nor do these objects have any evidence to sup- Of the gods, the people of Chaeronea honor most the port their claim. Neither of these problems is associated scepter which Homer says Hephaestus made for Zeus, with the scepter of Agamemnon in Pausanias’ descrip- received from Zeus and gave to , tion. Instead, he can trace its genealogy, as given by Pelops left to Atreus, Atreus to Thyestes, and Aga- Homer, and can make suggestions about how it came to memnon had from Thyestes. This scepter, then, they , although he has no explanation about its discov- worship, calling it Spear. That there is something pe- ery. culiarly divine about this scepter is most clearly shown by the fame it brings to the Chaeroneans. They My interest in the Greek creation of their past and the say that it was discovered on the border of their own forgery of objects has been stimulated by Anthony country and of in Phocis, that with it the Grafton’s elegant book, Forgers and critics: creativity Phocians discovered gold, and that they were glad and duplicity in Western scholarship, published in 1990 themselves to get the scepter instead of the gold. I am by Princeton University Press. In brief, he argues that of the opinion that it was brought to Phocis by Aga- forgers and critics have a close relation to one another, memnon’s daughter . It has no public temple since they use the same skills in the creation and the made for it, but its priest keeps the scepter for one identification of forgeries, whether literary or artistic.8 year in a house. are offered to it every day, Just as critics use the traditions established by , and by its stands a table full of meats and cakes of all sorts. 6 Compare the remark made at the end of the prefatory letter to Dares’ account: the Athenians declared Homer “insane for de- Pausanias clearly believes this scepter is genuine, as is scribing gods battling with mortals”; Merkle 1996, 573–574. apparent from his subsequent discussion about objects 7 All translations of Pausanias are by W.H.S. Jones. attributed to Hephaestus (9.41.1–2): 8 For ancient literary forgeries, see Speyer 1971. 12 Carolyn Higbie

Zenodotus, Aristarchus, and others at and meric poems.”19 Other objects may be willingly misin- Pergamum to identify authors and texts, and to edit texts, terpreted by antiquarians, priests, or civic officials, like so forgers also know these traditions.9 For my purposes, those at Sicyon, who have a vested interest in claiming a I might emend Grafton’s pairing of the forger and the link with the past.20 If someone, perhaps a priest, at the critic to the forger and the historian or antiquarian.10 Theban Ismenion helped to read the early in- Also valuable to me has been the scholarship on for- scriptions on the tripods, he may have had such goals geries and frauds in the medieval world, especially me- (5.58–59). Literary forgeries are particularly complex, dieval England.11 Scholars in that field have done more because some may be more rightly regarded as pseude- work on forgery than have classisicts, perhaps because pigrapha and because the idea of an author who can the interaction between orality and literacy, and medie- claim sole responsibility for a text may develop slowly val ways of thinking, has been better documented.12 One and incompletely over time. The definition of a forgery example, both of medieval forgery and modern scholar- may to some extent also depend on our understanding of ship, is the abbey of Glastonbury with its claims both to motives for forgery: financial gain, amusement, power, King Arthur and Joseph of Arimathea; how and when protection of the original, or humiliation of some person the monks develop these claims reflects their relation- or institution may all lie behind creation of a false docu- ship with other religious authorities within England and ment or object. For my purposes, I define forgery as an beyond, and their relationship with secular authorities, object or document created by someone in the Hellenis- rising as high as the English king.13 One of the problems which emerge for modern schol- 9 ars is how to define forgery. For some, forgery is always See Levine 1989, 71–97. 10 Davis (1989, 125) suggests a similar pairing of the bibliogra- a fraud or fake of some kind, to be opposed to a genuine pher and forensic scientist, in that they share many skills and document or object; for others, if someone draws up a approaches to documents, though they are generally unaware of document in order to preserve knowledge previously de- each other. See also Hiatt 2004, xi–xii, who has a view of forg- veloped and preserved only in oral tradition, though not ers and critics similar to Grafton’s; also Ruthven 2001, 3, 64– 73. Hiatt (2004, 1) puts it well: “a forged document is a mani- all the facts are correct, then that document is not neces- festation of the idea of the document. ” sarily a complete forgery. Scholars interested in medie- 11 Little scholarly attention has been devoted to this topic in the val forgeries are divided into two camps: those who see Greek and Roman world. Exceptions include Hainsworth 1987, genuine documents and forgeries as two completely sep- 211–219; Boardman 2002; Higbie 2006, 23–25. I hope this pa- per will be part of a larger book entitled either Imaginary his- arate entities and those who see a continuum from the tory or Imaginative memory; for these terms, see Ruthven 2001, one to the other.14 The much-discussed 65, 68. Decree may be an example of this in the classical Greek 12 Clanchy 1993; Hiatt 2004. 13 world: Athenians developed, adapted, and transmitted See Lagorio 1971, 209–231. 14 See Clanchy 1993; Hiatt 2004. orally for some generations a memory of their response 15 See most recently Johansson 2001, 69–92. It is possible that to the Persian invasion of 480 BC, until that memory the inscription is either a version of an earlier decree, updated in was recorded on stone in the third century BC.15 its language and phrasing, or that it is a document created from Part of the problem for objects is perception: some- nothing other than Athenian oral history and filled with ana- chronistic language, or a conscious forgery. thing which may have been conceived of as a replica or 16 See Lowenthal 1985; Barker 1989, 109. copy may become reinterpreted through time and ac- 17 The trouble over the Palladion starts as early as the raid by cepted as the original.16 Although there do not survive and Odysseus to get it; see Gantz 1993, 642–646, for many stories of replicas in the Greek world, the number the stories. Pausanias rejects the claim of the Argives to have the Palladion and believes that took it to Italy (2.23.5). of claimed to be the genuine Palladion, for ex- Other cities in Greece and Italy claimed that they had the genu- 17 ample, prompted elaborate explanations for them. ine . ’s cup, described in Iliad 11, does seem to have at- 18 See Jeffery 1990. tracted efforts to create replicas: not only is there the fa- 19 See Boardman 2002, 91–92. The descriptions of the cup in mous eighth-century BC cup found in a grave at Ischia, Athenaeus are not consistent, but it is clear from Athenaeus 18 11.487f–494b that Nestor’s cup and the Homeric verses de- with an inscription identifying it as the cup of Nestor, scribing it attracted a lot of scholarly attention and argument in but there is also the long and complex description of a the ancient world. There was even a scholarly pamphlet on the replica made in , found in Athenaeus. A speaker as- subject, by Asclepiades of Myrlea (Athenaeus 11.488a). 20 serts that he has seen this replica on display in Capua Compare ’ ship, which the Athenians restored as necessary, plank by plank. According to , this became a (11.466e, 489b): with a silver body and gold letters giv- favorite topic among philosophers: was the restored ship ing the lines from Homer, it was “inspired by the Ho- Theseus’ or not (Theseus 23.1)? Greeks and the Forging of Homeric Pasts 13 tic or Roman world who wanted to provide evidence for visitors to see and there should be an explanation of how the Trojan War and its heroes, especially to link them to it happened to be found or to appear when it did: perhaps a particular site. there was a natural disaster, an earthquake or flood, To be successful at this, forgers had to possess a range which exposed it, or perhaps human agency brought it of skills, both intellectual and practical. They had to de- forth. Many tales tell of men plowing or putting in the vise a forgery which fit contemporary assumptions, foundations for a building and discovering by accident ideas, and expectations about a document or object from mysterious objects.26 As early as the fifth century BC, the past and which satisfied some interest in or curiosity the historian Acusilaus knew to cite bronze tablets dug about the past. The forgery had also to be believable in up in his father’s garden (BNJ 2) to support his Genealo- form and appearance, and in materials used to create it. gies: the material would clearly have suggested antiquity The author of Dictys’ history knew that his report of the to his fellow Greeks and the findspot presumably would Phoenician alphabet and linden tablets would signal the have occasioned no surprise.27 Several centuries later, age of the document to his readers, many of whom be- many of the stories collected by Phlegon of Tralles about lieved that Cadmus had brought this writing system to grotesque or bizarre finds include a description of how Greece. Wooden writing tablets were believed to pre- they were uncovered, showing the importance of this date papyrus and continued to be used throughout the .28 If there is written evidence which supports the 21 centuries. Forgers recognized that certain authors and claims made for such an object, its genuineness is much texts were more valuable than others to the Hellenistic strengthened, especially if verses from the poems of 22 rulers who were eager to stock their libraries. As Galen Homer could be used. says, the competition between the rulers of Pergamum Other authenticatory devices are important for written and of Alexandria to possess the greatest number of an- documents. In medieval England, legal documents could cient authors led to a boom in forgeries (Galen 15.105 = be authenticated by seal, while signatures were much In Hipp. de nat. hominis 2.57.12). The Pergamene rarer.29 Greeks used seals to claim ownership of objects, library, for example, claimed to have more speeches by to protect possessions from servants or even wives, and than the library at Alexandria, including a new Philippic and a letter from to the Athenians. Forgers knew how to “age” papyri to make the claims 21 Hamilton 1909, 18–19. 22 for their date more believable to prospective buyers: Dio Objects in temples were presumably dedicated by their own- ers, while private collections contained items generally bought. Chrysostom 21.12 explains that unscrupulous booksell- 23 See Roller, BNJ 275. As Lowenthal (1985, 152) remarks, an ers bury new books in grain so that they may have the antique may be more believable because of “wear and tear”. same color as old books; these dealers not only ruin the 24 See Zetzel 1973, 225–243. 25 books, but then claim they are antiques. Juba II of Mau- The term comes from scholarship on the medieval world. See, for example, Ruthven 2001, 146–156. Merkle (1996, 566) re- retania apparently bought some manuscripts of Pythago- fers to the prologue and letter of Dictys’ narrative as an “au- ras which had been artificially yellowed by being dyed thentication strategy”; Merkle 1994, 185. with cedar and soaked “for the sake of the retail trade ... 26 See Dowden on Dictys, BNJ 49 T4 n. 3. 27 so that they would then have a credibility because of See Grafton 1990, 9 on the bronze tablets of Acusilaus: 23 Copies written in the au- [Acusilaus] “thereby created one of the great topoi of Western their age” (BNJ 275 T11). forgery, the motif of the object found in an inaccessible place, thor’s own hand were more valuable than those copied then copied, and now lost, as the authority for what would have by a scribe, according to (adv. ind. 4; see also lacked credibility as the work of an individual.” Arethas, in his Pseudolog. 30) and Pliny claims to have seen works ac- c. AD 900 commentary on the eleventh oration of Dio Chryso- tually written by the Gracchi, , , and stom, credits Dictys with writing his version of the Trojan War 24 down on bronze tablets, rather than on linden bark (FGrHist 49 Vergil (13.83). Such documents must have been rather T2c). rare, if authors usually dictated their works to a scribe. 28 See Hansen 1996, esp. pp. 43–45. In one particularly interest- Forgers also knew to provide “authenticatory de- ing example, Phlegon reports that after an earthquake in the vices”25 for the objects and texts which they made, to ex- Bosporus, huge bones were discovered, which “the local bar- barian inhabitants” tossed into the sea (ibid., 19); Greeks would plain their discovery and convince the reader or observer not have done that, but sought information about the bones and of the forgery’s genuineness (see Pliny 13.84–86). Phys- then put them on display, or so it is implied. ical evidence, the size of bones or the material from 29 See Duggan 2007, 251–252, for clauses in documents them- which the object is made or on which it is written, is an selves about the symbolic power of seals; Ramsay 1989, 99– 108, for a discussion of the development of a professional important authenticatory device for Trojan War artifacts. scriveners’ guild as one way to try to prevent accusations of for- The object should be on display, often in a temple, for gery. 14 Carolyn Higbie to authenticate important documents like contracts or made use of the Homeric poems to support claims to wills. Theognis may be playing on this of authen- objects like ’ cap, dedicated by Menelaos.33 Such tication when he tells Cyrnus that there is a seal complete trust as Pausanias shows in the epics is per- (sfrhg…j) on his verses (19).30 Potters and painters haps unusual but reveals one of thought in the sec- sometimes signed their vases. ond century AD: if a text or claim contradicted the If a text can be presented as autobiography or as an , it was likely to be dismissed. Of course, the text edited version of a document, especially one which was of Homer itself was in dispute and Alexandrian schol- found in an obscure location in a rare or otherwise un- ars devoted much of their critical energies to establish- known language or alphabet, its claim might be strength- ing what they believed to be an accurate edition, but ul- ened.31 Only after the document has been transformed timately their efforts seem to have had little effect on into a more familiar alphabet and language does it be- cities and sanctuaries which wished to claim that they come accessible to readers, by which time the original possessed a Trojan War relic.34 may well have disappeared or been destroyed. The findspot and circumstances of discovery are use- In this striving for authenticatory devices, there devel- ful authenticatory devices. Greeks and Romans would an “erudition effect,” in which the trappings of expect ancient objects to turn up in temples, as the letter scholarship can be applied to make the claim more con- of Sarpedon was said to have, because temples like that vincing. A document which purports to be an eyewitness of Apollo at Sicyon were repositories of votive objects, account of war must be written in the style which readers from the earliest eras to the current one, from donors of such documents have come to expect and must ex- both famous and not. Some temples published cata- plain, even if only briefly, its methods and evidence.32 logues of votives, but it is not clear what the purpose(s) Dictys claims that for the earlier part of the Trojan War, of these lists were.35 It is not surprising that a noted anti- when he was not present, he used Odysseus as a source, quarian like Mucianus might spend time wandering then depended on his own observations (Eph. 1.13; see through temples in the lands where he served in an offi- also 5.17). Dares similarly claims eyewitness status cial capacity for Rome; Pausanias similarly visited ven- (Acta 12, 44). The style of both, at least in their Latin erable sites. Men of a very different social class, shep- versions, is plain and unadorned, just as readers would herds, found Dictys’ journal in a tomb which collapsed, have expected of eyewitness narratives. Some ancient either from age or from an earthquake. More than one readers were clearly adept at analyzing style, as a story writer’s tomb, when opened by some accident, revealed which Galen tells reveals: he overheard two men arguing a collection of his works, so the shepherds’ find would 36 about a book which was said to be by Galen, but one ar- not have surprised anyone. Since Greeks and Romans gued the book was a forgery, since it had not been writ- lived in a land which was prone to and ex- ten in Galen’s style. This prompted Galen to write a pected heroes to have been buried in the tumuli which pamphlet, On his own books, to help readers identify the were scattered across their landscape, again they would works which were genuine (Kühn 19.8–48). Here the not have been surprised to see some of these come open, power of the scholarly tools developed in places like revealing . Pausanias’ story about the find- Alexandria becomes evident. In particular, the almost unimpeachable status of 30 On seals to protect objects, see the survey by Bonner 1908; Homer as an authority on everything from the people, Pratt (1995) suggests that Theognis’ seal may reflect his belief places, and events of the Trojan War to religious mat- that writing will protect his poetry. See also Merkle 1999, 156. 31 ters and geographical questions pervades the Greek For a modern example of this, see Ehrman 2003, 68–70, on a forgery by Paul Coleman-Norton, professor of at world. This is especially apparent in Pausanias’ de- Princeton University: he claimed that while he was on duty with scription of Greek cities, sanctuaries, and objects: he the US military in 1943, he visited a mosque in Morocco, where cites the poems, especially the , in he was shown a book written in Arabic. Stuck inside was a order to support an interpretation of an object, an his- single page of Greek, a copy of a Greek translation of Latin homilies on chapters of Matthew, including a witty exchange torical or mythological point, or as part of an argument between Jesus and a disciple, which Colemon-Norton was able over place names and . He begins his de- to transcribe and later publish. No one else has ever seen this scription of the scepter of Agamemnon, for example, page. 32 by summarizing Homer’s description of its genealogy. See Merkle 1999, 156. 33 See Higbie 2003, 222–227. Never does Pausanias disagree with Homer. Antiquar- 34 See Higbie 2003, 243–288; 2002, 173–188; 1997, 278–307. ians like Timachidas, in compiling the catalogue of vo- 35 See Higbie 2003, 260–262, and the sources cited there. tives displayed in the Lindian Chronicle, similarly 36 See, for example, Higbie 2003, 263. Greeks and the Forging of Homeric Pasts 15 ing of the scepter of Agamemnon is the vaguest of the Although subsequent research calls into question some three; there may be some sort of hidden satisfaction on of this history, Pliny’s view is important. He believes the part of the Chaeroneans, that they recognize the su- that writing surfaces changed over time and one guide to perior worth of a Trojan War artifact to mere gold. The dating a document is the material on which it is written. Phocians, who decide to keep the gold found with the Anything on papyrus, according to his analysis, must be scepter, may well remind us of the Cretan shepherds post- the Great, while writing tablets have a who had hoped to find something of monetary value in longer history. Hence, Pliny is puzzled by a seeming Dictys’ tomb; both foolishly overlook the importance of anachronism in the letter of Sarpedon which Mucianus something far more valuable than mere money. That the saw: if Egypt did not exist, then papyrus could not have findspot of the gold and the scepter was on a border may been used for writing and, further, the evidence of suggest that the objects were in a tomb whose occupant Homer is that wooden tablets were available. might have acted as some sort of sentry or symbolic Writing materials are not so important in the tale of claim to territory. Dictys’ journal, though its form—linden tablets stored in Several fates are typical of such finds. Dictys’ journal a box covered in tin—is exactly what one might have ex- goes through several hands and travels from Crete to pected from Pliny’s remarks about the early use of Rome, where it comes to Nero, because that is part of the wooden tablets. Galen says that he has some very old story pattern of these discoveries: when giant bones or texts of Hippocrates written on linden bark (Comm. on mysterious objects appear, as Phlegon of Tralles and Hippocrates 18.2 = p. 630 Kühn).39 The novelty in Dic- others note, either the object itself or a report of the find tys’ journal is the use of “the Phoenician alphabet,”40 is taken to the Roman emperor.37 Agamemnon’s scepter which must be transcribed and translated into Greek be- is transformed because of its genealogy and antiquity fore it can be read by those interested in the subject, thus into an object of veneration after it is discovered and, illustrating one kind of authenticatory device. None of though it lacks a temple, is kept by its own priest and re- our surviving sources mentions what happened to the ceives offerings. original, once it was worked on in Rome. Nor do we Writing and writing materials play an important part know what happened to the records written in Egyptian in the discussion of Sarpedon’s letter and Dictys’ jour- on “sacred tablets” (dšltwn ƒerîn) which Manetho nal, reflecting Greek beliefs about the history of writ- claims were of his history, translated by him ing. The world of the Trojan War was, according to the 41 Homeric epics, essentially without writing; only the into Greek (FGrHist 609 T7a). story which tells to Diomedes in Iliad 6 be- The scepter of Agamemnon lacks writing, but lays trays any evidence of written communication. There, claim to a famous maker, Hephaestus himself. Many ob- Bellerophontes carries s»mata lugr£, inscribed on a jects were said to be the work of either Hephaestus or 42 tablet (gr£yaj ™n p…naki ptuktù) to (6.168– , but Pausanias and others are sceptical. Pau- 169).38 Pliny refers to this story of Bellerophontes’ sanias explains why he believes the bronze bowl in wooden tablets in his history of writing materials Patara and the chest in Patrae are not the creations of the (13.68–89). Citing Varro, he claims that the use of pa- pyrus for writing is an invention of Alexandria. Before 37 See Phlegon of Tralles, Book of marvels 6 (Claudius), 13–14 that, Pliny says, people wrote on a number of different (), 20 (Nero), an unnamed emperor (34–35). Merkle surfaces (13.69): first palm leaves, then the bark of cer- (1999, 162) notes the topos of referring to a king or emperor in tain trees [compare Pliny 19.31, 21.6, 13.74]; for offi- such tales. cial documents, sheets of lead, and for private docu- 38 A long debate about the meaning of this passage and whether ments, linen sheets or wax tablets (“ceris”). Pliny then the tablets could reflect chance finds of tablets can be found in the commentaries. See the very useful article by Jef- observes (13.69): fery 1967, 152–166. See also the scene in which the Greek he- pugillarium enim usum fuisse etiam ante Troiana tem- roes cast lots to be chosen for single combat with , since pora invenimus apud Homerum, illo vero prodente ne that has been linked with Iliad 6.168–169 in discussions about writing. terram quidem ipsam, quae nunc Aegyptus intellegitur 39 See Hamilton 1909, 18. ... 40 See also the votive of Cadmus, as recorded in the Lindian for we find in Homer that the use of writing-tablets Chronicle (III, B15–17): “a bronze . Inscribed with Phoe- nician letters, as Polyzalus reports in his investigations in the existed even before the Trojan period, but when he fourth book of his Investigations.” See Higbie 2003, 70–72. was writing even the land itself which is now thought 41 See Dillery 1999, 93–116. of as Egypt did not exist as such ... 42 See Morris 1992. 16 Carolyn Higbie god: he is suspicious of the chest because the Achaeans tÕ de} ™j tÕ mšgeqoj aÙtoà MusÕj œlegen ¢n»r. who claim to have it do not display it and therefore, we toà g¦r t£fou t¦ prÕj tÕn a„gialÕn œfasken gather, it is not subject to critical scrutiny. Pausanias is ™piklÚsai t¾n q£lassan kaˆ t¾n œsodon ™j tÕ suspicious of the bowl for a different reason: he believes mnÁma oÙ calep¾n poiÁsai, ka… me toà nekroà tÕ that he knows the history of bronzeworking and argues mšgeqoj tekma…resqai tÍde ™kšleue: pent£qlou that the bowl is made in a technique apparently not used g¦r paidÕj e‡na… oƒ kat¦ d…skon m£lista t¦ ™pˆ by Hephaestus and only invented by two Samians, Theo- to‹j gÒnasin Ñst©, kaloumšnaj de} ØpÕ tîn dorus and Rhoecus, in the sixth century BC. Although it „atrîn mÚlaj. is difficult to extract from various sources enough facts As to the hero’s size, a Mysian was my informant. He to construct a coherent and detailed history of bronze- said that the sea flooded the side of the grave facing working, it seems that in Greek and Roman thought—it the beach and made it easy to enter the tomb, and he is difficult to separate the two cultures on this point— bade me form an estimate of the size of the corpse in there were at least three ways to work bronze.43 In the the following way. The bones on his knees, called by heroic age, bronze was either hammered or perhaps solid doctors the knee-, were in the case of Ajax as big cast, as Pausanias argues can be seen in the armor of he- as the quoit of a boy in the pentathlon. roes (10.26.5) or statues which he believes are early (3.17.6). Theodorus and Rhoecus, both known first from Herodotus (3.41, 60), were credited with using hollow- Although it is never stated explicitly in the Homeric epics, casting to make statues (Paus 3.12.10) either in bronze or there had developed a belief that Homeric heroes were iron (3.12.10). Pausanias dismisses a bronze statue of larger than later Greeks, presumably because they could as a dedication of Odysseus, for example, pre- throw boulders which subsequent generations could not. cisely because of the technique used to make it (8.14.5– This belief about the past lies behind stories which Pau- 8). sanias tells about Ajax, among others, and in Phlegon of 44 Thus, not only must a Trojan War artifact be made Tralles’ chapter on the disovery of giant bones. with a certain technique, but it must be of bronze, not The Trojan War figures with whom these objects are iron, and, because Trojan War heroes were believed to associated are a mixed lot. Agamemnon, of course, be bigger than contemporary humans, larger than that would need no introduction to the Hellenistic and Ro- used by them. Pausanias illustrates the assumption about man world, as leader of the expedition from Greece to bronze in his list of Trojan War weapons found as vo- Troy. The object which the Chaeroneans venerated as tives (3.3.8): his scepter was well known from the Iliad. Sarpedon plays a much smaller role in the story as one of the Óti de} ™pˆ tîn ¹rèwn t¦ Ópla Ðmo…wj calk© Ãn Trojan allies: in the Iliad, he is named in the final entry p£nta, marture‹ moi kaˆ `Om»rou tîn ™pîn t¦ œj of the Trojan allies (2.876–877), given a longer geneal- te ¢x…nhn œconta t¾n Peis£ndrou kaˆ ™j toà ogy in Glaucus’ battlefield speech to Diomedes (6.196– MhriÒnou tÕn ÑistÒn. bebaio‹ de} kaˆ ¥llwj moi 199), kills (5.628–669) and is himself killed tÕn lÒgon ™n Fas»lidi ¢nake…menon ™n 'Aqhn©j in 16.462–507.45 A scholion to Iliad 16.673 reports that ƒerù tÕ dÒru 'Acillšwj kaˆ Nikomhdeàsin ™n Sarpedon had a heroon in Lycia and even adds that some 'Asklhpioà naù m£caira Ð Mšmnonoj: kaˆ toà say his cousin Glaucus brought him there to be buried. me}n ¼ te a„cm¾ kaˆ Ð saurwt»r, ¹ m£caira de} kaˆ Pliny’s reference to the letter in the Lycian temple does di¦ p£shj calkoà pepo…htai.

I have evidence that in the heroic age weapons were 43 Pausanias himself is not entirely consistent in his understand- universally of bronze in the verses of Homer about the ing of the development of this craft: at some points, he credits axe of and the arrow of . My state- Theodorus and Rhoecus with this new technique, but he also ment is likewise confirmed by the spear of identifies Clearchus of Rhegium, perhaps a pupil of Daedalus, as another craftsman who used this method (3.17.6). See also dedicated in the sanctuary of Athena at , and Pliny 34.6–17. Humphrey et al. (1998, 331–337) collect the an- by the sword of Memnon in the Nicomedian temple of cient evidence for bronzeworking. See also Mattusch 2008, . The point and butt-spike of the spear and 416–438. Despite Pausanias and Pliny’s confidence that there the whole of the sword are made of bronze. was an evolution in casting techniques, the available evidence does not seem to bear this out. 44 On Phlegon of Tralles and his works, see Hansen 1996, 1–22. Pausanias’ account of Odysseus being washed up on the 45 Surviving visual images of his body being carried from the tomb of Ajax shows beliefs of some Greeks about the field suggest that the scene was famous in antiquity and popular size of heroes (1.35.4–5): with painters. See LIMC, s.v. ‘Sarpedon’. Greeks and the Forging of Homeric Pasts 17 not make clear what it said or to whom it was addressed, As Ruthven remarks, “certain times and places are un- but the grandson of the man who carried “baneful signs” doubtedly more hospitable than others” to literary for- in a “folded tablet” is likely to have had such a docu- gery.49 I would certainly see the first–third centuries AD ment. Dictys is a much more mysterious figure, not in ei- of the Mediterranean as a time and place which was hos- ther Homeric epic nor in any other version of the story pitable to forgeries of documents, objects, and even cita- until the story of his journal appears. There he is identi- tions, if the concept of forgery can be broadened to in- fied as a “companion” to Idomeneus46 and part of the clude the citation of sources. The Second Sophistic, in Cretan force at Troy, but why he should be created as an particular, was open to forgery not only because of the appropriate figure to be on the expedition and to record Greek interest in the past but the way in which they events is not clear. looked to the past. As Hainsworth discusses in an essay The emphasis which Dictys places on telling the truth on Greek discoveries of artifacts, their assumptions and being an eyewitness to the events which he reports about the past, the Trojan War in this instance, shaped might add to our hesitation in accepting the genuineness their interpretation of the objects, documents, and build- 50 of the work as well, although his claim to autopsy has ings which appeared. The way that they framed ques- become part of the “historiographical stance” as early as tions about those discoveries shaped the conclusions 51 .47 This clever use of authenticatory devices which they reached. The respect accorded to Homer, is one of the hallmarks of literary figures in the Second not only as the composer of the Trojan War epics, but Sophistic and perhaps reflects one result of the genera- also as a geographer, cosmologist, and genealogist, tions of hard scholarly work on texts at Alexandria and shaped later responses to finds from the earth and objects elsewhere: their attempts to establish a single, authorita- on display in temples. tive text of Homer, the poet of the Trojan War, prompted others to play with questions of authors, genres (prose Carolyn Higbie vs. poetry, history vs. epic), and evidence (eyewitness Dept. of Classics University at Buffalo accounts, documents). Such writers may also be playing Buffalo, NY 14261, USA in response to the sometimes comic efforts of towns and [email protected] sanctuaries to claim a Trojan War past through the dis- play of an artifact.48 David Lowenthal, in his book The past is a different country, suggests that there are three reasons to falsify Works cited the past (330–331): either because what really happened Barker 1989 N. Barker, ‘The forgery of printed docu- is an embarrassment, impoverishes those involved, or is ments’, in Fakes and frauds 1989, 109– frightening; or to perpetrate a hoax or become wealthy; 123. or, finally, to stir up pride and patriotism. I suspect that Boardman 2002 J. Boardman, The archaeology of nostal- we might be able to see something of all these possibili- gia: how the Greeks re-created their ties in the Trojan War antiquities. Greeks were victori- mythical past, London 2002. ous at Troy, though it took two expeditions and over ten Bonner 1908 R.J. Bonner, ‘The use and effect of Attic years to regain Helen; some of the defeated Trojans seals’, CP 3, 1908, 399–407. made their way west and founded Rome, which in time, Bülow-Jacobsen A. Bülow-Jacobsen, ‘Writing materials turned the tables and defeated the Greeks on the battle- 2009 in the ancient world’, in The Oxford handbook of papyrology, ed. R.S. Bag- field. In cultures which depended on the past for some nall, Oxford 2009, 3–29. element of their power, evidence of Trojan War heroes Clanchy 1993 M.T. Clanchy, From memory to written could be valuable diplomatic, political, or social tools. record: England 1066–1307, Oxford This importance of the Homeric past could also become 1993. linked to literary training and aspirations: one had not 46 See BNJ 49 T4 and commentary. only to know the text of the Homeric poems, but perhaps 47 As Dowden notes in his commentary on BNJ 49 T2a; see BNJ play off them creatively, either “discovering” previously T1–2 and commentary. long-lost and unknown documents which might add to or 48 On Dictys and Dares, see the series of articles by Merkle: contradict the usual version of the story, or editing the 1994, 183–196; 1996, 563–580; 1999, 155–166. 49 Ruthven 2001, 5. poems and contributing to the scholarship on them. And 50 Hainsworth 1987. here we return to Grafton’s observation about the link 51 The same is certainly true of my own investigation into these between the scholar and the forger. stories. 18 Carolyn Higbie

Davis 1989 T. Davis, ‘Forged handwriting’, in Fakes Higbie 2003 C. Higbie, The Lindian Chronicle and and frauds 1989, 125–137. the Greek creation of their past, Oxford Dillery 1999 J. Dillery, ‘The first Egyptian narrative 2003. history: Manetho and Greek historiogra- Higbie 2006 C. Higbie, ‘ archaeol- phy’, ZPE 127, 1999, 93–116. ogy?’, in Common ground: archaeology, Dowden K. Dowden, ‘Diktys of Crete’, in Brill’s art, science, and humanities. Proceed- New Jacoby, ed. in chief I. Worthington, ings of the XVIth International Congress Leiden, Brill Online. of Classical Archaeology, Boston, Au- Duggan 2007 A.J. Duggan, ‘The power of documents: gust 23–26, 2003, eds. C.C. Mattusch, the curious case of laudabiliter’, in A.A. Donohue & A. Brauer, Oxford Aspects of power and authority in the 2006, 23–25. Middle Ages (International medieval re- Humphrey et al. J.W. Humphrey, J.P. Oleson & A.N. search, 14), eds. B. Bolton & C. Meek, 1998 Sherwood, eds., Greek and Roman tech- Turnhout 2007, 251–252. nology: a sourcebook, London 1998. Easterling 1985 P.E. Easterling, ‘Anachronism in Greek Jeffery 1967 L.H. Jeffery, ‘'Arca‹a gr£mmata: some tragedy’, JHS 105, 1985, 1–10. ancient Greek views’, in . Studien Ehrman 2003 B.D. Ehrman, Lost Christianities: the zur Geschichte und Epigraphik der battles for Scripture and the faiths we frühen Aegaeis. Festschrift für Ernst never knew, Oxford 2003. Grumach, ed. W.C. Brice, Berlin 1967, Fakes and frauds Fakes and frauds: varieties of deception 152–166. 1989 in print & manuscript, eds. R. Myers & Jeffery 1990 L.H. Jeffery, The local scripts of archaic M. Harris, Winchester 1989. Greece, rev. ed. by A.W. Johnston, Ox- Frazer 1966 The Trojan war: the Chronicles of Dictys ford 1990. of Crete and Dares the Phrygian, trans- Johansson 2001 M. Johansson, ‘The inscription from lated with an introduction and notes by Troizen: a decree of Themistocles?’, R.M. Frazer, Jr., Bloomington, IN & ZPE 137, 2001, 69–92. London 1966. Kühn C.G. Kühn, Claudii Galeni opera omnia, Gantz 1993 T. Gantz, Early Greek : a guide to 1821–1830. literary and artistic sources, Baltimore Lagorio 1971 V.M. Lagorio, ‘The evolving legend of 1993. St. Joseph of Glastonbury’, Speculum 46, Grafton 1990 A. Grafton, Forgers and critics: creativ- 1971, 209–231. ity and duplicity in Western scholarship, Levine 1989 J.M. Levine, ‘“Et Tu Brute?” History and Princeton 1990. forgery in 18th-century England’, in Hainsworth 1987 J.B. Hainsworth, ‘Classical archaeol- Fakes and frauds 1989, 71–97. ogy?’, in Studies in Mycenaean and Lowenthal 1985 D. Lowenthal, The past is a foreign Classical Greek presented to John Chad- country, Cambridge 1985. wick (= 20–22), eds. J.T. Killen, Mattusch 2008 C.C. Mattusch, ‘Metalworking and J.L. Melena & J.-P. Olivier, Salamanca tools’, in The Oxford handbook of en- 1987, 211–219. gineering and technology in the Classi- Hamilton 1909 G.L. Hamilton, ‘Review of N.E. Griffin, cal world, ed. J.P. Olesen, Oxford 2008, Dares and Dictys, an introduction to the 416–438. study of medieval versions of the story of Merkle 1994 S. Merkle, ‘Telling the true story of the Troy, Baltimore 1907’, Modern Lan- Trojan War: the eyewitness account of guage Notes 2, 1909, 16–21. Dictys of Crete’, in The search for the Hansen 1996 Phlegon of Tralles’ Book of marvels, ancient novel, ed. J. Tatum, Baltimore & translated with an introduction and com- London 1994, 183–196. mentary by W. Hansen, Exeter 1996. Merkle 1996 S. Merkle, ‘The truth and nothing but the Hiatt 2004 A. Hiatt, The making of medieval forger- truth: Dares and Dictys’, in The novel in ies: false documents in fifteenth-century the ancient world (, Suppl., England, Toronto 2004. 159), ed. G. Schmeling, Leiden 1996, Higbie 1997 C. Higbie, ‘The bones of a hero, the 563–580. ashes of a politician: Athens, Salamis, Merkle 1999 S. Merkle, ‘News from the past: Dictys and the usable past’, ClAnt 16, 1997, and Dares on the Trojan War’, in Latin 278–307. fiction: the Latin novel in context, ed. H. Higbie 2002 C. Higbie, ‘Diomedes’ genealogy and Hofmann, London 1999, 155–166. ancient criticism’, 35, 2002, Morris 1992 S. Morris, Daidalos and the origins of 173–188. Greek art, Princeton 1992. Greeks and the Forging of Homeric Pasts 19

Pratt 1995 L. Pratt, ‘The seal of Theognis, writing, Speyer 1971 W. Speyer, Die literarische Fälschung and oral poetry’, AJP 116, 1995, 171– im heidnischen und christliche Altertum: 184. ein Versuch ihrer Deutung (Handbuch Ramsay 1989 N. Ramsay, ‘Forgery and the rise of the der Altertumswissenschaft I:2), Mün- London Scriveners’ Company’, in Fakes chen 1971. and frauds 1989, 99–108. Zetzel 1973 J.E.G. Zetzel, ‘Emendavi ad Tironem: Roller D.W. Roller, ‘Juba II of Mauretania’, in some notes on scholarship in the second Brill’s New Jacoby, ed. in chief, I. Wor- century A.D.’, HSCP 77, 1973, 225–243. thington, Leiden, Brill Online. Ruthven 2001 K.K. Ruthven, Faking literature, Cam- 2001. 20 Carolyn Higbie LYKURGOS’ SPEECH AGAINST LEOKRATES CREATING CIVIC IDENTITY AND EDUCATING ATHENIAN CITIZENS

BY JOHANNES ENGELS

Abstract and Greek politics between 338 and 324 B.C., the com- In 330 B.C. Lykurgos, the leading Athenian statesman, priest, monly accepted year of his death. Modern scholarship and skilled orator prosecuted a fellow-citizen named Leokrates on rightly still speaks of Periklean and for treason. The speech for the prosecution is preserved com- of Lykurgan Athens.3 His denomination as a ‘minor’ pletely. If one compares this speech with other contemporary Athenian court speeches, Lykurgos’ speech Against Leokrates orator and the unsatisfactory situation of research in uses to an extraordinary degree elaborated excursuses on Lykurgos’ speeches must be partly credited to the very Athens’ mythical past and the glorious history of the city during fragmentary state of preservation of his speeches. While the fifth century B.C. in order to revive the citizens’ pride of ancient critics and Byzantine scholars (Ps.-Plut., Life of their , to strengthen their civic identity, to instruct them on civic obligations and to secure Leokrates’ conviction. In this Lykurgos Mor. Lyk. 843c, Phot. Bibl. cod. 268, Suda, court speech Lykurgos also quotes extraordinarily long pas- s.v. Lykurgos) counted at least 14 or 15 genuine sages from famous Greek poets (, Tyrtaios, and speeches (and also knew of some letters), today only one Homer) to appeal to the judges’ emotions. Lykurgos (mis-)used several of his speeches before Athenian courts in eisangelia- dicastic speech, Against Leokrates, has been preserved trials as a means of strengthening Athenian political identity completely, and hence in this paper I shall focus on this and patriotism and of educating his fellow-citizens after the speech. Perhaps, however, some of the characteristic military defeat against King Philip II of Macedon in the battle features of this preserved speech point to general peculi- of Chaironeia in 338 B.C. arities of Lykurgos’ oratory. If so, they were not helpful Classical scholarship today labels Lykurgos often as one in preserving a considerable number of his complete of the ‘Minor Attic Orators’1 which is a misleading term speeches as models of style and objects of study. Many in many respects. For contemporary 4th c. B.C. orators teachers might have preferred recommending Lysias, as well as later ancient authorities on oratory and style Demosthenes or Aischines to their pupils. simply agreed upon including Lykurgos among the In earlier scholarship a negative scholarly opinion canonical ten Attic orators as supreme models of rhetori- about the allegedly ‘degenerate’ last period of classical cal style. We learn from testimonies down to the Byzan- Athens, from the defeat which Athens and her allies suf- tine age that Lykurgos, Hypereides, or Deinar- fered at Chaironeia in 338 B.C. against king Philip of chos excelled in all major ancient genres of speeches, that is in symbuleutic, epideictic and judicial oratory. 1 See, for instance, Burtt’s widely used Loeb edition of 1954 en- Lykurgos’ contemporary Hypereides praised Lykurgos titled Minor Attic orators, and similarly among more recent col- as “an orator who was inferior to no other speaker in the lections Marzi et al. 1977 in Italy and García Ruiz 2000 in Spain, or a collection of scholarly articles entitled Kleinere at- city”. Admittedly, however, some of these authorities tische Redner, edited by Anastassiou & Irmer 1977. also pointed out certain weaknesses of Lykurgos’ per- 2 See Hyp. 3.12 In defense of Euxenippos; for some other an- sonal style of oratory, for instance his extreme pathos, a cient opinions on Lykurgos, see Kaikilios of Kaleakte in predilection for auxesis and deinosis, sometimes annoy- Pseudo-Plutarch’s Life of Lykurgos par. 10 Conomis, Dionysios ing repetitiveness, the extensive use of poetic quotations, of Halikarnassos in Peri mimeseos 2.212, Dion Chrysostomos or. 18.11, Hermogenes Peri ideon 416 Rabe, Tryphon Peri ho- or deliberate offenses against the rules of rhetorical man- moioseos 3.201.6 Spengel, with an analysis of these passages uals and the typical arrangement of the partes orationis.2 by Blass 1898, vol. III:2, 116–135, and for a recent interpreta- A brief look at the number of publications on individ- tion of these judgements, Engels 2008, 179–182. 3 ual Attic orators in the last two decades clearly shows For an introduction into scholarship on Lykurgan Athens, see Mitchel 1973, 163–214; Will 1983; Humphreys 1985; Mossé that Lykurgos and his speeches have been studied only 1989; Engels 1992a and 1992b; Faraguna 1992; Engels 1993; comparatively rarely, if one takes into consideration the Hintzen-Bohlen 1997; Wirth 1997 and 1999, and Brun 2003 great influence which this man exercised on Athenian and 2005. 22 Johannes Engels

Macedon to the end of the Lamian or Hellenic War in Athens). Given these uncertainties I prefer to take Ais- 322 B.C., also may have influenced some people’s views chines’ remark in his speech Against Ctesiphon (In Ctes. about Lykurgos’ qualities as an orator, and this prejudice 252) quite literally and suggest that the trial against may have hindered more detailed studies of Against Leokrates was decided a short time before the famous Leokrates. However, recent scholarship of Lykurgan dispute between Aischines and Demosthenes in 330. Athens has clearly led to a positive re-evaluation of this There is a striking difference between the social rank, period. Today these years are considered as a late period political influence and prominence of the main persons of flourishing of Athenian culture and religion, the city’s involved in the trial against Leokrates. Hence, the obvi- economy and public finances and of an ambitious public ous question arises why at all Lykurgos, then the leading building programme of highest importance to the history rhetor, chose to accuse a ‘nobody’ such as Leokrates? of ancient architecture, even of an astonishing revival of Immediately after the defeat of Chaironeia in late 338 Athens’ military strength.4 The speech Against Leo- Lykurgos already had brought forward indictments krates is along with the two court speeches of Demos- against prominent fellow-citizens of a much higher so- thenes and Aischines in the trial On the Crown (dating cial position, especially against Autolykos, a former ar- from the same year) our longest preserved court speech chon and at that date member of the Areopagos council, of this period. Consequently it has been praised as typi- and against one of the city’s leading military men, the cal testimony of the true ‘spirit’ of Lykurgan Athens. general Lysikles. There are also several testimonies From that text we get an unfiltered idea of Lykurgos’ vi- about Lykurgos’ involvement in other accusations sion of the ideal Athenian citizen and of Athens’ policy against prominent orators in the 330s, for instance which should be worthy of her glorious past. against Demades. So Lykurgos had not hesitated to ac- The speech also testifies to the coexistence of differ- cuse prominent people. But this time Lykurgos deliber- ent and even conflicting civic identities among Athe- ately chose to accuse an ‘ordinary’ citizen. Apparently nians about 330 B.C. In 4th c. B.C. Athens identities Lykurgos wanted to state an example of how a leading were constantly shifting and changing according to cir- individual in Athens could make a substantial effort of cumstances, and they were socially negotiated among in- shaping his fellow-citizen’s identity and of redefining dividuals and social groups, as they are still today in our the prevailing concepts of individual liberty and civic social groups and modern societies. In Lykurgan Athens obligations. A close analysis of this speech Against civic identity was also still strongly formed by compar- Leokrates (and other mainly rhetorical sources of the pe- ing the Athenians with other Greeks (e.g. the Spartans) riod c. 355–322 B.C.) shows the narrowing limits of per- 5 and with the Macedonians. sonal freedom especially for ‘quiet’ or ‘absentee’ Athen- Although at some passages I prefer a different reading ians and the increasingly high civic obligations in late from Conomis’ edition of Against Leokrates (1970) in the , this still remains the lead- 4 6 See the general literature in note 3, and add on the building ing scholarly edition of this speech. It also includes programme in 4th-century Athens Knell 2000; on Athenian fi- many important fragments from other speeches of nances, see also Burke 1985, 251–264 and Brun 1983; on the Lykurgos which surely deserve further studies (esp. Athenian navy in the Lykurgan era, cf. also Clark 1997, 157– those taken from Against Autolykos, Against Lysikles, 166. 5 For the general debate about ancient ethnicity and, more pre- Delian Speech, On his own Administration of Public Fi- cisely, on the crucial question of what it meant in c. 330 B.C. to nances). However, it is not necessary for the sake of my be an Athenian, especially in contrast to being a Macedonian, argument in this contribution to go into philological de- see Badian 1982, 33–51, Borza 1996, 122–139 and recently tails of the constitution of the Greek text.7 Asirvatham 2009, 235–255; cf. also the summary to this confer- ence volume for definitions of ‘identity’, 321–325. Some uncertainty remains about the precise date of 6 See Conomis’ edition of 1970 and his detailed earlier study on this trial (late 331 or 330 B.C.). For the speech itself the fragments 1961, 72–152. does not indicate an Athenian archon year. Surely 7 I have presented the text of this speech which I prefer in a re- Leokrates had been away from Athens for years after cent edition with a German translation and short commentaries (Engels 2008). There, readers may find a more detailed discus- 338. He had been living at for a short time and sion and more references than in this short contribution. Burtt’s then for several years at . But Lykurgos’ speech English translation in the Loeb series (1954) has now been su- is not very helpful in establishing the exact date of perseded by Harris’ annotated new translation (2001). Among Leokrates’ return to Athens which is a terminus post earlier scholarly editions of the speech, see especially Durrbach 1956 and Malcovati 1966; however, for instance, Rehdantz quem for Lykurgos’ indictment (see par. 21, 45, 58 and 1876 and Thalheim 1880 are still worth consulting as good ex- 145 indicating different years of Leokrates’ return to amples of 19th-century German scholarship. Lykurgos’ Speech Against Leokrates 23 classical . Especially this speech case against Leokrates, however, the speech for the pros- has become a key source in the current debate among an- ecution is preserved completely, whereas the arguments cient historians about civic obligation and individual lib- of Leokrates’ defence speech can only be surmised from erty in classical Athens in the eras of Eubulos and a long anticipated refutation in the prosecutor’s speech Lykurgos.8 (par. 55–74). Fortunately, we know of Aischines’ crucial Thus Lykurgos,9 the leading Athenian statesman, a remark (In Ctes. 252) on the date and the decision of the proud aristocrat coming from the venerable genos of the jury and also of Hypereides’ notes on eisangelia (Hyp. Eteobutadai who probably was the most influential 3.28–29 In Defense of Euxenippos), but still basic judi- Athenian aristocrat in late fourth century B.C., the chief cial facts of this case cannot be established with cer- financial magistrate of Athens (ho epi te dioikesei, a re- tainty. This unpleasant situation is typical for most Athe- cently created, very powerful office),10 the life-long nian trials in the classical period, too, and the usual priest of ’ sanctuary on the Akropolis, and a strong bias of the preserved court speeches and their skilled orator prosecuted in 330 an ordinary fellow-citi- highly rhetorical style recommend a cautious interpreta- zen named Leokrates for treason. tion. The case was decided by a large court of judges. Usu- While there is a mass of prosopographical information ally in eisangelia cases there were 1501 judges who on Lykurgos, son of Lykophron of the demos Butadai, were determined by lot from the existing pool of 6000 the defendant Leokrates remains a shadowy person. judges per annum, except for those cases which were There is not even reliable evidence of his father’s name judged by the people’s assembly as a court (but that hap- (perhaps Leochares?) and his demos.13 He was a crafts- pened almost never in the 4th century, but only earlier in man of a moderate fortune who owned a house in Athens the 5th c. B.C.).11 Therefore in this speech Lykurgos ad- and a few slaves. Later on Leokrates became a grain dresses a representatively great number of fellow-citi- dealer in Megara and he engaged in trading perhaps also zens. By Athenian standards he spoke directly to the as- with other goods at Rhodes, Megara and finally again at sembled people of Athens, although this is a court Athens. As far as we know (otherwise Lykurgos prob- speech. Only the application of the general rule of law ably would have indicated it) Leokrates never became a that an equal number of jury votes was counted in favour member of Athens’ political elite of rhetores kai strate- of the defendant saved Leokrates from being sentenced to death for treason at that day (Aischin. In Ctes. 252). 8 See the controversial opinions held by Liddel (2007) and Given the weak legal position of the accusation—a point Christ (2008a in a review of Liddel’s monograph), and cf. in a to which I shall come back— the great number of jurors broader perspective on the ‘bad citizen’ in Athens already (750) who were convinced by Lykurgos’ fanatic speech Christ 2006, and again with special reference to ’ comedies, Christ 2008b, 169–184; Herman (2006), however, clearly gives evidence of his rhetorical skills, his suc- holds a quite different, more positive opinion on Athenian so- cessful instrumentalisation of Athens’ glorious history cial history, morality and behaviour (on which see again a criti- for his purposes and his high personal authority in 330 cal review by Christ (2007) and Herman’s (2007) long re- B.C. Despite several scholarly articles which have dealt sponse); see also, with special reference to the speech Against Leokrates, Allen 2000, 5–33, and on Leokrates as one of the with the intricate problem resulting from an equal num- ‘absentee Athenians’, Whitehead 2006, 132–151. ber of votes and the unequal number of voting jurymen 9 For a survey of prosopographical information on Lykurgos, and which have discussed the process of voting, to me see Davies 1971, 348–353, no. 9251; Traill 2002, no. 611355; the most probable solution seems to be still that one or and briefly Weißenberger 1999, 581–582 and Engels 2008, 13– 28. several judges actually did not vote. For ‘invalid’ votes 10 12 For Lykurgos’ position of a dioiketes, see Engels 2002a; can be excluded here. Lewis 1997, 212–229; Schuler 2005, 385–403 (with useful par- Our sources concerning this case are significantly allels from other cities); Tully 2006, 504–508 and briefly again biased, as it is usual in the documentation of most Engels 2008, 21–23. 11 Athenian legal disputes. There are only few famous ex- On eisangelia as a procedure the basic study is still Hansen 1975 with a useful catalogue of documented cases; for this in- ceptions, namely Lysias or. 6 Prosecution against An- dictment as an element of Athenian law, see also Hansen 1995; dokides for in c. 400–399 B.C. and Andokides’ Todd 1993, and on sites, buildings, equipment, procedures etc. defense or. 1, and, of course, as the most famous two ex- of the lawcourts, Boegehold 1995. Phillips (2006, 375–394) amples the speeches in the trials about the Athenian discusses judicial alternatives to Lykurgos’ accusations against Lykophron and also against Leokrates by eisangelia. ‘false embassy’ (Aischin. or. 2 and Dem. or. 19) in 343 12 On the voting and the procedure of voting, see Wor- and on Demosthenes’ crown (Aischin. or. 3 Against Cte- thington 2001; Sullivan 2002 and Bianchi 2002. siphon and Dem. or. 18 On the Crown) in 330. In the 13 See par. 136–137 with commentary in Engels 2008, 172–173. 24 Johannes Engels goi nor did he have any family connections to influential that Leokrates allegedly had left the city in August 338 Athenians. Perhaps he did not marry (or his wife had to flee to Rhodes, although and after strict decrees had died). At least in 338 B.C. immediately after Chaironeia been passed by the assembly about a military state of he was living with a hetaira who accompanied him on emergency which inter alia called every Athenian to his hasty to Rhodes. From this personal back- arms and forbade any citizen to leave Athens, and that ground we may surely expect that he himself in his de- Leokrates knew of these decrees (see the dihegesis, par. fence speech and other supporting friends and synegoroi 16–27, and again 36–37).15 Since Lykurgos cannot dem- (see par. 138–140) tried to present him as a harmless onstrate beyond any doubt that these central points of his citizen (idiotes) and the innocent victim of a highly in- accusation are true, he needs to use so much circumstan- fluential and experienced orator and quasi-professional tial evidence and every means of diabole or slander accuser. against his opponent Leokrates. Strictly speaking all of Lykurgos prosecuted Leokrates with a formal public the elaborated legendary anecdotes and historical ex- indictment called eisangelia for high treason (prodosia) amples as well as the astonishingly long passages of in combination with several other serious crimes, such as poetry which Lykurgos includes in his court speech are plotting against democracy (demou katalysis), impiety not relevant to his legal argument, and a brief look at the (asebeia), neglect of his military obligations as a citizen major parts of this speech and their relative importance (lipostrateia) or cowardness (deilia),14 neglect of the will clearly show its overall character as a fanatic ser- oath of young citizens ( ephebon), offences mon on Athenian patriotism and as a statement of Lykur- against his parents (goneon kakosis), and against Athe- gos’ views of an ideal citizen: nian laws concerning the grain trade. Lykurgos dramati- cally sums up Leokrates’ crimes in par. 147–148. The Par. 1–15 Introduction (prooimion) with a remarkably usual sentence in eisangelia-cases about 330 B.C. was long and pathetic to the gods to make Lykurgos a death. We know that Lykurgos deliberately chose this worthy prosecutor. Leokrates has committed an unprece- extremely serious legal procedure of accusation several dented crime of such an unbelievable scale that there is times between 338 and 324; against Autolykos in 338, no earlier case which has been judged by Athenian Lysikles in 338, Lykophron c. 333, Euxenippos c. 329/ courts nor a single special law against such a crime; 28 and in this present case Leokrates in 330 B.C., Lykurgos pathetically dwells on the duties of the accuser whereas we learn from Hypereides (Hyp. 3.28–29) that and his importance to the Athenian democracy. He is this indictment was introduced by the Athenians to ready—almost eager—to take the burden of this neces- punish only the most severe crimes of high treason and sary, but unpopular task. One may compare a different of subverting the Athenian democracy and that—at least attitude towards the role of a volunteer prosecutor held in the late classical period of Lykurgan Athens—it by Perikles or Demosthenes after they had become the should be primarily directed against the elite of rhetores leading orators and politicians of their age. For they pre- kai strategoi, but not against ordinary idiotai. In a broader perspective of Athenian judicial and constitu- 14 Moreno (2007, 280 and note 341) recently mentioned Dem. tional history eisangelia became a dangerous substitute 21.166–167 as evidence to prove his opinion that Athenian tax- for an earlier procedure of protecting democracy and de- farmers were generally exempt from liturgies and military ser- ciding between leading politicians and their policies, vice. If so, then Leokrates’ engagement as one of the lessees of namely for . For after 417 the Athenians do not the Athenian Pentekoste—or 2 % harbour-tax (see par. 19)— may have made him exempt from military service, too, and the appear to have held an ostracism anymore and there are judicial basis of Lykurgos’ accusation would become extremely no reliable testimonies that ostracism was revived at weak. But we are not sure about the precise date of Leokrates’ some date in Lykurgan Athens. In my view Lykurgos engagement in this business and about the extraordinary mili- simply misused this eisangelia procedure in several tary obligations under the emergency decree which was passed cases to secure the highest degree of publicity of his ac- immediately after the defeat of Chaironeia, see Engels 2008, 128 on par. 19 and 135–136 on par. 37. cusations and the biggest possible number of fellow-citi- 15 In 338 an emergency decree (psephisma) was passed on a zens as his audience in court and because he considered motion of Hypereides (see Ps.-Plut. Mor. 848f–489a, Hyp. Fr. it as the duty of a patriotic orator to ‘educate’ his fellow- 27–39 Jensen), which inter alia called every Athenian citizen to citizens not only by delivering speeches in the assembly arms and ordered them to help in defending the city in any way and before the council, but also with the help of elabo- and on any position which the generals would judge necessary. For the sources on this decree and more details, see Will 1983, rated court speeches. 8–11; Engels 1993, 99–114, and again recently Engels 2008, The central point of this accusation in 330 B.C. was 125–126 and 135–136. Lykurgos’ Speech Against Leokrates 25 ferred to act as speakers for the defence and deliberately ence for oaths and remarks about the oath taken before refrained from actively seeking the public role of a vol- Plataiai 479 B.C. The literary version of the oath in this unteer prosecutor.16 speech is somewhat different from the epigraphic ver- Par. 16–27 The diegesis or story of the alleged crime sion, which some modern scholars hold to be a deliber- is very short—at least in comparison to the great length ate fake made for political purposes only some years be- of the whole speech. These are the legal core chapters of fore the trial of Leokrates. The oath of the young adult the accusation, according to which Leokrates’ flight was citizens (epheboi) was a key element of Lykurgos’ re- an act of high treason. From a modern perspective truly form of the military training for young citizens (ephe- decisive proof is missing here. beia) and a solemn text which was surely close to his 19 Par. 28–35 Leokrates refused to submit his slaves as heart. witnesses under torture and thus simply confesses himself Par. 83–101 tell us about the patriotism and of guilty in Lykurgos’ view.17 This is a very cruel passage king Kodros (par. 83–89), a sentimental story of filial from a modern observer’s point of view. And again, it is piety in (the ‘Place of the Pious’, par. 94–97), and not relevant to the judicial core of the case. However, it the sacrifice of Erechtheus’ daughter with an extremely gives testimony of Lykurgos’ brutal rigour and his readi- long quotation from Euripides’ tragedy Erechtheus (with ness to let other unknown people seriously suffer for the a speech of the queen Praxithea, par. 98–101, see below). sake of his rhetorical strategy and his civic ideal. Par. 102–109 bring a quotation from Homer’s Iliad Par. 36–54 Leokrates’ flight took place during the (taken from Hector’s speech in par. 103), full praise of grave crisis after the defeat at Chaironeia: here Lykurgos the heroes of Marathon, and a long quotation from Tyr- must be very careful in treating this traumatic experi- taios (par. 107) and their alleged influence on the heroes ence. It was still a sensitive issue, and he has to show re- of Thermopylai. spect for the feelings of the jurymen. Many of them had Par. 110–127 give several historical examples of served on that campaign and were eye-witnesses of the Athenian severity against Phrynichos, Hipparchos, and events. Lykurgos praises with utmost pathos the fallen in connection with the decree of Demophantos. Athenian soldiers and also the surviving beaten fellow- Par. 128–130 remind the jury of historical examples citizens as the ‘real’ or ‘moral’ winners of this fight. of Spartan severity (Pausanias, the law concerning cow- Lykurgos explains the undisputable hard fact of the de- ards). It is a remarkable feature how openly and strongly feat itself not very convincingly as a bad stroke of luck Lykurgos in this speech praises the Spartan discipline and some of their laws and customs. Partly this may be (, daimonion), in combination with treason and explained by personal philolaconism which, for instance, grave mistakes made in battle by the commanders of was also shared by the Athenian general Phokion who Athens’ main ally .18 was otherwise—as Lykurgos—a loyal democrat. Per- Par. 55–74 offer a lengthy refutation of arguments which Leokrates may use in his defence (a so-called elenchos); for instance, Leokrates’ presumed claims that 16 Volunteer prosecutors in Athens always faced the danger that his journey to Rhodes in 338 was motivated by purely speakers for the defence accused them of being merely selfish ‘sycophants’, see Osborne 1990, 83–102 and Rubinstein 2003, commercial reasons, but not a flight from Athens, or, 87–113; on Lykurgos’—probably sincere—ethical motives to since he was a simple citizen (idiotes), that the law on take up this role, see also Salomone 1976, 41–52. eisangelia would not apply to him, that it would be im- 17 On this cruel element of Athenian law, see Thür 1977. There possible for any single ordinary citizen to commit crimes is a dispute about the number of cases in which torture of slaves was actually applied and on the significance of a formal prokli- of such a scale which Lykurgos had stated, and finally sis, see Mirhady 1996, 119–131 with a reply by Thür 1996, that historical examples could demonstrate that leaving 132–134, and again Mirhady 2000, 53–74. Athens in wartime was not in any case tantamount to 18 Other orators in the 330s tried different rhetorical strategies to high treason. speak about this traumatic defeat and to explain it to their Par. 75–130 Lykurgos’ great appeal to the past which Athenian audiences. It would be worthwhile to compare in de- tail the relevant cautious passages in Demosthenes speech On amounts to almost half of the speech is the most typical the Crown of 330 B.C. and Hypereides’ earlier speech Against ‘Lykurgan’ part of this speech. His own identity as a Diondas, parts of which have been recently published from the citizen was strongly shaped by this feeling of an un- ‘ Palimpsest’; on Demosthenes’ strategy, see Wan- broken continuity of Athens’ proud history from the kel 1976, and on the new Hypereides-fragments from Against mythical kings (Kodros and Theseus) to his own age of Diondas, cf. Carey et al. 2008, 1–19. 19 On the ‘oath of Plataiai’, see van Wees 2006, 125–164, and the 330s B.C. on the general importance of the oath in Athens, see also briefly Par. 75–82 begin with the traditional Athenian rever- Engels 2008, 153–156 in the commentary on this passage. 26 Johannes Engels haps, however, it is also a sensitive reaction to the dis- deliberately breaks several rules of rhetorical composi- cussion in Athens about the fact that Athens did not take tion of a court speech by this impressive series of long part in the Spartan resurrection against Macedon under historical excursuses and by too many examples extra King Agis III immediately before the trial. One should causam. The long patriotic speech of king Erechtheus’ note here, how cautiously Lykurgos praises Spartan eu- wife Praxithea, the mother of the daughter who will be in general and some earlier events of Spartan his- sacrificed for the country’s sake (55 lines, par. 100), is tory, while he avoids any hint to the disastrous defeat at without any parallel in a court speech of the classical pe- Megalopolis and in general to the decline of contempo- riod.20 If it was Lykurgos’ rhetorical aim with this ex- rary . It is also a remarkable feature of this speech periment to evoke extreme pathos and the strongest feel- that it mentions only in general terms in the context of ings of patriotism, and to bring the jurymen in a mood, Chaironeia the basic fact of Macedonian hegemony over as if they were listening to a dramatic performance in the Greece (and Athens), whereas other orators of this pe- theatre of Dionysos, he only partly succeeded, as we riod, such as Hypereides, were far more outspoken in learn from the outcome of the trial. Other orators used their criticism of Macedonian hegemony, or verses in their court speeches only very restrictively. . Demosthenes or Aischines, for instance, usually quote Par. 131–145 further accusations and extreme diabole not more than two or three lines, although Aischines had against Leokrates are added. Lykurgos’ accusation been an performing tragedies in his early years. against Leokrates easily surpasses even the usual bad Lykurgos, however, also includes long passages from level of character denigration and slander in Athenian Homer’s Iliad (par. 102–109, esp. 103) and even of the court speeches. One of the ancient critics rightly re- Spartan poet Tyrtaios (par. 107 = Fr. 10 West), although marked that his speeches were not written with usual Lykurgos holds the minority view that Tyrtaios was a ink, but that his pen was dipped in blood and brought born Athenian. Listening to a quotation from Homer, death (Ps.-Plut. Life of Lykurgos, par. 10 Conomis). Euripides or Sophokles certainly was more familiar to Apart from many passages in this speech the extraordi- Athenian jurors than to an elegy of Tyrtaios. In fact, narily aggressive style of Lykurgos’ accusations is Lykurgos is the only classical Attic orator who quotes clearly illustrated, for instance, by fragments taken from from Tyrtaios’ poems at all. his accusations Against Lysikles (see esp. Fr. 1 Cono- Let me just note also briefly that this speech offers a 21 mis), and it is indirectly also confirmed in Hypereides’ rare example of a negative reaction of the audience to a speeches in defence of Euxenippos and of Lykophron. passage of the speech (par. 12–13 full praise of the Perhaps, again, the sharpness of Lykurgos’ accusations Areopagos council) while it was delivered, which has may also react upon a public climate of uncertainty not been suppressed by later on in preparing about Athens’ future perspectives in Alexander’s emer- his speech for the publication. ging universal empire after the king’s crushing victories Moreover, Lykurgos also plays effectively with the at Issos and Gaugamela. borders and technical rules of different rhetorical genres. Par. 146–150 The speech ends with a short and pa- He includes in his court speech an epitaphios logos ‘in thetic epilogos. Note the Athenian warships, the walls nuce’, a short funeral speech on the Athenians who fell and other public buildings which literally address the in the campaign of Chaironeia (46–50) in order to create jury to condemn Leokrates, and which constitute an es- more deinosis and pathos. Research on funeral orations sential part of Athenian civic identity. has amply demonstrated that especially this genre of speech was extremely important in strengthening and One can easily see that Lykurgos’ appeal to the past with his several elaborated stories and the three long poetic 20 On ancient thoughts about including verses in speeches, see, quotations from Euripides, Homer and Tyrtaios amount for instance, Volkmann 1885, 238 and on Lykurgos’ extensive quotations from poets, 1980–1981, 17–41; Allen 2000, to almost half of this speech (par. 75–130). Now exactly 5–33, and Engels 2008, 159–160. these tiresome long, repetitive and partly bombastic pas- 21 On this passage, see Engels 2008, 122–123, and cf. also par. sages (at least to most modern readers’ opinion) give this 98, where we may conclude from Lykurgos’ words that a part speech its peculiar ‘Lykurgan spirit’ of a patriotic ser- of the audience was apparently becoming tired of his elaborated mon or even of a lecture to his fellow-citizens on civic historical examples and patriotic stories about early Athens; on reactions of the Athenian audience to court speeches, see Bers duties and Lykurgos’ concept of Athenian identity. From 1985, 1–15, and to speeches in the assembly, Tacon 2001, 173– a strictly technical point of view, however, the major 192. On reactions of the audience to speeches in ancient his- parts of this speech are not well balanced. Lykurgos toriography, see recently Leidl 2010, 235–258. Lykurgos’ Speech Against Leokrates 27 modelling Athenian civic identity.22 Hence it seems to be this stylistic observation also points to a contemporary a clever, innovative idea to incorporate elements of fu- discussion in the city and a high degree of uncertainty nerary oratory in a court speech. While in other periods about Athens’ new political role in the Aegean world in of Athens’ autonomous military history funeral orations the late 330s B.C. The Athenian defeat at Chaironeia, the must have been an almost annual spectacle and had be- stable Macedonian hegemony in Greece and recently come a major means to create and to strengthen civic Alexander’s world-shattering victories in Asia at Issos identity and patriotism, from 338/7 to 323 in Lykurgan and at Gaugamela undermined the Athenians’ sense of Athens and under the conditions of the general peace of security and threatened their traditional proud civic iden- the Korinthian League in Greece there was almost no op- tity. In this delicate psychological situation Lykurgos’ portunity for a Athenian politician to make full use of speech Against Leokrates uses elaborated excursuses on this peculiar Athenian genre. Hence Lykurgos may have Athens’ mythical past to an extraordinary degree and es- been encouraged to make an experiment by integrating pecially the stories on the two kings Kodros and Erech- elements of a funeral oration in his court speech. Other theus, because they had become icons of patriotism. This passages (e.g. on Athens’ role in the Persian Wars and speech marks a new level of using (and abusing) Athen- her hegemony in the , par. 71–74) closely ian history from the earliest mythological period down at resemble panegyric speeches such as Isokrates’ Pana- least to the end of 5th century in a court speech in order thenaikos (338 B.C.). Overall, however, and despite to revive the citizens’ pride of their polis and to secure technical weaknesses in the composition, the speech Leokrates’ conviction. Against Leokrates is undoubtedly forceful and Lykur- Apart from Athens’ glorious history, traditional polis gos’ style conveys deep sincerity. For it reflects clearly religion and cult practise, solemn , the Athenian the personal convictions of the leading politician of reverence for oaths, diligent piety towards all gods, he- Lykurgan Athens. roes, the ancestors and fellow-citizens, public sacrifices In his speech Lykurgos several times openly admits and cults play a key role in this court speech and help strongly in shaping Athenian identity in Lykurgos’ view. and proudly announces his intention (or better his duty, In Lykurgos’ opinion as a priest of Erechtheus and as he himself conceives it) to instruct (didaskein) his fel- Athenian aristocrat, Leokrates’ shameful flight was as low-citizens on public and civic ethics. As a skilled ora- well an act of treason as a severe case of impiety (ase- tor Lykurgos must have been aware of the high risk beia) which threatened Athenian civic religion as a core which he ran by attempting to educate the jurors in his element of civic identity. In general asebeia cases in 4th- speech and to establish extremely high demands on the century Athens often have political subtexts and wider civic obligations of ordinary Athenian citizens. Surely implications, but probably in this speech the double ac- some jurors may have been offended by this arrogant cusations of prodosia and asebeia are combined most in- rhetorical and psychological strategy.23 It would be timately.26 worthwhile comparing in detail Lykurgos’ strategy in this speech with Demosthenes’ more cautious and subtle approach in the famous speech On the Crown. In my 22 On Athenian funeral orations as an ‘invention of Athens’ and view, it has been rightly suggested that both speeches on the splendid ceremony of epitaphia in general, see Loraux 2006. Demosthenes’ speech on the fallen soldiers of 338 B.C. show some signs of a political or ideological collabora- and Hypereides’ Epitaphios in the Lamian War in early 322 are tion between the two leading orators Lykurgos and two almost contemporary preserved examples of the genre; on Demosthenes24 with the aim to strengthen Athenian civic Dem. or. 60, see Worthington 2006, and on Hyp. 6 (Jensen), cf. identity by reminding their fellow-citizens of their glori- Coppola 1996 and most recently Petruzziello 2009 and Herr- man 2009 (with a new English translation). ous past, while the city was living actually in the long 23 On didaskein as a key word in this speech, see par. 3–6, 79, shadow of Macedonian hegemony and Alexander’s cam- 111 and esp. 124 with commentaries in Engels 2008. Lykurgos paign in Asia. Both orators claim that Athenian policy saw himself as an ‘instructor of the demos’ in the proud tradi- has to conform to preserving the axioma of the polis, that tion of leading demagogues such as Perikles; on Periklean rhet- oric and civic instruction already, see Yunis 1991, 179–200. is her honour and reputation (see Dem. De cor. 65–66, 24 See the hints on such ‘collaboration’ in Burke 1977, 330–340. 199 and 322), as a fundamental principle. 25 See Engels 2008, 159 with reference to earlier commentaries. Lykurgos’ extreme and repeated appeal to Athenian 26 On religion as a motif in Athenian court speeches, see King patriotism primarily results from his personal convic- 1955, 363–371 and 376, on Athenian popular religion and the tions. In this speech he uses 22 times the keyword pro- religious climate of Lykurgan Athens, cf. Mikalson 1983 and 1998; on new cults in late classical Athens, see Auffarth 1995, gonoi, plus 18 times pateres, patrios or patroos, 58 337–365, and with reference to this case and the combining of times patris, 124 times polis and 19 times politai.25 But prodosia and asebeia, also Bearzot 1996, 71–92. 28 Johannes Engels

To conclude, the impeachment of Leokrates belongs to a Anastassiou & Irmer Kleinere attische Redner, eds. A. Ana- series of similar prosecutions by Lykurgos between 338/ 1977 stassiou & D. Irmer (Wege der For- 7 and 324 B.C. These court speeches were deliberately schung, 127), Darmstadt 1977. used (or better misused) to educate his fellow-citizens Asirvatham 2009 S.R. Asirvatham, ‘The roots of Macedo- and to deliver lectures (or ‘sermons’ of the priest Lykur- nian ambiguity in classical Athenian lit- gos) on civic obligations and public moral. In this re- erature’, in Macedonian legacies. Papers on Macedonian culture and history in spect Against Leokrates perfectly fits to the comprehen- honor of Eugene N. Borza, eds. T. Howe sive Lykurgan programme which aimed at reviving civic & J. Reames, Claremont, CA 2009, 235– identity, patriotism and Athenian pride and power after 255. the crushing defeat at Chaironeia through a series of po- Auffarth 1995 C. Auffarth, ‘Aufnahme und Zurückwei- litical and cultural activities. Lykurgos was the key fig- sung “neuer Götter” im spätklassischen ure in most of these projects, and to some of them he di- Athen: Religion gegen die Krise, Reli- rectly alludes in this speech, Against Leokrates, too. For gion in der Krise?’, in Die athenische instance, he quotes a version of the oath of the epheboi Demokratie im 4. Jh. v. Chr. Vollendung and dwells on the importance of this organization for oder Verfall einer Verfassungsform? Ak- training the young citizens of Athens in military matters ten eines Symposiums, Bellagio 3.–7. Au- and in their civic duties. He explicitly mentions old and gust 1992, ed. W. Eder, 1995, traditional cults and festivals of Apollon Patroos, Zeus 337–365. , and Athena Soteira which had been reorganized in Badian 1982 E. Badian, ‘Greeks and Macedonians’, in these years or whose temples had been adorned. The and Greece in late Classical and early Hellenistic times (Studies in public space of the city of Athens itself with its religious the History of Art, 10), eds. B. Barr- and profane buildings in Lykurgos’ view strengthens and Sharrar & E. Borza, Washington, DC preserves Athenian civic identity especially in his pe- 1982, 33–51. riod, as it had been the case in the era of Perikles in the Bearzot 1996 C. Bearzot, ‘Anomalie procedurali ed 5th c. B.C. Hence in his epilogue Lykurgos names the elusione del “” nei processi per walls and fortifications of Athens and as visible alto tradimento: “eisanghelia” e “ase- symbols of Athenian civic pride. It is not by pure chance beia”’, in Processi e politica nel mondo that III (the meeting place of the assembly) and the antico (Scienze storiche, 62; Contributi arsenal of the navy (Skeuotheke) in the harbour dell’Istituto di storia antica, 22), ed. M. are the most typical and the most splendid buildings of Sordi, Milano 1996, 71–92. the whole Lykurgan programme. Finally, the long quota- Bers 1985 V. Bers, ‘Dikastic thorubos’, in Crux. tion from Euripides in this speech should remind us also Essays presented to G.E.M. de Ste. Croix of the great theatre of Dionysos (below the Akropolis) as on his 75th birthday, eds. P.A. Cartledge & F.D. Harvey, London & Exeter 1985, an important cultural part of the Lykurgan building pro- 1–15. gramme and of the ‘official’ editions of the texts of the Bianchi 2002 E. Bianchi, ‘Ancora su Eschine, III 252’, three great Athenian poets Aischylos, Sophokles and Eu- 5, 2002, 83–94. ripides which were prepared with the aim of creating civic Blass 1898 F. Blass, Die attische Beredsamkeit, Vol. identity and instructing Athenian citizens. Exactly the pas- III:2, Leipzig 18983 (repr. Hildesheim sages and peculiar features of Lykurgos’ speech which are 1962). unusual in contemporary Athenian court speeches, appear Boegehold 1995 A.L. Boegehold, Athenian to be most typical evidence of the spirit of Lykurgan XXVIII. The lawcourts of Athens. Sites, Athens and Lykurgos’ ideal of civic identity. buildings, equipment, procedures, and testimonia, Princeton, N.J. 1995. Johannes Engels Borza 1996 E.N. Borza, ‘Greeks and Macedonians in Universität zu Köln the age of Alexander. The source tradi- Historisches Seminar I Alte Geschichte tions’, in Transitions to empire. Essays in D-50923 KÖLN Greco-Roman history 360–146 B.C. in mail: [email protected] honor of E. Badian (Oklahoma series in classical culture, 21), eds. R.W. Wallace & E.M. Harris, London & Norman, Okl. Bibliography 1996, 122–139. Allen 2000 D.S. Allen, ‘Changing the authoritative Brun 1983 P. Brun, Eisphora, syntaxis, stratiotika. voice: Lycurgus’ Against Leocrates’, Recherches sur les finances militaires ClAnt 19, 2000, 5–33. d’Athènes au IVe siècle av. J.-C. (An- Lykurgos’ Speech Against Leokrates 29

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Todd 1993 S.C. Todd, The shape of the Athenian against Leocrates’, MusHelv 63, 2006, law, Oxford 1993 (repr. 1995). 132–151. Traill 2002 J.S. Traill, Persons of ancient Athens, Will 1983 W. Will, Athen und Alexander. Untersu- Toronto 2002. chungen zur Geschichte der Stadt von Tully 2006 J. Tully, ‘Democracy in action: office- 338–322 v. Chr. (MünchBeitr, 77), holding in fourth century Athens. München 1983. of Alopece and the Panathenaic Wirth 1997 G. Wirth, ‘Lykurg und Athen im Schat- quadrennium’, Historia 55, 2006, 504– ten Philipps II.’, in Volk und Verfassung 508. im vorhellenistischen Griechenland, eds. Volkmann 1885 R. Volkmann, Die Rhetorik der Griechen W. Eder & K.-J. Hölkeskamp, Stuttgart und Römer in systematischer Übersicht, 1997, 191–225. Leipzig 18852. Wirth 1999 G. Wirth, Hypereides, Lykurg und die Wankel 1976 Demosthenes, Rede für Ktesiphon über αὐτονομία der Athener. Ein Versuch zum den Kranz, erläutert und mit einer Einlei- Verständnis einiger Reden der Alexan- tung versehen von H. Wankel, 2 Bände, derzeit (SBWien, 666), Wien 1999. Heidelberg 1976. Worthington 2001 I. Worthington, ‘Lycurgus 1.149 and Wees 2006 H. van Wees, ‘“The Oath of Sworn those two voting urns’, CQ n.s. 51, 2001, Bands”. The stela, the oath of 300–304. Plataea and archaic Spartan warfare’, in Worthington 2006 I. Worthington, Demosthenes, speeches Das frühe Sparta, eds. A. Luther, M. 60 and 61, prologues, letters, translated Meier & L. Thommen, Stuttgart 2006, with introduction and notes (The oratory 125–164. of Classical Greece, 10), Austin 2006. Weißenberger 1999 M. Weißenberger, ‘Lykurgos (9)’, Der Yunis 1991 H. Yunis, ‘How do the people decide? Neue Pauly 7 (1999), 581–582. Thucydides on Periclean rhetoric and Whitehead 2006 D. Whitehead, ‘Absentee Athenians. civic instruction’, AJP 112, 1991, 179– Lysias against Philon and Lycurgus 200. 32 Johannes Engels CREATING IDENTITY OR IDENTITIES IN CYPRUS DURING THE ARCHAIC PERIOD

BY LONE WRIEDT SØRENSEN

Abstract discussions concerning the archaeology and history of 4 The present paper focuses on issues concerned with the inter- the island. While still belonging to the , pretation of Cypriot Archaic votive sculpture, which is pre- Cyprus came under British colonial administration in served in impressive quantities, and which we know for sure 1878, and this development sparked Cypriot archaeol- was made on the island. The corpus comprises and ogy as a distinct discipline. In the beginning, the people limestone figures and statues reaching to colossal sizes, which were mainly erected in the sanctuaries. Although the sculpture and the culture of the island were considered oriental, may be classified according to certain types and stylistic crite- and this resulted in an interpretation of the island’s past ria, the different categories tend to blend in various ways, ren- as oriental and its past population as Phoenician. In the dering classification and interpretation less straightforward than early 20th century, a desire for a Hellenic identity, with it is sometimes assumed to be. The so-called Patriki statue, a re- stored, fragmentary, terracotta statue with snakes, has been in- regard to the past as well the present, intensified among terpreted in two different ways. Both suggestions are possible in the Greek Cypriots, as did Philhellenism among the edu- the light of comparable local material, and, in particular, one of cated classes in Britain. As a consequence, the “oriental” them may indicate links back to the Late Bronze Age. Based and the Phoenicians lost their prestigious position among upon the evidence available, a third reconstruction is proposed explorers of the past, and the theory of Mycenaean colo- here, which does not aim at relating the statue with one specific god or demi-god, but rather emphasizes that the messages con- nization gained ground and was used by the pro-Greek veyed by such an image would have been understood by visitors Cypriots to claim unification with Greece. In order to re- to the sanctuaries, no matter their religious and cultural back- strain this tendency, the British appealed to Cypriot pat- ground. riotism, and the idea of an authentic population mixed with a theory of a hybrid culture was promoted. How- Because of its geographical location, Cyprus played an ever, none of these suggestions was universally ac- important role in cross-cultural communications in the cepted, and discussions are still ongoing, now that Eastern Mediterranean during Antiquity. This is testified Cyprus is divided and membership of the EU is under both by the numerous finds from abroad unearthed on debate. the island, and by the foreign influences evident in the The present analysis takes its point of departure in the local material culture. As a result of a number of past as so-called Patriki statue (Fig. 1). It was found in 1970 in a well as recent factors, Cyprus of the BC deposit containing from the early part of the has traditionally been studied through either Greek or 6th century BC, which were probably discarded from a Near Eastern lenses. In view of the shifting Assyrian, nearby unknown sanctuary. The deposit had been dis- Phoenician, Greek and Persian interests in the island, lo- covered and partly emptied by looters near Patriki, south cal material products such as sculpture have traditionally of the Karpas peninsula, and unlike the other fragments been studied in the light of foreign influences. The appli- of large terracottas from the deposit showing votaries cation of postcolonial concepts such as “middle ground” 1 carrying small animals as gifts, the Patriki statue does and “hybridization” as suggested by Counts, opens up a not represent the average worshipper. The figure was in- more promising approach, shifting focus from influences itially restored with horns and compared with Late to local expression. The same approach has been sug- Bronze Age horned images, thus suggesting a possible gested for the period covering the end of the Late Bronze link back to the Aegean past, but, about 20 years later, it Age to the beginning of the ,2 as a supplement to the long-standing discussions about the Mycenaean 1 Counts 2008, 3–27. colonization of the island and its far-reaching conse- 2 3 Voskos & Knapp 2008, 677. quences for later periods. 3 SCE IV:2, 428; Iacovou 2008, 648. The modern history of the island also plays a role in 4 Given 1998, 10. 34 Lone Wriedt Sørensen

Fig. 1. The Patriki statue. After Karageorghis 1971, pl. XV. Creating Identity or Identities in Cyprus During the Archaic Period 35 was suggested that the statue should rather be restored which starts from the figure’s belly, advances across the with leonine ears on the surmise that it was an image of breast and turns upwards behind the neck and was prob- the Phoenico-Egyptian demon or demi-god Bes. As is ably twisted around the horns which are now missing”.5 shown by the following analysis, it is, and was, perhaps Karageorghis, emphasizing the figure’s bovine aspect, not imperative to associate the statue with one particular immediately compared it with two bronze figures from god or divine being. But it may safely be identified as a the Late Bronze Age found at Enkomi. They both wear so-called snake-charmer, an apotropaic being in relation horned helmets, but neither of them is associated with to fertility; and the powers attributed to it would have snakes. The so-called “Ingot God” is standing on an been easily perceived by everybody, as snakes were uni- ingot-shaped base brandishing a spear and a small round versal symbols in the interacting communities of the shield, and the “” (Fig. 2) represents a youth time. in a short kilt holding his left hand towards his chest and The Patriki statue, which is taller than life size, was extending his right forearm and hand forward.6 The im- published by Karageorghis, who described it as a stand- portance of the during the Late Bronze Age is em- ing bearded male, wearing a once horned headdress and phasized by bucrania found in sanctuaries at Enkomi and clasping a set of three snakes in each hand towards his , where they are believed to have been worn by chest. As to the snakes the description reads: “Of one priests during religious ceremonies.7 The same practice pair which is painted black each starts from the feet, has been documented from the early first millennium BC climbs the legs on the outer side, twists round the fore- levels at Kition.8 arms and over the breast and turns its head downwards Numerous, small, terracotta bull masks and figures onto the figure’s arms. The V-shaped tongue is clearly wearing bovine masks found on the island also support indicated. Of the second pair which is spotted with black the existence of such a custom during the first millen- paint, each starts again from the feet, climbs the inner nium BC.9 However, of particular interest in this connec- side of the legs and terminates in front of the figure’s tion is a fragmentary anthropomorphic “mask”, which lower neck. Their heads are missing. Between the two was found in a tomb at Amathus (Fig. 3).10 It is provided pairs there is another one of thinner snakes, each of with a beard and horns and thus lends support to the res- toration and identification of the Patriki statue as a horned figure. An almost life-size limestone head shows a younger male with a short beard, who has grasped the edge of a bull’s mask with both hands and has either pushed it on to the top of his head or is going to lower it over his face (Fig. 4).11 The head is unique, and unfortu- nately the body is not preserved, so there is no way of telling what the rest of his outfit looked like. At least it is clear that his hands, pre-occupied with holding the mask, did not grasp snakes like the Patriki statue. Compared to the terracotta figures, the limestone head conveys a dif- ferent message because, unlike the un-masked Patriki statue and the fully masked terracottas, it stresses the identity-change which a human being effects by either masking or unmasking himself. A limestone statue, over 2 m tall, reported as found west of the temple at Golgoi and dated to the last quarter of the 6th century BC, has a more moderate reference to bulls, as the figure’s cap is provided with a top finial

5 Karageorghis 1971, 29. 6 Karageorghis 1971, 33. 7 Karageorghis & Demas 1985, 259–261. 8 Karageorghis 2005, 109. 9 Karageorghis 1993b, 118 with further references; 1995, 55. Fig. 2. The Horned God from Enkomi. After V. Karageorghis, 10 Karageorghis 1971, 33 n. 5; 1993b, 117, mask no. 33, pl. Early Cyprus. Crossroads of the Mediterranean, Los Angeles LXVIII:1. 2002, fig. 196. 11 Caubet, Hermary & Karageorghis 1992, no. 167. 36 Lone Wriedt Sørensen

Fig. 3. A terracotta mask with horns. After Karageorghis 1993b, pl. LXVIII:1. shaped like a small bull’s head (Fig. 5).12 The statue il- lustrates the general development of Cypriot sculpture, which became progressively more Greek in appearance during the 6th century BC, but it still looks strange. The head with the large beard is without doubt that of a male, while the long tresses of hair descending unto his shoul- Fig. 4. Head of a limestone statue with a bull’s mask. After Caubet, Hermary & Karageorghis 1992, no. 167. ders, the softly modelled breast and the garment worn, seem more appropriate for a female. The statue was dis- covered in 1870 by the Italian Luigi Palma di Cesnola, head. For the style of the head you require see Cesnola who, after fighting in the American Civil War, was ap- collection no. 334, and many others, also Colvin plate pointed American Consul to Cyprus. Like many other no. 28. Should you wish to connect your now bisexual westerners he conducted excavations on the island and, statue with the worship of some divinity – for having sold his collection to the Metropolitan Museum, instance – and he quotes Cesnola’s comments in Kypros he became its first Director in 1879. Unfortunately to mock his theory of a bearded .” However, it is Cesnola had a reputation for piecing together parts from now believed that only the plinth with the feet and the different statues in order to create complete works and dove were added from another statue, 15 and even though 13 thereby increase their price on the art market, and it has the soft modelling of the chest may be influenced by been fiercely debated how many parts of the present East Greek sculpture, the statue keeps its somewhat an- statue actually belong together. The French art dealer drogynous character. Feuardent’s attack on Cesnola, al- Gaston Feuardent, who was one of Cesnola’s ardent beit witty, seems unfair in this case. The statue, which opponents, published an ironic comment in one of his some identify as a priest, epitomizes some of the diffi- pamphlets directed against him entitled: ‘Phoenician- culties inherent in Cypriot material culture of the Ar- Italian Art – Cookery. Receipt for Making an Antique chaic period, and perhaps the ambiguity expressed by Helmeted, Bearded Female Figure’ (Fig. 6) which was the statue should be seen as part of the local tradition, a published by Hermary and Masson in excerpt in 1993, subject to which we shall return below. quoted here.14 “– You select a body of stone of semi-co- lossal size in order to fully impress the public with the 12 importance of the object … You are very careful that this Masson & Hermary 1993, 25; Karageorghis 2000, no. 172. 13 Karageorghis 2000, 3. body shall be unmistakably that of a female. … The next 14 Masson & Hermary 1993, 29. thing for you to do is procure an unmistakable male 15 Masson & Hermary 1993, 31. Creating Identity or Identities in Cyprus During the Archaic Period 37

tion of memories of religious practices, or their actual continuation, from the Late Bronze Age into the first millennium BC. One of the panels on a White Painted bowl from the early 10th century BC shows a male fig- ure with horns reminiscent of the bronze figures from Enkomi mentioned above and this image may be con- sidered to help bridge the gap between the Late Bronze Age and the Patriki statue.17 However, to focus on the snakes which are prominent elements of his outfit, the Patriki statue changes identity and becomes, first and foremost, a so-called snake- charmer. In Cyprus the combination of bulls and snakes also has a long tradition, going back to the Bronze Age, and figures of bulls with snakes continue through the Cypro-Geometric and Cypro-Archaic periods.18 But other representations of human snake-tamers from Cyprus are comparatively few. One of them is a - cotta figure from Ayia Irini with raised arms, belonging to a female terracotta type which some suggest was in- troduced from Crete during the 11th century BC (Fig. 7).19 A snake, which is a local addition to the type, once raised its head above the left shoulder of the figure and coils down its back, and while pellets clearly indicate fe- male breasts, a black beard suggests that the figure rep- resents a male, and thus we are faced with another and earlier example of a possible androgynous image. Some have simply ignored this case, while others have named the figure a Hermaphrodite20 or a bearded Aphrodite with associations with Astarte, who possessed both fe- male and male capacities.21 If the pellets are indeed meant to indicate female breasts, the figure conveys a message as to identity which perhaps aligns it with the Cesnola statue mentioned above, but deprives it of af- finity with the Patriki statue. A limestone statuette from Amathus, dating from the first half of the 6th century BC, shows another human, apparently a beardless male who is holding snakes like the Patriki statue (Fig. 8). He clasps two snakes close to his chest and their heads rest against his cheeks, while another three snakes rest Fig. 5. The so-called Cesnola statue. After Karageorghis 2000, their heads on his skull with their tails falling down his no. 172.

16 Karageorghis 1995, 99, no. II(ii)5, pl. LII:1. The importance in Cyprus of the bull as an offering to 17 Iacovou 1988, no. 24, fig. 55. An Archaic jug carries on the the gods is also illustrated by statues, both male and fe- front a drawing of a head with a pointed cap with volutes also suggested to represent horns, cf. Karageorghis 2000, no. 152. male, carrying small figures of bulls, and a terracotta 18 Karageorghis 1993a, no. GF4, pl. XXX:1; no. GF5, pl. group showing a bull between two young males is usu- XXX:2; LGG1–2, pl. XLII:1–2; Karageorghis 1996, 30, no. J7, ally interpreted as a bull being led off to sacrifice.16 The pl. XVI:2; CG wall brackets (Karageorghis 1993a, no. GJ3, pl. identity of the Patriki statue as a horned figure thus XXXI:8). 19 Karageorghis 1993a, 83, no. LGA(iv)9, pl. XXXVII:5—CG seems to be supported by other archaeological finds II–III. from the Archaic period in Cyprus, but the question re- 20 Windbladh 2003, no. 192. mains whether or not this creation is based on the reten- 21 Beer 2009, 38. 38 Lone Wriedt Sørensen

Fig. 6. Drawings of the Cesnola statue published by Feuardent. After Masson & Hermary 1993, fig. 2. Creating Identity or Identities in Cyprus During the Archaic Period 39

Fig. 7. Terracotta figure with snake. After Beer 2009, fig. 4a.

back.22 But while all the figures with bovine associations mentioned above lack the snakes, the figures with snakes lack horns, and thus neither of them matches the restored Patriki statue. Both bulls’ horns and snakes are indeed associated with other Cypriot creatures. One or perhaps two of the terracotta creatures called either minotaurs or from the sanctuary at Ayia Irini are equipped with both attributes (Fig. 9),23 but, when publishing the Partrki statue in 1971, Karageorghis, referring to these figures, clearly stated that the Patriki statue is not a cen- taur,24 which it could be after all. In Cyprus, also Bes is sometimes associated with snakes, and in 1993 the Patriki statue was provided with a new identity, when Karageorghis republished it under the heading: “Representation of Bes”, and stated that “in the original publication the Bes designation was over- looked, and the two holes at the top of the head were

22 Hermary 1981, 18, no. 4. 23 Karageorghis 1996, 4, no. A.6, fig. 2, pl. II:4, and 5, no. A.10, pl. IV:1. 24 Karageorghis 1971, 33.

Fig. 8 (left). Limestone figure with snakes. After Karageorghis 2000, no. 195. 40 Lone Wriedt Sørensen

Fig. 9. Terracotta /minotaur with horns and a snake. After Karageorghis 1996, fig. 2. mistakenly interpreted as holes for insertion of horns, two snakes, which reach to his shoulders (Fig. 10). A not for the missing leonine ears”.25 Thus the statue was terracotta figure with pointed ears or horns and a plaque detached from its possible connection to the two bronze of unknown provenience likewise show Bes holding figures with horned helmets from Enkomi and a possible snakes.31 However, it is not really necessary to replace cultic continuity of local Bronze Age iconography. the horns of the Patriki statue with leonine ears to change Karageorghis did admit, however, that the Patriki statue his identity to Bes, as Bes with horns is a particularity of “does not have all the features of the Egyptian god that the Cypro-Phoenician area. It has been suggested that a characterize two limestone statues from Cyprus now in grimacing ivory head with horns, which probably the Louvre Museum”.26 In particular, the facial expres- adorned the head of the ivory bed found in one of the so- sion is not the beastly face of Bes, and he is not bandy- called royal tombs at Salamis and dated to the end of the legged like Bes. In her study from 1975 of Bes in Cyprus 8th century BC,32 and a terracotta mask probably from and the Wilson mentioned the Patriki statue but the 6th century BC33 represent a local iconographic type made the statement, perhaps influenced by Kara- of Bes, although they look more like Humbaba.34 The georghis’ early identification of the statue, that it is not a importance of the horned Bes is none the less empha- 27 statue of Bes, while Hermary, about ten years later, sized by his appearance on the so-called Amathus sar- providing a list of the evidence for Bes in Cyprus, cophagus from the early 5th century BC.35 But here he is indicated a connection between Bes and the Patriki depicted without snakes, and Bes associated with both 28 statue. horns and snakes was apparently not common in Cyprus, Bes was also known in Cyprus during the Late Bronze Age, appearing on various, mostly imported objects, but, according to Wilson and Hermary, he was re-introduced 25 Karageorghis 1993b, 35. to the island by the beginning of the Archaic period, an 26 Karageorghis 1993b, 36; Hermary 1989, nos. 593–594. 27 opinion that Karageorghis subsequently supported.29 Wilson 1975, 95. 28 Hermary 1986, 111. Hermary pointed towards as the source of in- 29 Wilson 1975, 93; Hermary 1986, 108; 1989, 295; Kara- spiration, while Wilson saw a connection mainly with georghis 1993b, 36. the east, but also with Greece. In the course of the 1st 30 Hermary 1986, no. 9; 1989, no. 594. 31 Karageorghis 2001, no. 104; 1996, pl. VII:7. millennium, Bes appears in different versions in 32 30 Hermary 1986, no. 32. Cyprus. Bes associated with snakes is represented by 33 Karageorghis 1993b, 117, mask no. 32, pl. LXVII:7. the upper part of an early 6th century BC limestone 34 Karageorghis 1993b, 117. statuette with a grotesque face and leonine ears, clasping 35 Hermary 1986, no. 25; Tatton-Brown 1981, no. 80. Creating Identity or Identities in Cyprus During the Archaic Period 41

Fig. 10. Upper part of limestone figure of Bes with snakes. Af- ter Caubet, Hermary & Karageorghis 1992, no. 165.

Fig. 11. Impression from mould showing Bes and a bull. After Karageorghis 1996, pl. VII:6. Fig. 12. Limestone statue of a male with a kilt decorated with a head of Bes. After Karageorghis 2000, no. 176. although the small terracotta figure holding snakes men- tioned above may have horns instead of ears,36 while other, and mostly later, representations of a horned Bes for the sake of convenience, although “Cypriotizing have him hold an animal like a Potnios Theron.37 A con- Egyptian” would be more appropriate.39 The date of the nection between Bes, snakes and bulls is none the less statues has been a matter of controversy. Some have ar- indicated by a singular terracotta mould from the mid 7th gued that the Egyptian influence was a result of a hypo- century BC. Here, a winged Bes with human legs, a thetical Egyptian political domination over Cyprus dur- lion’s head and a tail terminating in a snake’s head is ing the second quarter of the 6th century BC, or of the clasping a bull by the horn and pressing it to the ground Persian domination in the late 6th to early 5th century (Fig. 11).38 36 The frontal head of Bes also decorates the apron or de- Karageorghis 2001, no. 104. 37 Hermary 1986, nos. 16, 19–20. vanteau of the kilt worn by some of the so-called Egyp- 38 Hermary 1986, no. 7. tianizing statues. The term “Egyptianizing” is used here 39 Counts 2008, 5. 42 Lone Wriedt Sørensen

concerning the identity of some of the heads, there seems to be consensus as to their apotropaic function.47 The Cypriot Egyptianizing outfit of these statues goes back to New Kingdom Egyptian sculptures of the Late Bronze Age, where panther heads are depicted in front of royal or priestly devantaeux.48 In Egypt, the New Kingdom type was copied during the Third Intermediate Period (1069–664 BC), while the Egyptian statues of the Late Period (664–332 BC), contemporary with the Cyp- riot statues, reverted to the Old Kingdom type. Accord- ing to Faegersten, neither contemporary Egyptian nor Phoenician stone or bronze sculpture could have served as a source of inspiration, while many of the characteris- tic traits are seen already on Phoenician metal bowls and, in particular, ivories from the 8th century BC. Fur- thermore, according to her, some of the details of the or- nate outfit of the Cypriot statues in question do indeed recall colourful, inlaid, ivory plaques and figures in the round, some of which actually depict males wearing the New Kingdom dress type. Faegersten suggests that Phoenician 7th century BC ivories, or cheaper wooden statues with inlays or painted decoration, now lost, could have served as models for the Cypriot statues.49 As was the case with the horned figures and figures with bovine masks, it is possible to make a connection to the past, i.e. to the Late Bronze Age, although in the present case the process of connection took place primarily in Egypt and only secondarily in Phoenicia and Cyprus. Fig. 13. Part of a limestone statue with a kilt decorated with a According to the material evidence, it seems that in . After S. Brehme et al., Ancient Cypriote art in Ber- Cyprus Bes was depicted with attributes which associate lin, Berlin 2001, no. 177. him with other demi-gods or gods, be it at home in the Near Eastern or in the Greek world, but except for a single, dubious, terracotta figure Bes did not appear with BC,40 while others have convincingly suggested, on the both horns and snakes in contemporary local depictions. basis of stylistic criteria, a time-span from about 600 BC It would therefore seem logical, if we identify the Patriki to the early 5th century BC.41 One of the early statues statue as representing Bes, to restore it with leonine ears, from the beginning of the 6th century BC shows the head were it not for important details observable from the of Bes with snakes descending from his chin (Fig. 12).42 photographs. If we follow the snakes on the right shoul- The head on another kilt is described as a smiling human der of the Patriki statue, the outermost snake turns its face with feline traits,43 while a head on a third statue, head downward and the innermost probably reached to dated to about 500 BC, has grooved hair and beard and the chin, as described by Karageorghis in 1971. It broke vertical incisions on the cheeks, which, according to off at the point, where it was detached from the shoulder, Faegersten, are characteristics of the mixed iconography of Bes in Cyprus.44 Wilson, on the other hand, found that 40 Markoe 1990, 111. this head is close to the Greek silen mask, particularly to 41 45 Senf 1993, 50; Hermary 2001, 30; Faegersten 2003, 104. examples from the Greek islands. Two other kilt- 42 Wilson 1975, 99; Faegersten 2003, 63 on no. 30. aprons are decorated with gorgoneia with snakes dang- 43 Faegersten 2003, 65 on no. 31. ling from the cheeks (Fig. 13), and according to Wilson, 44 Faegersten 2003, 290, no. 50. 45 Bes, and are all independent creatures Wilson 1975, 94, 100, pl. XVIII C. 46 Faegersten 2003, 273–275, nos. 12 and 15; Wilson 1975, 94. borrowing attributes from one another.46 An apron dec- 47 Wilson 1975, 100; Faegersten 2003, 65. orated with a Hathor head underlines the eclectic ap- 48 Faegersten 2003, 38, 63. proach of the Cypriots, and, despite different opinions 49 Faegersten 2003, 263. Creating Identity or Identities in Cyprus During the Archaic Period 43

Fig. 14. Terracotta centaur/minotaur with snakes. After Karageorghis 1996, pl. IV:1.

and the break shows that this part of the snake was hol- Whether or not the Patriki statue was originally low, either because the head was supported by a peg or equipped with horns, leonine ears or just snakes, the last because it was made from a different material. The snake apparently being the most convincing reconstruction, we in the middle continues along the neck behind the ear, as may safely identify him as a snake-charmer and, as such, was observed by Karageorghis in 1971. Seen from be- he relates to demi-gods and demons, whatever their hind, an elongated bulge proceeds on either side of the names in the surrounding world. It would seem that the head to the restored holes on top of the male head, where attributes, in this case the snakes and the capacities im- Karageorghis originally suggested that the snakes’ heads bedded in them, probably of apotropaic and na- coiled around the horns. Taking the other images men- ture and relating to fertility,51 constituted the essential tioned above into consideration, it seems more reason- message, which would be understood by visitors to the able to suggest that the snakes’ heads reached to the top sanctuary, no matter their background, because they of his head, where they may have been inserted in the were basic symbols familiar to the interacting societies holes, or just rested on the head of the statue. If the for- at the time in question. No matter how important it is for mer suggestion is correct, the statue would have looked us to provide the Patriki statue with a specific name, the impressive, with snakes’ heads, perhaps made from a issue of its identification may have been of secondary different material, rising above the male head, but the importance in Cyprus at that time. preserved heads of the snakes resting on his shoulders Furthermore, the cases of other Cypriot figures men- are made of clay, which seems to tell against the sugges- tioned above underline the very same difficulties and tion. Moreover, to judge from the photographs, the holes emphasize the hybridizing of types. For instance, apart on top of the scull may not be part of the original statue from Bes, we see among the snake-charmers the bearded at all, and the restoration seems to have been inspired by terracotta with raised arms (Fig. 7), which may be per- the Late Bronze Age figures with horned helmets men- ceived as an androgynous figure like the Cesnola statue tioned above. The suggestion that snakes’ heads rested (Fig. 5) and some of the centaurs/minotaurs, while other on or raised from the crown of the male head is probably centaurs/minotaurs are horned, carry animals or appear more correct, as the limestone statuette from Amathus (Fig. 8) and one of the terracotta minotaurs/centaurs 50 Karageorghis 1996, pl. IV:1. from Ayia Irini show a similar arrangement (Fig. 14).50 51 Sophocleous 1985,72–73 44 Lone Wriedt Sørensen as warriors.52 The fact that these creatures have been in- but also bucrania and snakes played a prominent role in terpreted as either centaurs or minotaurs furthermore the Bronze Age as well as in the Iron Age suggests that demonstrates a certain versatility. Apparently it was not certain religious practices and probably other practices always imperative to create identifiable images in did continue. This supposition is supported by the fact Cyprus: rather, there seems to have been scope for a cer- that the powers associated with these animals were more tain amount of flexibility. A snake-charmer was not al- or less universal in the Near East and the Mediterranean ways just a snake-charmer; a centaur/minotaur, not just a area during the periods in question. The actual creation centaur/minotaur, and a Bes, not just a Bes. Major or mi- of divine as well as profane images was probably nor changes and additions, with regard to attributes or sparked by local beliefs and desires mixed with influ- sex, were used to give the identity of the figures a spe- ences from abroad, which were Cypriotized as, for in- cific twist, while still maintaining the essential message stance, in the case of the statues wearing kilts. conveyed by the snakes. The central decoration of the devanteaux of the Egyptianizing statues depicting heads Lone Wriedt Sørensen of Bes (Fig. 12), Gorgo (Fig.13) or Hathor also under- SAXO-Institute, Classical Archaeology University of Copenhagen lines the fact that symbols within the same religious 4 Karen Blixensvej sphere were interchangeable, which would make sense DK-2300 COPENHAGEN S in a mixed society like the Cypriot. Email: [email protected] The Patriki statue highlights another issue concerned with Cypriot religious practice, as we may ask if he is an image of a divinity or a priest. It is generally agreed that aniconic images were the centre of veneration at least in Bibliography some sanctuaries as at Ayia Irini and Palaepaphos. Fur- Beer 2009 C. Beer, ‘Ayia Irini in the Iron Age: thermore the so-called Hathor capitals which likewise realm of Baal and/or Astarte?’, in Pro- 53 received offerings, as indicated by a vase painting, ceedings from the international confer- show, together with a large head of Bes resting on a ence ‘Finds and results from the Swedish pyramidal pedestal, that identifiable gods might not be Cyprus expedition 1927–1931: a gender represented by large images in toto, but in an abbrevi- perspective’, 31–April 2, 2006 (= ated form, as heads crowning pillars or pedestals.54 Fur- Medelhavsmuseet. Focus on the Mediter- thermore, the many terracotta masks, the bucrania, the ranean 5), eds. S. Houby-Nielsen & S. Nordin Fischer, Stockholm 2009, 36–49. masked figures and, not least, the limestone head of the Counts 2008 D. Counts, ‘Master of the Lion: repre- male with a bull’s mask resting on his skull, leaving his sentation and hybridity in Cypriote sanc- face free (Fig. 4), support the impression that the figures tuaries’, AJA 112, 2008, 3–27. refer to rituals taking place in the sanctuaries; and so it Caubet, Hermary & A. Caubet, A. Hermary & V. Kara- cannot be ruled out that the Patriki statue represents a Karageorghis 1992 georghis, Art antique de Chypre au Mu- priest, a mediator between the earthly and the divine. sée du Louvre du chalcolithique à However, if the statue is an image of a god, it may be l’époque romaine, Paris 1992. one more representation of the Master of Animals, like Faegersten 2003 F. Faegersten, The Egyptianizing male the so-called Master of the Lion, the Master of the Ram limestone statuary from Cyprus. A study of a cross-cultural Eastern Mediterra- and the later Master of the Goat, to use Counts’ termi- 55 56 nean votive type, Lund 2003. nology, all of which, in the view of Sophocleous, Given 1998 M. Given, ‘Inventing the Eteocypriots: may depict various aspects of the Great God of the is- imperialist archaeology and the manipu- land. The debates concerning the specific name and lation of ethnic identity’, JMA 11:1, identity of such images reflect the fact that multiple 1998, 3–29. readings might be made by visitors to the sanctuaries, all Hermary 1981 A. Hermary, Amathonte II. Testimonia 2. according to their individual religious background, and Les sculptures découvertes avant 1975 with the result that there was no one “correct” reading of (Études Chypriotes, 5; Recherche sur les them. 52 An assessment of what role the Late Bronze Age Karageorghis 1996, 1–9. 53 Hermary 1985, fig. 26. played in creating identities during the Archaic period is 54 Sørensen 1994, 85. a tricky matter because of the scarce material record 55 Counts 2008, 21. from the transitional period. The fact that not only bulls 56 Sophocleous 1985, 26, 216. Creating Identity or Identities in Cyprus During the Archaic Period 45

grandes civilisations. Mémoire, 10), Karageorghis 2001 V. Karageorghis, ‘Terracotta figures’, in Paris 1981. Ancient Cypriote art in Berlin, eds. S. Hermary 1985 A. Hermary, ‘Un nouveau chapiteau ha- Brehme et al., Berlin 2001, 99–130. thorique trouvé à Amathonte’, BCH 109, Karageorghis 2005 V. Karageorghis, Excavations at Kition 1985, 657–699. VI:1. The Phoenician and later levels, Hermary 1986 A. Hermary, ‘Bes (Cypri et in Phoeni- Nicosia 2005. cia)’, LIMC III (1986), 108–112. Karageorghis & V. Karageorghis & M. Demas, Excava- Hermary 1989 A. Hermary, Catalogue des antiquités de Demas 1985 tions at Kition V. The Pre-Phoenician Chypre. Sculptures. Musée du Louvre. levels, Part 1. Areas I and II, Nicosia Département des antiquités orientales, 1985. Paris 1989. Markoe 1990 G.E. Markoe, ‘Egyptianizing male votive Hermary 2001 A. Hermary, ‘ et la sculpture statuary from Cyprus: a reexamination’, égyptisante à Chypre’, in Naukratis. Die Levant 22, 1990, 111–122. Beziehungen zu Ostgriechenland, Ägyp- Masson & Hermary O. Masson & A. Hermary, ‘À propos du ten und Zypern in archaischer Zeit. Ak- 1993 “pretre à la colombe” de New York’, ten der Table ronde in , 25.–27. Cahiers du Centre d’Études Chypriotes November 1999, eds. U. Höckmann & D. 20, 1993:2, 25–34. Kreikenbom, Möhnesee 2001, 27–38. SCE IV:2 E. Gjerstad, The Swedish Cyprus expedi- Iacovou 1988 M. Iacovou, The pictorial pottery of elev- tion IV:2. The Cypro-Geometric, Cypro- enth century B.C. Cyprus (SIMA, 79), Archaic and Cypro-Classical periods, Göteborg 1988. Stockholm 1948. Iacovou 2008 M. Iacovou, ‘Cultural and political con- Senf 1993 R. Senf, Das Apollonheiligtum von Ida- figurations in Iron Age Cyprus: the se- lion. Architektur und Statuenausstattung quel to a Protohistoric episode’, AJA 112, eines zyprischen Heiligtums (SIMA, 94), 2008, 625–657. Jonsered 1993. Karageorghis 1971 V. Karageorghis, ‘A deposit of Archaic Sophocleous 1985 S. Sophocleous, des représenta- terracotta figures from Patriki, Cyprus’, tions chypro-archaiques des divinités RDAC 1971, 27–36. (SIMA-PB, 33), Göteborg 1985. Karageorghis 1993a V. Karageorghis, The coroplastic art of Sørensen 1994 L. Wriedt Sørensen, ‘The divine im- ancient Cyprus II. Late Cypriote II – Cy- age?’, in Cypriote stone sculpture. Pro- pro-Geometric III, Nicosia 1993. ceedings of the second international con- Karageorghis 1993b V. Karageorghis, The coroplastic art of ference of Cypriote studies, Brussels– ancient Cyprus III. The Cypro-Archaic Liège, eds. F. Vandenabeele & R. Laf- period. Large and medium size sculpture, fineur, Brussels & Liège 1994, 79–89. Nicosia 1993. Tatton-Brown 1981 V. Tatton-Brown, ‘80. Le “sarcophage Karageorghis 1995 V. Karageorghis, The coroplastic art of d’Amathonte”’, in Hermary 1981, 74– ancient Cyprus IV. The Cypro-Archaic 83. period. Small male figurines, Nicosia Voskos & Knapp I. Voskos & A.B. Knapp, ‘Cyprus at the 1995. 2008 end of the Late Bronze Age’, AJA 112, Karageorghis 1996 V. Karageorghis, The coroplastic art of 2008, 659–684. ancient Cyprus VI. The Cypro-Archaic Wilson 1975 V. Wilson, ‘The iconography of Bes with period. Monsters, animals and miscella- particular reference to the Cypriot evi- nea, Nicosia 1996. dence’, Levant 7, 1975, 77–103. Karageorghis 2000 V. Karageorghis, Ancient art from Winbladh 2003 M.-L. Winbladh, ‘The open-air sanctuary Cyprus. The Cesnola Collection in the at Ayia Irini. Terracotta figures’, in The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York Cyprus collections in the Medelhavsmu- 2000. seet, eds. V. Karageorghis et al., Stock- holm 2003, 157–203. Creating Identity or Identities in Cyprus During the Archaic Period 46 THE ETRUSCANS—IN THE EYES OF GREEKS AND ROMANS. CREATING A BAD MEMORY?

BY CHARLOTTE SCHEFFER

Abstract grievous slavery”. From (11.9.4–5) we Once the Etruscans were a mighty and powerful people, masters learn more facts: of Syracuse was approached by of the richest areas of Italy and feared by the other peoples. In in South Italy, asking his aid in the war with the almost all the texts in Greek and Roman literature, however, the who, at that time, were masters of the sea. Etruscans are described as cruel, pirates at sea, living in luxuri- ousness and allowing their women too much freedom. What we The Tyrrhenians were defeated in a great sea-fight (474 can see now is a people with a very different culture from that B.C.) and “humbled”, and the Cumaeans were delivered of the Greeks and Romans. When the Etruscans started to lose from their fears. Thucydides (6.103.2) gives only plain in the battles with the Romans, they were despised and seen by facts about Etruscan participation with three ships in the the others as weak, unmanly and too fond of an easy living. Athenian attack on Syracuse in 415–413. According to What did the Greeks and the Romans really think about Athenaeus in Deipnosophistae (1.23d–e), Aristotle (in the Etruscans? Some of the relevant passages are well The customs of the Tyrrhenians, fr. 472) wrote about the known, such as those of Athenaeus concerning the deca- Tyrrhenians’ custom of lying down under the same robe dence of the Etruscans, but the really interesting ones for with their wives. us would be those which were casually repeated as pre- As for the rest of the passages: we will not go deep senting something considered more or less as fact. With into the gory details of the history of the Etruscan kings this in mind, numerous mentions of Etruscans in the an- of Rome in the sixth century. This is told with few varia- cient authors have been collected, especially those detri- tions in , Diodorus Siculus, Dionysius of Halicar- mental or favourable to the Etruscan image.1 Neutral nassus, and Plutarch.2 The stories they tell seem mentions of general historical or geographical nature more than a little exaggerated, as if they had been told have not been included. Not surprisingly, most of the au- many times, every time getting a bit more horrible. The thors found giving opinions of the Etruscans are from the last century B.C. and later. We have, however, , 1 Of course, studies of how ancient authors dealt with the Etrus- who in his (1015f.) mentions the sons of cans have already been done. Here I shall confine myself to Ulysses and Kirke and states that they “ruled over all the quote D. Musti’s article on the view of the Etruscans in ancient much-renowned Tyrrhenians, far away, in the innermost historiography (Musti 1989). I would also like to mention D. part of holy islands”. More interesting, perhaps, is the Ridgway’s book about the way modern scholars have dealt with 7th Homeric Hymn (to Dionysos), which is the first the problem of how to look at the Etruscans (Ridgway 2002) as well as Di Fazio’s article on and mortal rituals source to call the Tyrrhenians pirates. We shall come (Di Fazio 2001), where he shows that these types of happenings back to that. Herodotus tells us about the battle of Alalia were used by others to show the Etruscans in the worst possible on Corsica and the dismal fate of the prisoners taken by light. All quotations are from . (1.167): they were stoned, but after that, everyone 2 For the Etruscan dynasty in Rome: Livy 1.34–60 (the Etruscan passing the place, man or animal, became twisted and dynasty from beginning to end); Diod. Sic. 10.1–2, 20–22 (the death of and Lucretia, Brutus); Dion. Hal. 3.46– crippled, and the inhabitants of Agylla (Caere) had to 73 (of the Etruscan kings in Rome, the first, Tarquinius Priscus, ask help from Apollo at . , in his first Py- was the son of a Greek merchant from , Demaratus, and thian Ode (71–75), beseeches Zeus to “grant that the war an Etruscan woman, and the picture given of him is on the cry of the Phoenicians and the Etruscans may remain whole positive); 4.28–85 (the picture given of the later Tarqui- quietly at home, now that they have seen their aggres- nii is negative and ends with the rape and death of Lucretia and the appearance of Brutus; Ovid. 2.685–852 (the end of the sion bring woe to their fleet before Kyme” and recalls royal dynasty); Plut. Mor. 250A (the end of the royal dynasty: how the Syracusans “cast their youths from their swiftly Lucretia, the envolvment of the Etruscan king Porsenna and two sailing ships into the sea and delivered Hellas from brave Roman women, Cloelia and Valeria). 48 Charlotte Scheffer exaggeration may be a way of stressing the impropriety gives the rest of the story: “And wishing to be ferried of kingship, a subject which, incidentally, would have across from Icaria to he [Dionysos] hired a pirate been of interest in the time of the early Empire. But ship of Tyrrhenians. But when they had put him on probably this was not the main reason why these stories board, they sailed past Naxos and made for Asia, intend- were intended to horrify us. The reason was more likely ing to sell him. Howbeit, he turned the mast and oars to justify the Romans’ taking over of the land of the into snakes, and filled the vessel with ivy and the sound Etruscans: the notion was that they were not fit to rule. of flutes. And the pirates went mad, and leaped into the In Livy (1.59.8–11), we are suddenly presented with sea, and were turned into dolphins.4 Thus men perceived Brutus, who has so far hidden his real character, reveal- that he was a god and honoured him.” ing his real persona and telling the Romans about the ar- In this connection it should, however, be remembered rogant and tyrannical behaviour of Sextus Tarquinius that a people identified as Tyrrhenoi/Tyrsenoi were at and his rape of the innocent Lucretia followed by her this time living in Lemnos.5 The question is: were these pitiful death. He reminds them of the foul murder of Tyrsenoi remnants of a population distantly related to Servius Tullius and of the daughter who drove her car- the Etruscans or were they Etruscan immigrants from the riage over her father’s dead body. He also tells about the west? Scholars like Michel Gras and Claudio De Simone Romans’ hard labour underground constructing the sew- believe that these Tyrsenoi living in Lemnos were Etrus- ers, and the soldiers who had beaten in battle all the can immigrants from Italy.6 In his book on in the neighbouring peoples, who had been turned into stone- ancient world, Ormerod,7 on the other hand, with a refer- cutters and artisans. ence to (5.2.2–3), states with regard to the land of The horrible Etruscan is even more obvious in Vergil the Etruscans that “there is nothing in the character of who, we may presume, used poetic licence when de- the country which would naturally draw them to piracy. scribing the Etruscan king (Aeneid 8.477– Their cities for the most part were planned inland and at 488). Of course, in the evilness of Mezentius in com- the date of the first arrival of the Greeks in the west there parison with the nobility of Aeneas it is easy to see the is little evidence for regarding them as a maritime peo- sequel to the Romans’ propaganda for their wars against ple.” Another scholar, Margherita Giuffida Ientile,8 be- and subjugation of the Etruscans: Mezentius was king in lieves that the Etruscans, down to the end of the fifth Agylla (Caere, today ) and for years the city century B.C., did not go further east than the waters flourished until Mezentius became king. Vergil finds it around Sicily, which would mean that the pirates in the difficult to tell us about all his heinous crimes. He would Aegean actually originated from the east. Another even couple carcases with living bodies as a form of tor- ture. The cruelty of the Etruscans had become a com- monplace. 3 in the translation is, of course, poetic licence; in the In Dionysius of , however, who believed Greek text, the pirates are called Tyrsenoi. 4 One is at once reminded of the famous cup by Exekias show- that the Etruscans were autochthons in Italy, Mezentius ing Dionysos on his boat surrounded by dolphins/pirates, has a completely different character (1.64.4): “and with München Antikensammlung 2011, c. 540 B.C., from Vulci, them [the Rutulians] Mezentius, king of the Tyrrhenians, Cristofani 1983, 56–61, fig. 37; a translation of the Homeric who thought his own country in danger; for he was Hymn is also found in the book on pp. 117f. A Genucilia plate troubled at seeing Greek power already making rapid found in the in Rome from the late 4th century shows the continuity of the legend, ibid., fig. 68. Also on an Etruscan, headway.” All is in the eye of the beholder. Later, when black-figured by the Micali Painter (6th century B.C.) in Mezentius is defeated, he sends heralds to Lavinium to the Toledo Museum of Art, we find five pirates turned into dol- ask for peace. He gets his truce: “and from that time, lay- phins, some from the top and other from the bottom, CVA To- ing aside all his enmity with the , he was their con- ledo 2, pl. 90 (USA 20, pl. 973); see also in Un artista etrusco stant friend” (1.65.5). 1988, pl. VII:4. That the story appealed to an Etruscan vase painter is to be expected—the Etruscans seem to have had a lik- In the rest of the passages about Etruscans, there are ing for slightly odd motifs. The presence of the god himself is three main themes: the piracy, the luxuriousness and indicated only by a tendril of ivy leaves. easy living of the Etruscans and the shamelessness of 5 That the language spoken by this people was closely related to Etruscan women. The first time piracy is mentioned is, the is proven by two inscriptions on a stele as stated above, in the Homeric Hymn to (6–8): found on Lemnos. See Heurgon 1989 and Meer 1992. 6 Gras 1976, 360–368, and 1985, esp. 583–701, and De Simone “Suddenly men from a galley came speeding over the 1996, esp. 85–90, and 2000, 500–505. 3 wine-faced sea, free-booters from Tuscany, led on by an 7 Ormerod 1967, 153–155 (quotation fr. p. 153). ill doom”. The Library ascribed to Apollodorus (3.5.3) 8 Giuffrida Ientile 1978, 182–185, and 1983, 17–32. The Etruscans – in the Eyes of Greeks and Romans 49 scholar, Maria Torelli,9 argues for the Aegean origin of against the Tyrrhenians and thus deprived them of their certain pirates called Tyrranoi mentioned on a tomb- passage through the straits, which sounds very much like stone on , who were active as late as in the later commercial competition. Another (5.2.2) describes how part of the third century B.C. the Tyrrhenians, on account of their violent neighbours, More “Tyrrhenian” pirates are found offending the were broken up into separate cities “for otherwise they goddess in Athenaeus 15.672b–e: Admetê, the would not have given up a happy land and taken to the daughter of , went in flight from Argos to Sa- sea as pirates”. Yet another passage in Strabo (5.3.5) mos, and after seeing Hera in a vision, she wanted to mentions that in earlier times the people of Antium give a thank-offering for her escape from home, and so (originally a Latin city) “used to possess ships and to undertook the care of the temple, “but the Argives, hear- take part with the Tyrrheni in their acts of piracy, al- ing of this, in their anger promised money to the Tyrrhe- though at that time they were already subjects of the Ro- nians, who lived the life of pirates, if they would carry mans”—a statement that somehow makes the whole off the image of Hera, being themselves convinced that thing seem more ordinary. if that happened Admetê would surely suffer some harm One gets the impression that the word pirate is used at the hands of the people of .” The Tyrrhenians for Etruscan seafarers in general. Both Greeks and Etrus- picked up the image and carried it off to the sea and cans frequented the sea and thus, becoming involved placed it on their ship; but the ship did not move, how- with each other’s spheres of interest, fought with one an- ever much they rowed, and the statue could not be re- other. From the written evidence, it seems that the Greek moved from the island. authors, writing several centuries later, decided to call The rest of the passages deal with what were, for pi- the Etruscans pirates, even though they were, more accu- rates, ordinary occurrences. Tyrrhenian pirates are men- rately fighting off the intruders from the east and it is tioned four times in Diodorus Siculus and four times in likely that the two parties were not too far apart in their Strabo, more or less in passing in situations dealing with way of behaviour. The Etruscans were fighting for the the Greek colonists in the west and without strong em- land where they lived: the Greeks were the “intruders” on piratical actions. One passage, for instance, in and had, of course, to justify themselves by calling the Diodorus (11.88.4–5), is about a Syracusan admiral who Etruscans pirates. is sent out against the pirates, ravages Elba and then ac- Interestingly enough, we have confirmation of the cepts a bribe, presumably from the “pirates”, who appar- hostility behind this kind of name-calling. In Thucydides ently could not defend themselves. Another passage, (6.88.6 and 103.2, 7.53.2 and 57.11) we find Etruscans also in Diodorus (15.14.3–4), is about Dionysius of fighting in Sicily on the side of the Athenians, trading- Syracuse who, in need of money, uses the Tyrrhenian pi- competitors of the Western Greeks, in their attack on rates as an excuse to raid , the port of Caere. Inter- Syracuse in 415–413 B.C. and being treated quite differ- estingly enough, a passage in Strabo (5.2.3) describes ently, with honour and as partners, sharing a victory Caere as “in good repute both for bravery and for right- monument common to both parties (7.54): “and the eousness; for it not only abstained from all piracy, al- Athenians set up a trophy for the fight in which the Tyr- though particularly well fitted therefor ...”. This is prob- rhenians drove the Syracusan infantry into the marsh, ably the place to point out that Caere (Agylla) had a and also for their own victory with the main body of the treasury in Delphi, which would hardly have been the army.” case, had the citizens of Caere been well known as pi- The second accusation, the luxuriousness of the Etrus- rates. Yet another passage in Diodorus (16.82.3) is about cans, is mentioned more than once by Athenaeus. Quot- Postumius, a Tyrrhenian, who in company with twelve ing Poseidonius and Timaeus, for instance (4.153d) he pirates had been in the habit of despoiling mariners. reports: “And among the Etruscans sumptuous tables are When Postumius sails into Syracuse, he is received as a prepared twice a day, and richly coloured rugs are friend by , who later executes him. Another spread, and there are silver cups of every kind, and a host (5.9.4–5) is about the Lipareans, who divided them- of handsome slaves stands by, dressed in rich garments. selves into two bodies, one to cultivate the land, the Timaeus, moreover, in the first book of his , other to fight the Tyrrhenian pirates. They defeated the adds that the slave girls among them serve naked until Tyrrhenians in many sea-fights and often made notable they grow to be adults.” dedications to Delphi. We can compare this passage with one found in Dio- Of the remaining passages in Strabo, one (6.1.5) men- tions that Anaxilaus of fortified the isthmus 9 M.R. Torelli 1975. 50 Charlotte Scheffer dorus Siculus (5.40.3–4): “For example, twice each day guis Tyrrhenus”. That these epithets were rightly de- they spread costly tables and upon them everything that served is well proven by their portraits in the later centu- is appropriate to excessive luxury, providing gay-col- ries B.C., though not everyone would disapprove of their oured couches and having ready at hand a multitude of obesity, that sign of wealth and good living. Fat Etrus- silver drinking-cups of every description and servants- cans, after all, are found on their own sarcophagi and fat- in-waiting in no small number; and these attendants are ness may therefore have been to their taste.10 some of them of exceeding comeliness and others are ar- The last accusation raised against the Etruscans was rayed in clothing more costly than befits the station of a the shamelessness of their women.11 Passages about this slave. ... And, speaking generally, they have now re- topic are relatively few and all written by Greeks. Best nounced the spirit which was emulated by their forebears known is probably the one in Athenaeus based on Theo- from ancient times, and passing their lives as they do in pompus (12.517d–518b) telling us that it is common for drinking-bouts and unmanly amusements, it is easily un- Etruscans to share their women, that women often exer- derstood how they have lost the glory in warfare which cise with men and that it is no disgrace for a woman to their fathers possessed.” show herself naked, that they are terribly bibulous and What we find described here is the decadence of a de- very good-looking, that the Etruscans rear all the babies feated enemy: before, they were pirates and feared at the that are born, not knowing who is the father in any single sea—now they have grown soft and are worthless com- case etc., etc. The passage in Athenaeus about the Tyr- pared with their forebears. What an excellent situation rhenians dining with their wives under the same robe for their former enemies: first they fight unjustly and (see above) reminds us of the old idea of the Lydian ori- then they become degenerate and only interested in a gin of the Etruscan people, and of the passage in Hero- soft living, too interested in pretty things and sex. How- dotus (1.93) that describes the tomb of the Lydian king ever the Etruscans may appear, they are not good Alyattes, which according to him was raised by trades- enough, at least not when compared with their excellent men, craftsmen and prostitutes, the share of the last- enemies. mentioned being the greatest. Herodotus also tells us in Dionysius of Halicarnassus, too, (2.38.3) has some- the same passage that girls in prostitute them- thing to say about Etruscan luxury. He says, about the selves to collect money for their dowries. They choose Roman girl Tarpeia, who was killed for demanding something from some Sabine warriors, their gold brace- 10 Many older Etruscan men seem to have been fat. See, for in- lets or, as “interpreted” by the Sabines, their shields: stance, the sarcophagus of Laris Pulena (early second century “This maiden, as both Fabius and Cincius relate, con- B.C.), esp. fig. 161 (a detail) in Spivey 1997, where his stomach ceived a desire for the bracelets which the men wore on hovers over the book roll he is holding in front of himself. For their left arms and for their rings; for at that time the the whole sarcophagus, see Sprenger & Bartoloni 1977, figs. 250 (below) and 251, where his imposing personality is under- Sabines wore ornaments of gold and were no less luxuri- lined by his pondus (= the amount that something weighs ac- ous in their habits than the Tyrrhenians”. A bit further on cording to Oxford Latin Dictionary, s.v. pondus). See also an- (9.16.8), he writes: “And the Roman army found itself in other sarcophagus from Tomba di Pulena, ibid., figs. 249 and greater opulence than after any former battle. For the 250 (above), and a sarcophagus from the tomb of Partunus, figs. 247 (below) and 248, or a slightly later sarcophagus (2nd cen- Tyrrhenians were a people of dainty and expensive tury B.C) with a younger man (Torelli 1985, fig. 160). As stated tastes, both at home and in the field carrying about with by Spivey (1997, 171), “the physical obesity flaunted by the de- them, besides the necessities, costly and artistic articles ceased is not necessarily an index of decline ... power can be of all kinds designed for pleasure and luxury.” manifested in some societies by an abundance of subcutaneous padding”. Maybe a certain envy is traceable in these remarks 11 In Sordi 1981, we get the Greek and Roman view of the which transform the richness of the enemy into a sign of Etruscan women but also what the Etruscans expected of their weakness. However, Strabo in his Geography (5.1.10) women. In the recently published A companion to women in the describes how the Etruscans “sent forth an army into the ancient world, V. Izzet (2012) discusses an Etruscan mirror showing the judgment of Paris found in an Etruscan tomb and midst of the barbarians the Padus and had interprets the “male gaze” of Paris and the nakedness of Turan/ fared well, and then on account of their luxurious living Aphrodite as a sign of the importance of female beauty. Of were quickly cast out again”. That the Etruscans in a course, it must have been as important among Etruscans as else- later time, after their defeat, were thought to lead too soft where, but that does not necessarily mean that their women a life is also very apparent from how the typical repre- could not have had a more equal position than, for instance, women in the Greek world. Maybe we should compare the sentative of them is described by Catullus (39.11) as Etruscan women with the western women of today and how “obesus Etruscus” and by Vergil (Georg. 2.193) as “pin- men today look at their female companions. The Etruscans – in the Eyes of Greeks and Romans 51 their own husbands. Strabo (11.14.16) names Herodotus not, as in the tomb paintings, representations of husband as his source, when writing about Lydian women: “one and wife. Of course, the Etruscans may have dined to- and all, he says, prostitute themselves. And they are so gether with their women before the tomb as well, but the kindly disposed to their paramours that they not only en- terracotta plaques from important buildings in Acqua- tertain them hospitably but also exchange presents with rossa and Poggio Civitate, Murlo, seem to show only them, often giving more than they receive”. male participants, apart from one possible woman in the If we look at the paintings in the Etruscan tombs, Murlo frieze.14 women do indeed take part in the banquets with men, of- The despicable decadence of the Etruscans is con- ten sitting or reclining on the couch, but most likely only trasted by Diodorus Siculus (5.40.1–2) with their former with their husband or other close relatives, and obvi- greatness: “This people, excelling as they did in manly ously they are there to show united in the vigour, in ancient times possessed great territory and happy afterlife.12 The scenes are thus in reality quite dif- founded many notable cities. Likewise, because they ferent from Greek scenes showing paid women. On sar- availed themselves of powerful naval forces and were cophagi and funerary urns, too, we find men and women masters of the sea over a long period, they caused the sea together,13 but there is no reason to presume that they are along Italy to be named Tyrrhenian after them; and be-

12 Tomb paintings showing men and women banqueting to- Cateni & Fiaschi 1984, pl. XVII. It shows a very old couple gether on couches in Steingräber 1985: called “i vecchi”, the old ones, by Sprenger & Bartoloni 1977, No. 33, Tomba Golini II, 285, pl. 9, one woman, 350–325 B.C. 166, figs. 286–287. The woman is shown lying on her stomach No. 46, Tomba del Biclinio, 294 (drawings by Byres), four and has been accused of being a Todesdämon (a goddess of couples, two on each side wall, c. 350–300 B.C. death) but she is more probably a wife shown with her husband No. 49, Tomba della Caccia al Cervo, 298, pl. 39, three couples, after a long marriage. c. 450 B.C. The woman on the lid of another is called “la sposa”, c. 350 No. 50, Tomba della Caccia e della Pesca, 299f., pls. 41 and 45, B.C., Bianchi Bandinell & Giuliano 1973, fig. 337: she is sit- one couple, c. 510 B.C. ting, lifting up her mantle with her left hand and raising her No. 73, Tomba del Guerriero, 318f., pl. 95, two couples, 375– right hand as for a greeting or a farewell; it comes from Bot- 350 B.C. tarone, Città della Pieve, c. 350 B.C.; see also Cristofani 1975, No. 81, Tomba dei Leopardi, 324, pl. 105, two couples, 480– pl. 37:1–2 (the latter from the back) and Torelli 2000, 603, no. 470 B.C. 94. No. 91, Tomba della Nave, 332, pl. 118, three couples, late 5th From a family tomb, the Tomba dei Tetnies, in Vulci, come two century B.C. sarcophagi, both now in Boston, showing husband and wife em- No. 103, Tomba della Pulcella, 340f., pl. 196, two couples on bracing each other, one couple older than the other; the sarco- either side wall, 350–300 B.C. phagus of the older couple is from c. 370–360 B.C., and that of No. 106, Tomba Querciola I, 342ff. pl. 139, a kissing couple on the son with his wife from c. 340 B.C., Sprenger & Bartoloni the fond wall, late 5th–first half of 4th century B.C. 1977, 143, figs. 208–209. No. 109, Tomba degli Scudi, 346f., pls. 145–147, three couples Also on the funerary urns from Chiusi, women are present as with named men and women, 350–300 B.C. representatives of the family or as servants of the household, No. 121, Tomba del Triclinio, 355f., pl. 166, two couples, 470 see Jannot 1984, 364 and 396–399. B.C. The reliefs on the urns show: one couple: figs. 301–302 13 There are two famous terracotta sarcophagi from Cerveteri (C,II,39a and c) Berlin 1239, 306–307 (C,II,42a and c) Berlin with a couple lying down, one now in the Villa Giulia Museum, 1238; two couples, one of the women sitting: fig. 180 (C,I,15) the other in the Louvre in Paris, Bianchi Bandinelli & Giuliano London D,14, one woman surrounded by two men: figs. 143 1973, figs. 197 (Villa Giulia) and 198–200 and Spivey 1997, (B,III,3b) Berlin 1237, 162 (C,I,3b) 811928, 164 figs. 75–76 (Louvre), both late 6th centtury B.C. For the Villa (C,I,4b) Chiusi 2278, 305 (C,II,42b) Berlin 1238; one flute Giulia sarcophagus, see also Proietti 1986, 176–181 (from all player surrounded by two women: fig. 300 (C,II,39b) Berlin four sides). 1239. In Proietti 1986, fig. 63, Torelli 2000, no. 142 on p. 587, and Also in , urns with couples have been found, from the Spivey 1997, fig. 77, there is a small sarcophagus with a couple, tomb of the tite petruni, Rafanelli & Spaziani 2011, 213, fig. 94 also from Cerveteri, from the second half of the 6th century and 184f., fig. 86 on p. 182. The inscription tells us that it is the B.C. woman who is dead. On the lid, they are lying down at a ban- A very (literally speaking) worn couple, is found on an urn from quet, the husband kissing his wife, and, on the body, the fare- , Firenze, Mus.. 80944, Urne volterrane 1975, well between husband and wife is shown. A similar urn, also 168, no. 246, and figs. on pp. 169, 171 and 215 (detail of from Perugia, is mentioned in the text. heads). 14 The Acquarossa frieze seems to show only men, see, for in- Another example, in Museo Guarnacci 601, is found in Nielsen stance, Strandberg Olofsson 1986, 84, tipo C, figs. 86–87, pl. 1989, pl. L:1. XIV:2. In the frieze found at Poggio Civitate, the second figure Yet another couple in Volterra, Museo Guarnacci 621, dated to on the left-hand couch has been identified as a woman, see the beginning of the last century B.C., are generally called “gli Rathje 1989, 78, and 1994, 95–99, p. 96. See also Small 1994, sposi”, literally “the married ones” or rather “man and wife”, esp. 87–89.

52 Charlotte Scheffer cause they also perfected the organization of land forces, Cristofani 1983 M. Cristofani, Gli Etruschi del mare, they were the inventors of the , as it is called, a Milano 1983. discovery of the greatest usefulness for war and named CVA Toledo 2 CVA The Toledo Museum of Art 2 (USA after them the ‘Tyrrhenian trumpet’. They were also the 20), Toledo, Ohio 1984. authors of that dignity which surrounds rulers, providing De Simone 1996 C. De Simone, I Tirreni a Lemnos. Evi- denza linguistica e tradizioni storiche their rulers with lictors and an ivory stool and a with (Biblioteca di “Studi etruschi”, 31), Fi- a purple band; and in connection with their houses, they renze 1996. invented the peristyle, a useful device for avoiding con- De Simone 2000 C. De Simone, ‘I Tirreni di Lemnos’, in fusion connected with the attending throngs; … Letters, Torelli 2000, 500–505. and the teaching about Nature and the gods they also Di Fazio 2001 M. Di Fazio, ‘Sacrifici umani e uccisioni brought to greater perfection, and they elaborated the art rituali nel mondo etrusco’, RendLinc of by thunder and lightning more than all (ser. 9) 12, 2001, 435–505. other men.” All this only makes their fall greater. Giuffrida 1978 M. Giuffrida, ‘La “pirateria etrusca” fino So, the attitude towards the Etruscans taken by some alla battaglia di Cuma’, Kokalos 24, of the peoples surrounding them may be explained by 1978, 175–200. Giuffrida Ientile 1983 M. Giuffrida Ientile, La pirateria tirre- awareness of a real difference, which was not under- nica. Momenti e (Suppl. a Koka- stood by outsiders. However, as the Etruscans were the los, 6), Roma 1983. losers in the long run, this difference was attributed to Gras 1976 M. Gras, ‘La piraterie tyrrhénienne en their unmanly fancy for pretty things, as well as to the mer Égée: mythe ou réalité?’, in L’Italie freedom of their women. And before their defeat, when préromaine et la Rome républicaine. Mé- they were still men, they were all thought to be pirates langes offerts à Jacques Heurgon, 1 and, in general, a people to be treated with great suspi- (CEFR, 27), Rome 1976, 341–370. cion. The attitudes of the Greeks and Romans towards Gras 1985 M. Gras, Trafics tyrrhéniens archaïques the Etruscans may thus be attributed not only to the diffi- (BEFAR, 258), Rome 1985. culty of understanding a people with different customs, Heurgon 1989 J. Heurgon, ‘A propos de l’inscription but also to a wish to belittle a former dangerous enemy. tyrrhénienne de Lemnos’, in Secondo Congresso Internazionale Etrusco, Fi- renze 26 Maggio – 2 Giugno 1985, Atti, Charlotte Scheffer vol. 1 (Suppl. di StEtr), Roma 1989, 93– Department of Archaeology and Classical Studies 102. Stockholm University Izzet 2012 V. Izzet, ‘Etruscan women: towards a re- SE-106 91 STOCKHOLM appraisal’, in A companion to women in [email protected] the ancient world, eds. S.L. James & S. Dillon, Malden, 2012, 66–77 Jannot 1984 J.-R. Jannot, Les reliefs archaïques de Bibliography Chiusi (CEFR, 71), Rome 1984. Meer 1992 L.B. van der Meer, ‘The stele of Lemnos Beschi 1996 L. Beschi, ‘I Tirreni a Lemno alla luce and ’, Oudheidkundige dei recenti dati di scavo’, in Magna Gre- Mededelingen 72, 1992, 61–71. cia, Etruschi, Fenici. Atti del Trentatree- Musti 1989 D. Musti, ‘L’immagine degli Etruschi simo convegno di studi sulla Magna Gre- nella storiografia antica’, in Secondo cia, 8–13 ottobre 1993, Taranto Congresso Internazionale Etrusco, Fi- 1996, 23–50. renze 26 maggio – 2 giugno 1985, Atti, vol. Bianchi Bandinelli R. Bianchi Bandinelli & A. Giuliano, 1 (Suppl. di StEtr), Roma 1989, 19–39. & Giuliano 1973 Etruschi e Italici prima del dominio di Nielsen 1989 M. Nielsen, ‘La donna e la famiglia nella Roma, Milano 1973. tarda società etrusca’, in Le donne in Briquel 1991 D. Briquel, L’origine lydienne des (Studia archaeologica, 52), ed. A. Étrusques. Histoire de la doctrine dans Rallo, Roma 1989, 121–145. l’antiquité (CEFR, 139), Rome 1991. Ormerod 1967 H.A. Ormerod, Piracy in the ancient Cateni & Fiaschi G. Cateni & F. Fiaschi, Le urne di Vol- world. An essay in Mediterranean his- 1984 terra e l’artigianato artistico degli tory, Chicago 1967. Etruschi, Firenze 1984. Proietti 1986 G. Proietti, Cerveteri, Roma 1986. Cristofani 1975 M. Cristofani, Statue-cinerario chiusine Rafanelli & Spaziani S. Rafanelli & P. Spaziani, Etruschi. Il di età classica (Archaeologica, 1), Roma 2011 privilegio della bellezza, [Sansepolero] 1975. 2011. The Etruscans – in the Eyes of Greeks and Romans 53

Rathje 1989 A. Rathje, ‘Alcune considerazioni sulle Spivey 1997 N. Spivey, , London 1997. lastre di Poggio Civitate con figure fem- Sprenger & Bartoloni M.A. Sprenger & G. Bartoloni, Die minili’, in Le donne in Etruria (Studia ar- 1977 Etrusker. Kunst und Geschichte, Mün- chaeologica, 52), ed. A. Rallo, Roma chen 1977. 1989, 75–84. Steingräber 1985 Catalogo ragionato della pittura etrusca, Rathje 1994 A. Rathje, ‘Banquet and ideology. Some ed. S. Steingräber, Milano 1985. new considerations about banqueting at Strandberg Olofsson M. Strandberg Olofsson, ‘Lastre a ri- Poggio Civitate’, in Murlo and the Etrus- 1986 lievo’, in Architettura etrusca nel Viter- cans. Art and society in ancient Etruria, bese. Ricerche svedesi a San Giovenale eds. R.D. Puma & J.P. Small, Madison, ed Acquarossa 1956–1985, Roma 1986, Wisc. 1994, 95–99. 83–85. Ridgway 2002 D. Ridgway, The world of the early M.R. Torelli 1975 M.R. Torelli, ‘Τυρρανοί’, PP 30, 1975, Etruscans. Göteborgs Universitet, The 417–433. Félix Neubergh Lecture, 2000 (SIMA- Torelli 1985 M. Torelli, L’arte degli Etruschi, Roma PB, 162), Jonsered 2002. & Bari 1985. Small 1994 J.P. Small, ‘Eat, drink, and be merry. Torelli 2000 M. Torelli, ed., Gli Etruschi, Milano 2000. Etruscan banquets’, in Murlo and the Un artista etrusco Un artista etrusco e il suo mondo. Il pit- Etruscans. Art and society in ancient 1988 tore di Micali (Studi di archeologia Etruria, eds. R.D. Puma & J.P. Small, pubbl. dalla Soprintendenza archeologica Madison, Wisc. 1994, 85–94. per l’Etruria Meridionale, 5), ed. M.A. Sordi 1981 M. Sordi, ‘La donna etrusca’, in Mi- Rizzo, Roma 1988. soginia e maschilismo in Grecia e in Urne volterrane 1975 Urne volterrane 1. I complessi tombali Roma. Ottave giornate filologiche geno- (Corpus delle urne etrusche di età ellenis- vesi, 25–26 febbraio 1980 (Pubblicazioni tica, 1), eds. M. Cristofani, M. Cristofani dell’Istituto di Filologia Classica e Me- Martelli, E. Fiumi, A. Maggiani & A. Ta- dievale, 71), Genova 1981, 49–67. locchini, Firenze 1975. The Etruscans – in the Eyes of Greeks and Romans 54 SELF-REPRESENTATION AND IDENTITY-CREATION BY AN ETRUSCAN FAMILY. THE USE OF THE PAST IN THE FRANÇOIS TOMB AT VULCI

BY ANNETTE RATHJE

Abstract chamber (VII) is square, as is the chamber itself; the The well known paintings from the François Tomb are repre- other burial chambers IV, V, VI, VIII, IX, X are all trap- sentative of a single phase and must be considered in a perspec- ezoid. Sarcophagi were placed on a low ledge in these tive of contemporaneity. However, the tomb evokes different side chambers and a planned arrangement of platforms pasts in the self-representation of an Etruscan family. This article will contextualize the images and the ways in which they has been detected; in fact, they make for an ideal coher- invent tradition by an active appropriation of external icons, ence, a space where the dead are “behind the scenes” thus giving family power a quasi-theatrical setting. with regard to the pictures of the central chamber II–III.6 Chamber VII was always open: it was never sealed with One of the more spectacular examples of a mise en scène a stone door, and it was provided with large benches of the past is seen in the François Tomb at Vulci, owned housing klinai and kylikeion to form the last resting- by the Saties family, who built it in the second half of the place of the most important members of the family in- 4th century BC.1 The tomb is named after its excavator, tended always to be looked at. The tomb had been well the Florentine mining engineer Alessandro François, planned indeed. who discovered it in 1857, in the area of the Ponte Rotto necropolis on the left bank of the River Fiora. This ne- The reversed, T-shaped, central space7 consists of two cropolis is especially known for its tombs dating from the second half of the 4th century BC to the Roman era. chambers, as can be observed from the gabled ceiling of In the 4th century BC it was the burial place for the aris- the so-called atrium (II) and the flat, coffered ceiling of tocracy of Vulci.2 The François Tomb, however, was soon forgotten and it was re-excavated only in 1930 by 1 There has been no discussion in recent times about dating the Ugo Ferraguti.3 tomb to the third quarter of the fourth century BC, a more pre- cise dating to 320–310 BC is proposed by Andreae 2004c, 56. New drawings and plans of the structure were made in 2 Moretti Sgubini 1987, 51, figs. 2–3; Moretti Sgubini 2004, 18, 1987, when the tomb had been propped up and under- fig. 1. No other tomb has this number of chambers. gone some acts of conservation.4 The dromos of the 3 Maggiani (2004, 59) rightly reminds us of a “dark chapter of tomb leads in a quite natural way to an upper grave, the history of archaeology”. The tomb has been excavated and which was obviously abandoned for fear of collapse and re-excavated. The paintings were detached and the finds were dispersed into the antique market. On the finds, see Buranelli was left open as a humidification chamber. A new, lower 1987b, 115–145. tomb was subsequently cut in a more stable geological 4 On the occasion of the 150th anniversary of the Museo Grego- layer. The old, ellipsoidal tomb is located above the cen- riano Etrusco an exhibition was held in the Braccio di Carlo tral chamber of the lower tomb.5 I do not find this con- Magno in the Vatican, accompanied by an excellent scholarly nection accidental. It must have a meaning and it cer- catalogue edited by Francesco Buranelli (1987). 5 Compare the drawing published by Messerschmidt 1930, tainly underlines the importance of this particular space. Beilage 3, with the new drawings in Buranelli & Buranelli Pera The François Tomb is clearly the biggest in the ne- 1987, 61–62, figs. 2 and 4. The “upper” tomb measuring 6.0 × cropolis, it is furthermore one of the biggest in Etruria. 7.90 m with a height of 2.40 m has now been closed. Andreae The complex plan of the tomb (Fig. 1) shows a long dro- (2004a, 206, n. 8) expresses doubts about the connection be- mos leading to a central space in the shape of a reversed tween the two tombs. 6 Roncalli 1987, 81. T, from where access is obtained to 7 chamberss placed 7 Known from various tombs at Vulci: Tomba dei Tarnas, symmetrically around it. The crossbar of the T (II) is rec- Tomba dei Tutes, Tomba del Pronao arcuato (Moretti Sgubini tangular, whereas the antechamber (III) to the burial 2004, 20–22, fig. 3a–c). 56 Annette Rathje

Fig. 1. The François Tomb, plan adapted from Roncalli 1987, 80, fig. 1 (Thora Fisker).

the so-called tablinum.8 A relief representing a head of clearly the more important.10 It is supposed that the per- Charu originally belonged to this ceiling.9 Chamber VII sons once buried in the upper tomb were transferred to is the only other space with an elaborate ceiling. chamber V which, alone of all the chambers, was not When entering the tomb, one is immediately struck by provided with a band of waterproof cocciopesto. The the longitudinal axis from the entrance to the back of door to this chamber was walled up when the paintings chamber VII. In fact, the distance to the rear wall of VII of the tomb were executed. is more than 10 metres. That the two parts of the central Everything considered, the tomb demonstrates ex- T-shaped space (II and III) form a unity is evident at first traordinary architectural planning. All chambers except sight. Then you notice the differences, mentioned above, V have architectural decoration, either painted or not. As between the ceilings. The two spaces are united by a -and-scale pattern above the painted figure 8 I am not going to use the terms atrium of the wide space at the friezes. The decoration of the transversal space II does entrance or tablinum of the lower narrow extension that opens at the back into the main burial chamber, as I find these terms not set the stage for symmetry. A clear distinction is seen misleading. between the left side and the right side of the chamber. 9 Andreae 2004a, 179, fig. 3; 182. The right-hand side, where the doors are higher, is 10 Roncalli 1987, 84. Self-representation and Identity-creation by an Etruscan Family 57 for the benches in Chamber VII, they were covered with is now facilitated by new photographs of the cleaned gold-woven textiles.11 Chamber VII was painted in the panels and virtual reconstructions based on the Ruspi so-called First Style, or Masonry Style, whereas II and copies, in the actual tomb, as well as the reconstruction III were decorated with figured scenes (c. 1.20 m high) made by Bernard Andreae.20 I have made a drawing above a red dado of 0.71 m. Hooks in the ceiling indicate showing the figured friezes belonging to all the walls of lamps for the appropriate illumination of the frescoes of the central space of the tomb (II–III) (Fig. 2). In this way the central space (II–III). 12 the structure of the decoration can be discerned and the relation between animal friezes and figured friezes can The paintings of the François Tomb constitute one of the be detected. Animal friezes are seen above the figures in most fascinating and challenging subjects in Etruscan ar- II and furthermore, on the left side of the room, doves chaeology.13 The noble, Roman Torlonia family who and rosettes are painted above the painted doors leading owned the land in which the tomb was found, had the to VIII and X.21 figured paintings detached as panels. Part of the orna- When entering the space, you could look straight mental decoration discovered in 1857 is still in situ, as ahead and the pairs of combatants to the left and right of well as the decoration of chamber VII.14 In addition, the entrance to III, and the two naked males on each side fragments, found by Ferraguti, are stored in the Archaeo- of the door of VII would be central to attention (Fig. 3). logical Museum of Florence.15 The figural paintings From a wider perspective you can “read” from left to from the central space were cut to pieces by Giacomo right: the standing figures of Phoinix (Phuinis) and Succi in 1862 and were taken to the Museo Torlonia in Nestor (Nestur), flanking the door to IX; Polyneikes & Rome at the Via della Lungara. After World War II they Eteokles (Phulnice and Aizucle) left of the entrance to were moved to the Villa Albani, a property owned by the III, the large scene of the slaughtering of the Trojan pris- family in Via Salaria. For years they were not accessible oners at the funeral of Patroklos (Patrucles), ending with and scholars were rarely granted permission to study the naked Trojan (Truials) on the left side of the door to them. It was a pathetic experience to look at them as they VII. On either side of this door, half a shield is seen, evi- were in the Galleria del Canopo in the Villa Albani-Tor- dently not the same shield, to judge from the way the lonia.16 Fortunately, the paintings have recently been two halves are decorated.22 On the right side of the door properly and completely restored and remounted in is a representation of the naked Caelius Vibenna (Caile Rome, at the laboratorio di restauro at Palazzo Altemps Vipinas), followed by the rest of the large scene of on the occasion of the exhibitions held in Hamburg and Macstrna and his followers in the enterprise of liberating Vulci in 2004. The painted panels are, however, now the captured hero. To the right of the entrance to III we back at the Villa Albani.17 The figured paintings were copied by Nicola Ortis in 11 Moretti Sgubini 2004, 23. 1857 for A. Noël des Vergers, the collaborator of 12 Roncalli 1987, 67. François.18 A month after the discovery of the tomb, they 13 Steingräber 1985, 377–381, with bibliography; fundamental were copied by Carlo Ruspi for the Museo Gregoriano, are Cristofani 1967, Coarelli 1983, d’Agostino 2003, Andreae at the Vatican, before being removed from the tomb.19 2004a–c, Musti 2005. 14 Roncalli 1987, figs. 26–29. The coloured facsimiles and watercolours made from 15 They are all published by Maggiani 2005, 607–609. fair copies are influenced by the neo-classical style and 16 Moretti Sgubini 2004, fig. on p. 5. therefore not as trustworthy as the tracings. This material 17 The restoration was made possible with financial support has, naturally, been widely used in discussions of the from the Hamburg Bucerius Stiftung. 18 paintings. Blanck & Weber-Lehmann 1987; Buranelli 2004. 19 In 1897 G. Mariani made a facsimile for the brewer Carl Portrayals of thirty individuals are preserved, while at Jacobsen for his Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, Moltesen & Weber- least three are lost: one person was portrayed on the Lehmann 1992, 88. sealed door leading to V and perhaps two persons on the 20 Virtual reconstruction of three walls, Buranelli 2004, figs. wall to the right of this door. 11–13; reconstruction, Andreae 2004c, 21–23; new photo- graphs in Andreae 2004a–c. On the colours, cf. the review by The persons are recognizable from their painted Penny Small 2009, 242–243. names. Even if the paintings have been cut down there 21 Only one divergence is worth noticing: in Ortis’ drawing, a can be no doubt about their position and thus about the sphinx is seen next to Poine, Blanck & Weber-Lehmann 1987, spatial relationship between the characters depicted. 213, fig. 202. 22 After the submission of this article I have read Harari 2007; in this article he recognizes the same necessity of perception on p. Iconographic and iconological study of the paintings, for 48. I will not comment on his brilliant literary reading of the long complicated by the difficult access to the originals, paintings. 58 Annette Rathje

Fig. 2. The François Tomb, detail of chambers II–III (Thora Fisker). Self-representation and Identity-creation by an Etruscan Family 59

Fig. 3. Reconstruction of the tomb made by B. Andreae for the exhibition at Hamburg in 2004. Adapted from Moretti Sgubini 2004, 15 and Andreae 2004c, 41, figs. 21–23 (Thora Fisker). find Marce Camitlnas against Cneve Tarchunies Ru- at the entrance wall. On the left side, the painting repre- mach. On the left side of the door to V, Vel Saties and sents Amphiaraos and Sisyphos (Amphare and Sisphe) the boy Arnza are represented. On the door itself is seen and above them Poine. At the right side Ajax and Cas- the lower part of a male(?), to the right of the door only sandra (Ainas and Casntra) can be detected. fragments have been preserved indicating another Arnza We are dealing with scenes and persons from the Iliad and yet another person. and characters from the Greek myth about the Seven First when you turn around you would be able to look against Thebes, whereas the rape of is known 60 Annette Rathje from the Iliou . Sisyphos, Amphiaraos and Poine thical …plsaxs. As for the combination of images of - are also Greek mythical personages. Myths and legends mal combat and fighting among humans, the closest belonging to different times are shown, for the killing of parallel consists of the paintings from the archaic Tomba the Trojan prisoners happens before the rape of Cassan- degli Auguri from . In this tomb, the bloody dra. The fratricide of Polyneikes and Eteokles occurs be- fight of the right side-wall representing Phersu and a de- fore the death of Amphiaraos. To these Greek myths, lo- fenceless opponent is actually paralleled and backed up cal stories from Etruria and/or Rome are added. by the ferocious fighting in the gable of the rear wall of The decorative scheme and style of the paintings has the tomb. Here a lion and a panther are seen in mortal been considered to belong to or, more combat with a gazelle or ibex.27 precisely, to Apulia. I do think B. Andreae is right when he pleads for a closer comparison of these paintings with In the François Tomb, blood is gushing from where the the Macedonian corpus.23 The stylistic aspect is not our swords enter the bodies of Eteokles and Polyneikes in main focus of attention here. What is of uttermost inter- their fratricidal combat. The two Trojans waiting to be est is that the selection of these motifs makes the tomb massacred are bleeding too, as they have been cut in unique in the whole corpus of known Etruscan tomb- their thighs to prevent their escape. The bound Trojans painting. Who made this selection? Was it the painter, are as defenceless as are the Etruscan victims of the local the patron, a member of the Saties family? The painting fight: they are seemingly surprised from their sleep, as of the massacre of the Trojan prisoners has been “com- they are emerging from the mantles by which they have pleted” with the two Etruscan demons Charu and Vanth, been covered. In this last case we are certainly not deal- to stress that this scene is from the Etruscan underworld ing with heroic duels, as some have suggested.28 In two in an ahistoric present.24 The scenes representing local cases we are encountering violence without blood, that is heroes have most probably been invented to the occa- in the groups of Ajax and Cassandra on the one hand, sion. and Marce Camitlnas and Cneve Tarchunies Rumach on Much has been said and written about the profound the other. Ajax is threatening Cassandra, before raping meaning of the entire decoration-programme of the her; we also know that she died otherwise than as an im- François Tomb contextualized in late of mediate consequence of this rape. It has been a bone of a Hellenistic world.25 My more modest contribution will contention, however, what is really going on between be to raise questions about a few issues of interpretation. Marce Camitlnas and Cneve Tarchunies Rumach. Is the Taken together, the figured panels and the animal former killing the latter? Is Marce Camitlnas drawing his frieze depict extreme violence. The animal frieze, one of sword or is he sheathing it? Cneve Tarchunies does not the longest from antiquity (with about 35 animals repre- seem armed, he is crouching, wrapped in a white mantle sented), is notable for showing many animals real and which covers his shoulder and legs, and he seems to imaginary, each of which is different from all the others. have been taken by surprise. I understand him as pre- The fighting groups are extraordinary varied, both as re- venting Camitlnas from drawing his sword.29 gards the attackers (winged griffin, lion, wolf, griffin, It is not the point of this contribution to pin-point the hyena) and their victims (wild donkey, wild boar, ga- actual sequence of historical events involving the saga of zelle, horse). Here is great variation in the treatment of a the Vibenna brothers and the early history of the Roman well known theme: mortal combat. kings. I merely wish to stress that it is extremely difficult The violence of the biting and tearing is clearly seen from the streams of blood running from the wild donkey, 23 There is agreement that the painting of the funeral of Patrok- the gazelle and the horse. Even from the bull’s head, los was inspired by a painting from Magna Graecia, Roncalli shown between a lynx and a griffin, blood is clearly 1987, 86; Fischer-Hansen 1993, 60–62; Andreae 2004a, 179. marked as flowing (above the door to VI). The animal Regarding the animal combats, cf. throne and foot stool from the tomb of Eurydice, Kottaridi 2007, 39, fig. 12. imagery of this tomb cannot be primarily decorative,26 24 Roncalli 1987, 88. and it could be significant that blood is seen over the 25 See note 13. centre of the lintels belonging to the entrance to VIII and 26 Warden 2009, 210–211. VI). Just as the hoofed mammals and the cloven-footed 27 Steingräber 1985, 283, no. 42; the phenomenon is also seen in animals are presented in ferocious and bloody combats the fourth century BC on the benches of Tomba dei Sarcofagi, Caere, ibid., 64, no. 10, as well as 323–324, no. 87 Tomba della against carnivores, a true bloodbath is also evident from Mercareccia (painted plaster reliefs), Tarquinia. the walls representing the massacre of the Pesna 28 Holliday 1993; Musti 2005, 497. Arcmsnas Sveamax, Laris Papathnas Velznax and Ven- 29 Roncalli 1987, 93–98; Weber-Lehmann 2005, 103 Self-representation and Identity-creation by an Etruscan Family 61 to combine images and historical sources: images are not point when he suggests that the confusion is inten- illustrations of texts. Texts concerning the archaic king- tional.34 Even so, the big painting of the Vibenna saga dom of Rome are indeed sparse. There is, however, no can easily be “read” or deciphered because of the names. doubt about the reality of Roman kings, even though The paintings of the François Tomb depict nudity in their number can be discussed. We know about a Roman more than one meaning: (1) the naked Trojans, and the literary tradition concerning the military success of the half-naked Cassandra, the Etruscan victims and Cneve Vibenna brothers and their connection to Mastarna, who Tarchunies are all shown as being vulnerable persons, was identified by Claudius as Servius Tullius, and to while (2) the aggressors or winners, Caile Vipinas, Rome in the sixth century BC. The archaeological Macstrna, Rasce, Avle Vipinas, Marce Camitlnas, are sources are Etruscan and happen to provide the earliest shown in heroic nudity,35 as are also the mythical figures testimony.30 We do not learn anything about Vulci in the of Sisyphos and Amphiaraos.36 account of the Etruscan–Roman war by Livy. The city is The slaughter of the Trojans, the assassination of not mentioned specifically before 280 BC, when the Ro- Etruscans, the fratricide of Eteokles and Polyneikes, and man of Cosa was founded on its territory. Fur- the mortal combats between animals all show the Etrus- thermore Cneve Tarchunies Rumach, interpreted as can taste for motifs representing death, sacrifice, and 37 Gnaeus Tarquinius the Roman, is not otherwise known. blood. This has recently been stressed by Warden, and He may or may not be connected to Rome and the by Bonfante, who understands the sacrifice of the Troj- kings.31 From their names, it has been argued that the ans as a virtual sacrifice to the dead of the tomb, that is, 38 winners or aggressors, Larth Ulthes, Rasce and Avle Vi- as a substitute for a real blood offering. According to pinas, in this painting are Vulcentian local heroes against Jannot, the sacrifice of human beings helped to trans- 39 people from the cities of (Laris Papathnas form the dead persons into heroes. Could we consider Velznax), Sovana (Pesna Arcmsnas Sveamax) and these paintings as referring to specific funeral games ? (Venthical …plsaxs) and one is tempted to understand rather like gladiatorial fights? We cannot prove that the two groups as belonging to private armies. It is also these actually took place at Etruscan funerals. Another suggested that Marce Camitlnas was from Vulci, and possibility is that some kind of theatrical performances that similarly other persons without ethnic indication were held, eventually illustrating legends about local he- 40 were well known to the viewers.32 roes as well as other heroes. The two massacres shown in the tomb must be under- The dress-code of Vel Saties has been interpreted in stood as symbolic parallels referring to events that took different ways. He wears a laurel wreath around his head place in the Etruscan war. In 358 the tarquinienses sacri- and is dressed in a long and heavy vestis pictis of dark ficed 307 Roman prisoners in the forum of the town and purple believed to be either an archaic Roman toga or a this cruel act was revenged in 354 when the Romans se- Greek himation: either he is represented as a triumphant or as a dead hero.41 The embroidered decoration of this lected 358 Tarquinians, sending them to Rome to have mantle shows naked, bearded men armed with swords their heads cut off in the Forum Romanum. 33 These achievements reflect the bloody reality of war- fare and the destiny of prisoners in central Italy at the 30 Cornell 1995, 134–138. 31 time of Vel Saties. It is thus easy to imagine that mem- Cornell 1995, 138–139. 32 d’Agostino (2003, 101) refers to doubt about the Vulcentian bers of the Saties family might have participated in such characters. kinds of action or, at least, they might have heard about 33 Livy 7.15.9–10 and 7.19.2–3. them. Indeed the Saties clan may have included condot- 34 Musti 2005, 501–502. 35 tieri, too. Some believe that all the naked persons have been taken pris- oner, like C. Vibenna, Cornell 1995, 138. 36 The wall to the right of the entrance to chamber II has evi- The dress-codes of the characters depicted is very de- dently been damaged in Antiquity. tailed and significant. The two Ajaxes are both dressed 37 Warden 2009, 200–205. 38 in corselets of linen fabric; however, Ajax Telamonius is Bonfante 2000, 278. 39 Jannot 2000, 87. wearing full armour, whereas Ajax Oileus wears 40 Steingräber 2002, 134–135. one greave on the left leg while a string is seen around 41 La Rocca 2008, 48: triumphal dress or luxurious dress of pa- his right ankle. Larth Ulthes is wearing a short, white, rade; Lesky (1998, 179) argues for a Greek himation. Vel Saties red-hemmed tunic. Venthical …plsaxs is wearing a is represented as an aristocrat; Bonfante 2009, 187: himation re- fers to his heroization after death. Regarding the decoration of metal cuirass and greaves; he is leaning on his shield this mantle, the motif is difficult to understand as the mantle has which is standing on the ground. Musti might have a been draped around the body. 62 Annette Rathje and shields that represents a (gladiatorial) fight or a must abandon the prejudice that these images and their weapon-dance.42 I think Lesky is right in rejecting the stories can be explained by texts put together like a jig- ‘weapon-dance’ hypothesis in view of the visual affinity saw puzzle.47 between the fighters adorning the mantle of Vel Saties Since the time of Descartes, modern man has made an and the fighting of the other paintings of the tomb.43 effort to find logical connections everywhere and in all Another bone of contention concerns Arnza and the things. However, when dealing with ancient peoples, bird. Arnza has been seen as a child, a dwarf and a one is always compelled to take into account another lautni. Again, he is someone whose fine dress underlines concept, the concept of ambiguity. One cause of ambigu- his élite status and the bird must be an ideal bird, as no ity is time. The Etruscans had a flexible understanding of real bird corresponds to it, though it has been named a time. In the François Tomb, scenes of various pasts and “woodpecker”, a “swallow”, and a “falcon”. Some see presents challenge the viewer.48 here a representation of augurium/auspicium, in connec- tion to military action followed by triumph, while An- It is well known that Greek myths reflect the fulfilment dreae agrees with Weber-Lehmann that the little Arnza of divine prophecies.49 Presumably the Etruscan stories is playing with the bird.44 Vel is considered by all the did the same, for we are aware that Etruscan religious founder of the tomb. behaviour involved belief in the gods and submission to Leaving aside the various naked, half-naked and their will. In the view of the Etruscans, “the most reli- armed characters, we are left with the figures of the side- gious among men” (Liv. 5.1.6), everything in life was walls of chamber II: the lavishly dressed Nestor and predestined, while death was inevitable. Many have Phoinix and their counterparts being, presumably, mem- wished to stress the moralistic message of the tomb. One bers of the Saties family. From the symmetry of the of the most recent interpretations of the “message” of the tomb we would tend to imagine another man to have paintings is that of D. Musti who “reads” the key con- been depicted on the right side of the door to chamber V. cept of into the images.50 To my mind this Was this another representation of Vel, of his brother, of brilliant exposé is an over-interpretation, I must, how- his father? It has been suggested that the person in be- ever, admit that we are not able clearly to understand the tween the two figures, painted on the sealing of the door, relationship between Rome and the aristocratic Saties in all probability represented an , one of the per- family. sons once buried in the upper tomb. The cultural identity of Vel Saties and his clan is ex- The examples above show the importance of understand- pressed through this tomb by the grandness of its archi- ing the details of the images, of scrutinizing the evidence tecture, by its splendid decoration, and by the figured in order to envisage how the paintings could have been images that stress the choices, selections and construc- understood. One reading is very literary and discusses tions of memory to be passed on to later generations. “multilayered relationships” and consequently believes The past is used to show who you are, local history is that the painting of the massacre of the Trojans has to be used to put you in the company of local heroes, the vic- read from left to right while its counterpart, the legend of tors in legendary fighting, probably against other Etrus- the Vibenna brothers, should be read from right to left.45 can armies. The past is used to make a reconstruction of In that case, Marce Camitlnas and Cneve Tarchunies tradition. It is significant that both the specific pairing of cannot belong to the Etruscan story. Some interpretations have been contrived to fit a 42 Messerschmidt 1930, 133–134. model or models made in modern times and they may 43 Lesky 1998, 185, although he believes the fighting alludes to tell us more about the outlook of the modern viewer than Etruscans versus Romans. 44 about the actualities of the past. To distinguish between Andreae 2004a, 200–201. 45 Holliday 1993, 181. See also Harari 2007, 48–49. myth and history may not be sensible, as myth was his- 46 Musti 2005, 498. tory for the ancients. Musti could be right when he re- 47 De Grummond 2006, 4. fuses to see an antagonism between Etruscans and Ro- 48 Nielsen 1999, 36–39. mans.46 Even if he is wrong, the old simplistic interpreta- 49 See Musti 2005, 493 describing the various times represented tion, according to which Etruscans identified themselves in the massacre of the Trojans regarding Patroklos, the Trojan (Truials) and Achilles. Like these persons, protected by Vanth with the Greeks and the Romans with the Trojans, is not and Charu, the figures of Amphiaraos and Sisyphos are seen un- sufficient to explain the rather complex connections be- der the wings of Poine. tween single figures and groups in all directions. We 50 Musti 2005, 486–487. Self-representation and Identity-creation by an Etruscan Family 63

Eteokles and Polyneikes, as well as the great painting erately eliminated, unless you can catch a glimpse of it representing the liberation of Caile Vipinas, are con- in the lay-out of the tomb and the benches in the side sidered to have been invented for this tomb.51 The local chambers as seen on Fig. 1. Female figures are normally past is referred to another past, a foreign past, the Greek very much in evidence in Etruscan tombs, but here we past of Homer and others. Vel Saties seems to be creat- find only one mythical victim (Cassandra) and two fe- ing his own past. The notion is that, by gaining power male beings from another sphere (Poine and Vanth). Vel over the past you gain control of the future, as past and Saties and his family acquired a powerful political- future are interlinked. cultural identity, able as they were to legitimate their As stated before, the right side of II is the more im- power by references to a historical and/or mythical past. portant, and it might not be without significance that Vel Saties is depicted next to the door of the chamber con- Annette Rathje taining the bones of his ancestors, buried as the first in Saxo-Institute, Classical Archaeology this new tomb as mentioned above. Whether or not some University of Copenhagen 4 Karen Blixensvej of the painted heroes were actually also referred to as an- DK-2300 COPENHAGEN S cestors by a “legendary connection” is an open ques- Email [email protected] tion.52 We can choose to understand Vel as a cosmopolite of the Hellenized world, a man of good taste. He can be seen as a man who stresses his knowledge of Greek cul- Bibliography ture, who has chosen to decorate the main chamber of this great tomb in accordance with the latest fashion by Andreae 2004a B. Andreae, ‘Die Tomba François. An- spruch und historische Wirklichkeit eines using the masonry style, and who has chosen to repro- etruskischen Familiengrabes’, in Die duce, among other paintings, one originating in Magna Etrusker. Luxus für das Jenseits, Bilder Graecia. The scenes from the underworld might be no vom Diesseits – Bilder vom Tod. Eine more than Greek cultural citations, but we can also see Doppelausstellung des Bucerius Kunst the whole programme as representing an Etruscan Forums und des Museums für Kunst und .53 Gewerbe Hamburg, 13. Februar bis 16. We must try to place ourselves at the right historical Mai 2004 (Publikationen des Bucerius moment and disregard our knowledge of what happened Kunst Forums, 5), eds. B. Andreae, A. Hoffmann & C. Weber-Lehmann, Mün- after. The François Tomb was constructed as a memorial chen 2004, 176–206. monument, as a mnema for the persons who visited the Andreae 2004b B Andreae, ‘La Tomba François’, Forma tomb at subsequent funerals or other rituals. In no way Urbis 9:1, 2004, 8–57. can we dismiss the tomb as merely an honorific monu- Andreae 2004c B. Andreae, ‘La Tomba François ri- ment aimed at the glorification of the family. costruita’, in Eroi etruschi e miti greci. It has been stated that, as Greek aristocrats and cities Gli affreschi della Tomba François tor- lost powers to Roman governors, they engaged more and nano a Vulci [Mostra Vulci 26 giugno– more with memories of their glorious history. Can we 26 settembre 2004], ed. A.M. Moretti Sgubini, Calenzano (FI) 2004, 41–57. detect a parallel in the way that the Etruscan aristocracy Blanck & Weber- H. Blanck & C. Weber-Lehmann, claimed power by referring to the past? Lehmann 1987 Malerei der Etrusker in Zeichnungen des The François tomb accumulates images, and this ac- 19. Jahrhunderts. Dokumentation vor cumulation might be compared with the display of im- der Photographie aus dem Archiv des ages presented by the urns of other family tombs, for in- Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts in stance, the Inghirami tomb.54 When possible, we shall Rom, Mainz am Rhein 1987. try to understand the dialogue implied by the images: Bonfante 2000 L. Bonfante, ‘Classical nudity in Italy Holliday pleads for the viewer to be inspired to read a and Greece’, in Ancient Italy in its Medi- narrative among the typological correspondences.55 I do terranean setting. Studies in honour of not think it is fruitful to continue to reconstruct the intel- 51 lectual milieu of Vel Saties by reference only to Greek Maggiani 2005, 605. 52 Nielsen 2002, 112. concepts, experience and understanding of the world. 53 D’Agostino 2003, 110. This tomb is indeed a new image in itself. The banquet, 54 Nielsen 2007, 156–165. so often seen in Etruscan tomb paintings, has been delib- 55 Holliday 1993, 181. 64 Annette Rathje

Ellen Macnamara (Accordia Specialist in the early ’, in As- Studies on the Mediterranean, 4), eds. D. pects of Hellenism in Italy. Towards a Ridgway, F.S. Ridgway, M. Pearce, E. cultural unity? (Acta , 5), Herring, R.D. Whitehouse & J.B. eds. P. Guldager Bilde, I. Nielsen & M. Wilkins, London 2000, 271–293. Nielsen, Copenhagen 1993, 53–90. Bonfante 2009 L. Bonfante, ‘Ritual dress’, in Votives, Harari 2007 M. Harari, ‘Lo scudo “spezzato” di Vel places and rituals in . Saties’, Ostraka 16, 2007, 45–54 Studies in honor of Jean MacIntosh Holliday 1993 P.J. Holliday, ‘Narrative structures in the Turfa (Religions in the Graeco-Roman François Tomb’, in Narrative and event World, 166), eds. M. Gleba & H. Becker, in ancient art, ed. P.J. Holliday, Cam- Leiden & Boston 2009, 183–191. bridge 1993, 175–197. Buranelli 1987a La Tomba François di Vulci. Mostra in Jannot 2000 J.-R. Jannot, ‘Etruscans and the After- occasione del centocinquantesimo anni- world’, Etruscan Studies 7, 2000, 81–99. versario della fondazione del Museo Kottaridi 2007 A. Kottaridi, ‘L’épiphanie des dieux des Gregoriano etrusco (1837–1987), Città Enfers dans la nécropole royale d’’, del Vaticano, Braccio di Carlo Magno in Peinture et couleur dans le monde 20 marzo – 17 maggio 1987, ed. F. grec antique, ed. S. Descamps-Lequime, Buranelli, Roma 1987. Paris 2007, 27–45. Buranelli 1987b F. Buranelli, ‘Il corredo – scavo e disper- La Rocca 2008 E. La Rocca, ‘La processione trionfale sione’, in Buranelli 1987a, 115–145. come spettacolo per il popolo romano. Buranelli 2004 F. Buranelli, ‘Die Kopien des Gemäl- Trionfi antichi, spettacoli moderni’, in dezyklus der Tomba François von Carlo Trionfi romani [Mostra Roma 5 marzo– Ruspi im Museo Gregoriano Etrusco des 14 settembre 2008], ed. E. La Rocca & S. Vatikan’, in Die Etrusker. Luxus für das Tortorella, Roma & Milano 2008, 34–55. Jenseits, Bilder vom Diesseits – Bilder Lesky 1998 M. Lesky, ‘Zum Gewand des Vel Saties vom Tod. Eine Doppelausstellung des in der Tomba François’, in Die Integra- Bucerius Kunst Forums und des Mu- tion der Etrusker und das Weiterwirken seums für Kunst und Gewerbe Hamburg, etruskischen Kulturgutes im republika- 13. Februar bis 16. Mai 2004 (Publika- nischen und kaiserzeitlichen Rom (SB- tionen des Bucerius Kunst Forums, 5), Wien, 658), ed. L. Aigner-Foresti, Wien eds B. Andreae, A. Hoffmann & C. We- 1998, 177–185. ber Lehmann, München 2004, 168–175. Maggiani 2004 A. Maggiani, ‘Gli affreschi della Tomba Buranelli & - F. Buranelli & S. Buranelli Le Pera, ‘La François. I frammenti fiorentini’, in Eroi nelli Le Pera 1987 Tomba François e le sue fasi’, in etruschi e miti greci. Gli affreschi della Buranelli 1987a, 57–77. Tomba François tornano a Vulci [Mostra Coarelli 1983 F. Coarelli, ‘Le pitture della Tomba Vulci 26 giugno–26 settembre 2004], ed. François a Vulci: una proposta di let- A.M. Moretti Sgubini, Calenzano (FI) tura’, DialArch, ser. 3, 1:2, 1983, 43–69. 2004, 59–66. Cornell 1995 T. Cornell, The beginnings of Rome. Italy Maggiani 2005 A. Maggiani, ‘Eteokle nella Tomba and Rome from the Bronze Age to the François’, in Aeimnestos. Miscellanea di Punic Wars (c. 1000–264), London studi per Mauro Cristofani II (Prospet- 1995. tiva, Suppl., 2), ed. B. Adembri, Firenze Cristofani 1967 M. Cristofani, ‘Ricerche sulle pitture 2005, 599–610. della tomba François di Vulci. I fregi Messerschmidt 1930 F. Messerschmidt, Nekropolen von Vulci decorativi’, DialArch 1:2, 1967, 186– (JdI-EH, 12), Berlin 1930. 219. Moltesen & Weber- M. Moltesen & C. Weber-Lehmann, d’Agostino 2003 B. d’Agostino, ‘Appunti in margine alla Lehmann 1992 Etruskische Grabmalerei. Faksimiles Tomba François di Vulci’ in Pittura und Aquarelle. Dokumentation aus der etrusca: problemi e prospettive. Atti del Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek und dem Schwe- Convegno Sarteano, 26 ottobre 2001; dischen Institut in Rom. Ausstellung im Chiusi 27 ottobre 2001 (Sistema Musei Winckelmann-Museum Stendal, 12. Senesi. Quaderni archeologici, 5), ed. A. Dezember 1992 bis 31. Mai 1993, Mainz Minetti, Siena 2003, 100–110. am Rhein 1992. De Grummond N. Thomson de Grummond, Etruscan Moretti Sgubini 1987 A.M. Moretti Sgubini, ‘La necropoli di 2006 myth, sacred history, and legend, Phila- Ponte Rotto’, in Buranelli 1987a, 47–56. delphia, PA 2006. Moretti Sgubini 2004 A.M. Moretti Sgubini, ‘La necropoli di Fischer-Hansen 1993 T. Fischer-Hansen, ‘Apulia and Etruria Ponte Rotto’, in Eroi etruschi e miti Self-representation and Identity-creation by an Etruscan Family 65

greci. Gli affreschi della Tomba Small 2009 J.P. Small, ‘Review of Eroi etruschi e François tornano a Vulci [Mostra Vulci miti greci: gli affreschi della Tomba 26 giugno–26 settembre 2004], ed. A.M. François tornano a Vulci, ed. A.M. Moretti Sgubini, Calenzano (FI) 2004, Moretti Sgubini, Florence 2004’, Etrus- 17–28. can Studies 12, 2009, 241–243. Musti 2005 D. Musti, ‘Temi etici e politici nella de- Steingräber 1985 S. Steingräber, ‘Catalogue of Etruscan corazione pittorica della tomba Fran- paintings’, in Etruscan painting, ed. S. çois’, in Dinamiche di sviluppo delle Steingräber, New York 1985, 257–381. città nell’Etruria meridionale. Veio, Steingräber 2002 S. Steingräber, ‘Ahnenkult und bildliche Caere, Tarquinia, Vulci. Atti del XXIII Darstellungen von Ahnen in etruskischen Convegno di studi etruschi ed italici, 1–6 und unteritalischen Grabgemälden aus ottobre 2001 (Atti di convegni, 23:2), vorrömischer Zeit’, in Images of ances- Pisa & Roma 2005, 485–508. tors (Aarhus Studies in Mediterranean Nielsen 1999 M. Nielsen, ‘The conception of time Antiquity (ASMA), 5), ed. J. Munk among the Etruscans’, Leidschrift 14:2, Højte, Aarhus 2002, 127–158. 1999, 33–46. Warden 2009 P.G. Warden, ‘The blood of animals. Nielsen 2002 M. Nielsen, ‘“… stemmate quod Tusco Predation and transformation in Etruscan ramum millesime ducis …” ( Sat. funerary representation’, in New per- 3.28): family tombs and genealogical spectives on Etruria and Early Rome in memory among the Etruscans’, in Im- honor of Richard Daniel De Puma, eds. ages of ancestors (Aarhus Studies in S. Bell & H. Nagy, London 2009, 198– Mediterranean Antiquity (ASMA), 5), 219. ed. J. Munk Højte, Aarhus 2002, 89–126. Weber-Lehmann C. Weber-Lehmann, ‘Überlegungen zum Nielsen 2007 M. Nielsen, ‘La Tomba Inghirami’, in 2005 Bildprogramm der Tomba François’, in Etruschi di Volterra. Capolavori da Pittura parietale, pittura vascolare. Ri- grandi musei europei [Exhibition cata- cerche in corso tra Etruria e . logue, Volterra 2007–2008], a cura di G. Atti della Giornata di studio, Santa Ma- Cateni, Milano 2007, 156–171. ria Capua Vetere, 28 Maggio 2003, ed. Roncalli 1987 F. Roncalli, ‘La decorazione pittorica’, in F. Gilotta, Napoli 2005, 103–114. Buranelli 1987a, 79–110. 66 Annette Rathje IN THE MIRROR OF THE PAST: THE THREE “KEY-NOTE” ASH- CHESTS IN THE PURNI TOMB OF CITTÀ DELLA PIEVE

BY MARJATTA NIELSEN

Abstract are numbered in thousands, and their iconographic 2 In the last three centuries BC, thousands of cinerary urns from repertory is very rich indeed. the north-Etruscan towns were decorated with relief-scenes, whose subject-matter was primarily drawn from Greek myth and from local funerary beliefs, while motifs depicting scenes The Purni Tomb from Etruscan legendary history are rare. In individual chamber tombs the relief-scenes did not usually follow a unitary pro- As a rule, the chests were acquired when needed, and gramme, but the Chiusine Tomb of the Purni family may be an placed, generation after generation, in the chamber exception, even if the programme is not as explicit as in the case 3 of the paintings of the François Tomb at Vulci. Three of the tombs. A possible exception is the tomb of the Purni ash-chests were executed in the same workshop, and the choice family. It was discovered in 1863 a few kilometres south of subject and iconography on them may have been intended as of Chiusi/, on the lower slope of the hill Poggio a programme, in which different time-levels mirror each other: Cavaliere or Palazzaccio, which is centrally situated be- Greek myth (the whole story of Oresteia), Etruscan/Etrusco- 4 Roman legend (the Vibenna brothers capturing the seer Cacu), tween the Astrone and Chianetta valleys. In spite of the and more recent history (Battle against the ). Predictions short distance from Chiusi, the site now belongs to the about the future contribute some further themes. These very commune of Città della Pieve, which the modern provin- same thematic lines were also followed by several other ash- cial administration assigns to . chests from the same tomb, but attributable to other workshops. Judging from the geographical distribution of their It is especially noteworthy that in the second century BC the “local” stories contain elements which would later appear in name, the Purnis were important landowners in the Latin poetry and historiography: the images show that the sto- Chiusine territory.5 Their main residence was probably ries had been in circulation for a long time, and that even the Etruscans had been interested in the Past. 1 For the latest on the much-discussed question of Etruscan le- gends, historiography and literature, see e.g. Camporeale 2004, Is it possible to tell anything about “attitudes towards the 204–206; Bonfante & Swaddling 2006, 52–53; de Grummond Past” in a civilization of whose poetry and historiography 2006, esp. 201–207; Nielsen 2009. On the function of Greek we have no first-hand knowledge? I will argue that it is. myth in Etruria, see Steuernagel 1998; Massa-Pairault 1999; Myth in Etruria forthcoming. Etruscan art, especially from the fourth century BC 2 The north-Etruscan material is conveniently collected in BK. onwards, laid so much emphasis on pictorial narration 3 For late Etruscan family tombs in general, see e.g. Nielsen that it is difficult to imagine that the images would not 1989 and 2002a. For the most recent scholarship on the tombs have corresponded to oral or literary storytelling. In and ash-chests of the Chiusine area, see Colonna 1993 (and most cases, the narrative scenes can easily be related to other contributions in Civiltà di Chiusi 1993); Paolucci & Mi- netti 2000; Sclafani 2002; Paolucci 2005; de Angelis 2007 (and Greek myths, in others, we have to seek the key in “lo- the whole volume, Etruschi. Chiusi, Siena, ); Maggiani cal” legends.1 The best known and most refined case of a 2011a. For the latest work on the extraordinary rich epigraphic pictorial programme implying a juxtaposition of Greek material from Chiusi, see Benelli 2009, with references. myths and Etruscan/Etrusco-Roman legends (with ex- 4 For the tomb, see Thimme 1957, 119–134; Nielsen 1996a, 75– planatory inscriptions) is that of the paintings of the 93 (with references). Since these works appeared, I have been developing my ideas regarding the tomb at several occasions, François Tomb at Vulci, dating from the late fourth cen- and the work is still in progress: see Nielsen 1999, 277–278; tury BC (cf. Annette Rathje in the present volume, with 2002b, 188–192; 2003, 115–122; 2009. references). Painted tombs were as a rule created in their 5 For the inscriptions of the Purnis in general, see ThLE 2009, entirety on a single occasion, according to a deliberate 323 (Purni and its different case-forms, Purnal, Purnaś, Purnei, Purnial, Purniś, Purnis, Purnisa); 310 (spelled as “pvrni”); 560 programme. But, are there also cases of “programmatic” (Purnei and Purni in the Latin alphabet). These last examples choices of subject-matter in tomb chambers that contain show that the family “survived” the change of language into relief-decorated sarcophagi or ash-chests? Such chests Latin. For the inscriptions of the Purni Tomb, see n. 12. 68 Marjatta Nielsen

Fig. 1. The three “keynote” ash-chests, by the “Purni Master”, on display in the Sinebrychoff Art Gallery in Helsinki, 2003, all from the Purni Tomb, Città della Pieve. Photograph by the author.

situated on top of Poggio Cavaliere.6 Perhaps their basement of the Sinebrychoff Art Gallery. The former wealth was based on food-production and large-scale ex- brewery storeroom proved an ideal setting to convey the port-trade.7 The Astrone valley is connected by river val- illusion of an Etruscan family vault (Fig. 1).10 leys with the Tiber and thereby with Rome, and it is still The style of three of these ash-chests, all carved in lo- an important route of communications through central cal , is so uniform that they must have been Italy. It is hardly a mere coincidence that today both the made in one workshop, under the direction of one sculp- autostrada and the railway line Rome–Florence pass tor.11 I have proposed to call him “the Purni Master”, al- close by Poggio Cavaliere. though he and his collaborators worked for other Chiu- The relief-scenes from the Purni Tomb bear witness to sine families as well, e.g. the Afuna, Cumere, Marcni, wide cultural horizons, worthy of Clusium, the city of Matausni, Nachrni, Pethna, Sentinate, Tetina, Umrana, the legendary King Porsenna, to whom Roman histori- and Velsi. Placed side by side in the place of honour ography gave an important—but controversial—role in along the back wall of the “tomb chamber”—at my sug- the transition from the Monarchy to the Republic. That gestion—the three ash-chests and their banqueting lid- period must have left traces also in local stories.8 Now a figures gave a strong impression of family unity and small rural town, Chiusi has produced very important “programmatic” intentions. finds from the Etruscan period, from the Orientalizing The genealogy of the Purnis is full of gaps, but we can period onwards, e.g. the famous François Vase, a sixth- state as a fact that there were several male members of century showpiece of . Recent archaeo- 6 logical excavations have shown that the extent of ancient I thank Giulio Paolucci for this information, and for showing me around in the area and explaining its topography. See also Chiusi’s urban area was very large indeed, a fact which Bruschetti 1993, 439. 9 gives yet more credibility to the city’s historical role. 7 Cf. Camporeale 2006; Paolucci 2009. Since the 1890s, the alabaster ash-chests from the 8 See e.g. Di Fazio 2000; Camporeale 2006; many contributions Purni Tomb were scattered to various museums and in Etruschi e Roma 2009; Martínez Pinna 2011. 9 countries, while the simple travertine chests remained at E.g. Gastaldi 2000; Colonna 2001; Minetti 2004; Gastaldi 2008; 2010. the owners’ house at Città della Pieve. In 2003 I had the 10 Nielsen 2003. occasion to arrange a family meeting for some of the 11 As already seen by Körte: BK 3 (1916), 129; cf. Nielsen Purnis in Helsinki, where the tomb was displayed in the 2002b, 188–192; 2003. In the Mirror of the Past 69 the family, with different cognomina denoting different opments in as a consequence of the conquest family branches.12 The cognomina Alfa, Curce and of the Eastern Mediterranean are suggestive of second- Faltu/Haltu are given in their basic, personal forms, century date, especially after 187 BC (see below). while others have the suffix ‘–sa’ denoting filiation, sons Sculptural decorations and paintings displayed in pub- who have inherited the surname from their father: Cur- lic places, as well as model-books, served as long-term cesa, Raufesa and Ventesa. Indications of mothers’ models for artists. Ultimately, the problems of chronol- names are few, only Plautial and Felial. Wives’ names ogy arise from the mode of artistic schooling that was are Cacnei and Piuti, and a Purni woman married to a typical of the Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods, in Rapalni was probably buried in the tomb, too. which art was not necessarily supposed to be original, Other tombs, too, confirm that the Purnis were impor- but “reproduceable”, even over a long period of time. tant people, since their daughters were married to mem- Here, indeed, is a sign of a positive “attitude towards the bers of the best of families. The magnificent sarcopha- past”.16 gus belonging to Hasti Afunei (probably work of our Purni Master), features a relief in which her relatives are lined up, among whom are her youngest brother Larza 13 Afuna and his (probable) wife, Larthi Purnei. From an The spheres and time-horizons of the unknown tomb comes the ash-chest of Purnei, wife of Creice (“the Greek”), who with her subject-matter and thyrsos is represented as initiated into the mysteries Rather as in the case of the François Tomb, we may de- 14 of Dionysos. Other Purni women were married with duce that the three main monuments in the Purni Tomb, Marcnis at Chiusi and at Montepulciano, where a male belonging as they do to three different spheres of sub- Purni was buried, too. jects and “time horizons”, have a programmatic charac- As to the three key-monuments dealt with here, they ter, even if the programme is not so stringently worked probably belonged to a father and his son, and perhaps to out. a nephew/cousin. Considering the uniformity of style, The three different spheres represented are as follows: the three urns were probably ordered on a single occa- sion. (1) The Greek mythical past: stories relating to a very re- mote, misty past in the Greek world, with or without im- aginary connections with Italy. These subjects were given wide currency by Greek drama.17 “The Purni Master” (2) The “historical” past: Etruscan legends about events Whatever the origin of “the Purni Master”—Greece, some centuries earlier, in a period corresponding to the Asia Minor or Southern Italy cannot be excluded, with Tarentum as a strong candidate—he was well aware of 12 For the inscriptions from the Purni Tomb, ET I, 157; II, 191– current trends in Hellenistic art, and also familiar with 192 (Cl. 1.650–1.665). 13 Nielsen 1989, 86, fig. 30; de Angelis 2007, 91–93. local iconographic and literary traditions. He probably 14 de Angelis 2007, 96–97, no. 15; Maggiani 2009 (the inscrip- collaborated with other sculptors as well, since many of tion). his schemes and single figures were used by less brilliant 15 For the latest on interrelations of workshops in Northern Etru- followers. Shifting collaborators and their mobility even ria in general, see Maggiani 2011b. With regard to the dating beyond Chiusine territory have resulted in surprising proposed for the work of the Purni Master: the second half of the third century BC is suggested by Colonna 1993, 356; 2005, correspondences between a large number of ash-chests 2:2, 1493 (from 1994); de Angelis 2007, 95; a date broadly and lid-figures of different levels of quality, and combi- around 200 BC is proposed by Steuernagel 1998, 193–194; nations of different styles, even within a single piece of Nielsen 2002b, 189–190; Maggiani 2011b, 187–188, and one in sculpture. the early or middle second century by Nielsen 2003, 116–119 and 1996a, 86–89. Thimme (1957, 134, 136–137) places the This makes workshop-attributions and chronology chests both in his Stilstufe II and in III (i.e., mid to late second problematic, and hence the dates which have been pro- century), because of the two-generation span. posed vary from the late third century BC down to the 16 For the latest on the whole question of “self-Hellenization” 15 through art, see e.g. Forza del bello 2008; Giorni di Roma 2010. middle of the second century. In the present context, 17 chronology is not of crucial importance, but I would take For comparison of literary subjects (both Greek and Roman) with Etruscan chest-reliefs, see La Penna 1977. He believes the as terminus post quem the Battle of Telamon in 225 BC models to be only figurative, but the parallelisms due to a com- or the destruction of Tarent in 212 BC, while the devel- mon cultural ambience. 70 Marjatta Nielsen

Fig. 2. The ash-chest of Larth Purni Raufesa: planning to avenge his father Agamemnon’s murderers, Klytaimnestra and Aigisthos. Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, H.I.N. 61. Photo- graph by the author.

Monarchic and early to middle Republican periods in gestae, only to their “prospective” status as participants Rome. The stories are lost, but significant elements of in an eternal family feast. them turn up in later Latin poetry and historiography. (3) The recent past and present time: battles against the Gauls and other enemies. In addition, predictions about the future make up an Greek myth: Orestes’ agony essential part of the stories. The Greek, mythical level is represented by the ash- chest of Larth Purni, son of Larth Purni Raufe (Fig. 2).18 Other chest reliefs from the tomb, as well, carved by His relief-motif is taken from the Oresteia, which was a other masters, take up these same types of theme. Both particularly popular cycle of motifs in Greek drama, in the stories and their visual renderings are related to each Attic and South-Italian vase-painting and sculpture, as other at various levels, and there are particularly numer- well as on Chiusine and Volterran ash-chests. Different ous representations of struggles between near relatives moments of the story appear in many variants, and the or neighbouring peoples, and of the fatal consequences Purni Master never repeated himself (Fig. 3).19 of these struggles. As for the lid-figures, they are all represented as ban- 18 Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, H.I.N. 61: Nielsen 1996a, no. 28 queters, with drinking bowls. All the three men wear (with previous literature); Steuernagel 1998, 37, 193–194, no. cloaks only, which leave their upper bodies nude, graeco 45, pl. 10:1 (“Orestes and Pylades in Tauris”); Nielsen 1999, 277–278, pl. 25c; 2002b, 188–190; 2003, 118. more, and they have wreaths round their heads and gar- 19 Siena, Archaeological Museum, inv. 730, from Sarteano, the lands round their necks. There are no hints to their res Tomb of the Cumere (1835): Conestabile 1858, second plate

In the Mirror of the Past 71

Fig. 3. A variant of the Orestes theme, but with one naked youth killing a captured victim (Orestes killing Aigisthos?). Arnth Sentinate Cumeresa’s ash chest, from the Cumere Tomb, discovered at Sarteano in 1835. Siena, Museo Archeologico, inv. 730. Drawing from Conestabile 1858, second plate.

Euripides and his followers provided the main source murdered father, Agamemnon, is already lying. To the of theatrical matter for Etruscan reliefs, but here the plot left, Orestes is sitting on his father’s grave, a simple of Sophokles’ Elektra corresponds surprisingly well to kyoniskos of the kind that was in vogue in contemporary the scene. In the play, however, everything takes place in Athens. Looking at Orestes, Apollo, “the god in com- front of Agamemnon’s old royal palace, but here the scene represented contains the whole plot, which we (unnumbered); BK 1, pl. 84:2; Steuernagel 1998, 37–38, 194, learn about directly and indirectly. At the centre, we see no. 47 (with refs.), pl. 10:2; Camporeale 2004, fig. 130. Other Apollo, supporting his feet on clouds (or cloud-like chests with the motif: BK 1, pls. 84–85; Steuernagel 1998, 36– rocks, the Etruscan prerequisite for predicting the fu- 42, 194, nos. 46–51. For the Volterran Orestes-urn with identi- fying inscriptions: Steuernagel 1998, pl. 15; Nielsen 2004, 28, ture). To avoid to be killed, Orestes, in the guise of his fig. 3. For the latest on Orestes in ancient iconography, see look-alike friend, Pylades, has brought “Orestes’ ashes” LIMC Suppl. 1 (2009), 396–399, s.v. Orestes (A. Kossatz Deiss- home, to be buried in the family burial-plot, where his mann), with further references. 72 Marjatta Nielsen mand”, is inducing in his tormented mind the wish to Vulci, where the Vipinas are participating in Mac- take vengeance on the murderers: his mother Klytaim- starna’s struggle for the Roman throne; and finally, from nestra and her new husband, Aigisthos. His older sister, a speech by the Emperor Claudius, preserved on bronze Elektra, is listening to him, with crossed legs, while the tablets found at Lyon. Claudius even states that Mac- younger sister, Khrysothemis, in the left corner, is bring- starna was identical with Servius Tullius, the second ing a tray of offerings to the grave. Apollo is not holding Etruscan king of Rome.23 On the mirror and on ash- his customary musical instrument, but he is ominously chests, the Vipinas are about to capture Cacu.24 They leaning on a sword, which “happens” to point towards seem to have been so famous that all kinds of real and Klytaimnestra. In her bedchamber, she is tormented by a invented stories were pinned on them. nightmare foretelling her imminent death. Behind her is On our ash-chest, the figure playing a musical instru- a youth, probably Pylades. To the right, we see a warrior ment at the centre resembles Apollo,25 but the bulla- who is either hurrying to the scene, or perhaps fleeing necklace around his neck defines him as an Etruscan. from it. I have previously identified him as Aigisthos, His companion (rather big, this time, and with short-cut who by accident is going to kill Klytaimnestra, believing hair) is lying on the ground to the left on stone blocks, in her to be Orestes. The youths are going to kill him before close contact with nature. The rocks as well as his ges- fleeing with the horses, who participate in the drama tures are to help him in memorizing prophecies and with lively expressions. The warrior figure (who has the learning to see into the future. The two have travelled on same young looks as the youths) might also refer to their horseback to the countryside bringing food containers flight and subsequent imprisonment. The underlying cause of Orestes’ crime, Agamem- 20 Florence, Archaeological Museum, inv. 74625 (in the follow- non’s murder, is shown on another relief also from the ing abbreviated as FMA, followed by the inventory number): Purni Tomb, but carved by a less brilliant sculptor. After BK 1, pl. 85:4; Thimme 1957, 125, fig. 15; Nielsen 2003, 121. 21 FMA 74233: BK 2, 254–255, pl. 119:1a (photograph on p. his lengthy absence, Agamemnon has returned home and 255); Maggiani 1980, 234–236; LIMC II (1984), 855, s.v. Artile found Klytaimnestra remarried with Aigisthos. Pretend- 5 (G. Colonna); Massa-Pairault 1985, 256–258, fig. 25; LIMC ing to welcome him with a banquet, she has caught III (1986), 176, s.v. Cacu 3 (E. Mavleev); Tomba François Agamemnon in a tablecloth and is beating him to death 1987, 243, no. 98 (Maggiani); Pairault Massa 1992, 212, fig. 20 199; Torelli 1992, 241, fig. 163; Scheffer 1994, 205, no. 26 with a footstool. (arches on the short sides); Capdeville 1995, fig. 5; LIMC VIII (1997), 1144, s.v. Skylla 79, pl. 792 (right side, O. Jentel); Nielsen 2002b, 188–189, fig. 6; 2003, 119; Maggiani 2004, fig. 12; de Grummond 2006, 175, fig. VIII.d; Nielsen 2009, 647– 648, fig. 2. A Chiusine sculptor quite close to our Purni Master Etruscan legend: the seer Cacu captured also brought the motif to Volterra: FMA 5801 (from the Gal- by the Vipina brothers luzzi collection in Volterra), Bocci Pacini 1997, 361, n. 10. 22 ES 5, pl. 127; Small 1986, 462; Tomba François 1987, 242– The second “keynote” ash-chest by the Purni Master is 243 (Testa); Massa-Pairault 1996, 192; for the most recent that of Arnth Purni Curcesa, probably the former Purni’s scholarship, see Bonfante & Swaddling 2006, 53; Briquel 2006, cousin (Fig. 4).21 As we can see, the central figure and 91, n. 24; de Grummond 2006, 28; Prayon 2006, 98; Marcattili 2008, 194, 269; Albini 2009; Nielsen 2009, 648–649, fig. 3, n. 9 the warriors are an evident iconographical loan from the with refs. On the subject-matter in general, see Small 1982 Orestes relief. However, the story is quite different, and (who, however, proposed too many conjectural identifications); would have been hard to identify, were it not that a Massa-Pairault 1985, 56; Small 1986; Torelli 1986, 195; de Grummond 2006, 27–28, 174–177. simpler version of the scene, with names, is found on a 23 22 Cf. Rathje in the present volume. For sources and discussion, bronze mirror from Bolsena (Fig. 5). The central figure see e.g. Tomba François 1987, 225–243; Holliday 1993; Ver- is called Cacu. He is sitting in a rocky forest chanting nole 2002, 163–186; Colonna 2003; Andreae 2004a–b; Weber- prophecies, accompanying himself with a . His pupil Lehmann 2005; Maggiani 2005; Briquel 2006; de Grummond Artile is sitting by his side, with an open book on his lap. 2006, 174–177; Marcattili 2008; Minder 2008, 91–95; van der Behind the two are lurking two armoured warriors, Avle Meer 2011, 27–28. A later variant of the name is on a Tarquin- ian cippus from about 200–150 BC, with the inscription “vipe- and Caile Vipinas, ready to capture them. nas:vipes”: Kaimio 2010, 85, no. 56. The Vipinas—in Latin, Vibennae—happen to be 24 The common elements with the Orestes and Cacu reliefs have known from quite disparate sources: a sixth-century brought about too many identifications of them as Cacu scenes. 25 dedicatory inscription on pottery from the The magnificent bronze statue (now in fragments) from the sanctuary at and on a red-figure from the sanctuary of Sillene at Chianciano may have served as a model for both Apollo and Cacu playing the lyre as represented fourth century BC; also from the late fourth-century BC on the ash-chests: Rastrelli 2000, 109, fig. 108; Acqua degli dei wall-paintings of the above-mentioned François Tomb at 2003, 45–55 (Bonamici); Nielsen & Rathje 2009, 280–283. In the Mirror of the Past 73

Fig. 4. The ash-chest of Arnth Purni Curcesa: the seer Cacu captured by the Vipina brothers. Flor- ence, Archaeological Museum, inv. 74233. Photograph by the author.

Fig. 5. An Etruscan bronze mirror showing Caile and Aule Vi- pina ambushing Cacu and Artile, c. 300 BC. From Bolsena, the tomb of Thania Luvcini. London, , GR 1873.8– 20.105. Drawing from Etruskische Spiegel V, pl. 127. 74 Marjatta Nielsen and drinking flasks with a yoke (at times misinterpreted Recent past: Battle against the Gauls and as chains and locks), seen on the ground between them. a war of all times The fully armed Vipina brothers have arrived at the spot together with two more warriors, while the kneeling per- Larth Purni Curce’s relief-scene (Fig. 6)32 shows a battle sons in the front, in peasants’ clothes, are either partici- with many iconographic loans from disparate sources. pating in their capture or trying to prevent their capture. The hero to the right comes very close to Alexander the In fact, the element of capture connects the scene with Great, and other victorious horsemen galloping over the Oresteia reliefs with Orestes’ and Pylades’ escape fallen enemies.33 The naked hero at the centre wears a and imprisonment. That has resulted in further misattri- variant of a Phrygian helmet, mixed with an Alexander- butions, since these last-mentioned youths are shown of- like, lion-skin head-gear. The detail probably goes back ten tied by their wrists (cf. Fig. 3).26 to a famous painting in Athens, showing warriors wear- Cacu’s Greek and Roman namesakes bring us into the ing Phrygian helmets, but the Etruscans may also have domain of extremely tangled and contradictory myths. connected it with the Phrygian cap of the Trojan Prince, The capture of a monstrous outlaw and cattle-thief, Ca- Paris, well known in Etruscan art.34 cus, was very much desired.27 In brief, here we are not As to the fallen enemies, they are all naked. The one at dealing with a criminal, but with a person who was able the centre and the other to the right both have round to predict the future. The Romans used to rely on Etrus- shields, which do not point to a specific ethnicity. How- can expertise in divination, and called upon Etruscan ever, all three have a neck-ring, and the one to the left has priests in wartime. But, when the war was going on be- an oval shield of the kind that can be connected with the tween Etruscans and Romans, the Etruscans kept their Gauls (though not exclusively). Have the Gauls been in- secrets. Livy (5.15.2–6) tells, for example, of a long war serted into a mythical battle from the Trojan War, for in- between Rome and Veii, which finally came to an end in 398 BC, because the Romans had succeeded in capturing 26 Apart from the anomalies in this relief, there is a curious an old Veian soothsayer and forcing him to reveal how a cross-fertilization between the Orestes and the Cacu scenes on certain prodigy could be used in their favour.28 Both the an ash-chest in Berlin (Inv. Sk 128: BK 1, pl. 85:3). I would suggest that the relief still refers to Orestes, but Apollo has been Veian soothsayer and Cacu must belong to the category Etruscanized by means of a bulla-necklace. of wandering stories, which might be inserted into vari- 27 Cf. Small 1982; LIMC III (1986), 177–178, s.v. (J. ous historical situations. Arce); Cerchiai 2005. 28 From the Purni Tomb there is one more ash-chest re- Briquel 1993 and 1998; Grandazzi 2008, 85–100 (decon- structs the historical basis of the story of the Veian vates); lief connected with divination and the Etruscan, or Nielsen 2009, 649–650 (with further refs.). Etrusco-Roman, legendary past. From a well-known 29 Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, H.I.N. 58: Nielsen 1996a, no. 25; iconographic scheme, “Eteokles and Polyneikes prepar- 2003, 120–121; 2005; 2009. Perhaps an analogous theme is ing to duel”, the sculptor whom I have proposed to call shown on a Perusine urn: BK 1, pl. 73:1. 30 For the discussion, Nielsen 2009. The whole list of threatened “the Vetana Master” created a composition where two women is provided by Mustakallio 1999. For early Roman sto- youths are preparing to capture a young woman who is ries in Augustan literature, see e.g. Fox 1996. perhaps an oracular , the personification of a 31 Cf. Acqua degli dei 2003; Mezzetti 2004; Nielsen & Rathje spring.29 No surviving story fits perfectly, but the identi- 2009, 280–283. 32 FMA 74232: BK 3, 157–159, figs. 29–31; Massa-Pairault cal appearance of the youths suggests that they are broth- 1985, 53–54, figs. 26–28 (Trojans or Gauls); Colonna 1993, ers, close relatives or “equals”. There are many elements 356; Holliday 1994, 28–32, figs. 5–7; Moreno 1994, vol. 1, 308, here familiar from stories told by later Roman authors, fig. 388; Marszal 2000, 213–214, fig. 80; Holliday 2002, 75–76, fig. 36; Nielsen 2002b, 190–192; 2003, 117. especially Livy and . This Etruscan imagery con- 33 Calcani 1993; Alessandro Magno 1995, 144–151, 234–240 firms that these stories were not entirely inventions of (Calcani); Lisippo 1995, 142–153 (Calcani), 343 (Ensoli); the Augustan period, but had been, in different variants, Houser 1998; Moreno 2009 for the whole question and with circulating much earlier.30 However, rather than giving plenty of references, e.g. victorious horsemen trotting over fallen enemies, esp. 447, 456, 464 (fig. 94, Tarentine equivalent the scene a precise label (“Aeneas and Turnus competing for the central figure in our relief), 465–466. Alexander’s battle over ”, or such like), I would suggest that it is scenes and their reception is a widely discussed topic, see also connected with a local story relating to an oracular sanc- Holliday 1994; Immagine del mito 2006, passim; 164–165 (Ta- tuary: the Chiusine area was very rich with healing ranto). 34 For the painting of the Athena temple on the Athenian springs and water cults, probably with oracular functions , Colonna 1993, 349 (with refs.). For the Paris reliefs, as well.31 cf. BK 1, pls. 1–16; Steuernagel 1998, pls. 24–31. In the Mirror of the Past 75

Fig. 6. The ash-chest of Larth Purni Curce, with a battle scene. Florence, Archaeological Mu- seum, inv. 74232. Photograph by the author. stance, or a historical battle that involved Alexander the would also serve to protect them against the Romans. Great? Or is a battle against the Gauls in Asia Minor re- Later the Etruscans fought as allies with the Umbrians, called with implicit reference to other, more recent, local Samnites and Gauls against the Romans at Sentinum in battles against the Gauls in Italy? Or, vice versa, has a re- 295 BC.38 The name of the Chiusine elite family Sen- cent battle against the Gauls been glorified by means of iconographic loans from heroic battles of the past? I would 35 BK 3, pls. 113–128; Höckmann 1991; Holliday 1994; Nielsen prefer the latter explanation in view of the numerous Gala- 1996b; Steuernagel 1998, pls. 47–49; Colonna 2002; Maggiani 2002; Moreno 2009, 402; Holliday 2009; Giorni di Roma 2010, tomachies represented on Etruscan ash-chests and sarco- 200 (Carlomagno), 283 (Marini Rocchia). Battle scenes with 35 phagi, where the Gauls are unequivocally the losers. Persians in exotic costumes only appear on late urns from Peru- In the Hellenistic period, the Gauls had assumed the gia: BK 3, pls. 111–112. 36 role of enemies par-excellence of the “civilized world”, E.g. Galli e l’Italia 1978; Celti ed Etruschi 1987; Kruta & Manfredi 2000; Sassatelli 2003. both in Greece, Asia Minor, and in Italy. However, the 37 Briquel 2008. Etruscans had had a long history of being neighbours to 38 Sentino 2002 (where Firpo (2002) stresses that the campaign the Gauls, especially in Etruria Padana.36 had a deep impact on the Chiusine territory; Maggiani 2002, on The sack of Rome by the Gauls in 390 BC assumed the situation at Chiusi); various contributions in Sentinum 2008; mythical dimensions as a catastrophe for the Romans,37 Sisani 2008, 47–49 (raising objections to Firpo 2002). Not until the mid-second century did the Romans commemorate the but the event was also felt in Etruscan territories—result- battle in the temple terracottas of Civitalba. For the most recent ing in a boom in the construction of city-walls, which discussion, see Holliday 2009. 76 Marjatta Nielsen tinate must refer to the battlefield (cf. Fig. 3). The next That may have been an important message also for the clash between a combined army of Etruscans and Gauls Purni brothers and cousins. For the three main reliefs by against the Romans took place at Vadimon in 283 BC. the Purni Master other topics were chosen. However, Towards the end of the third century BC, however, the these conveyed more or less the same ideas, and I still balance shifted: at the battle of Telamon (on the Tyr- think that the combination of different time-horizons, rhenian coast north of Cosa) in 225 BC, the Etruscans projected upon one another, was an important factor for and Romans joined forces and conquered the Gauls. The the Etruscans’ mind-set.46 rest of the vanquished retired to the territory of Chiusi, where they settled down as farmers. The decidedly anti- Gallic iconographies on the Chiusine (and Volterran) ash-chests suggest that the process of integration was not Two dying warriors in arches without problems.39 In the battle of Trasimene in 217 BC, Romans and Etruscans fought against Gallic merce- The short sides of Larth Purni Curce’s ash-chest present naries (of uncertain origin), who formed part of the Pu- yet another variant on the theme of the death of two war- nic army. In the course of the second century BC there riors. Both show arched spaces with an armed (i.e. “civi- lized”) warrior falling down. The one to the left (Fig. 7) were still clashes with different Gallic tribes, and threats 47 by various intruders from the North were incessant. is beardless. A bird has landed on his helmet and is pecking at his eyes. We are certainly not to envisage a Consequently, the inhabitants of Northern Etruria had Gallic helmet with a bird-emblem, but a real bird which had plenty of opportunities to meet on the battle field as is pecking at the eyes of a dying warrior. adversaries not only Gauls but Romans, too, and even We have to admit that no surviving story fits per- Carthaginians. The only serious threat to the Etruscans fectly, but there are some elements here which are famil- proved to be the Romans. But only the Gauls can be iden- iar to us from later Roman historiography and poetry. tified as enemies in the representations: naked men of gi- For example, Livy (7.26) tells of Marcus Valerius Corvi- gantic stature, with long and stiff hair, moustache, neck- rings, cord-belts (in this case, diagonal bandoliers), and oblong shields—or at least with some of these attributes.40 39 Only later in the second and first centuries BC, when cheap Notwithstanding the Etruscans’ first-hand experi- terracotta chests had brought them within the reach of most people, did names of Gallic origin also become “visible” in the ences, the models for the artistic representations of Gala- Chiusine archaeological material. tomachies were created in the Greek world, in Asia Mi- 40 For the latest on Gallic armour and shields, see e.g. Cherici nor and especially at , and borrowed from 2008, esp. pls. 236–239. 41 there even in Italy.41 Gnaeus Manlius Vulso’s victory A widely discussed topic. See e.g. Andreae 1973 and 1991; Holliday 1994; Moreno 1994, vol. 1, 77–79, 88–94; 269–279, over the Galatians in Asia Minor, together with the 292, 298–311, 343; vol. 2, 582–591; Coarelli 1995; Polito 1999; peace with Antiochos III, was celebrated in an unprece- Marszal 2000; Andreae 2001, 92–94, 168–171, pls. 146–157; dentedly luxurious triumph in Rome in 187 BC, which de Grummond 2000. 42 could hardly have passed unnoticed by the Etruscans. Larth Purni Haltu Plautial (Chicago, The Field Museum of , inv. 105231): BK 3, 152–153, no. 7a, fig. 26; Battles against the Gauls remained a persistent motif Thimme 1957, 121, no. 2, fig. 13:3; Arnth Purni Faltu Larthal on Chiusine reliefs. In the Purni Tomb alone, two other (dispersed): Thimme 1957, 123, no. 4, fig. 14; Cacnei Purnisa men and one woman were buried in chests with that mo- (Copenhagen, National Museum, Department of Near Eastern tif.42 A more generic battle scene, without hints as to eth- and Classical Antiquities, inv. 4207): Thimme 1957, pl. 3:3; no. 11; Nielsen 1996a, 106. nicity, appears on the only terracotta ash-chest known 43 43 Dresden Zv 82: Antiken im Albertinum 1993, 94–95, no. 66 from the tomb. (Knoll). For the latest illustrations of this type, reproduced by Decidedly mythical “fratricidal wars” are also present moulding, see Sclafani 2010, pls. 20–22. in the Purni Tomb, executed by two different sculptors 44 Nielsen 1996a, 78–85, nos. 26–27; Roncalli 2001, 254–259. (probably slightly later than the three “key-note chests”): The duel between Eteokles and Polyneikes would also become a veritable Leitmotiv for mould-made terracotta urns, produced on one chest the Theban brothers Eteokles and Poly- by hundreds and affordable by most people: Sclafani 2010, pls. neikes are preparing to duel, on another they are falling 18–19. down, both dead.44 In the case of the François Tomb, 45 First proposed by Musti in 2001 (Musti 2005), and largely ac- present-day exegesis understands their duel as the very cepted, e.g. d’Agostino 2003; Eroi etruschi 2004, 65 (Mag- giani); further elaborated by Maggiani 2005. For the interpreta- key to the overall ethical message of the pictorial pro- tion applied to the ash-chests, see de Angelis 1999. gramme: a victory can only be secured by joint efforts, 46 As suggested by Coarelli 1983. while fratricidal wars have disastrous consequences.45 47 Massa-Pairault 1985, fig. 28; Holliday 1994, 31, fig. 7. In the Mirror of the Past 77

fallen Gauls, with birds pecking their corpses.51 Both in legends and in images, the motif had been in circulation long before Livy and Virgil. In view of the front relief, there might be a link to a battle against the Gauls, in the more or less recent past. At any rate, the birds attacking dead warriors describe the horrors of war. On the right-hand, short side of Larth Purni Curce’s ash-chest the warrior is bearded (Fig. 9).52 He cannot, therefore, represent the same person once again. He is kneeling on one leg and pressing a dagger against his chest. But is he about to pull it out of his chest (as the mortally wounded Eteokles or Polyneikes might have done, or Aeneas during a combat that he survived)? Or is he about to push it in, so as to commit suicide? In view of his helmet and armour, the figure does not represent a committing heroic suicide, but perhaps Ajax, whose suicide was a well-known motif also among the Etruscans (even though we are missing the mound with the sword). Ajax would again bring us to the Trojan War. Or are we dealing with a story, analogous to that told by Accius in his tragedy from about 150 BC, Aenea- dae sive Decius, according to which Decius Mus sacri- ficed himself at Sentinum in 295 BC, as his father had done in the battle of Mount Vesuvius in 340 BC?53 Could the bearded warrior to the right correspond to this father, and the beardless one to the left to Decius Mus himself, dead on the battlefield, following his father’s example? These men’s self-sacrifices were, however, committed by the act of throwing themselves into a Fig. 7. The left-hand short side of Larth Purni Curce’s ash- hopeless struggle against the enemy. One might also ask chest. Florence, Archaeological Museum, inv. 74232. Photo- whether the second-century Etruscans had forgotten that graph by the author. at Sentinum they were fighting on the same side as the Gauls, against the Romans. But there may have been other analogous heroic deeds that belonged to the Etrus- nus, tribune of 348 BC, who was challenged to duel by can repertory of “historical” tales. an enormous Gaul. He was rescued by a raven drum- ming on the Gaul’s helmet. But on this ash-chest the 48 fallen warrior is not represented as a Gaul.48 We also For the latest on Corvinus, see Holliday 2009, 23. 49 Aeneas was a well-known figure in Etruria, too, at least for have the story of Turnus’ death, according to Virgil his flight from Troy. For the latest discussion, see Colonna (Aen. 12.860–868). Turnus had been promised to marry 2009. Lavinia, but Aeneas entered the competition, and this re- 50 FMA 75509. The inventory list states that the chest comes sulted in a duel. sent a Fury to rescue Aeneas. likewise from Città della Pieve and was acquired from Pacini’s antique shop in Florence at the same occasion as the Purni Transformed into a bird, she frightened Turnus by flying chests, but it is without inscription and not mentioned in the in front of his face and drumming his shield with her early reports of the tomb. Davies 1979, pl. 79:2 (the dying war- wings, and thus Aeneas succeeded in killing him.49 rior); Maggiani 2000, 9–11, fig. 1 (the front relief and its icono- The motif of a bird pecking a corpse’s eyes appears— graphical loans). 51 Scheffer 2006, 507–511; for the Faliscan stamnos (Bonn, inv. reversed—on the side relief of another urn by (or close 1569), see now also Boix 2008, 32–33, no. 21. to) our Purni Master, where the front relief shows the 52 Massa-Pairault 1985, fig. 27; Holliday 1994, 30, fig. 6. Murder of Aigisthos (Fig. 8).50 However, rapacious birds 53 ROL 2, 552–559; cf. Livy 10.27; Polyb. 2.19. Naevius’ fabula were an age-old motif and appear also in earlier Etruscan praetexta Clastidium took its theme from the Roman victory over Gauls in Gallia Cisalpina in 222 BC, but the only surviving visual arts. On a Faliscan red-figure stamnos from about fragment of it does not offer usable subject-matter: ROL 2, 136. 375–350 BC a victorious horseman is galloping over Cf. La Penna 1977, 11. 78 Marjatta Nielsen

Fig. 8. The right-hand short side of an ash-chest from Città della Pieve, acquired together with the Purni chests but not stated to come from the Purni Tomb. On the left side of the chest a dying warrior is shown with a shield and a sword, while the front re- Fig. 9. The right-hand short side of Larth Purni Curce’s ash- lief shows the murder of Aigisthos. From the Purni Master’s chest. Florence, Archaeological Museum, inv. 74232. Photo- workshop, but of less elaborate execution. Florence, Archaeo- graph by the author. logical Museum, inv. 75509. Photograph by the author.

wars into the picture, and as to the side reliefs, a god Future: predictions and their fulfilment may have been behind the dying warriors’ fate. The past is projected into the present time and vice versa. Within the scenes described above, prophecies about the Did the Purnis (and other families in the area) them- future play an intrinsic role. Apollo is pulling the strings selves practice the art of divination? Probably yes: the in the Orestes’ story: Orestes tells Elektra of his plans of priests were recruited from the leading families, and revenge, Klytaimnestra is dreaming of her imminent schooled in the art already as children. Together with the death, and the youths have to flee, only to be captured. Purni urns that Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek bought in Pa- All the family tragedies fetched from Greek theatre cini’s antique shop in Florence, the head belonging to a were, at any rate, the outcome of an inevitable fate, com- sarcophagus lid (too big to belong to an ash-chest), was manded by the gods. When captured by the Vipinas, acquired. Although its provenance was not stated and the Cacu and Artile are practising and learning the art of early reports do not mention it, there is a slight possibil- divination. In the relief with “Two youths threatening a ity that it comes from the Purni Tomb. The badly cor- girl” we are probably dealing with an analogous capture roded male head has lost its separately carved top. How- of an oracular nymph. In the battle scene, the aspect of ever, the join is shaped in a way that suggests that on the prediction is only hinted at by mixing mythical or past head was not just a wreath and hair, but the brim of a In the Mirror of the Past 79

Fig. 10. The left-hand side of the Cacu urn, with Vanth sitting on a pile of rocks, with a torch and a huge snake. Florence, Ar- chaeological Museum, inv. 74233. Photograph by the author.

Fig. 11. The right-hand side of the Cacu urn, with Skylla with a cap.54 The only caps which appear on late Etruscan lid- torch. Florence, Archaeological Museum, inv. 74233. Photo- figures are the pointed hats of the Etruscan priests, ha- graph by the author. ruspices.55 The evidence is fragile, but a sarcophagus (with or without a cap) would place the Purnis among with a torch in her hands, and with a big snake by her those elite families whose tombs had at least one sar- side: snakes were the well-known link between the dead cophagus among the more common ash-chests.56 and the living. On the right side Skylla is shown, one of the perils which the deceased was to encounter on the path to the Underworld. Here she is not at all threaten- ing, but holds a torch to illuminate the dark path (Fig. The role of the stories in the funerary con- 11). Skylla also appears on the side reliefs of the Orestes text

Often the reliefs on the short sides of the ash-chests refer 54 Nielsen 1996a, 90, no. 29 (regrettably without a profile pho- more directly to the world of the dead than the dramatic tograph). scenes on the front reliefs. The Cacu relief, for example, 55 Turfa 2005, 263–265 (the Chiusine lid-figure of Arnth has on both short sides arched spaces like those on the Remzna, whose hat had an apex, inserted into a socket, but now chest with the battle scene. On the left side is shown a lost), with further references. For the latest discussion, see Ron- calli 2010. winged, female death-demon, Vanth, the kind spirit who 56 Benelli 2009, esp. 157; the families with sarcophagus burials conducts the dead to the Underworld (Fig. 10). She is practised frequent intermarriage, and in fact, the Purnis, too, sitting on rocks—not unlike those on the front relief— could be added to their circle. 80 Marjatta Nielsen urn, but holding her customary oar. Skylla, , ketos Bibliography and other sea-monsters also appear on many front re- liefs: they were not perceived as exclusively wicked fig- Acqua degli dei 2003 L’Acqua degli dei. Immagini di fontane, ures, since some of them are fiercely fighting against— vasellame, culti salutari e in grotta [Cat. mostra Chianciano Terme], Venezia & Gauls.57 Montepulciano 2003. As to the dramatic and often murderous scenes on the Albini 2009 M. Albini, ‘Lo specchio di Bolsena e la front reliefs of ash-chests, their justification and function figura di Caco’, in Icone del mondo an- in the local, funerary context might be as references to tico. Un seminario di storia delle imma- ancient propitiatory rites at funerals. Greek and local gini, Pavia, Collegio Ghislieri, 25 no- tragedies, depicted on ash-chests, were after all more vembre 2005, eds. M. Harari, S. Paltineri “civilized” than the human sacrifices and bloody games & M.T.A. Robino, Roma 2009, 141–158. given at funerals in the old times. Perhaps performances Alessandro Magno Alessandro Magno. Storia e mito [Cat. of tragedies formed part of the celebrations at elite funer- 1995 mostra Roma, 21 dicembre 1995–21 als.58 maggio 1996], Roma 1995. Andreae 1973 B. Andreae, Motivgeschichtliche Unter- suchungen zu den römischen Schlacht- sarkophagen, Roma 1973. To preserve the past for the future Andreae 1991 B. Andreae, ‘The image of the Celts in Etruscan, Greek and Roman art’, in The The Romans of the last centuries BC have left behind Celts, ed. S. Moscati, Milano 1991, 61– them mostly texts: the Etruscans of the same period, im- 69. ages; but Greek impact was great upon both. With the Andreae 2001 B. Andreae, Skulptur des Hellenismus, loss of the Etruscan language, there was no point of con- München 2001. tinuing to copy poetic or historical texts written in that Andreae 2004a B. Andreae, ‘Die Tomba François. language. However, the thousands of Etruscan images Anspruch und historische Wirklichkeit bear witness to a rich narrative tradition, which was in eines etruskischen Familiengrabes’, in constant interaction with the outside world and in con- Die Etrusker. Luxus für das Jenseits. Bil- tinuous transformation to meet shifting demands. der vom Diesseits – Bilder vom Tod. Eine The stories were probably part of a process of self-en- Doppelausstellung des Bucerius Kunst Forums und des Museums für Kunst und hancement achieved by reactivating the past. Assuming Gewerbe Hamburg, 13. Februar bis 16. that Etruscan elite families were like their Roman coun- Mai 2004 (Publikationen des Bucerius terparts, whom we know better from literary sources, we Kunst Forums, 5), eds. B. Andreae, A. may conjecture that they, too, projected their family his- Hoffmann & C. Weber-Lehmann, tory back to a most glorious past.59 München 2004, 176–207. In the course of the first century BC, the Etruscans Andreae 2004b B. Andreae, ‘La Tomba François di faced the imminent end of their civilization by writing Vulci’, Forma Urbis. Itinerari nascosti books on their distinctive religion, art of divination and di Roma antica 9:1, 2004, 8–57. history in Latin, or by translating existing books on those Antiken im Alber- Die Antiken im Albertinum. Staatliche subjects into this language, not only in order to preserve tinum 1993 Kunstsammlungen Dresden, Skulpturen- the memory and identity for the benefit of the Roman- ized Etruscans, but also to hand their culture over to the 57 E.g. Torino 7390: Thimme 1954, 78, fig. 25. 58 Romans.60 However, even this “rescue operation” failed, I have previously touched upon the funerary aspects, which, however, Rasmus Brandt missed in my paper given in Stock- in spite of the adoption of the “winning” language: only holm. For other, detailed treatments, see e.g. Nielsen 1993, fragments of such Etruscan writings have survived, 341–345; 1996a, 26–27; 2002a, 113, n. 70 with refs.; 2005, through secondary sources (cf. Charlotte Scheffer in the 702–705; 2007, esp. 162. For Etruscan funerary games and present volume). What we do have is archaeological ma- theatre, see e.g. Thuillier 1985 (Etruscan sports very often formed part of expiatory rites); several contributions in Spec- terial that gives an extraordinary rich and varied picture tacles sportifs 1993 (Colonna, Massa-Pairault, Thuillier); of what we are missing. Steuernagel 1997; the lengthy discussion of all the aspects in Steuernagel 1998, 149–184; Torelli 1999; Di Fazio 2001; Marjatta Nielsen Camporeale 2010. Some late Etruscan relief-scenes also show Svankærvej 20 forerunners of gladiatorial combats: BK 3, pl. 128. DK-2720 VANLØSE 59 E.g. Hölkeskamp 1996; for the most recent treatment of the Denmark issue, see e.g. Memoria di Roma 2010 (The Basilica Aemilia). [email protected] 60 Camporeale 2004, 204–206. In the Mirror of the Past 81

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BY ARJA KARIVIERI

Abstract tral figures, intrigues and love stories of ancient epic and The aim of this study has been to analyse the decorative pro- drama. gramme of the House of Caecilius Iucundus in in de- The viewer standing in the main vestibule of the tail, to reveal how mythic, public and private memory was util- House of Caecilius Iucundus, V 1,26a, got a direct view ised to create a local identity for the family of the argentarius L. through the atrium, the tablinum and the peristyle garden Caecilius Iucundus. In a Roman house, a paterfamilias wished to signal piety to- to the exedra r with its small lararium at the back of the wards the gods, to display his literacy and cultural back- garden. This was the public axis available to all visitors. ground, as well as the social and genealogical status of the The axis to the peristyle garden had an oblique align- family, to visitors. In this house, the main public axis, visible ment, for the peristyle area, raised a step from the tabli- from the fauces through the atrium, the tablinum and the peri- style, was complemented by private axes, the most important one from the monumental triclinium through the peristyle gar- * This study is part of the results of the Swedish Pompeii Pro- den, accessible only for the family members and private ject, directed by Prof. Anne-Marie Leander Touati since the guests. There are images, inscriptions and objects placed year 2000. The House of Caecilius Iucundus has been docu- along these two axes that complement each other, provide mented by the author in cooperation with Dr. Renée Forsell dur- similarities and contrasts, as well as associations to the Trojan ing the fieldwork of the Swedish Pompeii Project (SPP; cf. War, with Homer’s epic, Greek drama and Roman literature, www.pompejiprojektet.se) between 2000–2011. The architec- and with the family’s history and the history of Pompeii itself. tural drawings and measurements were executed by Ezequiel Important aspects of the Roman culture connected with offi- Pinto-Guillaume and the additional photo documentation was cial life, such as and dignitas, are emphasized in the carried out by Hans Thorwid. I wish to express my warm grati- decoration of the atrium area, the public area of the house. As- tude to all the colleagues and participants of the fieldwork over pects that can be connected with the private sphere, such as the years. For support and assistance during the project we es- male and female beauty, erotic love and happiness, are instead pecially wish to thank Prof. Pietro Giovanni Guzzo, Dr. Teresa preferred in the peristyle area, in the private area of the house. Elena Cinquantaquattro, Dr. Antonio d’Ambrosio and Dr. An- That life has two contrasting aspects, otium and negotium, is tonio Varone and all the employees of the Soprintendenza Ar- the main message provided by the decorative programme, and cheologica di Pompei and Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeo- the one that L. Caecilius Iucundus wished to mediate to his logici di Napoli, as well as all the international colleagues who clients, friends and family members.* have inspired and helped us during the years at Pompeii. I also wish to thank all the colleagues who participated in the confer- In a Roman house, a paterfamilias wished to signal piety ence “Attitudes towards the past” for fruitful discussions and detailed questions that have given much food for thought. Any towards the gods, to display to visitors his literacy and faults, which remain are, of course, my own. cultural background, as well as the social and genealogi- 1 For the most recent results of the detailed field study of the cal status of the family. In this article, I will study in de- house, conducted by the Swedish Pompeii Project (SPP) since tail the decorative programme of the large double-atrium the year 2000 under the direction of A. Karivieri of Stockholm house, the House of Caecilius Iucundus (Figs. 1–2),1 in University and R. Forsell of Lund University, see Karivieri 2005, Karivieri & Forsell 2008, Karivieri 2011 and the web-site Regio V in Pompeii, to analyse how mythic, public and of SPP: http://www.pompejiprojektet.se private memory was utilised to create a local identity for For a detailed discussion about the dating of the wall paint- the family of argentarius L. Caecilius Iucundus. The ings and the peristyle area, see the detailed field-report, Kari- paintings decorating the atrium, the tablinum, the tri- vieri & Forsell 2008, which includes important new results con- clinia, the peristyle garden and the flanking rooms re- cerning the dating of architectural structures, rebuilding phases, and the various decorative phases, as well as further comments called famous myths: the Trojan War, tales of ancient on previous studies and publications. heroes and gods (Fig. 2). Moving through the house, For an overview and analysis of Pompeian double-atrium seeing the images, the visitor could call to mind the cen- houses, see Dickmann 1999. 88 Arja Karivieri

Fig. 1. Main entrance to the House of Caecilius Iucundus, V 1,22–27, from southwest. Photograph: Arja Karivieri. num, lies slightly to the south of the tablinum. An optical from the grand triclinium o through the garden to the illusion was created by a second axis from the large tri- back wall. clinium o, north of the peristyle garden, through the gar- The front part of the house and the rooms around the den that was further extended by stucco and a peristyle garden had various kinds of decorative and col- trompe-l’œil painting on the south wall depicting a land- our schemes. The rooms around the atrium in the South scape with a bridge and wild animals, flanked by blue House had a black dado with Third-Style decorative sky and green trees (Fig. 2R). The third axis was created bands and birds, as in the tablinum.2 In the room d, how- from the garden of the North House, V 1,23l through the ever, the dado was black and decorated with red, green corridor V 1,23l’ to the peristyle garden in the South and yellow dots, a decorative motif that was preserved House. also in the northern part of the atrium. The room d is In fact, several axes can be detected in the plan of the also the only room in the house where First-Style decora- House of Caecilius Iucundus, marking also various tion consisting of stucco list with high relief was deliber- functions and social patterns of behaviour. There are ately preserved between the main zone and the upper two main public axes in the house, in the South House zone of the wall. The main zone in the atrium and the from west to east, from the fauces a to the peristyle l alae was painted red with small square panels in the and exedra r, and in the North House from west to east, centre. In the peristyle area, the western and northern from the fauces a to the garden l (Fig. 2). There are porticoes and the triclinium m, the black dado was dec- four axes of more private character in north-south di- orated with agave plants and birds. In the cubiculum p, rection: the first, from the tablinum V 1,23e to the alae the agave plants in the dado were painted against a red in the South House, V 1,26e and h, the second, from background instead, while the main colour of the middle the garden V 1,23l in the North House to the peristyle garden V 1,26l in the South House, the third, from the 2 For the paintings and decorative details in the Third Style, see kitchen area V 1,23n through V 1,23p to V 1,26q and Mau 1882, 414, pls. XIII, XIV and XVIIIa–d, g–k. For an early the north of the peristyle garden, and the fourth, excavation plan of the insula, see Viola 1879, pl. II. Creation of a Pompeian Identity 89

Fig. 2. Plan of the House of Caecilius Iucundus, V 1,22–27. In this plan, the location of various decorative details in the South House V 1,26 are marked with red block letters from A to T. A = painting with Odysseus and Penelope. B = lararium decorated with a relief that depicts the effects of the earthquake of AD 62. C = First Style stucco reliefs. D = “scena di convito” on the west wall of ala e. E = and Bacchant. F = , Orestes and Pylades. G = and Bacchant. H = Satyr and Bacchant. I = (or Clytemnestra?). J = Satyr and Bacchant. K = Judgement of Paris. L = Theseus abandons . M = and Venus. N = Dionysus/Bacchus. O = Her- maphrodite and . P = Narcissus. Q = Mars and Venus. R = wild animals in landscape and naval battles. S = oscillae and peltae with , griffins, theatre masks and satyrs. T = erotic painting. Main plan by Ezequiel Pinto-Guillaume. zone was white. The rooms s and t and the triclinium o Walking through the House of Caecilius have red dados with yellow bands in the Fourth Style, Iucundus the main zone was white in the rooms s and t, but in the triclinium o the middle zone had yellow ground. The Entering the house through the fauces, the visitor was exedra r had a black dado and a yellow main zone, a welcomed by the image of the watchdog, the guardian of colour-scheme which contrasted with that of the rooms s the house, in the black-and-white mosaic floor (Fig. 2: V and t in the suite. 1,26a; Fig. 3). Opposite the entrance, flanking the tabli- 90 Arja Karivieri

Fig. 3. The image of a reclining dog in the mosaic floor of the fauces. Photograph: Arja Karivieri.

Fig. 4. View through the atrium showing the two herms flanking the entrance to the tablinum, from west. Photograph: Arja Karivieri. Creation of a Pompeian Identity 91

goddess of the city, Venus, for saving the house from de- struction.5 A marble relief that decorated the front of the lararium showed not only how the Temple of Jupiter and the equestrian statues at the forum were shaking during the earthquake, but also the sacrifices given to the gods after the earthquake, including the sacrificial bull due to be offered to the Emperor. To the right from the lararium, the arca foundation (Fig. 6) marks the place where the money chest of pater- familias was located, marking both the prosperity of the family and the business activities that L. Caecilius Iu- cundus, as an argentarius, engaged in with the city of Pompeii as well as with private Pompeians, activities at- tested by the 153 wax-tablets that were found during the excavations 1875 in the peristyle area of the house.6 The wax-tablets document the business activities of the family between AD 15 and AD 62 and provide an out- standing source for the contacts and the local network of the family, giving the names of clients and of witnesses to contracts. When a visitor stood in the atrium that was lavishly decorated with a black-and-white mosaic floor with in- laid pieces of colourful marbles and a central impluvium, he could admire the paintings on the atrium walls. The paintings opposite the lararium in the south-western cor- ner of the atrium (Fig. 7) have now faded away, but Au- gust Mau described the scenes in 1876.7 The one to the west represented Odysseus and Penelope with Euriclea, the wet-nurse of Odysseus (Fig. 2A),8 and the painting Fig. 5. The bronze bust representing Lucius Caecilius Iucundus. on the south side of the south-western corner was a (MANN 110663; Su concessione del Ministero dei Beni e delle theatre scene with two female actresses holding masks. Attività Culturali e del Turismo – Soprintendenza per i Beni Ar- Another theatrical scene with two persons holding masks cheologici di Napoli.) was to be seen on the north side of the atrium nearest to the ala e. num, were two herms with two realistic bronze busts The scenes on the atrium walls of the House of Cae- representing a man of mature age, dedicated to the Ge- cilius Iucundus alluded to the Trojan War as remem- nius of the founder of the family, the of Lucius, bered in Athenian drama and Homeric epic. The visitor dedicated by the libertus Felix (Figs. 4–5).3 The inscrip- could see there the role-model for Greek and Roman tion on the herms marks the origin of the dedicator as a women, Penelope, as well as Euriclea, the loyal wet- freedman of a Roman family of Caecilii, one of the freedmen who made a career in Pompeii in the Augustan 3 Only one of the bronze busts was still in situ, when the house era. The genitals attached to the herms symbolized pros- was excavated in 1875–1876. Mau 1876, 149–150; 1908, 464– perity and fertility, and thus the good fortune of the pa- 465. A detailed discussion of the herm and the bust published by Bonifacio 1997, 92–94, no. 36, pl. XXIX. terfamilias and the whole family. As August Mau 4 Mau 1908, 464. pointed out, the portrait of Lucius was not idealized—in- 5 Mau 1876, 151. stead, the realistic portrait has been made with love, to 6 Mau 1875, 161–163. The most detailed study of the wax-tab- reveal Lucius’ love for life, as well as his sense for hu- lets was published by Jean Andreau (Andreau 1974). 7 mour.4 Mau 1876, 163–164; Sogliano 1879, no. 582. 8 Mau 1876, 163; Sogliano 1879, nos. 651–652. For other ex- When the visitor had entered the atrium, he saw to the amples of scenes with Odysseus and Penelope in Pompeii, see left a lararium (Figs. 2B and 6), built after the disastrous Hodske 2007, 243–244, table 1, cat. nos. 300, 307 and 508, pl. earthquake of AD 62 to thank the and the guardian 156:1–4. 92 Arja Karivieri

Fig. 6. The northern part of the atrium: in the northwestern part, the lararium, and in the centre of the northern wall, the arca foundation. Photograph: Hans Thorwid.

Fig. 7. The southwestern corner of the atrium, where Mau documented the painting with Odys- seus and Penelope. Photograph: Arja Karivieri. Creation of a Pompeian Identity 93

Fig. 8. The central scene in the north wall of the tablinum depicting Or- estes, Pylades and Iphigenia. (MANN 11439; Su concessione del Ministero dei Beni e delle Attività Culturali e del Turismo – Soprin- tendenza per i Beni Archeologici di Napoli.) nurse, who, together, for twenty years had waited for in Tauris, later retold by Apollodorus and Ovid, a scene Odysseus’ return from that war. The mythological that is also preserved in the House of the Citharist, scenes depicted in the central panels of the tablinum among other Pompeian houses. The picture showing walls (Fig. 2F and 2I)9 lead the visitor into the world of Orestes and Iphigenia is flanked to the left by a smaller Euripides, Classical drama and the festivals of Dionysus. painting with a Satyr and a Bacchant (Fig. 2E and 9),11 The central scene in the north wall of the tablinum de- picts Orestes, Pylades and Iphigenia in front of the 9 Mau 1876, 165–166; Dexter 1974, 119–140. 10 , showing Iphigenia, as the priestess of MNN inv. 111439. Robert 1876, pl. 13; Mau 1876, 165; Sogliano 1879, no. 583; Schefold 1957, 66; Dexter 1974, 119– Artemis, surrounded by other women standing on the 130; PPM III, 589; Hodske 2007, 236–237, table 1, cat. no. 123, 10 steps of the temple (Figs. 2F and 8). This painting de- pl. 147:3. Cf. also Lorenz 2008, 238–239. picts a scene in the famous play of Euripides, Iphigenia 11 MNN inv. 110590. Mau 1876, 165; Sogliano 1879, no. 236. 94 Arja Karivieri

tween Orestes and Iphigenia, or scenes of grief and trag- edy following the loss of family members, as in the case of Hecuba (or Clytemnestra, who lost her daughter Iphi- genia). At the same time, the visitor is reminded of love between family members, and of erotic love, too, by Satyr and Bacchant couples as well as by Eros. Only the family members or honorary guests of the family were allowed to enter the private sphere of the house behind the tablinum and admire the paintings around the peristyle area, when they took part in dinner parties in one of the triclinia surrounding the peristyle garden or slept in one of the small rooms to the side of it. However, the triclinium m north of the tablinum i had a wide window looking westward, to the north ala; and opposite that window, on the west wall of the ala e (Fig. 2D), Mau saw in 1876 a painting with several persons, both men and women, which he described as a dinner party, “una scena di convito”.17 It seems that this scene was to be seen not just by the participants of the dinner Fig. 9. The painting with Satyr and Bacchant on the north wall party in the triclinium m, but also by the clients of the of the tablinum. (MANN 110590; Su concessione del Ministero paterfamilias who came to the tablinum, as it was visible dei Beni e delle Attività Culturali e del Turismo – Soprin- tendenza per i Beni Archeologici di Napoli.) from the tablinum and from the eastern part of the atrium, if and when the ala was not closed off by mov- and on the right there was a painting with a Bacchant able folded doors. holding Eros in her lap (Fig. 2G).12 The main triclinium, triclinium o, was located north of The central scene in the south wall of the tablinum i the peristyle garden. When the guests entered the peri- (Fig. 2I and 10) is very badly preserved, but what Mau style portico from the west they could see two-sided os- could discern in 1876 is still partly recognizable.13 In the cillae and peltae hanging from the roof of the portico to- 18 upper-left corner, two women can be seen standing un- wards the peristyle garden (Fig. 2S). One round oscilla der the roof of a larger building, looking at a scene be- depicts mythical figures, interpreted by Eugene Dwyer 19 low them. Mau identified the central person, the older as Aurora and Nox on a , in another woman with grey hair, as Hecuba, wife of and oscilla there is an unbearded satyr with ram’s horns de- mother of Hector and Cassandra, who is waiting to see picted on one side and a fowler with an asp, a scene from 20 the body of her son Hector being taken back to Troy, as an Aesopic fable, on the other side, and the peltae are in the central scene in Hecuba, the tragedy of Euripi- decorated with griffins, birds, and two masks of the satyr 21 des.14 Due to the fragmentary state of the painting, the play, Silenus and an unbearded satyr. identification, however, is not certain, as there are no similar scenes preserved in Pompeii. Caroline Dexter 12 MNN inv. 110591. Mau 1876, 165; Sogliano 1879, no. 208. has proposed a possible alternative interpretation, sug- All three paintings were removed directly after the excavations gesting that the scene represents the return of Agamem- and moved to Naples. 13 Mau 1876, 165; Sogliano 1879, no. 579; Schefold 1957, 67; non to . In that case, the old woman in the scene PPM III, 597; Hodske 2007, 270–271, table 1, cat. no. 124, pl. would be Clytemnestra, the queen of Mycenae, and the 189:3. scene again one known from drama, that is, from Ae- 14 In Hecuba, the tragedy of Euripides, Hecuba is also informed schylus’ Agamemnon.15 by Odysseus that she has to sacrifice her daughter to the Greeks, The central scene in the south wall is flanked to the left to be killed at the grave of Achilles. See also Hom. Il. 23.429– 465. by a smaller painting with a Satyr and a Bacchant holding 15 Dexter 1974, 121–122. a double flute, the best preserved of the panels (Figs. 2J 16 Mau 1876, 165–166; Sogliano 1879, nos. 233–234. and 11), while, on the right, there is a painting with a Satyr 17 Mau 1876, 164; Sogliano 1879, no. 640. 18 and a Bacchant (Figs. 2H and 12),16 all three paintings be- Mau 1876, 150; Dwyer 1981, 264–265, nos. 12–15, pls. 90 and 92. ing still in situ. Thus, both central paintings in the tabli- 19 Dwyer 1981, 264, no. 12, pl. 90:1–2. num seem to recall scenes connected with the Trojan War, 20 Dwyer 1978, 400–404; 1981, 264, no. 13, 298, pl. 90:3–4. scenes of loyalty between a brother and a sister, as be- 21 Dwyer 1981, 264–265, nos. 14–15, 297, pl. 92. Creation of a Pompeian Identity 95

Fig. 10. The paintings in the central part and eastern part of the south wall of the tablinum. (Mau 1882, pl. XIII; reproduction: National Library of Sweden).

When the guest continued in the peristyle portico to- 22 MNN inv. 110569. Mau 1876, 228–229; Sogliano 1879, wards the grand triclinium o (Fig. 13) he saw to the right no. 659; Dexter 1974, 146–147. For the latest discussion of the entrance to the dining-hall a small painting with an on the painting, see, for example, Clarke 1998, 153–161; erotic scene showing a man and a woman in bed (Figs. Varone 2000, 71, fig. 70; Hackworth Peterson 2006, 164– 2T and 14),22 a representation that reminded the visitor 166. 23 Mau 1876, 226–227; Sogliano 1879, no. 561; Schefold of love and passion, protected by Pompeii’s guardian 1957, 67; PPM III, 611; Hodske 2007, 188–189, table 1, cat. goddess, Venus. no. 125, pl. 76:4 (Type II, version I); Lorenz 2008, 208, fig. 88 The main scene in the triclinium o, opposite the en- (erroneously given as the painting in the House of Caecilius Iucundus; in fact fig. 88 represents the painting in the house V trance (Fig. 2K), is a large mythological painting repre- 2,15). senting the Judgement of Paris23 (Fig. 15) flanked by a 96 Arja Karivieri

Fig. 11. The painting to the east of the central scene on the south Fig. 12. The painting to the west of the central scene of the wall, depicting a Bacchant holding a double flute, flanked by a south wall, depicting a Bacchant and a Satyr. Photograph: Arja Satyr. Photograph: Arja Karivieri. Karivieri.

Fig. 13. The wall between the entrances to the triclinium o and the cubiculum p. The original placement of the erotic painting marked on the photograph. Photograph: Arja Karivieri. Creation of a Pompeian Identity 97

Another popular scene from Athenian myth in the Pompeian houses was Dionysus’ finding of the sleeping beauty, Ariadne.28 Evidently, the connection between Theseus, the mythical king of Athens, Ariadne, and the wine-god, Dionysus/Bacchus, was a very well-known and popular myth in Pompeii. When Theseus abandons Ariadne, he is following the wish of Athena and is doing his duty, in order to become the king of Athens. In both preserved scenes of the triclinium o, the goddess Athena plays a central role: in the Judgement of Paris she is one of the two goddesses who lose the beauty competition to Aphrodite, but in the Theseus scene she is the one who, as tutelary goddess of Athens, prevails upon Theseus to carry out his duty by returning to his home city. The power of the tutelary goddess of Pompeii, Venus, that is, the power of love, was also accentuated in the love poem incised on the wall to the right of the Theseus painting in the triclinium o.29 It was certainly a poem that could have been inspired by the paintings in the room, as well as providing an inspiration to the dinner guests who read it. Alison and M.G.L. Cooley have translated the poem as follows: “Whoever loves, let him flourish. Let Fig. 14. The erotic painting from the north wall of the peristyle him perish who knows not love. Let him perish twice portico. (MANN 110569; Su concessione del Ministero dei over whoever forbids love.”30 Beni e delle Attività Culturali e del Turismo – Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici di Napoli.) The dinner guests in this house could also admire the peristyle garden and the paintings on the south wall op- female portrait in tondo to the right (Fig. 16) and a head posite the grand triclinium (Fig. 2R). The painting on the 31 of Pan below.24 In the large painting, Paris is shown sit- south wall, as seen by Mau, was divided in three com- ting on a rock to the right, making his judgement in the partments, to the left and right there were garden scenes beauty competition of the goddesses Hera, Athena and with birds and a cock on a podium, and a garland above Aphrodite. The goddesses stand to the left and the wit- with a white dove and a mask. In the centre of the wall ness to the competition, Hermes, stands behind Paris. the visitors could see a hunting scene with wild animals The winner of the competition, Aphrodite, is placed in in a landscape,—a lion, a deer and a tiger—and, above central position among the goddesses, and represented them, a garland with one round and one quadrangular naked. The winner’s gift to Paris was Helen, a gift that caused the Trojan War and the destruction of Troy25—so 24 Mau 1876, 167–168. For the description of all three female this scene yet again, alludes to Trojan mythology. tondi in the triclinium o, see also Sogliano 1879, nos. 675–677; For the scene on the east wall of the triclinium o (Fig. PPM III, 609, 613–615. 25 See Hom. Il. 24.28–30. For the reaction of Hera/, see 2L), on the other hand, the paterfamilias had chosen a also Verg. Aen. 1.23–31. scene not from Trojan but from Athenian mythology, the 26 Lorenz 2008, 96–104, 246–249, 280–282, 296, 351–352. For myth of Theseus. The myth of Theseus was a popular representations of Theseus with Ariadne, see also Hodske 2007, motif in Pompeian houses:26 Theseus is represented ei- 154–157. 27 ther killing the Minotaur or abandoning Ariadne on the MNN 115396. Mau 1876, 223–226; Sogliano 1879, no. 531; Schefold 1957, 355; PPM III, 612; Hodske 2007, 155–157, island of Naxos, while she is asleep (Fig. 17). In the table 1, cat. no. 126, pl. 25:3–4 (Type II, version II, mirror im- House of Caecilius Iucundus, Theseus is shown aban- age). For an early illustration of the painting, drawn by Dis- doning Ariadne on Naxos.27 Ariadne is lying under a canno, see Presuhn 1882, part I, pl. IX. sun-shelter, revealing her naked body, stretching her arm 28 For examples of the scene, see Hodske 2007, 159–162, pls. behind her head, as if in the state of awakening. In the 30–34 (Types I–III). 29 ‘Quis amat valeat/pereat qui nescit amare/ bis tanto pereat painting, Theseus is stepping forward to his ship towards quisquis amare vetat’ (CIL IV, 4091). his companions who are waiting on board, while Athena 30 Cooley & Cooley 2004, 73 (no. D77; CIL IV 4091). is controlling the situation in the background. 31 Mau 1876, 231–232. 98 Arja Karivieri

Fig. 15. The Judgement of Paris painting in the centre of the north wall of triclinium o. Photograph: Arja Karivieri. shield; comparable to the one preserved in the House of r in the centre and see right through the tablinum (Fig. Marcus Fronto.32 Above the side-compart- 18), to the atrium and to the fauces, looking towards the ments there were two scenes of naval battles and in the scenes connected with the Trojan War. In the atrium scene to the left Mau discerned also a bronze statue of there was the lararium thanking the tutelary gods, as a .33 reminder to everyone of the earthquake of AD 62. A Whoever stayed for the night to sleep in the cubicula visitor could glance back towards the cubiculum p north flanking the peristyle garden, could admire in the cubi- culum p nearest to the grand triclinium an amorous 32 Sogliano 1879, nos. 693 and 700; Jashemski 1979, 71–72; scene with Mars and Venus opposite the entrance (Fig. 1993, 108–109, no. 168 and 334–335, no. 32. 2M) and Dionysus/Bacchus with his thyrsos on the wall 33 Mau 1876, 232; Sogliano 1879, nos. 669–670. to the right (Fig. 2N).34 On the lateral wall of the room, 34 Mau 1876, 229; Sogliano 1879, nos. 133, 158 and 251. For the muse of love poetry, , was depicted playing discussion and illustrations of the various interpretations of the 35 scene with Mars and Venus, see Hodske 2007, 143–146, pls. 1– her lyre. If the visitor entered the rooms on the eastern 6. side of the peristyle garden, he could stop in the exedra 35 Varone 2000, 46. Creation of a Pompeian Identity 99

sistent from the Hellenistic to the Roman world.39 In the House of Caecilius Iucundus, this is obvious when the decoration of the South House, V 1,26, is studied. Aph- rodite and/or Eros appear in the images of the tablinum i, the triclinium o and the cubicula d, p and t, and images connected with aspects of erotic or marital love are also seen in the atrium and the north portico flanking the peristyle. Images connected with Dionysus, , satyrs, satyr plays and the theatre are visible in the atrium, the ala e, the tablinum, the triclinium o, the cubicula p and t, including the mosaic floors in the atrium, the alae and the triclinium o. Hales emphasizes in her article the importance of the Dionysiac imagery in the tablinum of the House of Lu- cretius Fronto where, apart from the central motif of Dionysus’ triumph on the central wall, there are objects in the framing decoration that remind us of Dionysus, such as panthers, tympana, and masks.40 The tab- linum i in the House of Caecilius Iucundus that was painted during the same period, in the Third Style, has all the same Dionysiac attributes in the framing panels and borders, as well as an imitation of a roof of a theatre above the central panels. The central mythological panels in our case, however, illustrate famous Greek tragedies, and this fact implicitly connects their subject Fig. 16. A female portrait tondo flanking the Judgement of Paris motifs to the wine god, while the central motifs in the painting on the north wall of triclinium o. Photograph: Arja Ka- flanking panels with maenads and satyrs likewise put a rivieri. strong emphasis on the Dionysiac nature of the imagery in the tablinum of the House of Caecilius Iucundus. In of the peristyle portico and recall the view of Mars and the cubiculum p, Dionysus himself is depicted holding a Venus in that room and then continue to the innermost thyrsos, as a pendant to the loving couple Mars and Ve- room of the peristyle garden, room t in the south-east- nus in the northern alcove of the same room. In the room ern corner of the garden. This room would have been t, the presence of Dionysus is emphasized on the north- perfect for romantic meetings, being decorated on the ern wall by the image of Silenus playing a , north wall (Figs. 2O and 19) with a panel representing accompanying Hermaphrodite, who holds a . Hermaphrodite and Silenus,36 with Narcissus with Eros Again, the Dionysiac image was placed as a pendant to on the east wall (Fig. 2P) and Mars and Venus to the the image of the loving couple, Mars and Venus flanked by two , that could be admired in the southern south opposite the entrance of the room (Figs. 2Q and wall. 20).37 Mars and Venus also had two Erotes in their com- Another phenomenon that Hales points out is the im- pany, one holding the arms of Mars during the meeting portance of Dionysus’ mask in the associative imagery of the god and goddess and the other showing an open casket to them. 36 MNN 111213. Mau 1876, 229–236; Sogliano 1879, no. 594. For various versions of Hermaphrodite in Pompeian paintings, see Hodske 2007, 244–246, pls. 158–159. 37 Mau 1876, 230; Sogliano 1879, no. 589 (Narcissus). Narcis- Dionysus, masks and theatrical design sus: for various versions of Narcissus in Pompeii, see Hodske 2007, 166–179, pls. 41–52. Mars and Venus: MNN 111214; As Shelley Hales, among others, has demonstrated, im- Sogliano 1879, no. 138; Schefold 1957, 68; PPM III, 618; Hodske 2007, 143, table 1, cat. no. 128, pl. 1:3. ages of Aphrodite and Dionysus dominated domestic 38 38 Hales 2008, 235. art, and as Paul Zanker has emphasized, Aphrodite and 39 Zanker 1998. Dionysus had the central position in tryphe that was con- 40 Hales 2008, 237. 100 Arja Karivieri

Fig. 17. Theseus and Ariadne on Naxos, east wall of tricli- nium o. (MANN 115396; Su concessione del Ministero dei Beni e delle Attività Culturali e del Turismo – Soprin- tendenza per i Beni Archeo- logici di Napoli.)

in Pompeian houses, from wall-paintings to oscilla.41 In Iphigenia in Tauris, with Iphigenia standing in front of a the House of Caecilius Iucundus, masks are depicted in temple, and on the south side Hecuba is shown standing the atrium, the tablinum i, on the south wall of the peri- by the walls of Troy (or Clytemnestra by the walls of style garden and on the peltae that decorated the peri- Mycenae). Thus, the viewer connects the scenes with style garden. In the atrium the masks were held by ac- their stage-setting. In the tablinum i, alae and triclinia o tors, in the peristyle garden the masks were isolated im- and u, building-structures are continuously represented ages on the peltae that decorated the porticoes flanking in the central motifs of the decoration and also in the the peristyle garden and on an oscillum hanging from a architectural frames of the upper zones of the walls, giv- garland above the central hunting scene that was de- ing vague references to the tripartite architecture of the picted in the south wall of the peristyle garden. Theatri- theatre.43 cal design in the form of architectural settings42 is still visible in the South House V 1,26 in the ala h, the tabli- num i, the triclinia o and u and in the North House V 1, 41 Hales 2008, 237. 42 23 in the triclinium k. In the tablinum i of the South Cf. Hales 2008, 239–240, for the theatrical symbolism of Dionysus’ masks and the popularity of theatrical motifs. House, the central motifs are framed by an architectural 43 Cf. Hales 2008, 239–241, with reference to the tablinum setting, making clear their connection with the staging of painting in the House of Lucretius Fronto, and Ling 1991, 30– Greek tragedy. On the north side there are scenes from 31, 77–78. Creation of a Pompeian Identity 101

Fig. 18. View from the exedra r through the peristyle garden and the tablinum to the atrium and the fauces. Photograph: Hans Thorwid 2009.

Hales, following Derrida’s theorizing about frames,44 portrait-bust of Lucius provided at the same time a role uses the term ‘parergonal space’ with reference to this model for the family and for other viewers. Brian Rose blurring of boundaries between the painted theatre and argues that the veristic style in portraits was evocative of domestic space. The ambivalence so described would dignitas and presented the subjects as role-models, as then reflect a Roman theatricality, according to Janet “men who valued morals, character and service to the Huskinson.45 In the display of theatricality and masks state above classical ideas of beauty.”47 and the dramatizing of personal identity, we find an im- Another feature connected with the theatre and actors portant connection between the scenes depicted in the to which Hales draws attention is the use of the mirror, atrium and the fauces in the House of Caecilius Iucun- the mirror of Aphrodite, to enhance the persona through dus. The scene in the south-western corner of the atrium reflection.48 The aesthetic principle of reflection is seen showed Odysseus in the disguise of a shepherd revealing in the atrium of the House of Caecilius Iucundus, in the his true identity to Penelope, while the old wet-nurse Eu- duplication of the image of Lucius with two identical riclea, who identified Odysseus’ real identity, stands in busts flanking the tablinum. When there was water in the the background. The dog depicted in the mosaic floor of impluvium, the two bronze busts would also have been the fauces adjacent to the painting could have depicted reflected and duplicated in the water. In the cubiculum t, Argos, the loyal dog of Odysseus, who had identified his between the images of Hermaphrodite and Silenus in the master despite his disguise. Scenes in the opposite wall north wall and Mars and Venus with Erotes in the south of the atrium showed persons holding masks, connecting wall, there was an image of Narcissus gazing at himself the scenes to the disguise and revelation of Odysseus, to in the pool in the presence of Eros. Actual water was transition and metamorphosis in general.46 also visible in association with this scene, as the window The veristic portrait busts of Lucius in front of the tab- opposite the wall with the Narcissus painting opened up linum i in their turn displayed the identity of Lucius. It is 44 the persona of Lucius, and what is emphasized by the Hales 2008, 240–241; Derrida 1987, 15–147. 45 Huskinson 2002–2003, 145–151. fact that it was donated by the freedman Felix, is that it 46 Cf. Levi-Strauss 1983; Hales 2008, 241. was the persona and identity of his former patronus Lu- 47 Rose 2008, 102; Bell 2008, 10. that Felix wished to display on the public stage. The 48 Hales 2008, 243. 102 Arja Karivieri

Fig. 19. Hermaphrodite and Silenus on the north wall of the Fig. 20. Mars and Venus on the south wall of the room t. room t. (MANN 111213; Neg. D-DAI-Rom 53.533R; courtesy (MANN 111214; Su concessione del Ministero dei Beni e delle of Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, Rome.) Attività Culturali e del Turismo – Soprintendenza per i Beni Ar- cheologici di Napoli.) to the peristyle garden that was equipped with fountains sibly have been seen as connected to the scene with and where water flowing in the gutter that flanked the Odysseus and Penelope in the atrium, i.e. as a represen- garden could reflect the images of visitors and garden or- tation of Odysseus’ loyal dog, Argos, who identified his naments. master.50 The scene with Odysseus and Penelope con- nects the painting directly to Homer’s Iliad and , and to Virgil’s Aeneid, to the Trojan War and at the same time, to the image of a marriage to be admired, to the The Roman house as a “memory theatre” model of a respectable wife for Greeks and Romans, Penelope, who was admired and venerated especially by Bettina Bergmann, in her study on the Roman house as a Spartan women for her strength and moral courage. “memory theatre”, emphasized the importance of the ar- When the visitor moved further into the atrium and chitectural mnemonic system for the Romans, citing the came to the tablinum, he could see as the central image works of Cicero and . A house was con- of the north wall the large scene representing Iphigenia sidered an extension of the self, connecting the owner to in Tauris, as the priestess of Artemis, welcoming her 49 his ancestors and genii. The person moving in the house brother Orestes with Pylades, a scene taken from the fa- chose and made a selective organization in his mind of the mous tragedy of Euripides, conveying associations with things and images he saw. Common images and tradi- the cult of Artemis, with Sparta, the hometown of Me- tional objects were recognized and new ones were added nelaos and Helen, and, further, with Troy and the Trojan to the framework of well-known images and stories. War. There are other scenes in the atrium and the tabli- In the House of Caecilius Iucundus, a connection to num that are connected to the world of theatre and the the shared memory-store of the Greeks and Romans is cult of Dionysus. In the atrium, there are two images evident in the image-gallery of the house, starting from the vestibule with its welcoming image of a guardian 49 Bergmann 1994, 225–226. dog (Fig. 3). The guardian dog in the fauces could pos- 50 Cf. Hom. Od. 17.290–327. Creation of a Pompeian Identity 103 where men and women actually hold theatrical masks. In after Clytemnestra had murdered Agamemnon. In one the tablinum, the central scene in the south wall seems to version of the myth Clytemnestra lost her first child, have represented a central scene from a tragedy, possibly Iphigenia, whom Agamemnon sacrificed in order to from Euripides’ Hecuba or Trojan Women. The lateral raise the winds and to make possible the voyage of the panels in the tablinum depicted satyrs and maenads and Greeks towards Troy,53 but the tragedy of Euripides il- there are masks in the surrounding decorative bands, all lustrated here is based on a version of the myth where connecting the scenery to the collective memory of Iphigenia returned to life through the intervention of Greek and Roman people. Artemis and became a priestess of Artemis among the When we look at the other details in the decoration of Taurians. the House of Caecilius Iucundus, we find an important In the central scene of the triclinium o, in the Judge- connection made with the local Pompeian memory. A ment of Paris, we can see the main goddesses, Hera/ new lararium was built in the north-western corner of Juno, Aphrodite/Venus and Athena/, all three the atrium, above the black-and-white mosaic floor, having a central role in the Trojan War, and also in the bearing a relief depicting scenes from the earthquake of shared memory of Athens, Rome and Pompeii: Athena AD 62 and the sacrifice of a bull. The lararium and the as Athene at Troy and as the tutelary goddess of earthquake-relief can be seen as a thanksgiving gift from Athens, Hera as the goddess who induced Aeneas to the family of Lucius Caecilius Iucundus that they sur- leave Troy and to become the founder of vived the earthquake. The effects of the earthquake can Rome, and Aphrodite as the winner in the judgement of be seen in room s and the cantina east of the peristyle Paris and the guardian of Pompeii. The painting shows garden, which had been repaired after the damage the central event that precipitated the Trojan War: the caused by the earthquake.51 The lararium was to serve as beauty contest between the three goddesses Athena, an exemplum, to transmit a memory of the disastrous Aphrodite and Hera, with Paris, the Trojan prince as earthquake to new generations.52 judge. Paris chose Aphrodite and received from her the The rooms that were the most important, the atrium, Queen of Sparta, Helen, as his prize; an act that caused the tablinum and the triclinium o, had also the most the outbreak of the Trojan War. The Judgement of Paris monumental epic scenes. In the atrium and the tablinum illustrates also the reason for the conflict between Hera there were scenes connected with family and the theatre, and Aphrodite, which was inherent in the nature of the in the triclinium o they are connected with Venus and two goddesses, Hera being the role model for wives and love. In the small rooms around the peristyle garden we Aphrodite the symbol of beauty and erotic love. see scenes with Venus, Dionysus and Narcissus. Five In the triclinium o visual contrasts provide the viewer mythological panels in the House of Caecilius Iucundus with the possibility of recognizing the connections. En- are connected both with Homer’s Odyssey and Iliad, and tering from the north portico to the triclinium the viewer with tragedies of Euripides and , the largest of saw first to the right an erotic painting with a man and a them being in the tablinum and the triclinium o. woman in a bed, the woman sitting and revealing her na- Penelope, a role model for Greek and Roman wives, an ked back while she stretches her hand to her lover, who exemplum of the ideal wife, is depicted in the first panel raises the cover. After this erotic scene the viewer en- to the right in the atrium. Iphigenia, the sacrificial virgin tered the triclinium and saw the large mythic scenes and and priestess of Artemis, is depicted on the north wall of female portraits in tondi on the walls, where the focal the tablinum, while on the opposite wall we see Hecuba, points of the large panels were the nude figures of Aph- a model for the loyal mother, or possibly Clytemnestra, rodite in the centre and Ariadne to the right. In the same who could have been seen as an example for a dangerous panels, the viewer could see the images of heavily female behaviour. The paintings in the triclinium o show dressed Hera and Athena contrasting with the naked fig- other two central figures of Greek and Roman mythol- ures of Aphrodite and Ariadne, that is, in the juxtaposi- ogy, i.e., Aphrodite/Venus, the goddess of love and sym- tion of Hera, Athena and Aphrodite on the one hand and bol of female beauty, and Ariadne, a woman in love and Athena and Ariadne on the other.54 As opposing powers a model for brides. Hecuba and the woman accompanying her could have 51 Cf. Karivieri 2005. 52 reminded the viewer of the effects of the loss of children, Cf. Bergmann 1994, 226. 53 and the loyalty of a good mother, whereas the scene with Depicted in a painting in the peristyle portico of the House of the Tragic Poet. Iphigenia and Orestes recalls the behaviour of a “bad” 54 Cf. Bergmann 1994, 245, 250; in the House of the Tragic mother, Clytemnestra, whom Orestes killed in revenge Poet exposed and confined women are contrasted. 104 Arja Karivieri in these two panels we see the young princes, Paris of of women: Helen, who caused the Trojan War, was re- Troy, and Theseus of Athens, both coming from cities membered through the Judgement of Paris; there are guarded by Athena, both playing a central role in Greek representations of Iphigenia, the intended bride of Achil- mythology, as heroes and as lovers. A mirror-effect is les,57 who was sacrificed for the war, Penelope who was created by the figures of Aphrodite and Ariadne, by parted from her husband by it for twenty years, and He- Paris and Theseus, and by the presence of Athena in both cuba who lost both husband and children as a result of it. scenes. Helen, who was the cause of the Trojan War, was re- The stories depicted in the triclinium o are connected jected, for example at Sparta, as a role model for married to large, central themes. We may compare the scenes in women.58 Instead, Penelope became the exemplar of the atrium, the tablinum and the triclinium o of the modesty and chastity. Sarah Pomeroy has pointed out House of Caecilius Iucundus to the scenes in the House that two Roman inscriptions from Sparta refer to two of the Tragic Poet, where Bettina Bergmann discerned women as “new ”.59 Another interesting fact is panels featuring Olympians and the beginnings of the that the ancient wooden image of Artemis Orthia in Trojan War. In the House of Caecilius Iucundus the Sparta was said to have been brought back from Taurus panels feature the Olympians Hera, Athena, Aphrodite by Iphigenia and Orestes.60 This shows the importance and Hermes; one panel conjures up the background of of Euripides’ drama Iphigenia in Tauris in shaping the the Trojan War, i.e. the Judgement of Paris, and three mythology of Iphigenia’s life. That Iphigenia was an im- others feature either the end of the Trojan War (He- portant figure in Greek and is well il- cuba?) or events after the war, i.e. Iphigenia, Orestes and lustrated by the fact that a scene from her life was de- Pylades among the Taurians and Odysseus’ return to picted in the House of Caecilius Iucundus and another Penelope. Only one panel depicts a mythic scene con- was central to the decorative scheme of the House of the nected with Athens, the one showing the hero Theseus Tragic Poet. when he abandons Ariadne on Naxos. The theme of marriage was depicted in the atrium of The paintings include both mortals and immortals. the House of Caecilius Iucundus by means of the panel The scene with Odysseus and Penelope evokes an ad- of Odysseus and Penelope, possibly a scene from Ae- mirable marriage, Hera being operative in this relation- schylus’ trilogy about Odysseus’ return to Ithaca. This ship. The scene with Iphigenia adds another dimension, scene symbolizes specifically benefits which were a connection with Artemis, virgins and brides. Aphrodite thought of as the gifts of Hera: marital love and loyalty and Eros, on the other hand, are operative in many between a man and woman. In contrast to marital love, scenes, and the wine-god Dionysus, although depicted the couples of satyrs and maenads in the tablinum pro- himself only in the cubiculum p, is implicitly present in vide associations with erotic love and Aphrodite. How- the atrium, the tablinum and the peristyle garden through ever, an Archaic image that was venerated by mothers theatre masks, actors, satyrs and maenads, providing and brides in Sparta, that of Aphrodite Hera,61 confirms a theatricality and framing for the scenes, and in the tri- link between erotic love and marriage. clinium o, also, through his relationship with Ariadne. In room t another aspect of love is evoked by Her- The guest to the House of Caecilius Iucundus could maphrodite, Narcissus and Aphrodite: the beauty of a combine the scenes and various details in numerous in- naked body. This topos is found also in the room 14a in terpretations, depending on the route that was chosen for the House of the Tragic Poet to the west of the peristyle 62 the visit.55 Seeing the painting of Iphigenia in the tabli- garden. In the House of Caecilius Iucundus, too, it was num, he could consider Iphigenia’s fate in connection thought appropriate for a cubiculum flanking the peri- with the fate of the women shown in the painting on the style garden. opposite wall (Hecuba or Clytemnestra?) and in the 55 Cf. Bergmann 1994, 246. atrium (Penelope). 56 Bergmann 1994, 249. 57 All these scenes provided associations which might According to Euripides’ Iphigenia at Aulis, Agamemnon sent a letter to Clytemnestra telling her that Iphigenia will be mar- lead one to recall passages of famous works. Bergmann ried to Achilles, so Clytemnestra willingly brought Iphigenia to emphasizes how the diners in the triclinium of the House Aulis to the wedding. Instead she was to be sacrificed to Arte- of the Tragic Poet would have studied the tragedy of mis. 58 Iphigenia and seen her as one of the women who could Pomeroy 2008, 227. 59 Pomeroy 2008, 228–299. be characterized as embodying both the cause and the 60 Pomeroy 2008, 230. 56 cost of war. In the House of Caecilius Iucundus, sev- 61 Paus. 3.13.9; Pomeroy 2008, 227. eral women recalled in the images belong to this group 62 See Bergmann 1994, fig. 33. Creation of a Pompeian Identity 105

The Iphigenia painting in the tablinum can be con- Paris, recall likewise the world of the wine-god. Masks nected not only to Euripides’ Iphigenia in Tauris, but from satyr plays, along with Silenus and a satyr depicted also to the events before the Taurian episode as de- in the marble peltae hanging in the peristyle porticoes, a scribed in the Oresteia, the trilogy of Aeschylus, that Bacchus-herm found in the garden, as well as the painted emphasized the acts and the role of Orestes in the myth oscilla on the south wall of the peristyle garden, are all by describing the events after the sacrifice of Iphigenia. signs of the emphasis given to the wine-god in the over- We can imagine that the guests to the house discussed all decorative scheme of the house. the scenes especially during dinner parties, enjoying the On the other hand, the mosaic dog in the fauces pro- view in and from the triclinium o, seeing the Judgement vides an association to the scene with Odysseus and of Paris, Theseus and Ariadne and the portrait tondi, Penelope in the atrium. The large lararium in the atrium possibly representing the female members of Iucundus’ with its relief decoration can be connected both with the family, and on the opposite wall in the peristyle garden history of Pompeii and the history and activities of the Poseidon/Neptune, naval battles and wild animals in a paterfamilias, accentuated by the location of the arca landscape. These scenes alluded to the works of ancient between the lararium and the pair of herm-portraits of authors and recalled famous passages from Homer’s Lucius in front of the tablinum. At these three focal epics, Virgil’s Aeneid, Ovid, and the performances of points in the atrium we see how the paterfamilias pro- Greek tragedies at the theatre of Pompeii. The visual al- vided a clear reference to the fecunditas and fortuna of lusions could have been complemented by stories en- the family. The clients and the visitors to the house could acted by miming Homeristae,63 who created new inter- have seen from the entrance the paterfamilias seated in pretations and brought ancient myths to life. the tablinum, flanked by the two herms of the family an- The scenes and various motifs were aimed at recalling cestor Lucius, and behind him in the peristyle garden, ancient myths and stories as well as posing the moral another lararium in the exedra r. questions facing contemporary Roman society, as dis- cussed by Cicero and Seneca. As Bergmann has pointed out, each viewer created a new version of the story de- picted on the wall through associations.64 Interpretations The artistic taste of freedmen of the image could vary depending on the situation and Hackworth Petersen, in her study on Roman freedmen whether the viewer was alone or in the company of one and their homes, has written a case-study of the House of or several persons who all had their personal frame of Caecilius Iucundus, as the family was descended from knowledge and way of interpreting an image. The inter- freedmen. She points out that historians have considered pretation could be changed or manipulated if another the house as over-decorated and compared the banker person created a version that was different from the first Lucius Caecilius Iucundus with Trimalchio.65 She dis- reflection—memories of ancient myths varied and er- cerns two phases of decoration, the first one in the Third roneous interpretations could be frequent. Style in the atrium area and the annex, connected with If we compare the complete imagery of the House of the ex-slave Felix who commemorated his former master the Tragic Poet with the House of the Caecilius Iucun- Lucius with the two herms. Hackworth Petersen con- dus, we find that in both houses the themes of the paint- nects the second phase, the late Third Style of the tabli- ings extended to other too, such as mosaics and num and the Fourth Style around the peristyle with the statues. For example, the mosaic emblem in the tablinum famous banker Lucius Caecilius Iucundus. of the House of the Tragic Poet connects the scene to Both Hackworth Petersen and John R. Clarke consider theatre and Dionysus, and in the atrium of the House of the erotic painting located between the triclinium o and Caecilius Iucundus a theatrical theme was visible in the the cubiculum p (Fig. 14) in the House of Caecilius Iu- paintings with persons holding masks; also, in the floor cundus as “unambiguously displaced”,66 suggesting that mosaics of the alae and the triclinium o there were Dio- the painting was commissioned by a person “who did not nysiac borders with kantharoi. The tablinum decoration, know better”, like the freedman Trimalchio. Clarke sees with its theatrical images, masks, satyrs and maenads the painting as a sign of the owner’s elite pretensions and and scenes from famous tragedies, calls to mind the Dio- nysiac world. The opus sectile panel in the floor of the 63 Cf. Bergmann 1994, 249. triclinium o that is framed by vine and kantharoi, as well 64 Bergmann 1994, 254. as the theatrical frames of the large paintings in the room 65 Hackworth Petersen 2006, 163, 183. and Pan shown below the scene of the Judgement of 66 Clarke 1998, 153–161; Hackworth Petersen 2006, 165–166. 106 Arja Karivieri social climbing. Hackworth Petersen emphasizes that the ner guests admired the mythological paintings on the painting should be viewed in the light of the fact that Iu- walls, they could discuss the stories and links between cundus’ social peers and subordinates, the viewers of the the mythological paintings. The guests were placed in picture, were not necessarily members of the Pompeian carefully chosen seats at the table, according to their so- elite. The proposition that the painting is mal placé could cial status, and the honorary guest received the best view be questioned, however, as it does not show sexual inter- towards the peristyle garden. The ritual dining empha- course, bare breasts or genitals. Compared to the sized the dominus’ role as the head of the household as painting in the entrance of the House of the Vettii, for well as a generous patron towards his guests and clients, example, the painting is quite innocent, showing only the who in their turn could honour the dominus, creating a back of the woman, as was usual, for example, for im- mutually beneficial relationship. The dinner guests to the ages of Ariadne. Actually, the centre of the scene is fo- House of Caecilius Iucundus could thus discuss events cused on the left hands of the couple, on their way to connected with the Trojan War or the myths of Theseus meet, showing a tender gesture, more like “sinistrarum and Ariadne, as well as erotic love and the adventures of iunctio”, a symbol of love and compassion. The painting Aphrodite/Venus, the tutelary goddess of Pompeii. is well suited to its position between the triclinium o and the cubiculum p, where Aphrodite, the goddess of love, is represented as the central figure in the central panel opposite the entrance in both rooms: in the triclinium o Mythological paintings in the House of as the winner of the beauty competition in the Judgement Caecilius Iucundus in their Pompeian of Paris and in the cubiculum p, on the north wall, in an with /Mars. The placement of these two context paintings with Aphrodite makes the erotic painting on In the concluding parts of a statistical study of mytho- the wall between the two rooms part of a coherent logical paintings in Pompeii, Jürgen Hodske points out scheme referring to Aphrodite and to the idea of erotic that in Third-Style paintings, women were always prop- love; this reference is also emphasized by Erato, the erly dressed and men were represented in heroic nudity, muse of love poetry in the cubiculum p. As Antonio and that this convention can be connected to the moral Varone has pointed out, erotic paintings were also virtues of the Augustan period. In addition to large placed in public places in the large houses in Pompeii, mythological landscape paintings, smaller images were where they might be seen by the entire family, slaves, used, too,71 such as we can see in the atrium area of the 67 friends and guests. Also, Luciana Jacobelli recalls a House of Caecilius Iucundus. reference to erotic pictures by Ovid in Ars Amatoria In the Fourth Style, the images become larger and the (2.679–680) and especially a passage in Tristia (2.521– figures fill the frames or are cut off by the frame. The 528) where Ovid claims that even in the imperial resi- figures become more and more undressed, the clothes dence of Augustus there was a painting that represented billow out behind their bodies in the wind or follow and 68 “concubitus varios Venerisque figuras”. reveal the form of their beautiful naked bodies. In the Hackworth Petersen suggests that the cubiculum p Fourth Style, the new idea of beauty is exemplified by communicated with the triclinium o, forming a two- the naked, androgynous youths, pueri delicati, such as 69 room suite. This is not correct. Earlier in the history of Narcissus, and also by Hermaphrodite. Such figures are the House of Caecilius Iucundus, the room n west of the often accompanied by Eros or .72 There is a clear triclinium o and the cubiculum p to the east communi- preference for erotic themes during the Fourth Style, and cated with the triclinium forming a three-room suite, but as Hodske emphasizes, the arms of the heroes are no after a rebuilding phase, the entrances from cubiculum p longer used to idealize their owners, but, instead, and room n to the triclinium o were closed, and the tri- play with the arms.73 An example can be seen in the im- clinium o and the cubiculum p were painted in the Fourth Style, including the above-mentioned mythological 67 Varone 2000, 71. scenes and the erotic painting on the wall between the 68 Jacobelli 1995, 84. See also p. 86, for other examples of two rooms. erotic paintings in Pompeian houses. 69 Hackworth Petersen stresses the importance of the Hackworth Petersen 2006, 169. 70 Roman ritual banqueting when we study the architecture Hackworth Petersen 2006, 172. 71 Hodske 2007, 130, 136. and design of the House of Caecilius Iucundus, the ban- 72 Hodske 2007, 130, 136. quet being an event filled with visual signs.70 As the din- 73 Hodske 2007, 131, 136. Creation of a Pompeian Identity 107 age of Mars and Venus in the room t of the House of bolizes attractive femininity. Thus, the image of Ariadne Caecilius Iucundus, where this central scene is flanked could be an erotic picture for male viewers, while by Narcissus and juxtaposed by Hermaphrodite and Sile- women could compare themselves with her.77 Lorenz nus in the image on the opposite wall. Another category lists 16 examples of another motif popular in Pompeii: of paintings is copies of famous Greek paintings with Mars and Venus in a pyramidal composition.78 This mo- complex compositions. Such are the large mythological tif is preserved in two rooms flanking the peristyle gar- paintings in the House of Caecilius Iucundus. den in the House of Caecilius Iucundus, the cubiculum p Hodske’s statistical study of Pompeian houses with and room t. Only in three of the Pompeian examples mythological paintings shows that the larger the house, does Mars have his helmet on his head: one of them is in the more mythological paintings they have, and that the the House of Caecilius Iucundus. Venus is represented in most wall decorations can be seen in large houses with front of Mars, with naked upper body, showing her body an atrium impluviatum and/or peristyle. In the Fourth to the viewer, while naked Mars displays male virtus; at Style it is even more usual that the larger and richer the same time, the embrace of the two gods emphasizes houses are decorated with central mythological paint- the intimacy of the loving couple and the power of the 79 ings: nudity, erotic scenes and copies of lost Greek origi- goddess of love to tame the god of war. Theseus in the nals are important,74 all of which can be seen in the large mythological painting in the triclinium o repre- House of Caecilius Iucundus. sented public duty, in contrast to the private happiness of Hodske analysed the various room categories and no- the loving couple, Mars and Venus, represented in the ticed that most rooms are without decoration. Images are cubiculum p. often missing from the atria and the alae.75 This is how- Lorenz concludes that the increasing number of ever not the case in the House of Caecilius Iucundus, mythic scenes in wall paintings during the last decades of Pompeii is evidence for an increasing literacy, which where the owner had chosen a special set of images. The made visual narrative important.80 Paintings can also re- decorations in the tablina and alae could also be covered call the contrast between otium and negotium,81 as in the with curtains or folded doors. In the House of Caecilius painting showing Theseus and Ariadne in the triclinium Iucundus this solution could have been used, for ex- o in the House of Caecilius Iucundus, where Theseus ample, in the ala e to restrict the view towards the en- chooses negotium, or in the scene showing Mars and Ve- trance to the North House and to the east, to the tricli- nus in the room t, when Mars is represented without his nium m with its large window, when the window was arms, enjoying his otium. open towards the ala. Lorenz has identified the following connections which may exist between mythological paintings in their con- text: affirmative, complementary, contrasting and con- secutive connections.82 As a contrasting combination she Mythological paintings in their context identifies the Judgement of Paris and Theseus abandon- Katharina Lorenz has studied the Pompeian mythologi- ing Ariadne in the House of Caecilius Iucundus. Here cal paintings in their context, considering the following the contrasting female figures are Ariadne, who is repre- three aspects: architecture, decoration and the viewer/ sented sleeping, and Aphrodite who is shown as active, the winner of beauty competition. The contrasting males user. She has developed further the methods of Andrew in the paintings are Paris and Theseus; Paris’ choice Wallace-Hadrill, Emily Leach, Bettina Bergmann and causes the destruction of Troy whereas Theseus saves Susanne Muth to study various individual decisions with his hometown Athens, i.e. Theseus chose negotium and regard to decoration. These decisions reflect socio-cul- is saved, whereas Paris chose erotic otium and he tural conventions while allowing scope to individuals for looses.83 improvisation and variation in the creation of visual 76 symbols. Lorenz has made a critical, iconological an- 74 Hodske 2007, 131, 136–137. alysis of the mythological paintings, and has treated the 75 Hodske 2007, 131, 137. especially popular mythic themes as case studies, for in- 76 Lorenz 2008, 5–7, 11–13. stance, four myths connected with love. In addition, in- 77 Lorenz 2008, 101, 103–104. dividual paintings have been studied in their context, to- 78 Lorenz 2008, 158–166. 79 gether with other paintings in the same room. Lorenz 2008, 162–163. 80 Lorenz 2008, 250–251. In her case study of the paintings showing Ariadne, 81 Cf. Lorenz 2008, 255. Lorenz points out that Theseus represents the male hero 82 Lorenz 2008, 268, 272–275. who follows his duty to the society, while Ariadne sym- 83 Lorenz 2008, 280–281. 108 Arja Karivieri

As an example of a complementary combination, nysus and Ariadne in the room 31 in the House of the such as was usual in the Fourth Style, Lorenz chooses Postumii. In both cases the divine couples symbolize the paintings of Hermaphrodite and Silenus, Narcissus erotic love. In both houses the Judgement of Paris was and Dionysus with Ariadne in the room 31 in the placed in the centre of the room, but in the House of House of the Postumii.84 A similar combination is seen Caecilius Iucundus, in the triclinium o it is flanked by in the room t of the House of Caecilius Iucundus, i.e. Theseus abandoning Ariadne, unaccompanied by any Hermaphrodite and Silenus, Narcissus, and Mars and representation of the sequel, Ariadne’s rescue by Dio- Venus with Erotes. In both houses we see a display of nysus, the scene that we see in the room 31 of the beautiful naked bodies, male, female and andro- House of the Postumii. Furthermore, the third scene in gynous. the room 33, Iphigenia, Orestes and Pylades among the Lorenz emphasizes the importance of affirmative con- Taurians is placed in the tablinum of the House of Cae- nections, when individual images can confirm role cilius Iucundus. In conclusion, whereas the largest models and values and the everyday world is projected room, room 31, in the House of the Postumii is dec- into the mythic world. For example, representations of a orated with paintings that have a somewhat erotic at- man and a wife in the atrium area can present ideals and mosphere and the smaller room 33 is decorated with status, such as virtus, castitas, dignitas, auctoritas and epic themes, in the House of Caecilius Iucundus the concordia.85 An important fact is that when atria in mythic images in the large triclinium o are connected to Pompeii are decorated with myths, they are from Ho- the epic scenes in the tablinum, and the paintings with meric epos or other large epic cycles and serve to em- erotic or Dionysiac atmosphere were located on the phasize tradition, vetustas, role models and values, wall between the triclinium o and the cubiculum p, in while, at the same time, portraits of ancestors in the the cubiculum p and the room t, all in the peristyle atrium celebrate family history.86 In the atrium of the area. House of Caecilius Iucundus the Homeric connection is As Lorenz points out, the three-room suites in Pom- provided by the image of Odysseus and Penelope, the peian houses were utilised for the representation of sta- role-models for an ideal couple, whereas the bronze tus and the male virtues, as well as to create an erotic at- busts of Lucius in front of the tablinum serve as the con- mosphere by the display of naked bodies, in such a way nection with the family’s past history. that the main room was normally kept for boosting status An important addition to the design of Pompeian during convivia, and the smaller side rooms for pro- houses in the city’s last years consists of the three- ducing a more erotic and Dionysiac atmosphere.90 Fur- room suites that are usually located in the peristyle area thermore, the same key figures are seen repeatedly in the and decorated in the Fourth Style. Lorenz discusses in three-room suites that became the central place for en- detail the decorative programme of some of these hancing male status: Theseus, Dionysus, , Paris suites,87 which offer important points of comparison and Orestes.91 with the three-room suite in the House of Caecilius Iucundus, i.e. V 1,26n-o-p (Fig. 2). The three-room suite in the House of the Postumii, rooms 31, 32 and 33, includes two large rooms, 31 and 33, both including Figure painters in the House of Caecilius mythic themes that were also chosen for the House of Iucundus Caecilius Iucundus, namely, in the largest room 31, Narcissus, Dionysus and Ariadne and, on the third Caroline Dexter and Laurence Richardson have dis- wall, Hermaphrodite with Silenus, Pan, Eros and a cussed in detail the works of the artists who painted the , and in the room 33 the Judgement of Paris, Achilleus on Skyros and on the third wall Iphigenia, 84 Lorenz 2008, 288–289. 85 Orestes and Pylades in Tauris.88 Five of the six themes Lorenz 2008, 326, 352–354. 86 Lorenz 2008, 358–359. have counterparts in the House of Caecilius Iucundus, 87 Lorenz 2008, 361–378. 89 but the placement of the paintings is different. Instead 88 Lorenz 2008, 367. of the paintings with erotic atmosphere being placed in 89 A different view was presented by Roger Ling (1991, 138– the largest room, as in the room 31 of the House of the 139): he thinks that the great variety of combinations of themes Postumii, the scenes with Narcissus and Hermaphrodite does not support theories of programmatic links, instead, a for- mal balance was more important. with Silenus are depicted in the room t together with 90 Lorenz 2008, 377–378. Mars and Venus. These replace the scene with Dio- 91 Lorenz 208, 433. Creation of a Pompeian Identity 109 mythological scenes in the House of Caecilius Iucun- Roman values regarding the family and male and female dus.92 Dexter and Richardson have different opinions roles, along the main public axis of the house, and on the concerning the attribution of the paintings to various other hand, to create an erotic and Dionysiac atmosphere painters. In the discussion below, I follow the interpreta- in the private sphere of the house, around the peristyle tion of Caroline Dexter; a more detailed analysis of the garden. In the House of Caecilius Iucundus, the public paintings is forthcoming in the final publication of the axis, visible from the fauces through the atrium, the tab- Swedish Pompeii Project that I am preparing in coopera- linum and the peristyle was complemented by a second, tion with Renée Forsell. private axis, from the monumental triclinium through the The Third-Style paintings in the tablinum that have peristyle garden, accessible only for the family members been praised for their high quality have been attributed and private guests. Images, inscriptions and objects to the L. Caecilius Iucundus Painter, who was also re- placed along these two axes provide similarities and con- sponsible for the paintings in the large triclinium in the trasts with each other, associations with Homeric epic, Villa Imperiale.93 The erotic painting in the peristyle Greek drama and Roman poetry, as well as with the portico was painted by the Iphigenia painter, and accord- owner’s family history and the history of Pompeii itself, ing to Dexter, also the mythic scenes and portrait tondi that is, they served to create the Pompeian identity of in the triclinium o and the cubiculum p. The Iphigenia Lucius Caecilius Iucundus and his family. painter also painted, among other pictures, the scenes with Mars and Venus and Ariadne abandoned in the Arja Karivieri same insula, in the House of the Greek Epigrams, V Department of Archaeology and Classical Studies Stockholm University 1,18; also, the three erotic scenes in the “camera S-10679 STOCKHOLM d’amore” in the House of the Centenary; the yellow E-mail: [email protected] oecus and the figure of in the House of Me- nander, and the central scenes and the yellow oecus in the House of the Tragic Poet.94 An interesting fact is that the scene Theseus abandoning Ariadne in the House of Bibliography Caecilius Iucundus and the same scene in the House of the Tragic Poet are mirror images. Andreau 1974 J. Andreau, Les affaires de monsieur Ju- cundus (CEFR, 19), Rome 1974. The so-called “Judgement of Paris painter” was re- Bell 2008 S. Bell, ‘Introduction. Role models in the sponsible for the mythic scenes in the room t of the Roman world’, in Role models 2008, 1– House of Caecilius Iucundus and for many other Fourth- 39. Style paintings in Pompeii, also the Judgement of Paris Bergmann 1994 B. Bergmann, ‘The Roman house as scene in the house V 2,15, in the next insula to the east memory theater: the House of the Tragic along Via di Nola, i.e. a painting that depicts exactly the Poet in Pompeii’, ArtB 76, 1994, 225– same subject as the one in the triclinium o of the House 256. of Caecilius Iucundus. It seems that two painters, the one Bonifacio 1997 R. Bonifacio, Ritratti romani da Pompei, who was responsible for the “Paris” painting in the tri- Roma 1997. clinium o, and the “Judgement of Paris” painter, who Clarke 1991 J.R. Clarke, The houses of Roman Italy 100 B.C.–A.D. 250. Ritual, space, and painted the scenes in the room t during the same re- decoration, Berkeley, Los Angeles & decoration phase of the peristyle area, possibly decor- London 1991. ated the house collaboratively, and the question remains Clarke 1998 J.R. Clarke, Looking at lovemaking. Con- whether they were painters working in the same work- shop, as they have painted exactly the same version of 92 Dexter 1974, 119–164. Richardson (2000) has a different in- the Judgement of Paris scene, in two houses that were terpretation of the identity of painters and he discerns four dif- located in two insulae flanking each other. ferent hands in the paintings: The Cecilio Giocondo Painter, pp. 55–57; The Adone Ferito Painter, pp. 91–104; The Iphigenia Painter, pp. 129–146; The Marco Lucrezio Painter (The Judge- To conclude, the images and the decorative programme ment of Paris Painter in Dexter’s study), pp. 153–158. of the House of Caecilius Iucundus offer clear evidence 93 Some scholars, among others John R. Clarke (1991, 155– that the patronus of the house used exactly the same me- 156), attribute the Third-Style paintings in the House of Caeci- as owners of the largest and most prestigious houses lius Iucundus to the same picture painter who painted the cen- tral scenes in the tablinum h and the cubiculum g in the House in Pompeii in order to display the role-models of his of Marcus Lucretius Fronto. family and his family history, to accentuate the central 94 Dexter 1974, 156. 110 Arja Karivieri

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pei e la regione sotterrata dal Vesuvio al 1878’, in Pompei e la regione sotter- nell’anno 79. Memorie e notizie II, rata dal Vesuvio nell’anno 79. Memorie Napoli 1879, 87–243. e notizie II, Napoli 1879, 7–85. Varone 2000 A. Varone, L’erotismo a Pompei, Roma Zanker 1998 P. Zanker, Eine Kunst für die Sinne. Zur 2000. hellenistischen Bilderwelt des Dionysus Viola 1879 L. Viola, ‘Gli scavi di Pompei dal 1873 und der Aphrodite, Berlin 1998. 112 Arja Karivieri HUNTING THE BOAR—THE FICTION OF A LOCAL PAST IN FOUNDATION MYTHS OF HELLENISTIC AND ROMAN CITIES

BY PETER SCHERRER

Abstract famous of all such stories. For Herakles this feat consti- The mythical hunt of the boar in is always em- tuted only one more task on his way to Mount Olympos, bedded in conflict-riddled situations between heroes and Arte- but putting this deed on the fourth place of the Dode- mis, mostly against the background of city foundations. Single kathlos elevates the boar considerably above the killing elements of the myth change in the course of times and political of the Nemean Lion at the beginning of the catalogue. circumstances, but the deeper sense seems never to have been forgotten. Thus and the Erymanthian Boar as well as For our theme here, it is most important firstly to empha- the form archetypical models for arti- size the high prestige of the boar hunt in comparison ficial aetiological myths in a series of Anatolian cities, starting with other hunts, and secondly, the fact that the boar with in the 5th century BC and ending with Aphro- generally is an animal devoted to Artemis and the Ery- disias in an already Roman provincial environment. In the Julio-Claudian period the story even spilled over to the Latin manthian boar in particular lived in an area beloved by West, serving as foundation myth of Virunum in . So the goddess. As Herakles had nothing else in mind than this more or less episodical story is rather a good example of the the fulfilment of the orders given to him by his cousin persistence of structure in myth—even if hidden in contempo- Eurystheus, there was no need to kill the animal and it rary reshapings. It tells the eternal story of the unavoidable con- was set free again. But we will return to this later. flict between acting human and vengeful . More closely related to the history of a city there is the For a Greek city, being embedded in Hellenic tradition Calydonian boar hunt, but this story begins after the al- and culture was assured not least by a foundation myth. ready existing city of Calydon had been punished by Ar- Normally one or more well-known gods/goddesses of temis because king Oineus had forgotten a sacrifice to the pantheon and/or a commonly appreciated hero like her. Artemis sent a huge and extremely aggressive boar Herakles played the main roles. For younger cities with- which devastated the countryside. The best hunters and out an archaic or even older past, especially those in pe- most famous heroes of Greece, with the exception of ripheral locations, to be associated with the glorious Herakles, united and finally—after some combatants had mythological background of being Greek was essential already been killed by the boar or their colleagues—the in order to be taken seriously. In addition, the desire for local hero , Oineus’ son, killed the beast after it evidence of old ties which might strengthen the connec- had been wounded by (Fig. 2). For that reason, tion to an ally such as Athens, or the wish to be able to Atalanta should have received the trophy, but Mel- put forward strong arguments in inner political discus- eager’s uncles protested and were killed by him. The rest sion (e.g. about the question of a future friendship with of the story has different variations, yet for us the ver- 3 Athens or Sparta) might have led to the invention (or sion, probably the oldest, already told by Homer, is of adaptation) of foundation myths. Mostly, these young particular significance. Meleager returned to Oineus mythological strata are easily recognized as so-called with the trophy and did not take part in the war against aetiological legends, told to explain the city’s name and/ the Curetes of , who besieged Calydon in re- or important political circumstances. Very often, in such venge for the slain brothers of Meleager’s mother Al- cases, the hero does not appear in any other mythologi- thaia, as she had cursed her own son for his deeds. Only cal context, his name might be a variant of the city’s when his wife beseeched him, because the city name and/or the ktistes might be linked to a well-known and respected ruler’s house.1 1 For many examples like this, see, e.g., Leschhorn 1984; Lind- ner 1994; Prinz 1979; Scheer 1993. One very successful model among such foundation 2 2 For a collection of boar hunts in general in the ancient world, legends is the hunting of a boar. The capture of the Ery- see Ranke-Graves 1984, 61f., no. 18.7. manthian Boar by Herakles (Fig. 1) was surely the most 3 Il. 9.549. 114 Peter Scherrer

Fig. 1. Herakles carrying the Erymanthian boar to Eurystheus. Attic black-figure , Brit. Mus. B213, London painter, from Vulci, around 550 BC. (Photograph by courtesy of British Museum.) Fig. 2. Calydonian boar hunt. Attic black-figure neck-amphora, Berlin F1707, Timiades painter or Tyrrhenian group, from southern Etruria, c. 560 BC. (Photograph by courtesy of Berlin was nearly lost, did he venture out, and although he Museum.) drove out the enemies he was killed himself—thus be- coming the final sacrifice to satisfy Artemis. Even if this story has some grotesque elements of a topsy-turvy world (the huntress Atalanta, the hero being temporarily yet strongly influenced by Athens and part cursed by his own mother), it tells us quite a lot about the of the Attic-Delian league. The first to tell the story was 5 meaning of the boar hunt and the existential problems of Kreophilus. According to him, the Delphic gave an early Greek city. The boar symbolizes the wilderness, Androklos the order to found a city at the place where a the uncivilized space, the domain of Artemis. If the boar fish and a boar would show him a sign. After a journey is killed or driven out of the country, man can start build- of long duration the Greeks beached their boats in the ing cities and feed his people by means of agriculture. If Kaystros bay and grilled fish. Some charcoal fell out of something goes wrong and the city is damned, Artemis the pan, the nearby bushes caught fire and a boar leaped wants her property back, and thus the boar returns—the out; this boar was hunted and finally killed by Androklos story starts from the beginning again. Thus, Meleager is in the vicinity of a spring named Hypelaios (Fig. 3), a new founder (ktistes) of the city: first he liberates his where later the Temple of Athena was to be built. 6 7 home country from the boar (= the wilderness), then Strabo and Pausanias additionally relate that, following from the Curetes from Pleuron (= hostile neighbours), this episode, Androklos drove out the local inhabitants, but loses his own life—some form of compensatory sac- Lydians, Carians and Lelegians, with the exception of rifice to Artemis, whose land he had taken. When we those who had settled around the Temple of Artemis. In once have extracted the structural elements of the myth it a later war, while helping the citizens of against is easily explained how this story could be re-shaped and autochthonous peoples, he lost his life on the battlefield. used successfully in other places as a foundation legend. Thus, Androklos is characterized as a brave warrior of The Ephesian local myth about the ktistes Androklos,4 4 All sources in a good overview given by Thür 1995, 63–74. said to be a son of the Attic king Kodros but never men- 5 Athenaios 8.361c–e. tioned in Atttic mythology, most likely was an invention 6 Strabo 14.1.21 p. 640. of the fifth century BC, when the city of Ephesus was 7 Paus. 7.2.6. Hunting the Boar–the Fiction of a Local Past 115

Fig. 3. Ephesus, so-called Temple of (finished in 118 AD). Detail of the frieze with Androklos hunting the boar. (Photograph: P. Scherrer.) the highest birth (as son of Kodros), who wins land with lis, but who were most likely temple wardens of Artemis his spear, in the Homeric sense from wilderness and hu- before Augustan reforms.9 Until now, only the example man enemies, but who is also a defender of Greek com- of the Curetes in Crete making noise with their weapons mon interests (in the battle for Priene). This is clearly a during the birth of Zeus has been noted,10 but not the version of a myth influenced, or totally made up, by possible connection of the Curetes as helpers of Artemis democratic politicians with ties to Athens. Just as in Ery- for her revenge in the Calydonian story. The Curetes in manthia and Calydon, the Ephesian boar appears in an Calydon are sacred warriors who have to fulfil the will area connected to Artemis. His existence points to an un- of Artemis, and who have to kill Meleager because he civilized country without a dense population, which killed her boar. They had to protect the goddess at birth would have been dangerous for the newcomers; his be- with the din of their arms, so that jealous Hera could not ing killed allows the settlers to cultivate land. On the hear the birth-cries of Artemis; and later they had to pro- other hand, Androklos respects the closer domain of Ar- tect her temple. Only by reference to those highly reli- temis and the people in the vicinity of her temple. In a gious tasks one can explain why the Curetes did not fight against barbarians his life is brought to an end. The overcome Calydon after the death of Meleager. It was parallels with Meleager are obvious, as is the attempt to not their job to destroy the city: it was only their indis- bring a former Lydian city, which played an inglorious pensable duty to kill Meleager for his sacrilege of having role in the Ionian war against Persia (e.g. the killing of killed the holy boar. And this is why Herakles only tied the shipwrecked Chians after the battle of Lade), into up the Erymanthian animal and later freed it again—so connexion with mainland Greece (by referring to the or- as not to become guilty of an offence against Artemis. acle of Delphi and identifying Androklos as an Athenian The original version of the Calydonian myth most prob- prince), while retaining Artemis Ephesia as its tutelary ably did not have a need for Meleager’s killing of his goddess. Additionally the fish in the legend symbolizes uncles and the actions of Althaia against her own son. closeness to the sea, a safe harbour, and food. The same Even less need existed for the particular piece of wood, can be said for the spring’s name Hypelaios: fresh water which was connected to the lifespan of Meleager by the and . The aetiological story thus includes all the Parcae—being once saved from the fire by Althaia—and necessary elements of the ideal location for founding a which was now burnt by her to bring the hero’s life to an new city, along with enough elements to show its rela- end. These are all additions along the lines of popular tively recent extraction and the political circumstances fairy tales, when the tragic power of the old myth was no of the time of its foundation. longer understood. Somewhat surprising is the presence of Curetes as There is no lack of parallels for the uncompromising birth-helpers of Artemis in another local myth told by 8 Strabo. They appear in Ephesus as a collegium of five 8 Strabo 141.20 p. 639. men, an institution which, in Roman Imperial times, is 9 Knibbe 1981, passim. tied to the Prytanis as the eponymous official of the po- 10 Rogers 1991, 144–147. 116 Peter Scherrer

and replaced the boar by number of new worshippers for Artemis, finally had to die. But at the time when his story was combined from old elements, the sense of the importance of the immediate revenge of the goddess had been forgotten, and so the death of Androklos in Priene provided the necessary, but by now incomprehensible, end of his myth. Not very much later than Ephesus, other cities also started to use the boar-hunting myth. Coins deriving from the decades around 400 BC provide evidence that boar-hunting played an important role in the foundation Fig. 4. , . Drachma, c. 420–400 BC showing Mopsos hunting a boar. (Photograph: www.coin- of Aspendos in Pamphylia by Mopsos after the Trojan archives.com.) War. The obverse of the coins show Mopsos brandishing his spear, while on the reverse the boar is depicted trying to escape (Fig. 4).11 In the period after Alexander the Great, when numer- ous cities were founded by his successors and by local kings, the successful and well-known story of Androk- los was combined with the heroic boar hunt of the Macedonians,12 who were allowed to share the kline during dinner with other men only after they had killed a boar. For example, Seleukos Nikator, when founding Laodicea, killed a boar and carried him along the boundary of the new city, thus marking the course of the enclosure.13 Fig. 5. ad Olympum, Bithynia (Bursa). Bronze coin, Commodus (180–192 AD). King Prusias, the mythical founder In the early , probably in 188/7 BC, king (mid 6th cent. BC) hunting a boar. (Photograph: www.coin- Prusias I of Bithynia founded the city of Prusa. Pliny er- archives.com.) roneously reports that Hannibal from Carthage was the founder,14 while Strabo tells us a story of a certain king Prusias as a contemporary of Kroisos.15 The reverse of a local bronze coin (Fig. 5), minted during the reign of the Roman emperor Commodus, shows the ktistes (also in- scribed in the coin legend) riding, wearing a short chiton and a chlamys, a spear in his right hand, ready to kill a boar which is running towards the right.16 Another, con- temporary coin (Fig. 6) belongs to the same series. It shows the ktistes again in the same clothes, but standing with spear or and a patera at an altar decorated with garlands. He is sacrificing the boar, whose carcass Fig. 6. Prusa ad Olympum, Bithynia (Bursa). Bronze coin, lies nearby. A circular temple with portico and a tree, on Commodus (180–192 AD). King Prusias, the mythical founder which an eagle sits, complete the scenery.17 A further (mid 6th cent. BC) sacrificing a boar. (Photograph: www.coin- archives.com.) 11 Drachma: SNG v. Aulock 4488 (420–360 BC); for the dating, see also Lang 2003, 206 (410–375 BC). Compare also: attitude of Artemis and her brother Apollo towards drachma, SNG v. Aulock 4494 = SNG BN 23 (410–375 BC); 12 Seyer 2007, passim. people who had shown hubris towards them: the story of 13 Paus. Damasc. FHG IV 470 fr. 4 (= FGrHist III C, 854, F Niobe and her children or the fate of Aktaion are only 10); for the interpretation, see also Grassl 2001, 27. outstanding examples, but also the more or less inno- 14 Pliny, N.H. 5.148. 15 cent—at least in our modern eyes—young Hippolytus Strabo 12.564. 16 SNG J.-P. Righetti, part IV, no. 434. was subject to Artemis’ unbending will for revenge. 17 SNG J.-P. Righetti, part IV, no. 435; compare Rec. gén. Thus, also Androklos, even if he had founded a new city 591,116, pl. CI:22 (Geta). Hunting the Boar–the Fiction of a Local Past 117

Fig. 7. in , Civil Basilica. Panel of the so-called Ninos- frieze (From K. Erim, Aph- rodisias, city of Venus Aphrodite, New York 1986, 101). coin from the reign of Caracalla adds a variation with the emporium, who in part came from the Eastern regions of boar jumping high up to the left of the altar.18 the empire. The latest Anatolian example of a foundation myth The Suda gives the following text (translation by the featuring a boar hunt seems to be that of Aphrodisias in present author, based on G. Dobesch 1997): Caria. The city was founded after the setting-up of the Verunion. Name of a city. The Noricans, to be exact, Roman province Asia in 133 BC, but Stephanos of are a people, where a divinely sent monster of a boar claims to know that the founder was Ninos, was devastating the land, and all who set their hands the local hero of Niniveh and husband of Semiramis.19 against it achieved nothing, until a man, turning the His notice is now confirmed by the reliefs from the boar over, laid him on his shoulders, just as the story balustrade of the upper storey of a basilica of Flavian goes concerning Kalydon. And the Noricans shouted date in the city centre.20 These panels show depictions to him: “One man” in their own language, that is: with the inscribed names of Pegasos, Bellerophontes, Virunus. From that the town was called Verunion. Apollon, Ninos, Semeiramis, Gordis (= Gordios) in the centre. On both sides, diverse animals (e.g. dolphins, fish, eagle, donkey), mythical figures (e.g. , Hera- It would not make much sense to discuss further here kles, Silenos, ), gods and goddesses (e.g. whether the author of the Suda has mixed the stories of Aphrodite of Aphrodisias, Apollo, Asklepios and Hy- Calydon and the Erymanthian boar, because the parallel gieiea), mythical creatures (e.g. hippocamps and grif- to Calydon meant here is not the laying on the shoulders fins) or attributes of gods and Dionysiac motifs are to be (as Herakles did), but the fact that the boar was sent by a seen.21 For our purpose, the appearance of a boar hunt by god, obviously to punish the already existing city. But in a nameless hero (Fig. 7) is conclusive, even if the lack of contradiction to Meleager, the Norican “Virunus” knew a detailed written source precludes the explanation of the how to avoid becoming a subject of Artemis’ wrath. So, role of that scene in the whole chain of events. The very like Herakles, he caught the animal and carried it away. sophisticated series of depictions hints at an artificial The really surprising element in that story is not so much foundation myth of Aphrodisias, which combined ele- that it appears in a Western, Latin-speaking area, but that ments and individuals from many older stories. Lastly the boar hunt occurs also in the Latin West in 18 Rec. gén. 589,105, pl. CI:13. 19 the town of Virunum, which was founded by Italian mer- Steph. Byz., s.v. Ninos. 20 For the building date of the basilica in the late 1st cent. AD, chants in the southern part of the later province of Nori- see Reynolds 2008, esp. 131–136, no. 1 and 137–140, no. 2 (in- cum (today’s central ) in the forties or thirties scriptions); Yildirim 2008, esp. 128f. (reliefs); Stinson 2008 BC. G. Dobesch, who discovered two Byzantine ver- (architectural ornamentation and context). 21 sions preserving the story,22 preferred a Celtic back- For a still incomplete presentation of the pictorial cycle, see Yildirim 2008; 2004. ground for the myth,23 but others contradicted him and 22 Suda B 265 Adler; E. Miller, Journal des savants 1872, 389. 24 saw close connections to the Greek tradition, which 23 Dobesch 1997. would certainly have been known to the freedmen in the 24 Scherrer 2000; Grassl 2001. 118 Peter Scherrer obviously the wrath of god (which no longer played a Studien zu einem politisch-religiösen role in 5th century Ephesus) was accurately taken into Phänomen der griechischen Geschichte consideration as the central motif, even if superficially (Palingenesia, 20), Stuttgart 1984. the story’s main point was quite a cheap aetiology of the Lindner 1994 R. Lindner, Mythos und Identität. Stu- name Virunum. dien zur Selbstdarstellung kleinasia- tischer Städte in der römischen Kaiser- Now that we have followed a myth from Homer to a zeit, Stuttgart 1994. Roman provincial city, we realize that it is not so much a Prinz 1979 F. Prinz, Gründungsmythen und Sa- general decline in mythological knowledge, but more a genchronologie (Zetemata, 23), Mün- matter of personal or local intentions, which determine chen 1979. how the story changes. Indeed, the main purpose of the Ranke-Graves 1984 R. Ranke-Graves, Griechische Mytholo- repetition and adaptation of the boar hunt motif was to gie. Quellen und Deutung, Berlin 1984. incorporate the identity of young or peripheral cities as Rec. gén. W.H. Waddington, E. Babelon & Th. part of the Greek (or pro-Attic as at Ephesus) commu- Reinach, Recueil général des monnaies nity. Especially in Hellenistic times, the person of the grecques d’Asie Mineure, Paris 1904– 1912. founder was no longer a mythological hero, but a real lo- Reynolds 2008 J.M. Reynolds, ‘The inscriptions of the cal ruler, who tried to raise himself to a figure on a par Basilica’, in Aphrodisias Papers 4. New with the gods. Thus, killing the boar was no longer a sac- research on the city and its monuments rilege against the divine but a deed done by a “new god”. (JRA Suppl., 70), eds. Ch. Ratté & In the very latest period, under the Roman Empire, when R.R.R. Smith, Portsmouth, R.I. 2008, Hellenistic rulers were in their turn part of history, the 131–143. foundation of cities is re-dated backwards to mythologi- Rogers 1991 G.M. Rogers, The sacred identity of cal kings (Prusias) or heroes (Ninos, Virunus)—and Ephesos, London & New York 1991. thus, originally structural elements of the myth—obvi- Scheer 1993 T.S. Scheer, Mythische Vorväter. Zur ously not as completely forgotten as we thought—re- Bedeutung griechischer Heroenmythen im Selbstverständnis kleinasiatischer ceived a revival. Städte, München 1993. Scherrer 2000 P. Scherrer, ‘Der Eber und der Heros Peter Scherrer (Ktistes)’, in Altmodische Archäologie. Institut für Archäologie Festschrift für Friedrich Brein = Forum Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz Archaeologiae, Zeitschrift für Klassische Universitätsplatz 3 Archäologie 14/III/2000 A–8010 GRAZ (http://farch.net). [email protected] Seyer 2007 M. Seyer, Der Herrscher als Jäger. Un- tersuchungen zur königlichen Jagd im persischen und makedonischen Reich vom 6.–4. Jahrhundert v. Chr. sowie un- Bibliography ter den Diadochen Alexanders des Großen (Wiener Forschungen zur Dobesch 1997 G. Dobesch, ‘Zu Virunum als Namen der Archäologie, 11), Wien 2007. Stadt auf dem und zu SNG BN H. Nicolet, Sylloge Nummorum Graeco- einer Sage der kontinentalen Kelten’, rum, France 1. Bibliothèque nationale, Carinthia I 187, 1997, 107–128. Cabinet des médailles, collection Jean et Grassl 2001 H. Grassl, ‘Der Gründungsheros von Marie Delepierre, Paris 1983. Virunum’, in Carinthia Romana und die SNG J.-P. Righetti IV B. Kapossy, Sylloge Nummorum Graeco- römische Welt. Festschrift für Gernot rum, Schweiz 2. Münzen der Antike. Piccottini zum 60. Geburtstag (Aus Katalog der Sammlung Jean-Pierre Forschung und Kunst, 34), Klagenfurt Righetti im Bernischen Historischen Mu- 2001, 25–32. seum, Bern 1993. Knibbe 1981 D. Knibbe, FiE IX:1:1. Der Staatsmarkt. SNG v. Aulock O. Mørkholm, Sylloge Nummorum Grae- Die Inschriften des Prytaneions. Die corum, Deutschland, Sammlung v. Au- Kureteninschriften und sonstige religiöse lock, Heft 11. Pamphylien, Berlin 1965. Texte, Wien 1981. Stinson 2008 Ph. Stinson, ‘The Civil Basilica: urban Lang 2003 G. Lang, Klassische antike Stätten Ana- context, design, and significance’, in toliens I, Norderstedt 2003. Aphrodisias Papers 4. New research on Leschhorn 1984 W. Leschhorn, “Gründer der Stadt”. the city and its monuments (JRA Suppl., Hunting the Boar–the Fiction of a Local Past 119

70), eds. Ch. Ratté & R.R.R. Smith, dien zu Kultur und Geschichte des ersten Portsmouth, R.I. 2008, 79–106. Jahrtausend n. Chr., 2), ed. B.E. Borg, Thür 1995 H. Thür, ‘Der ephesische Ktistes An- Berlin & New York 2004, 23–52. droklos und (s)ein Heroon am ’, Yildirim 2008 B. Yildirim, ‘The date of the reliefs from ÖJh 64, 1995, 63–103. the of the Civil Basilica’, in Yildirim 2004 B. Yildirim, ‘Identities and empire: local Aphrodisias Papers 4. New research on mythology and the self-representation of the city and its monuments (JRA Suppl., Aphrodisias’, in : the world of 70), eds. Ch. Ratté & R.R.R. Smith, the Second Sophistic (Millennium-Stu- Portsmouth, R.I. 2008, 107–129. 120 Peter Scherrer NEC TE TROIA CAPIT: RE-CREATING THE TROJAN WAR IN VERGIL’S AENEID

BY DAVID M. POLLIO

Abstract tween Ajax and Hector in Book 7, and the reconciliation This article examines the attitudes of Troy’s enemies—in par- of Priam and Achilles in Book 24. The fighting is also ticular, pro-Greek gods (Juno, Neptune, Minerva) and Greek suspended for one-on-one combats between characters (Diomedes, Evander, Teucer)—towards the Trojan and Paris in Book 3 and Ajax and Hector in Book 7, as War in Vergil’s Aeneid. With the significant exception of Juno, well as for burying the dead in Books 7 and 24. In con- Vergil re-creates the Trojan War for his Roman audience by de- picting Troy’s (former) enemies as sympathetic and respectful trast to these moments of civility stands the implacable towards the Trojans in order to ennoble the image of the de- hostility of Hera and Athena who, in the words of Ber- feated Trojans as they become Romans and to square the Trojan nard Knox, “hate Troy and the Trojans with a bitter, 1 War with the Aeneid’s images of triumph and salvation. merciless hatred.”4 Among the Iliad’s immortals, the hostility of these goddesses is matched most closely by In discussing the Aeneid’s Augustan context, Paul Poseidon5 and, among mortals, by Agamemnon. To be Zanker comments that Vergil “imbued the myth of Ve- sure, Menelaus hates Paris for taking up with Helen just nus, the Fall of Troy, and the wanderings of Aeneas with as Achilles hates Hector for killing , but neither a new meaning, in which not only the future rule of the of these heroes displays Agamemnon’s vitriol towards Julian house, but the whole was por- Troy and its inhabitants. Consider, for example, Aga- trayed as one of predestined triumph and salvation” memnon’s rebuke of Menelaus, as he considers sparing (193).2 Professor Zanker is certainly correct in his as- the Trojan suppliant Adrestus (6.58–60): sessment, which has been supported by numerous stu- on all three mythical subjects. In this article, I will Gentle brother, Menelaus, why so concerned for consider Vergil’s treatment of the Trojan War, but not [these] men? Did the Trojans treat you so well in your (as most scholars do) by focusing on the images of the house? Would that none of them escape utter destruc- Trojan War displayed on Dido’s temple in Book 1 or tion and our hands; not even a baby boy whom his even on Aeneas’ narrative in Book 2. Instead, after a mother carries in her belly, not even he escape, but all brief review of the Homeric background, I will survey without exception disappear from Troy un-mourned the attitudes of Troy’s enemies towards the Trojan War: and without a trace.6 in particular, pro-Greek gods (Juno, Neptune, Minerva) and Greek characters (Diomedes, Evander, Teucer). I Turning to , we find that the gods by and will demonstrate that—with the obvious and significant large have redirected their attention away from the exception of Juno—Vergil re-creates the Trojan War for his Roman audience by depicting Troy’s (former) ene- 1 This article develops material from an earlier article, ‘Recon- mies as sympathetic and respectful towards the Trojans cilable differences: Greeks and Trojans in the Aeneid’ (Ver- in order to ennoble the image of the defeated Trojans as gilius 52, 2006, 96–107), and I would like to thank Vergilius they become Romans and to square the Trojan War with editor Patricia Johnston for granting permission to reprint parts the Aeneid’s other images of triumph and salvation. of that article here. I would also like to thank the conference or- Let us begin with Homer. Even though approximately ganizers, as well as Geoffrey Kostiner and Dennis Trout, for a memorable visit to the beautiful city of Stockholm. one-third of the Iliad’s narrative is devoted to battle 2 Zanker 1989, 193. 3 scenes —replete with a commensurate level of hostility 3 Edwards 1987, 78–81. in both word and deed—there are nevertheless many epi- 4 Knox 1998, 41. 5 sodes characterized by civility and respect (if not out- Although he rescues Aeneas from Achilles (20.288–339) and, right reconciliation) between Greeks and Trojans. Such with Apollo, is usually credited with building Troy’s walls. 6 On this passage, Edwards (1987, 201) comments that, “the episodes include the exchange of armor between Diome- brutal episode serves to remind us of the Trojans’ responsibility des and Glaucus in Book 6, the exchange of gifts be- for breaking the truce, and of the savagery … often apparent in

122 David M. Pollio

Trojan War towards other matters, such as the death of ipse hostis Teucros insigni laude ferebat Agamemnon and the plight of Odysseus. Among the seque ortum antiqua Teucrorum a stirpe uolebat. Olympians mentioned in connection with the Iliad, Hera is absent, Athena is busy assisting Odysseus and his The reference to Teucer’s foundation of a new Salamis family, and Poseidon is busy punishing Odysseus for the in Cyprus accords with the mythological tradition,13 but blinding of Polyphemus. Among the Odyssey’s mortals, Vergil seems to have invented Teucer’s journey to mention of the Trojan War elicits neither anger at the Sidon.14 The addition of this seemingly minor detail is Trojans for inciting a war, nor joy at having won a war, significant for several reasons: (1) it gives Dido a link, but sadness for those who died or whose whereabouts however tenuous, between the Trojans and her own are unknown. At various points, for example, we see family, thus adding plausibility to her treatment of Nestor (Book 3), Menelaus (Book 4), Odysseus (Book Aeneas, and (2) it is an artful way to introduce praise for 8), Penelope (Book 1), Telemachus (Book 4), and Pisi- the Trojans from a hero who fought against them. stratus (Book 4) all mourning for loved ones killed (or Later, in Book 8, following the advice of the Cumaean thought to have been killed) at Troy or on the journey , Aeneas travels to Pallanteum and attempts to home. forge an alliance with Evander and his Arcadians based The Aeneid’s opening lines suggest (among other on common ties of kinship through the line of Atlas.15 As things) that Homer’s poetry will influence Vergil’s own it turns out, Evander welcomes Aeneas not necessarily and that Hera’s hostility towards the Trojans in the Iliad will be transferred to Juno and become a prominent leit- motif in the Aeneid. Not even Troy’s destruction is able to Agamemnon. It also sets off the extreme civility of the coming encounter between Diomedes and Glaucus.” Pace Kirk 1990, placate the wrath aroused in this goddess by the Judgment ad 6.55–60: “Agamemnon’s rebuke is remarkable … for its of Paris (1.23–27) and other events.7 Indeed, Juno’s hos- ruthlessness.” Vivante (1985, 82) describes Agamemnon’s be- tility towards the Trojans, as evidenced by her speeches to havior in the battle scenes as “particularly cruel and gruesome.” 7 Aeolus (Book 1) and Allecto (Book 7) and by her manipu- She is also painfully aware that Trojan success in Italy will one day lead to the destruction of Carthage, her most cherished lation of Aeolus (Book 1), (Book 5), Allecto (Book 7), city (1.12–22); other issues fueling her anger include the fact and (Book 12) to harass the Trojans, naturally that the Trojans trace their ancestry back to , son of raises questions about the attitudes of other pro-Greek Zeus with Electra (Juno’s rival), and the honors bestowed by gods, such as Athena and Poseidon. In the Aeneid, Athena Jupiter on the Trojan (1.28). 8 (as Minerva, Pallas, or Tritonia) “shows no hostility to the Coleman 1990, 44 (with n. 24). For a survey of Minerva’s ap- 8 pearances in the Aeneid, see Bailey 1935, 152–157 and Henry Trojans in their journey” and Poseidon (as Neptunus) 1989, 90–107. speaks well of Aeneas generally and attends to Venus’ re- 9 Horsfall 1995, 141f. Pace Coleman 1990, 43: “The Trojans quests on his behalf in Book 5.9 Furthermore, the notion are after all the seafarers of the story and Neptune’s element is that Minerva and Neptune have abandoned their former the sea. Moreover, as the Latin equivalent of Poseidon he easily assumes Poseidon’s Homeric role of Trojan patron. Laocoon attitude towards Troy is reinforced by their appearance was his priest at Troy (2.201) and, although his old anger at with Venus on ’s shield in Book 8 in opposition to Laomedon’s treachery finally prompted him (2.610, 5.810–811) the gods of Egypt (698–701).10 to overthrow the walls he himself had built, he continues to be Just as Minerva and Neptune’s hostility towards Troy honoured by the Trojans and favourable to their voyage.” For a survey of Neptune’s appearances, see Bailey 1935, 118–121. in the Iliad has subsided in the Aeneid, so too has the hos- 10 For a comparison of the Roman and Egyptian gods on tility of Greek characters who fought at Troy, such as Aeneas’ shield, see Hardie 1986, 97–103. Teucer and Diomedes, as well as those who did not partici- 11 Achaemenides, Ulysses’ comrade left on the Cyclops’ island, pate in the war, but who have Greek ties, such as Dido and welcomes the sight of the Trojans (3.599–606), but one suspects Evander.11 In Book 1, for example, we see Dido welcom- that given his precarious situation he would have welcomed just about anyone with more than one eye. See, for example, the ing the Trojans upon their arrival at Carthage (1.562–78), comments of Harrison 1986, 146f. praising Trojan uirtus (1.566), and even inviting them to 12 The Greek Teucer was the son of Telamon and live in Carthage as equals (1.573–574). She also recalls (daughter of King Laomedon of Troy), who claims to have been for Aeneas the kind words of the exiled Greek hero named after Teucer, one of the founders of the Trojan line. 13 Gantz 1993, 694f. Teucer, who once sought help from Dido’s father, , 14 Williams 1972, ad 1.619; pace Conington 1858–1871, ad in establishing a second Salamis on Cyprus (1.625–626): 1.619. 15 Their enemy himself lauded the Trojans with con- For a detailed analysis of the relationship between Aeneas and Evander (as set forth in Aeneas’ speech), see Eden 1975, ad spicuous praise and claimed that he was sprung from 8.134–141. On Evander in the Aeneid, generally, see Gransden the Teucrians’ ancient stock.12 1976, 24–29 and Papaioannou 2003, 680–702. Nec Te Troia Capit 123 because of a shared distant relative, but because Aeneas has refused to join the fight (11.252–295). Like Nestor, reminds him of , whom he met in as a Menelaus, and Odysseus in the Odyssey, Vergil’s Dio- young man (8.154–156). In his reply, Evander fondly re- —emphasizing the Greek transgressions and vio- calls his meeting with Priam and the Trojans, Anchises lations that have caused them no end of suffering in particular (8.161–164): (11.255–260)17—does not look back to the events at I wondered at the Trojan leaders, I wondered at the Troy and their aftermath with satisfaction or joy, but 18 son of Laomedon himself; but taller than all strode with sorrow. In his response to the Latin envoys, Dio- Anchises. My mind burned with a youthful desire to medes cites seven examples of difficult or disastrous embrace the man and to join his right hand with mine. nostoi: those of Menelaus, Ulysses, , Ido- meneus, Oilean Ajax, Agamemnon, and finally that of mirabarque duces Teucros, mirabar et ipsum Diomedes himself, who is bereft of home, family, and Laomedontiaden; sed cunctis altior ibat companions (11.261–274).19 Diomedes traces his own Anchises. mihi mens iuuenali ardebat amore misfortune to his wounding of Venus and intimates that compellare uirum et dextrae coniungere dextram. he will not now take up arms against her son, whom he fought in single combat (11.282–287): Evander’s praise of Anchises is lavish and, as the con- text makes clear, thoroughly genuine. Equally signifi- We stood against his bristling weapons, we came to cant is the reason given a few lines earlier by Evander blows: trust one who knows from experience how for the Trojans’ visit (8.157–159): high he rises up with shield outstretched, with what force he hurls his spear. If Ida’s land had produced For I recall how Laomedon’s son, Priam, when head- two other such men, the Trojans would on their own ing to Salamis to see his sister’s realms, continued on have come to the cities of Inachus, and Greece would to visit Arcadia’s cold territory. be mourning reversed fates. nam memini Hesionae uisentem regna sororis stetimus tela aspera contra Laomedontiaden Priamum Salamina petentem contulimusque manus: experto credite quantus protinus Arcadiae gelidos inuisere finis. in clipeum adsurgat, quo turbine torqueat hastam. si duo praeterea talis Idaea tulisset Priam’s sister is Hesione, who lives in Salamis with her terra uiros, ultro Inachias uenisset ad urbes husband Telamon, the father of Teucer. Evander’s men- Dardanus, et uersis lugeret Graecia fatis. tion of the Trojan Laomedon and his Greek progeny in Book 8 is reminiscent of Dido’s recollection of Teucer in Book 1—a fact further underscored by Evander’s ad- In this passage, Vergil has Diomedes recall his encoun- dress of Aeneas as fortissime Teucrum (“bravest of the ter with Aeneas in greatly exaggerated terms; for in the Teucrians,” 8.154). Taken together, these complemen- Iliad Aeneas actually needs to be rescued from certain tary episodes reinforce images of sympathy and respect death by two gods, Aphrodite and Apollo, after being for the Trojans. struck with a rock hurled by a wounded Diomedes 20 Finally, in Book 11, we have the opportunity to hear (Hom. Il. 5.239–459). Vergil assigns this “rewritten” the words (and wisdom) of Diomedes, a Greek hero who version of the Homeric episode to the Greek hero in or- confronted Aeneas on the battlefield at Troy in Homer’s der to demonstrate Diomedes’ earnest commitment to Iliad. Vergil has created an atmosphere of suspense for peace, for the sake of which he will even downplay his this speech by referring to Diomedes throughout the first own heroism and fighting prowess. According to Nicho- half of the Aeneid in terms that recall his considerable las Horsfall, Diomedes has “meditated upon his glory exploits at Troy as detailed in the Iliad. In fact, Vergil and learned how little he has in the end won by it. His augments Diomedes’ role in the destruction of Troy and, at times, elevates him even above Achilles. Consider, for 16 For a survey of Diomedes’ appearances in the Aeneid, see de example, Aeneas’ desperate wish in Book 1 to have been Grummond 1967, 40f. and Wiltshire 1989, 100–102. killed at Troy by “the bravest of the Danaan race, Ty- 17 Scelerum (11.258), uiolauimus (11.255), uiolaui (11.277). deus’ son” (o Danaum fortissime gentis / Tydide, 1.96– 18 E.g., nec veterum memini laetorue malorum (11.280). 19 97), although Aeneas had also fought Achilles (Hom. Il. For Diomedes’ experiences after the Trojan War, see Gantz 16 1993, 699f.; Horsfall 1995, 187f. (with n. 11); and Wiltshire 20). 1989, 98–100. As it turns out, the Latin envoys sent by Turnus in 20 Horsfall (2003, ad 11.243–295) considers Aeneas a “negli- Book 8 return with the unfortunate news that Diomedes gible opponent” for Diomedes. 124 David M. Pollio record as a hero now matters less than peace in Italy and Through studied self-reflection, Diomedes has come to that end he rewrites ‘what happened’.”21 Diomedes to regret the actions of the Greeks at Troy and, as a re- then closes his speech by stressing the role played in the sult—like Aeneas in Book 2—presents the sack of Troy defense of Troy by Hector and Aeneas (11.288–293): as “an act of moral outrage,” deliberately juxtaposing the piety of Aeneas with the impiety of the Greeks.25 Ver- Whatever delay there was before the walls of enduring Troy, Greek victory was checked by the hand of Hec- gil’s Diomedes achieves a level of insight into the hu- tor and Aeneas and was caused to revert until the tenth man condition comparable to that of, say, Achilles in year. Both were distinguished in courage, both in ex- Iliad 24—with one important difference: Diomedes (like cellence in arms, the latter foremost in piety. Let their Achilles) may have suffered irreversible losses, but he right hands join in treaty as is permitted; beware of (unlike Achilles) will live long enough to put what he clashing arms against arms. has learned into practice by declining to fight against Aeneas. Diomedes is proof that attitudes even towards quidquid apud durae cessatum est moenia Troiae, enemies can change, if one is willing to reflect honestly Hectoris Aeneaeque manu uictoria Graium on and learn from past experiences. haesit et in decimum uestigia rettulit annum. In conclusion, the positive attitudes displayed towards ambo animis, ambo insignes praestantibus armis, the defeated Trojans by their former enemies contribute hic pietate prior. coeant in foedera dextrae, to the Aeneid’s portrayal of Rome’s history as one of qua datur; ast armis concurrant arma cauete. predestined triumph and salvation. As an explicit testa- ment to this re-creation of Trojan identity, Vergil in Once again, Diomedes elevates Aeneas’ role for the sake Book 9 has Apollo pronounce a blessing, vouchsafed by of persuading the Latins to avoid war at all costs. Fur- Jupiter himself, on Aeneas’ son, Iulus—generally an em- thermore, in recognizing Aeneas’ , Diomedes has blem of the future in the Aeneid—that ends: nec te Troia exchanged (what has apparently become for him) out- capit, “Troy no longer contains you” (9.644). A phrase moded Homeric ideals that emphasize excellence in that, in part, not only expiates the loss of the Trojan War, arms for a new understanding of humanity that empha- but also anticipates the future glory of Rome. sizes excellence in character. As Susan Ford Wiltshire remarks: “Vergil has introduced a new category of con- David M. Pollio sciousness into the poem. Hector and Aeneas were Dept. of Modern and Classical Languages and Literatures equally skilled in arms … but Aeneas is superior as a hu- Christopher Newport University man being … War can no longer be waged along purely 1 Avenue of the Arts Homeric lines.”22 Newport News, VA 23606, USA Diomedes’ attitude towards Troy and the Trojans has [email protected] a poignant precedent in Odyssey 8 that deepens our un- derstanding of his decision. After Alcinous, the Phaea- cian King, declares his intentions to assist the as yet un- named Odysseus, the bard Demodocus launches into a Works Cited song about the Trojan War that features a quarrel be- Bailey 1935 C. Bailey, Religion in Virgil, Oxford tween Odysseus and Achilles (8.75–82) to which Odys- 1935. seus reacts by hiding his face and weeping (8.83–86). Coleman 1990 R. Coleman, ‘The gods in the Aeneid’, in Later, prompted by Odysseus himself, Demodocus sings Virgil, eds. I. McAuslan & P. Walcot, about the Wooden Horse, the sack of Troy, and Odys- seus’ defeat of ; this time, Odysseus “melts 21 into tears” and weeps like a captive woman weeping for Horsfall 2003 ad 11.243–295. Pace Wiltshire 1989, 103: “far from having clearly bested Aeneas on the plains of Troy, Dio- her dead husband (8.521–535). On this arresting scene, medes presents himself as if he had been the loser rather than the Oxford commentators observe: “weeping in Homer victor in that confrontation.” is the expression of a very wide range of emotion … but 22 Wiltshire 1989, 103f. none exactly fit the case of a man who weeps at the 23 Heubeck, West & Hainsworth 1988, ad 8.522. recollection of victory.”23 The pain that Odysseus feels 24 Feeney (1991, 143) observes: “The Aeneid reflects the tragic in recalling even victorious moments from the Trojan insights into the guilt and suffering of victory which the sack of War is shared by Vergil’s Diomedes, and taken together Troy is capable of representing in the Odyssey.” Perotti (2002, 628–642) considers how Vergil makes clear that the Greeks, these scenes are a powerful reminder of the conse- while apparently victorious in the Trojan War, in fact gained quences of war, which can blur even the ostensibly obvi- only a superficial victory, equivalent to a moral defeat. ous distinction between victors and vanquished.24 25 Gransden 1984, 175f. Nec Te Troia Capit 125

Oxford 1990, 39–64 (original publication Heubeck, West & A. Heubeck, S. West & J.B. Hainsworth, in GaR 29, 1982, 143–168). Hainsworth 1988 A commentary on Homer’s Odyssey, vol. Conington J. Conington, The works of Vergil, Lon- 1. Introduction and books I–VIII, Oxford 1858–1871 don 1858–1871. 1988. Eden 1975 P.T. Eden, A commentary on Virgil: Horsfall 1995 N. Horsfall (ed.), A companion to the Aeneid VIII (Mnemosyne, Suppl., 35), study of Virgil (Mnemosyne, Suppl., Leiden 1975. 151), Leiden 1995. Edwards 1987 M. Edwards, Homer: poet of the Iliad, Horsfall 2003 N. Horsfall, Virgil, Aeneid 11. A com- Baltimore 1987. mentary (Mnemosyne, Suppl., 244), Lei- Feeney 1991 D.C. Feeney, The gods in epic. Poets and den 2003. critics of the classical tradition, Oxford Knox 1998 B. Knox, ‘Introduction’, in Homer, The 1991. Iliad, translated by R. Fagles, London & Gantz 1993 T. Gantz, Early Greek myth. A guide to New York 1998. literary and artistic sources, Baltimore Kirk 1990 G.S. Kirk, The Iliad: a commentary, vol. 1993. 2. Books 5–8, Cambridge 1990. Gransden 1976 Virgil, Aeneid VIII, ed. by K.W. Grans- Papaioannou 2003 S. Papaioannou, ‘Founder, civilizer and den, Cambridge 1976. leader: Vergil’s Evander and his role in Gransden 1984 K.W. Gransden, Virgil’s Iliad. An essay the origins of Rome’, Mnemosyne Ser. 4, on epic narrative, Cambridge 1984. 56:6, 2003, 680–702. de Grummond 1967 W.W. de Grummond, ‘Virgil’s Diome- Perotti 2002 P.A. Perotti, ‘La rivincita dei Troiani’, des’, 21, 1967, 40–43. Latomus 61:3, 2002, 628–642. Hardie 1986 P.R. Hardie, Virgil’s Aeneid. Cosmos Vivante 1985 P. Vivante, Homer, New Haven 1985. and imperium, Oxford 1986. Williams 1972 R.D. Williams, Virgil’s Aeneid, vol. 1, Harrison 1986 E.L. Harrison, ‘Achaemenides’ unfin- Basingstoke 1972. ished account: Vergil Aeneid 3. 588– Wiltshire 1989 S.F. Wiltshire, Public and private in Ver- 691’, CP 81:2, 1986, 146–147. gil’s Aeneid, Amherst 1989. Henry 1989 E. Henry, The vigour of prophecy. A Zanker 1989 P. Zanker, The power of images in the study of Virgil’s Aeneid, Bristol 1989. age of Augustus, Ann Arbor 1989. 126 David M. Pollio MESSENIAN TRIPODS: A BOIOTIAN CONTRIBUTION TO THE SYMBOLIC CONSTRUCTION OF THE MESSENIAN PAST?

BY NASSOS PAPALEXANDROU

Abstract age. Modern scholarship sees the hierothysion as an im- This paper revisits all the available evidence regarding the us- portant civic establishment, whose function may be un- age, social function, and symbolism of the tripod-cauldron in derstood as commensurate to that of the prytaneia in both before and after its foundation by the Boiotians. other cities.2 The installation of images and artifacts Pau- This evidence includes tripods in Messene (hierothysion, sanc- sanias describes is most appropriate for this context. tuary of Zeus on Mt. Ithome), the iconography of tripods on the coinage of Messene from 370 BCE onwards, the literary ac- That Pausanias qualifies these tripods in terms of an ex- count of Pausanias regarding the legendary dedication of tri- plicit Homeric reference (apyroi, meaning “untouched pods around the altar of Zeus Ithomatas (Paus. 4.12.7–10), and by fire”) indicates his conviction about the venerable and the mid-fifth century BCE pillar of the Messenians at Delphi. indisputable antiquity of the tripods he saw.3 Even more On the basis of a careful analysis of the context and the ritual emphatic are the connotations of the adjective “ar- and symbolic functions of these tripods, I argue that the Mes- senian valorization of the tripod-cauldron after 370/369 BCE chaioi.” The antiquarian author usually reserves this ad- was conditioned not only by the traditional panhellenic values jective to define the antiquity of artworks or artifacts that of this symbol but also by functions and ritual connotations that predated the early fifth century BCE.4 There are many were peculiar to Boiotia, the homeland of the founder of Messene. The naturalization of the tripod-cauldron in the * Research for this paper was generously supported by funds Messenian symbolic universe and identity was largely the prod- made available by the Houston Endowment of the Department uct of careful design and implementation instigated by Epami- of Art and Art History and a Special Research Grant by the Of- nondas and other Boiotian officials who contributed to the ma- fice of the Vice President of Research at the University of Texas terial and conceptual foundation of Messene.* at Austin. I would like to thank the conference organizers for a most congenial atmosphere in Stockholm, my colleague Profes- The significance of the tripod-cauldron in collective rep- sor Emerita Ingrid Edlund-Berry for her hospitality in Stock- resentations of Messenian identity is not commensurate holm, and my colleagues and fellow conference participants with the attention the manifestations of this religious and Paula Perlman and Rabun Taylor for their interest and encour- national symbol have received in the relevant scholarship. agement. I would also like to thank Nino Luraghi for his valu- able critical comments and feedback during the preparation of This paper is an attempt to redress this imbalance even as this essay. This paper has a lot to do with memory in the past, it argues the exceptional character of the tripod in the the present, and the future, I therefore dedicate it to the memory Messenian symbolic landscape. There are reasons to think of my beloved father, Christos Papalexandrou, with whom I of it as an intentionally imported element during the pe- first traveled to in 1973. 1 Translation by author. riod of the symbolic construction of Messenian identity by 2 in the second quarter of the 4th c. BCE. See detailed discussion in Musti & Torelli 1994, 258–260, esp. the conclusion that the hierothysion “… appare come una I begin my discussion with the only mention of Mes- sede sacrale e probablilmente magistruale cittadina” (259). See senian tripods in the surviving sources. Pausanias’ report more recently the entry in ThesCRA 5, 40–43, s.v. hierothyta; on the hierothysion at Messene is very brief but it con- Themelis 2000, 45–46. veys well the visual apparatus of this important cultic es- 3 See for example Homer, Iliad 9.123 (mention of seven apyroi tablishment: “The hierothysion, so-called by the Mes- tripods); also Iliad 23.267 (apyros tripod is third prize in an ath- letic event, apparently valued more than the fourth prize of two senians, contains both statues of the gods the Greeks be- talents of gold). There is no evidence whatsoever for consider- lieve in and a bronze likeness of Epaminondas. Also ing an association between Messenian tripods and the attested there are ancient tripods; these are of the kind Homer festival of Ithomaia, as suggested, for example by Amandry calls apyroi” (Paus. 4.32.1).1 In this sweeping brush- 1987, 130 or Themelis 2000, 47. 4 stroke the periegete mentions the Greek pantheon as in- Pritchett 1998, 238–239, who follows J.J. Pollitt’s assessment in Pollitt 1974, 156–157: “... later Greek writers used ἀρχαῖος in extricable from the Messenian one, the founder (oikist) a manner that is very close to the use of Archaic by twentieth- of Messene Epaminondas, and venerable of an- century art historians, that is, to characterize works of art pro- cient (archaioi) tripods that looked back to the heroic duced before about 480 B.C.” 128 Nassos Papalexandrou indications in his work that Pausanias had a discriminat- pod, according to T.L. Shear Jr., “a most appropriate and ing eye for the date and style of material culture and art.5 characteristic dedication to a hero cult.”12 Themelis has In his travels he became aware of the technical and for- argued that at the hierothysion Epaminondas was wor- mal characteristics of numerous monuments with tripods shiped as a hero and his suggestion finds support, if we dating from the fifth century onwards. It therefore makes consider the tripods as tokens of heroic status and cult.13 sense to presume that he would have been able to deter- To be sure, the Athenian monument precedes the instal- mine, if only by exclusion, whether a tripod predated the lation at the hierothysion by several centuries. However, 6 Classical period or not. In this particular instance his as this paper intends to show, in the five or so centuries reference to Homer may be an indicator of his effort to after the foundation of Messene, the tripod had acquired specify even more precisely the date of these artifacts. the indisputable character of a locally conceptualized Aside from this, there were no stories to tell or, if there and revered symbol. This symbol, however, encom- were, Pausanias opted to leave them untold. passed much more than heroic identity, prestige, and the In the 1990s professor Themelis investigated a peri- sanctifying of antiquity. style building on the axis that connects the Asklepieion In the remainder of this article I am concerned with with the Gymnasium complex.7 Although the excavation the meaning of the tripod for Messenians both before is still incomplete, Themelis has made a good case of and after the liberation of 371. I consider its function in identifying this peristyle building with Pausanias’ hiero- thysion.8 If he is right, what Pausanias saw dated to the the environment of cultic and other symbols in the new first century BCE, that is, it was a relatively recent addi- state, its role in the articulation of Messenian identity, tion to the urban fabric of Messene. This may explain and its origin. Contrary to the main tenet of the Messen- why Pausanias did not dwell on it further. It was not an ian national legend, I propose that the tripods were de- establishment hallowed by time, custom, wondrous hap- liberately introduced to Messenia by the Boiotians upon penings or artifacts.9 the foundation of the new city and the establishment of Pausanias’ reticence on the hierothysion clashes with its civic religion and its symbols. This approach is war- the semantic richness of the display he describes. The ranted by new archaeological evidence from Messene visual proximity of the ancient tripods with the statues of and several important studies on Messenian self-percep- the Greek gods and Epaminondas’ bronze portrait sug- tion and historical memory. Susan Alcock, for example, gests a series of interesting relationships. It is not unrea- has argued persuasively that a transmission of traditional sonable that the images of the gods and of Epaminondas stories articulating self-definition was possible in pre- were arranged as a linear or semicircular syntagma. The liberation Messenia. She has tried to pinpoint archaeo- tripods (how many?) may have been displayed paratacti- logically retrieved contexts, such as settlements, sanctu- cally as well. It makes sense to take Pausanias’ reference aries, and tombs, for the continuous forging of Messen- to the apyroi tripods in Homer one step further to con- ian identities in narrative or other performative terms.14 sider also the Hephaisteian tripods of Iliad 18.373–379. Moreover, Lino Luraghi has shown that Messenian self- Here Homer sings of twenty tripods that stood along the definition was a malleable and fluid category of collec- walls of a well-built chamber (374).10 Those responsible tive existence, major tenets of which were formed out- for the interior installation at the hierothysion would have worked with this or similar references in mind and 5 Arafat 1996, 43–79, esp. 59–75. the audiences and users of the hierothysion would not 6 See, for example, Paus. 9.10.4 (tripod dedicated by Amphi- have missed the point. We can imagine that something tryon in the Herakleion of Thebes, also mentioned in Paus. of the radiance of the ancient tripods spilled over to the 10.7.6). He saw, that is, an ancient artifact associated with a he- image of Epaminondas, while the nearby presence of the roic personality and he reports it as such. 7 gods’ statues sanctioned the special ambience of this Praktika 1993, 60–62, fig. 2, tables 35–36; Praktika 1994, 88– 92, fig. 10. crucial cultic node of the city. Similarly, the display of 8 Themelis 2000, 51–53; 2003b, 99–100. Epaminondas’s image next to the antique tripods was an 9 On Pausanias’ selectivity, see Arafat 1996. implicit assertion of this outsider hero’s naturalization to 10 See discussion in Papalexandrou 2005, 30–33. the legendary Messenian past. A good example of the ef- 11 Shear 1970, 145–222; Camp 1986, 97–100; 2001, 157–158. 12 ficacy and the multifunctionality of the co-existence of Shear 1970, 170. On tripods and hero cult, see also Papalex- tripods and statues in the hierothysion is the famous androu 2008 and discussion below. 13 Themelis (2000, 52) persuasively argues that at the apyroi fourth-century monument of the Eponymous Heroes in Epaminondas was the subject of heroic cult as founder of 11 the Athenian agora. In this case the syntagma of the Messene; Themelis 2003a, 24–29. Athenian tribal heroes was framed on either side by a tri- 14 Alcock 2002; 2001. Messenian Tripods 129 side of Messenia and independently from Messenian vant narratives Pausanias communicates about the oracle self-perceptions.15 of the tripods and the dedicatory act that induced the By Pausanias’ time, the official Messenian past and its Messenian defeat and the end of the first Messenian War tangible apparatus involved tripods—many of them! Tri- (Paus. 4.12.7–10) have only limited informational value pods played a crucial role in the legendary account of the in our efforts to reconstitute the interactive character of fall of Ithome and the conclusion of the First Messenian tripods in Messenia. On the other hand, the tenacity of War (Paus. 4.12.7–10). In the third quarter of the fifth this symbol in Messenian life may shed light on how century, a prominently displayed tripod somewhere on Messenians viewed themselves both within their country the south side of the temple of Apollo at Delphi bragged but also in the complex framework of their surrounding about a victory of the diasporic Messenians of Naupak- world. Despite this tenacity, it is important to stress that tos against their neighbor Kalydon.16 Immediately after symbols are not unchangeable entities, frozen in time the foundation of Messene, the tripod often appeared as and reified as static and impermeable conceptions. My sole emblem on the reverse of silver coinage issued by analysis is based on the premise that symbols shape per- the proud, liberated city.17 The textually attested promi- ceptions no less than they are made to accommodate new nence of the tripod in the traditions of Mt. Ithome and meanings and values dictated by the changing historical the cult of Zeus Ithomatas found its visual corroboration and social circumstances of the communities that used on Messenian coins issued in the second half of the third them. century BCE. These coins feature the head of The delineation of a history of Messenian tripods is on the obverse whereas on the reverse they combine for fraught with numerous difficulties. This has to do with the first time the striding, thunder-brandishing Ithomatas both the quality and the quantity of the available evi- and a miniscule tripod.18 The tripod, either alone or in dence. For example, to what extent, should we take the the company of the striding Ithomatas, continued to ap- story of the tripod-oracle and the subsequent events at pear in Messenian coinage until the Julio-Claudian pe- face value? If we are to go by Pausanias, the earliest riod.19 As discussed above, in the second century CE possible written testimony for this episode was by My- Pausanias is explicit about the existence of revered tri- ron from Priene, who lived in the third century BCE and pods in a prominent religious establishment in the cultic whose work Pausanias acknowledges was not devoid of 24 center of Messene. some serious problems (Paus. 4.6.2–6). We have no Moreover, the acropolis of Mt. Ithome has yielded knowledge of ’s sources who, like the epic poet some archaeological evidence that discloses the monu- Rhianos, probably articulated in a systematic way the mental prominence of tripods in the sanctuary of Zeus stories of a rich local tradition. However, Myron’s writ- Ithomatas.20 A stone tripod base of a now lost monumen- ing was dominated by the conventions of an encomiastic tal tripod is immured in the SE corner of the Post-Byzan- 21 tine katholikon of the Vourkano monastery. Themelis 15 Luraghi 2008. has recently published a fragment of a tripod leg, dated 16 Jacquemin & Laroche 1982, 192–204; Jacquemin 1999, 63 to the Late Geometric period, the alleged provenance of and 342, no. 362. 17 which is Mt. Ithome (Fig. 1).22 There could be no doubt Grandjean 2003, 22–23, obols of aeginetan weight with head of Demeter on the obverse and a tripod on the reverse. that the tripod base was set up in the sanctuary of Zeus 18 Grandjean 2003, 37, nos. 64–68. Ithomatas on Mt. Ithome at some point after the libera- 19 Grandjean 2003, 190–191, nos. 677–684. tion. The tripod leg, on the other hand, is a problematic 20 Themelis (2004) discusses the cult, its possible Cretan origin, piece of evidence. and the statue of Ithomatas by Ageladas. 21 Amandry 1987, 127–131, figs. 29–30; Themelis 2000, 48, All this evidence suggests the seminal and continuous fig. 39. The exceptionality of this base is stressed by Amandry: importance of the tripod in the Messenian conceptual “La seule base importante de trépied qui existe, à ma connais- universe. As elsewhere in the Greek world, Messenian sance, dans tout le Péloponnèse se trouve à Messène, …” (127). tripods were sacred symbols which, as Geertz has aptly The arrangement of the sockets for the insertion of the tripod legs in the base suggests that the front of the base, which might put it, “… dramatized in rituals or related in myths, are carry an inscription, faces up in the current position of the base felt somehow to sum up, for those to whom they are in the masonry of the katholikon. resonant, what is known about the way the world is, the 22 The Geometric tripod leg is only very summarily published quality of the emotional life it supports, and the way one by Themelis 2000, 47–49. It was not found in controlled exca- ought to behave while in it.”23 There is no evidence vations. See also Kaltsas 1989, 50, fig. 32 and discussion below in this article. whatsoever about the role of tripods in Messenian cultic 23 Geertz 1993, 127. dromena or other public ceremonies or rituals. The rele- 24 Luraghi 2008, 83–88. 130 Nassos Papalexandrou and rhetorical genre, which allowed for fanciful and flat- what is essentially an episode of failure, tragic loss, and tering elaboration, emotional exaltation, and pathos. To divinely sanctioned defeat? the extent that his work can be reconstituted through This question becomes even more pressing, if we con- Pausanias’ adaptation, his Messenian history is valuable sider that the tripod at some point became a monumental in so far as it sheds light on contemporary Messenian instrument of Spartan triumphalism. In the national perceptions. sanctuary of Laconia, the Spartan Amyklaion, Pausanias The story of the tripod-oracle can be summarized saw three grandiose tripods of the type with supporting thus: At a crucial juncture of the First Messenian War, caryatid figures of Aphrodite, Artemis, and the beleaguered Messenians received a Delphic oracle (Paus. 4.14.2, 3.18.8). Pausanias was told that these that predicted control of the territory of Messenia to dedications were made of the tenth (dekate) from the those who would be the first to set up a hundred tripods booty the Spartans had carried home after the conclusion around the altar of Zeus Ithomatas: of the First Messenian War. In his time these monumen- To those who first set up twice five tens of tripods for tal tripods were sumptuous memorials of the fall of Zeus Ithomatas around the altar the god bestows the Ithome, the demolition of its walls, and the subjugation Messenian land and the glory of war. For Zeus has as- of Messenia. This testimony is somewhat problematic: sented thus. Deception leads you ahead but punish- we have no evidence for testing its veracity, the date of ment follows behind; one could not deceive the god. these dedications, and whether their association with the Do whatever you have to do; ruin will fall upon others First Messenian War was simultaneous with their con- before others (Paus. 4.12.7).25 struction or not. On various grounds, such as the plaus- ible dates of the sculptors of these monuments (Gitiadas The Spartans got wind of the oracle and managed to be and Kalon) reported by Pausanias, modern scholarship the first to fulfill it using questionable means (at least by concurs that these monuments may be plausibly dated the Messenian point of view), thus ensuring for them- somewhere between the late sixth century BCE or the selves victory and dominance over Messenia and Mes- beginning of the fifth, that is, they were centuries later 28 senians. Following Pausanias and his audience we are than the episode they purport to commemorate. Pau- meant to presume that an oral tradition detailing these sanias says that he saw them close to two tripods of the events remained alive during the long centuries of same type set up to celebrate the Spartan victory against helotry and dispersal only to end up as an elaborate nar- Athens in 404 BCE, the implication being that the older rative after the liberation of 371. Sue Alcock has persua- tripods provided formal and conceptual models for the sively argued that narratives and memories constituting a later tripods. If this is indeed the case, this reference sense of collective past were transmitted for many gener- would provide a terminus ante quem for the construction ations both within the populations of and the of these monuments. Be that as it may, the association of diasporic communities of Messenians.26 It is possible tripods with a tactical triumph against the Messenians now to pinpoint contexts, secular (hamlets) or religious was an intentionally offensive message of visual propa- (sanctuaries, tombs dating to the Bronze Age), in which ganda and bragging. For the defeated Messenians, helots the helots could have engaged in collective gestures of or of the diaspora, these tripods and their messages commemoration and performative preservation of the would have been bitter and painful reminders of their past through ceremonies or rituals. However, there are sufferings and endless humiliation. insurmountable difficulties for even remotely entertain- This investigation acquires an interesting twist in view ing the idea that this particular story, bound to a particu- of the recent publication of an extraordinary fragment of lar locale as it was, may be traced back to narratives an elaborate tripod dating to the eighth century BCE originating in oral transmission of the Early Archaic or (Messene Archaeological Museum no. 960), allegedly Late Geometric period. To begin with, its anachronisms (e.g. the Delphic oracle functioning as it did in the Ar- 25 Translation by author. chaic and Classic periods) and its operative semantics of 26 Alcock (2001, 149–153) talks about “curation” and “preser- the tripod (as I discuss below, a token of territorial sov- vation” of memories constituting group identity; more detailed ereignty) point to a much later period for the crystalliza- discussion in Alcock 2002, 132–175. 27 tion of the form in which it became known to Pausan- Modern criticism has dismissed the verses of the oracle as in- 27 authentic. See Fontenrose 1978, 185–186 (Q 17 in his list, he ias. What is more, the narrative crux of the story is believes it dates after 370 BCE). fraught by an implicit antinomy: what kind of selective 28 See discussions and references to earlier bibliography in memory would account for the detailed preservation of Musti & Torelli 1991, 230–231, 235, and Pipili 1987, 80. Messenian Tripods 131

dental discovery in subsequent ages, gave impetus to stories like the oracle of the hundred tripods. This find might be the fire accounting for the “smoke” of the fa- mous episode of the tripods. Unfortunately this piece was not found in controlled excavations. It was instead a chance find, reportedly found in an unspecified location on Mt. Ithome and pre- sented to the Messene Museum at Mauromati in the mid- 80s.31 In the absence of any controlled excavations on Mt. Ithome, this is the only material evidence we have regarding activity or cult in the Early Iron Age. The more secure evidence from the stone tripod base I men- tioned above does nothing to improve the uncertain and questionable status of this tripod fragment. But even if we accept its presumed context on Mt. Ithome, we are faced with yet another paradox: the Geometric leg be- longs to the type of tripod that was deposited either at the great panhellenic sanctuaries or in interregional sanctu- aries as a sumptuous token of social status and wealth.32 A small regional sanctuary of Zeus is a most unusual and unexpected context for this type of lavish dedication. The type of the tripod it belonged to, its technical virtu- osity, and its material value, would require an awful lot of special explicating for shedding light to its excep- tional usage on Mt. Ithome in the Early Iron Age. In the best of the circumstances, we would have to study it in the context of other dedications, considering that as a specimen of a particular dedicatory gesture this tripod would make sense only in the context of its ambient be- havioral nexus. Consequently, at this point it is prefer- able to suspend further deliberations until the object is published in more detail and more detailed investiga- tions are carried out at Mt. Ithome. In addition to the above observations, I would like to Fig. 1: Fragment of leg of stress that there are other plausible scenarios to make tripod-cauldron, eighth cen- sense of the Geometric tripod leg. Until more secure evi- tury BCE, Messene Mu- seum, no. 960. Photo au- dence comes to light, all we can positively state is that thor. 29 Themelis 2000, 47–49, fig. 40; Kaltsas 1989, 50; Themelis 2003b, 118. 30 from Mt. Ithome (Fig. 1).29 It has been thought to pro- Themelis (2000, 48) says that this leg “… found at Ithome discloses the early date of the sanctuary and corroborates Pau- vide positive archaeological evidence for the function of sanias’ testimony (4.3.39) that Glaukos, Aipytos’ son, pre- the sanctuary of Zeus Ithomatas in the eighth century scribed that the honor this primeval sanctuary of Zeus BCE, that is, the period of the First Messenian War.30 A Ithomatas” (translation by author). Likewise Themelis (2003b, concomitant implication of this find might bear upon our 118) says that “The leg of a bronze tripod found near the mon- astery indicates that the cult of Ithomatas goes back to at least understanding of the tripod-oracle and the subsequent the Geometric period.” events narrated by Pausanias about the conclusion of the 31 Personal communication to author, dated December 2, 1998 First Messenian War. If elaborate tripods had been pre- and signed by Ms Vanta Papaeuthymiou on behalf of the Sociey sent in the cultic environment of Mt. Ithome as early as of Messenian Archaeological Studies. In this letter it is de- scribed as a “chance find,” that was handed to the Mauromati the eighth century BCE, then we would have good rea- Museum in the ’80s. son to think that their memory, perhaps even their acci- 32 Papalexandrou 2005; 2008. 132 Nassos Papalexandrou somehow the area of Messene was home to tripods or commemorated a military success of the Messenians of fragments thereof at some point in antiquity. In light of Naupaktos, that is, those Messenians who were allowed Pausanias’ report on the ancient (archaioi) tripods at the to settle in Naupaktos after the aborted revolt of the 460s hierothysion (Paus. 4.32.1), it is tempting to posit a de- BCE.36 The monument stood on a tall triangular pillar, liberate importation or traffic of ancient relics, such as and its form seems to follow influential precedents such venerable tripods, in periods crucial for the formation of as the tripod-plus-Nike dedicated by Gelon after the Messenian self-perceptions. At several moments of their battle of in 480 BCE.37 The dedication of the collective existence, Messenians would have been des- Messenians and the Naupaktians was an important visual perate for material corroborations of their antique and statement, laden with important overtones about the po- venerable narratives. This was undoubtedly the case in litical existence of the Messenians in the panhellenic the post-liberation period after the foundation of arena of the late fifth century BCE. This was the first Messene. Pausanias is explicit about the events that led substantial visual document of Messenian existence, al- to the specification of the specific land in which the new beit in exile, and prowess. Its erection must have been a city would be built. In anticipation of a final and irre- source of pride for Messenians and its very materiality versible defeat, Aristomenes, the Messenian national would have encapsulated, and perhaps even rekindled, hero and protagonist of the , hid irredentist aspirations among the helots of Messenia, or a bronze urn on Mt. Ithome. This urn contained a tin at least, those who would have been reached by the fame scroll with the mysteries of the Demeter cult in Andania, of the monument. Indications regarding the aura of this the religious core of Messenian religious self-definition monument, at least from the liberation onwards, are not after the liberation. The miraculous rediscovery of the missing. Numerous public documents of Messene were hidden scroll disclosed to Epaminondas the location for inscribed on the pillar and it is not unreasonable to as- the foundation of the new city (Paus. 4.20.3–4, 4.26.5– sume that the tripod on top of the pillar emitted new and 8). This was essentially a powerful talisman, the preser- important messages regarding Messenian identity after 38 vation of which (“curation” pace Alcock)33 ensured the the liberation. Assuming that the aforementioned tri- preservation of the Messenians and the promise of an pods at the Amyklaion predated it, it would have func- eventual resurrection of the city of Messene.34 Beliefs tioned as an important retort, a caustic one at that, con- like this were widespread in antiquity and talismans take sidering the pride and sensitivity of the Spartans on these matters. Inversely, if the Amyklaion tripods postdate it, many forms such as the famous Palladion of Troy or the Spartans would have conceived it as a powerful and Apollo’s tripod in Delphi.35 It is possible that the ar- equally scything response—the Messenian heartland chaioi tripods at the Messenian hierothysion, perhaps was still under Spartan domination after all.39 However even the tripod allegedly found at Mt Ithome, were im- this may be, this tripod monument is not sufficient in- ported to substantiate narratives about miraculous hap- and-of itself to explain the very special relationship of penings involving extraordinary objects that functioned Messenians with the tripod from the liberation onwards. as material links to a remote and glorious past. This atti- So far as we can tell, in this case the Messenians of Nau- tude was possible in a cultural economy in which the he- paktos employed a panhellenic symbolic vocabulary roic past of the Greeks was continuously and actively which was firmly established in Delphi. In this most present by means of the agency of powerful and revered prestigious sanctuary the tripod was exclusive to Apollo, relics. I discussed above the ennobling and sanctifying whereas its value as a symbol of victory reached back to effect of the archaioi tripods at the hierothysion. The evidence discussed so far can shed only partial 33 Alcock 2001, 149–153. light on the history of Messenian tripods. I now turn to 34 Paus. 4.26.8 refers to it as parakatatheke (pledge) of more securely dated and documented monuments and Aristomenes. materials. These may broaden more productively our in- 35 Papalexandrou 2005, 37–42. vestigative field. Evidence that is chronologically closer 36 Jacquemin & Laroche 1982, 192–204; Jacquemin 1999, 63 to the liberation of Messenia may provide more persua- and 342, no. 362; on the Third Messenian War, see the exhaus- tive discussion by Luraghi 2008, 173–208; on diasporic Mes- sive sources regarding the incorporation of tripods in senians, see Alcock 2002, 158–165; Luraghi 2008, 147–172. Messenian lore. The period after the third Messenian re- 37 Krumeich 1991; Jacquemin 1999, 353, nos. 446 and 454. volt is most promising. As Nino Luraghi has argued, the 38 Jacquemin 1999, 225: she mentions twelve decrees issued by revolt and its aftermath provided an unprecedented occa- Messene in the fourth and third centuries BCE. 39 Both Luraghi (2008) and Alcock emphasize how shaky a hold sion for Messenian ethnogenesis. This is evident in the the Spartans had on the helots, especially in view of the events Messenian tripod at Delphi, a victory monument which in 425 BCE at . Messenian Tripods 133

Homer.40 There was nothing inherently Messenian in the that the tripod in these coins references the oracle at Del- type of this monument or the usage of the tripod to carry phi thus acknowledging the favorable stance of the a message of a specific group. Conspicuously boastful as oracle towards the Messenians towards the end of the it was, the tripod at Delphi cannot take us very far in ex- Third Messenian War.49 This is difficult to accept given plaining the post-liberation manifestations of this sym- that the oracle had systematically sided with the Spartans bol in Messenia. in the First and Second Messenian Wars. Moreover, the The foundation of Messene in 370/369 by Epaminon- oracle had not played any role in the foundation of das witnessed the onset of a new era of Messenian col- Messene. Why would the Messenians have included it in lective representations. The new state was integrated as a such a public representational context? To be sure, civic community, that is, also as a worshiping commu- Apollo, a founder god and protector of civic harmony in nity of disparate constituents, as Nadine Deshours has Classical Greece, was not absent from Messene. Pausa- put it, “... une population composite dont l’identité doit nias reports an image of Apollo at the Asklepieion com- être construite ex nihilo.”41 It only makes sense that un- plex but his presence at the sanctuary of his son is not der these circumstances the symbolic repertory of sym- surprising. There were other cults of Apollo at Messene bols and images epitomizing Messeneaness was very (e.g. IG V 1, 1441: cult of Apollo ) and we carefully selected and decided upon. Of particular inter- should count him among the gods at the hierothysion. est is the coinage issued by the Messenian state in the However, Apollo was never of seminal importance in decades following the liberation (370/369–330 BCE), the Messenian pantheon and it is difficult to accept that especially a series of silver obols of aeginetan weight his Delphic symbol would have been featured in Mes- featuring the head of Demeter facing left on the obverse senian coinage. and a solitary tripod on the reverse.42 According to Alternately one could reasonably argue that the tripod Grandjean these belong to an integrated series compris- is an attribute of Zeus Ithomatas and explain it as his ing also silver staters and silver triobols “frappées de symbolic substitute or attribute on these coins, a concise manière concomitant.”43 The silver staters also feature and economical way for visually evoking him as an equally powerful partner of Demeter in the Messenian Demeter facing left on the obverse whereas on the re- pantheon. There are numerous difficulties with this in- verse is Zeus Ithomatas, brandishing the in terpretation. As I have argued above, there is no evi- his uplifted right arm, an eagle perched on the of his dence whatsoever that there was any connection between out-stretched right arm, striding right.44 The prominence Zeus Ithomatas and the tripod before the liberation. The of Demeter, the focus of the important mystery cult at Messenian tripod at Delphi was connected with Zeus Andania, on these silver issues is not surprising given very loosely even if we accept that in this case the tripod the centrality of her cult in Messenia at the moment of stood for victory, which often is bestowed by Zeus in the foundation of the new state.45 As discussed above, Greek religious imagination. Like all dedications in this Pausanias is explicit about the indispensable character of sanctuary it was Apollo’s and nobody else’s. Aristomenes’ parakatatheke for the reconstitution of the autonomous Messenian state. Likewise, Zeus Ithomatas 40 reigned supreme in the Messenian pantheon. His sanctu- Papalexandrou 2005, 28–30. 41 See the pertinent comments by Deshours 2008, 166–167. ary was an of Messenian ethnogenesis and his 42 Grandjean 2003, 22–23, nos. 5–16. mountain, Mt. Ithome, was a major physical monument 43 Grandjean (2003, 23) explains the iconographic similarity in of the Messenian struggles against their oppressors.46 the rendering of Demeter’s head in series I to III and other tech- Moreover, there was something inherently Messenian in nical characteristics. 44 Grandjean 2003, 21–22, nos. 1–4, pl. I (classified by Grand- the famous image by Ageladas (Paus. 4.33.2), originally jean as “Series VI”). commissioned by the Messenians of Naupaktos in the 45 Grandjean 2003, 25, 59–61; Deshours 2008, 168–170; on the fifth century BCE.47 iconography of Demeter on early Messenian coinage, see Ritter 2002, 40–41, 45–47. But how does the tripod fit in this symbolic system? 46 To begin with, there is no special connection between Grandjean 2003, 25–27, 61–65; Deshours 2008, 167–168; Themelis 2004; Ritter 2002, 78–80. the tripod and Demeter in the Greek world, so it makes 47 According to Pausanias the image resided not in his sense to dismiss the tripod as a special attribute of but in the house of an annually elected official. It is logical to Demeter in this context. I note, however, that the same surmise that it was brought to the temenos on the summit of combination of Demeter and tripod remained standard in Ithome for special festivals and celebrations. 48 Grandjean 2003, 35–39, nos. 46–81 (various issues dated in numerous series of bronze coins issued by Messene in the period 4th–late 3rd century BCE). the fourth and early third century.48 Grandjean thinks 49 Grandjean 2003, 62. 134 Nassos Papalexandrou

Finally projecting back from Myron or Pausanias or existence. Could the tripod epitomize any of these foun- from other later explicit combinations of Zeus and the dational values and ideas? tripod would be equally unproductive. At this point, I In response to this question I propose that the second would like to emphasize the important fact that it was major value of the tripod motivated its career as a sacred not until the second half of the third century BCE that symbol in post-liberation Messenia. Since the Archaic the tripod was explicitly associated with Zeus Ithomatas period, the tripod had been established in Greek culture on Messenian coins. It appeared on the reverse of bronze as a token of territorial sovereignty.53 Having originated hemiobols together with the striding Zeus Ithomatas, at Delphi during the heyday of colonial expansion, this who is rendered in a type that reflects the portable statue semantic content of the tripod emanates from mythical by Ageladas mentioned above.50 If the association of narratives in which the tripod functions as a talisman Ithomatas and the tripod was simultaneous with or an- protecting the integrity and existence of a city or state. terior to the foundation of Messene, this is indeed a be- Closely related was the exchangeability of the tripod lated iconographic combination. This is curious con- with a foundation oracle or navigational information, the sidering that immediately after the foundation of result of which was a new colony or city. The earliest in- Messene the striding Ithomatas had become standardized stance of this value is reported by Herodotos (4.179). He on Messenian coinage without the tripod. This indicates writes of the ’ voyage in Libya where they ex- that somehow the tripod was not peculiar to Zeus changed the tripod with navigational information from Ithomatas. It was not an indispensable attribute of him. Triton, a local demon. Triton gets the tripod and issues a Instead I am tempted to posit that this association was in- prophesy that “if a descendant of the Argonauts steals stigated by developments happening in the period before this tripod, the foundation of a hundred cities around or simultaneous with the circulation of these coins. For Lake Tritonis will be unavoidable.” The local inhabit- example, the publication of Myron’s history, presumably ants immediately hid the tripod in order to block any fur- our earliest explicit testimony regarding the role tripods ther migratory movement to their country and ensure had played on Mt Ithome in the legendary Messenian their exclusive rights to the land. Another example has to past, was an appropriate context for an antiquarian atti- do with the foundation of the locality of Tripodiskoi in tude. Myron, or the composer of the oracular hexa- the Megaris: the founder sought an oracle and was in- meters, could have embroidered the tripod story to the structed to walk away from Delphi with a tripod. He was already existing canvas of legends and heroic deeds of to establish a new city precisely at the point where the old times. tripod fell from his arms and hit the ground (Paus. What values were the solitary tripods on the earliest 1.43.7–8; Thuc. 4.70; Strabo 9.394).54 Messenian coinage meant to register for Messenians and This understanding of the tripod is usually over- others? Since the eighth century BCE, tripods had been looked. However, it was as valid and current in Classical established as symbols of victory in Greek culture. We Greece as any other value associated with the tripod. It have already seen that both before and especially after was ultimately the context of perceptual circumstances the foundation of Messene its citizens looked back to the that determined ancient viewers’ perception of the in- Messenian tripod at Delphi with pride and confidence— tended meaning of the tripod. In view of these considera- it was part of what they had always been. But the harsh tions, I argue that the solitary tripod on Messenian coins reality was that the foundation of Messene, the corner- was carefully selected to epitomize in a succinct and eas- stone of autonomous Messenian existence, was not the ily understood statement the territorial self-assertion and result of a victory won by Messenians. Such visual rhet- autonomy of the newly born city-state. The issue of oric of a false pretension of victory would not have reso- coinage immediately after the liberation was an official nated well in a climate of intense debates over the legiti- statement of dynamic sovereign status. It would only macy of the new state and its constituency. Luraghi has make sense, if this statement was reinforced not only by cogently described this insecure status: “Latecomers as they were, the Messenians were destined to be haunted 50 Grandjean 2003, 37, nos. 64–68, pl. II. for the rest of their existence by their problematic ab- 51 Luraghi 2008, 249. sence from the shared record of the Greek past.”51 New 52 See discussion in Papalexandrou 2007, 174–178. 53 Papalexandrou 2005, 37–42; 2008, 266–268. states are by nature insecure and adolescent in nature and 54 52 Other examples: Plut. De sera 12 (Herakles carries away the expression. They are desperate for foundational sym- Delphic tripod to Arcadian Pheneos); Paus. 3.21.8 (Herakles bols and ideas from which they can anchor their collec- carries away the tripod to Gytheion in Laconia and founds the tive sense along with the morality and legality of their city together with Apollo after their reconciliation). Messenian Tripods 135 the religious underpinnings of the new state but by a troducing the symbol of the tripod in the new city. He symbolic language that also proclaimed the new state’s and his Boiotian associates would not have had to look confidence and will to use an accepted code for its self- far for the template of values that expressed this compo- definition. It was a proclamation that read like this: nent of Messenian representation. As I have demon- “Here we are, territorially defined and integrated as a strated in detail elsewhere, in Boiotia the tripod was people, with an established center and the sanction of di- laden with primeval cultic, symbolic, and political vine powers.” This visual language would have contrib- values more than in any other region of Greece.56 It was uted to the shaping of Messenian self-perception even as at a Boiotian locality, for example, that Hesiod set up his it was immediately decipherable by others who shared a tripod prize to mark the foundation of a new sanctuary common pool of panhellenic symbols and values. The for the (Hes. Op. 654–657).57 At least two sanctu- tripod as a medium had been laden with authority and aries in Thebes, the sanctuary of Apollo Ismenios and prestige since the Early Iron Age. In-and-of itself its the Herakleion, were replete with numerous tripods de- venerable format automatically attracted attention, even posited by heroic figures of local myth and lore (Herod. scrutiny and preoccupation. It is no accident that Pausan- 5.57–61; Paus. 9.10.4, 10.7.6; Pind. Pyth. 11.4). More- ias made a special note to report on the archaioi tripodes over, in the same region the tripod was a quintessential at the hierothysion, although he probably had nothing component of rituals involving and special more to say about them (Paus. 4.32.1). On the other songs (tripodephorika mele) that negotiated within a re- hand, we may speculate that the constituents of the new ligious framework the territorial and political sover- Messenian state would have been eager and receptive to eignty of Thebes over numerous peripheral communities 58 the meaning I propose here. They were proud and once under its sway. In the late sixth and early fifth century, again irreversibly bound to their clearly defined home- the city of Akraiphia erected two syntagmata of tripods land. The gods on the newly minted coinage of their that monumentalized its corporate allegiance to the local country provided protection and sanctioned the new hero Ptoos while functioning as backdrop for ritual feast- 59 foundation. The tripod advertised their connectedness to ing and other performative events. Equally impressive their land and underscored their moral justification. syntagmata of tripods were established at the sanctuary Such an understanding may well be attributed to the of Apollo on Mt. Ptoon from the Archaic period on- ward.60 Boiotian agency and contribution to the foundation of the new city and the creation of its conceptual apparatus. This new deployment of a venerable symbol would This quintessential moment of the Messenians’ political have resonated well with the composite constituency of the new Messenian state. For liberated helots it would existence forms a crucial node in Pausanias’ account of have encapsulated a decent response to the Spartan con- the foundation of the new city (Paus. 4.27.1–8). Al- tempt of the bombastic tripods at Amyklaion. The repat- though brief and undoubtedly tainted by a few hundred riated diasporic Messenians of Magna Graecia and North years of continuous retelling and elaboration, it leaves Africa would have been familiar with and accepting of little doubt that Epaminondas, who was later honored as its significance. With the passage of time the tripod an oikist in Messene (Paus. 9.14.5, 9.15.6), paid careful would gradually become an essential component of attention to religious, political, and practical matters. rituals and narratives that provided the indispensable Pausanias reports that the building of the new city, its walls, its houses, and sanctuaries was accompanied by Boiotian and Argive flute playing (Paus. 4.27.7). We 55 Luraghi (2008, 216–217) discusses the sources relevant to may understand this literally or this detail may carry a this discussion. He is sceptical that Epaminondas would have perceived himself as an oikist of Messene from the very begin- wider memory or conception of Messene as a new ning and rightly stresses the absence of overt Theban elements 55 Thebes of sorts. After all, the fortification of Thebes in the civic and religious structure of the new city: “… the birth had been built against the background of ’s of their free state was in reality a restoration of something that lyre-playing (Paus. 9.5.7; Honestus’ epigram, Anth. Pal. was supposed to have existed in the past, not a foundation in the strict sense of the word, and the Thebans clearly concurred: …”. IX.250.5–6). Elsewhere Epaminondas proved himself a My analysis is based on the assumption that Epaminondas’ keen manipulator of religious sentiment and symbolism Boiotian culture would have subtly informed decisions about or this is to be deduced by the episode of Aristomenes’ the introduction of new formative elements. 56 shield, incidentally a Messenian relic in Boiotia, on the Papalexandrou 2008. 57 Papalexandrou 2005, 11–12. eve of the battle at Leuctra (Paus. 4.32.5–6, 4.16.5–7, 58 Papalexandrou 2008, 266–271. 9.39.14). Consequently, in this moment of careful delib- 59 Papalexandrou 2008, 262–266, 271–277. eration, it is possible that Epaminondas conceived of in- 60 Papalexandrou 2008, 260, n. 33. 136 Nassos Papalexandrou depth of perception to a uniquely local and honorable Fontenrose 1978 J. Fontenrose, The Delphic oracle. Its re- past. It would shape conceptions of self and history no sponses and operations with a catalogue less than it would also be shaped by their continuously of responses, Berkeley 1978. evolving nature. Myron, for example, or the composer of Geertz 1993 C. Geertz, The interpretation of cultures. the oracular verses of the oracle, would have sought to Selected essays, London 1993. Grandjean 2003 C. Grandjean, Les Messéniens de 370/ give narrative specificity and concreteness to the Mes- 369 au 1er siècle de notre ère. Monnay- senian conception of the tripod as a token of territorial ages et histoire (BCH Suppl., 44), autonomy and the connection of the tripod with the cult Athènes & Paris 2003. of Ithomatas on the summit of Ithome. In this respect, Jacquemin 1999 A. Jacquemin, Offrandes monumentales despite its apocryphal nature, the oracle is untypically à Delphes (BEFAR, 304), Athènes & devoid of the usual Delphic ambivalence: “… the god … Paris 1999. gives the land … to those …”. From our vantage point, it Jacquemin & A. Jacquemin & D. Laroche, ‘Notes sur smacks of programmatic intentionality, as it prescribes Laroche 1982 trois piliers delphiques’, BCH 106, 1982, and explains normality, precisely like a veritable aetion. 191–218. Given the present state of evidence, the social life and Kaltsas 1989 N. Kaltsas, Ancient Messene, Athens 1989. agency of the tripod in Messene cannot be reconstructed Krumeich 1991 R. Krumeich, ‘Zu den goldenen Dreifüs- in every detail. The systematic investigation of the sanc- sen der Deinomeniden in Delphi’, JdI tuary of Zeus on Mt. Ithome, which is long overdue, and 106, 1991, 37–62. further investigation in the site of Messene itself will Luraghi 2008 N. Luraghi, The ancient Messenians. hopefully shed more light on this important component Constructions of ethnicity and memory, of Messenian identity. Cambridge 2008. Musti & Torelli 1991 D. Musti & M. Torelli (eds.), Pausania. Nassos Papalexandrou Guida della Grecia. Libro III. La Laco- The University of Texas at Austin nia, Milano 1991. Department of Art and Art History, Campus D 1300 Musti & Torelli 1994 D. Musti, & M. Torelli (eds.), Pausania. Austin, TX 78745, USA Guida della Grecia. Libro IV. La Messe- e-mail: [email protected] nia, Milano 1994. Papalexandrou 2005 N. Papalexandrou, The visual poetics of power. Warriors, youths, and tripods in Works cited early Greece, Lanham & Boulder 2005. Papalexandrou 2007 N. Papalexandrou, ‘Constructed land- Alcock 2001 S. Alcock, ‘The peculiar book IV and the scapes: visual cultures of violent con- problem of the Messenian past’, in Pau- tact’, Stanford Journal of Archaeology 5, sanias. Travel and memory in Roman 2007, 165–182 (http://archaeology.stan- Greece, eds. S. Alcock, J. Cherry & J. ford.edu/journal). Elsner, Oxford 2001, 142–153. Papalexandrou 2008 N. Papalexandrou, ‘Boiotian tripods. The Alcock 2002 S. Alcock, Archaeologies of the Greek tenacity of a panhellenic symbol in a re- past. Landscapes, monuments, and gional context’, Hesperia 77, 2008, 251– memories, Cambridge 2002. 282. Amandry 1987 P. Amandry, ‘Trépieds de Delphes et du Pipili 1987 M. Pipili, Laconian iconography of the Péloponnèse’, BCH 111, 1987, 79-131. sixth century B.C. (Oxford University Arafat 1996 K.W. Arafat, Pausanias’ Greece. An- Committee for Archaeology, Mono- cient artists and Roman rulers, Cam- graph, 12), Oxford 1987. bridge 1996. Pollitt 1974 J.J. Pollitt, The ancient view of Greek art. Camp 1986 J.M. Camp, The Athenian Agora. Exca- Criticism, history, and terminology, New vations in the heart of Classical Athens, Haven 1974. London 1986. Pritchett 1998 W.K. Pritchett, Pausanias Periegetes, Camp 2001 J.M. Camp, The archaeology of Athens, Amsterdam 1998. New Haven & London 2001. Ritter 2002 S. Ritter, Bildkontakte. Götter und He- Deshours 2008 N. Deshours, ‘Panthéon et identité ci- roen in der Bildsprache griechischer viques à Messène (de la foundation de la Münzen des 4. Jahrhunderts v. Chr., Ber- cité à l’époque imperial)’, in La Pélopon- lin 2002. nèse d’Epaminondas à Hadrien. Col- Shear 1970 T.L. Shear, Jr, ‘The monument of the loque de Tours 6–7 octobre 2005, ed. C. eponymous heroes in the Athenian Grandjean, Bordeaux 2008, 165–189. Agora’, Hesperia 39, 1970, 145–222. Messenian Tripods 137

Themelis 2000 P.G. Themelis, Ήρωες και ηρώα στη (Βιβλιοϑήκη της εν Αϑήναις Αρχαιο- Μεσσήνη (Heroes and heroa at Messene) λογικής Εταιρείας, 226), Athenai 2003. (Βιβλιοϑήκη της εν Αϑήναις Αρχαιο- Themelis 2003b P.G. Themelis, Ancient Messene, Athens λογικής Εταιρείας, 210), Athenai 2000. 2003. Themelis 2003a P.G. Themelis, Ήρωες της αρχαίας Themelis 2004 P.G. Themelis, ‘Cults on Mount Ithome’, Μεσσήνης (Heroes of ancient Messene) 17, 2004, 143–154. 138 Nassos Papalexandrou A TALE OF TWO CRETAN CITIES: THE BUILDING OF ROMAN KISSAMOS AND THE PERSISTENCE OF POLYRRHENIA IN THE WAKE OF SHIFTING IDENTITIES

BY ANNA KOUREMENOS

The coming of Rome was the most significant turn- Crete and the persistence of its former , Polyr- ing point in the since the destruction rhenia. It is often stated in the archaeological literature of the Minoan palaces. It not only meant the subju- gation of Crete under foreign rule – for the first time that after the foundation of Kissamos in the since the coming of the Mycenean Greeks; it not AD, most of the citizens of Polyrrhenia moved to the only meant the establishment of a political govern- harbor town and that by the early 2nd century AD, the ment. It also meant the extinction of a social and po- city was mostly abandoned. While systematic exca- litical order that had existed for almost a millen- vations in the latter city have not yet occurred, archaeo- nium……Crete was now an island not on the periph- ery of the Aegean, a sea troubled by wars and raids, logical material from salvage excavations coupled with but an island in the middle of a pacified Eastern epigraphic and literary sources tell a different story. An Mediterranean, entirely integrated into the Roman important question that I will attempt to answer in this system of rule and the economic networks of the Ro- paper is why the Romans chose to build the new town of man Empire. (Chaniotis 2008, 83) Kissamos at the expense of their ally Polyrrhenia and how this move led to a changing lifestyle that was re- sponsible for the shifting identity of the residents of this Abstract part of western Crete during the Roman period. The incorporation of Crete into the Roman Empire by 67 BC brought a major shift to the lifestyle of the island’s citizens. The increasing emphasis on private wealth and trade with Rome led to the decline of once-powerful cities and the establishment of new elites in towns that were favorable to the Romans. The From the destruction of to the gradual decline—but not abandonment—of the city of Polyr- rhenia in west Crete in favor of the newly established coastal foundation of Kissamos town of Kissamos, located only 5 kilometers away from Polyr- 1 rhenia, illustrates the shift into this new lifestyle favored during The town of Kissamos, located on the northwest corner 2 the Roman period very well. While archaeological evidence of Crete in the Bay of Kissamos, was the only town on suggests that Polyrrhenia was still a minor city during the Ro- man period, with the eradication of piracy in this part of the is- land and the increasing focus on trade with Rome and other *This paper stems largely from my dissertation on houses and parts of the Mediterranean, the shepherding activities associated identity in Roman Knossos and Kissamos. I am very grateful to with the uplands were no longer as important as they had been The Hellenic University Club of New York, The Meyerstein before the advent of Roman rule. Nowhere is this new lifestyle Research Award of the Institute of Archaeology, Oxford, and more apparent than in the archaeological remains of houses in The Graduate Research Fund of Lincoln College, Oxford for Kissamos dating from the 2nd to the 4th century AD. The funding my travels to Crete to undertake this research. houses of this coastal town are a clear indication that Roman 1 The modern name of the town is Kastelli Kissamou. The name rule of Crete encouraged a shift away from older ideals and the Kastelli is a reference to the Venetian castle, Kastello which embracing of a new, elite Roman identity in an essentially once stood in the town. Variations of the ancient spelling of the Greek city.* name include Kisamos, Cisamos, and Cisamon. 2 Ancient sources do not seem to agree on the exact location of the town. Hierocles, in Synecdemus 650.13 places its location between and Kandanos. Pliny 4.12.59 also gives its lo- cation as close to Kydonia and another small town in the area Introduction called Pergamos. 3.17.8 states that “the city of - mos is located in the gulf of Mirtilos” (now known as the gulf of In this paper, I seek to explore the foundation of the Kissamos) on the far northwest part of the island. The Tabula newly established harbor town of Kissamos in west Peutingeriana lists two cities named Kissamos, one located in

140 Anna Kouremenos

Fig. 1. Map of Roman Crete with major cities (Alcock 2002, 103). the island that was built in the Roman period (Fig. 1). tire island in 67 BC (Fig. 2). The city had been one of While archaeological evidence indicates that there were the chief pirate nests in the Hellenistic period and as a re- small communities living in the vicinity of what later be- sult of piracy as well as trade with Egypt and other parts came the Roman town, it appears that the entire region of the eastern Mediterranean, its inhabitants had around the bay was under the control of the powerful amassed a large amount of wealth. Under the pretext of 3 city of Polyrrhenia, with Kissamos as one of its two har- threatening Roman ships, the Romans under Metellus bors, the second and more important one being the conquered the town in 69 BC and finally put an end to 4 wealthy town of Phalasarna. The rise of Kissamos as a piratical activities on Crete.7 Evidence for the siege of major town in Crete is indirectly tied to the destruction Phalasarna by the Romans comes from the fact that the of Phalasarna. The Romans conquered and destroyed the harbor fell into disuse after the Roman conquest and was 5 latter town in 69 BC. After Phalasarna’s destruction, soon abandoned and silted up.8 de Souza suggests that, Polyrrhenia’s power in the western part of Crete started to decline until it was gradually eclipsed in size and pop- ulation by the new town of Kissamos. It was, however, the Gulf of Kissamos and the second as the port of , lo- cated near modern Kalami Apokoronou. Also, a Trajanic mile- not entirely supplanted by Kissamos as some studies stone found in the region of Aptera lists the distance between 6 claim. A closer look at the evidence indicates that both Aptera and its port Kisamos, indicating that there were indeed Polyrrhenia and Kissamos co-existed from the 1st cen- two places with the same name in west Crete. See Pazarli, tury BC until well into late antiquity but the power had Livieratos & Boutoura 2007, 252. See also Bowsky & Niniou- shifted from the former to the latter. Kindeli 2006. 3 Pliny calls the city Polyrrhenion. Phalasarna, located west of Kissamos, was Polyrrhe- 4 Markoulaki 1994, 722–723. nia’s main harbor before the Roman conquest of the en- 5 See Frost 1989; Hadjidaki 1996; de Souza 1998; Stefanakis 2010. 6 See e.g., Kelly 2006, 317; Sanders 1982, 28, 31. 7 The citizens of Phalasarna made their living through piratical activities and often preyed on Roman ships. For archaeological evidence for the destruction of Phalasarna, see Hadjidaki 2001; 1988; Stefanakis 2006. For piratical activities in the area prior to the Roman conquest, see Frost 1989. de Souza (2002, 59) ar- gues that there is no convincing evidence that Phalasarna’s wealth, as demonstrated by its fine harbor facilities and fortifi- cations, was necessarily due to piracy. Whatever the case may be, I argue that it is difficult to prove where the wealth came from as the area was highly affected by the 9 meter uplift caused by the AD 365 earthquake as well as by later earth- quakes that changed much of the land in western Crete, thus most of the evidence has been lost. See Stiros 2010 for a discus- sion on the changing coastline of western Crete and its implica- tions on archaeological studies of the area. Fig. 2. Map of west Crete prior to the Roman conquest. 8 Hadjidaki 1988, 476; Frost 1989, 15–17. A Tale of Two Cretan Cities 141

“The blocked harbour and nearby finds indicate that Phalasarna was besieged and blockaded by land and sea.”9 He also argues that it is not clear whether the in- habitants surrendered or if the town was taken by storm.10 I offer a few alternate explanations. It is likely that the town’s destruction may have been partly sym- bolic as it not only represented a Roman victory against piracy in the region but it was also the first Cretan city to be conquered by the Romans in 69 BC; its obliteration would have been a reminder to other major towns on the island to not oppose Roman power. Furthermore, the fate of the town’s inhabitants is unknown, but historical sources do not mention mass slaughter or captivity. I argue that it is likely that the inhabitants of Phalasarna dispersed around the bay area and uphill towards the metropolis of Polyrrhenia, a town which did not oppose the Romans and did not suffer any damage during the conquest of Crete. Another factor to consider is that the coinage of Phalasarna ceased to be minted in the middle of the first century BC which is a strong indication that the city ceased to exist,11 at least as a major town on the Fig. 3. Athlete with gold diadem and tetradrachm of Polyrrhe- nia. 1st century AD. Archaeological Museum of Agios island. Thus, by the end of the 1st century BC, Polyrrhe- Nikolaos (photo: A. Kouremenos). nia may have reached levels of overpopulation due to the probable arrival of Phalasarnian refugees a few decades earlier and some of its inhabitants may have sought their stated, with the advent of Roman rule the city appears to fortunes in the new foundation of Kissamos. The city have lost much of its former control of the entire western was located 5 kilometers inland and uphill from Kissa- edge of Crete along with a large portion of its inhabit- mos and was famous for sheep grazing—after all, the ants. name Polyrrhenia means “many sheep” in Greek.12 By Svoronos’ catalogue of Cretan coins includes ex- the 1st century AD, however, Polyrrhenia appears to amples of at least three unprovenenced coins of Polyr- have lost its preeminence as a major city in the far west rhenia (now in museums in Vienna, Berlin, and London) of Crete, probably due to strategic reasons as the city with the head of Caligula on the obverse. There is also was located inland and its harbor town of Kissamos an unprovenenced coin struck at Polyrrhenia with Cali- gula on the obverse and Germanicus on the reverse now would have appealed to the area’s residents as the eco- 15 nomic focus of the region shifted from activities associ- on display in the Archaeological Museum of . Thus, these coins are the latest known examples minted ated with shepherding to trade with Italy and other parts in the city.16 The lack of recovered coins and the low of the Mediterranean.13 However, the city continued to mint its own coins at least until the middle of the 1st cen- tury AD. A very interesting piece of evidence comes 9 de Souza 2002, 160. 10 from the necropolis of -pros-Kamara in east Crete, de Souza 2002, 160. 11 See Stiros & Papageorgiou 2001; Markoulaki 1994. where the skull of an athlete wearing a diadem of beaten 12 For the main economic activity associated with Polyrrhenia, gold was recovered together with a tetradrachm of Polyr- see Chaniotis 1995, 69–72. rhenia from the reign of Tiberius (AD 14–37).14 The coin 13 It must be noted that Polyrrhenia was pro-Roman and even was placed under the deceased’s tongue as the fare for dedicated a statue to Q. Caecilius Metellus as “savior and bene- , the mythic ferryman who escorted the dead factor” of the city. See IC II, xiii,14. 14 The obverse of the coin depicts a portrait of the emperor Ti- across the river . (Fig. 3) This coin is the latest berius. The grave also contained a gold ring with an engraving available evidence found in an archaeological context, of Nike as well as a strygil and a small oil pot, artifacts which but there are also a few slightly later, unprovenenced ex- make his identification as an athlete very probable. The lack of amples which indicates that Polyrrhenia was still a suffi- wisdom teeth indicates that the man must have died in early adulthood. The burial is published in Davaras 1985. ciently important city during the 1st century AD, with 15 Personal observation, Archaeological Museum of Chania. the right to mint its own coins, although as already 16 Svoronos 1890, 284. 142 Anna Kouremenos number of other archaeological material, including the descendants of the Polyrrhenians who moved to houses, from the 2nd century AD and later is often given Kissamos kept the name of their ancestral city in addi- as an argument that the population of Polyrrhenia slowly tion to the name of their new hometown when indicat- abandoned their hilltop settlement by the late 1st century ing their homeland. In addition, the movement of some AD. The movement of upland Cretan communities to the of Polyrrhenia’s population to Kissamos does not ne- coast is well known from the Hellenistic period and it cessarily have to indicate that the citizens lost their an- appears that by the Roman period this trend continued. cestral homes and land ownership in the former town. The most well-known example of such a movement that After all, Polyrrhenia was prime sheep grazing territory took place in the Hellenistic period is the relocation of and there may have been an economic motivation for the population of the eastern Cretan city of Lato from the some of Kissamos’ inhabitants to own land in both hilltop town to the newly build seaside town of Lato- towns in order to exploit the economic potential of the pros-Kamara (modern Agios Nikolaos).17 While part of uplands within the vicinity of Kissamos. Ownership of the population of Polyrrhenia may have moved down to areas in the hinterland of a major town is by no means the coast at Kissamos, one cannot assume that Kissamos unknown in Crete at this time; in fact, a similar argu- drew most of its population from Polyrrhenia while the ment can be made for the Roman colonists at Knossos, latter city ceased to exist after the 2nd century AD. An- who probably owned land in the colony’s vast hinter- other argument that has been put forth is that a possible land precisely because they wanted to exploit the econ- reason for the relocation of some of the population of omic benefits that the hinterlands afforded them.23 It is Polyrrhenia to the coast may have been an earthquake, also possible that the citizens of Kissamos owned sec- possibly followed by a tsunami, which caused major de- ond homes at Polyrrhenia and used them as a means to struction in the west part of Crete. Historical sources in- escape the bustle of the city. After all, some of the dicate that the emperor Nero provided grants for the re- houses on the hilltop would have had splendid views of construction of Cretan towns that were destroyed by an Kissamos and the Gulf of Mirtilos. At a distance of earthquake in AD 66 and Polyrrhenia may have been one only 5 kilometers away, Polyrrhenia was little more of the towns that suffered major damage.18 According to than a suburb of Kissamos and one could even live in Stiros and Papageorgiou, it is possible that rather than the former town but work in the latter. A further piece reconstruct Polyrrhenia, the citizens used the grant to of evidence that may be related to the decline but not move to nearby Kissamos.19 While it is possible that abandonment of Polyrrhenia is its absence from the list many inhabitants of the city chose to not rebuild their of cities appearing in the 4th century document known houses and settled elsewhere, there is no conclusive evi- as the Tabula Peutingeriana, a map of the Roman road dence that Polyrrhenia was totally abandoned at this network from Spain to India copied during the Middle time. The lack of coins minted at Polyrrhenia after the Ages from one or more original cartographic docu- mid-1st century AD can be explained by the fact that, ments compiled by Castorius in the 4th century AD.24 like Kissamos, the citizens were probably using the The list includes Kissamos as one of the four major coins of the Cretan rather than producing them cities on Crete, but while seventeen other important in their own mint. An inscription found in Polyrrhenia cities are listed, Polyrrhenia is not present in the list. indicates that Hadrian restored a public building at Pazarli, Livieratos and Boutura suggest that the reason around AD 122–124 and gifted the city with an aque- Polyrrhenia and at least four other cities that were duct.20 A marble stele found at Polyrrhenia and dated to otherwise known to have existed in the 4th century AD the 2nd–3rd century AD depicts a drunken Dionysus leaning against a Satyr in a landscape surrounded by 17 See Brulé 1978, 149; Hayden 2004, 226. vines (Fig. 4). The stele probably decorated a public 18 Guidoboni, Comastri & Traina 1994; Stiros & Papageorgiou building or an elite house.21 2001, 389. 19 Stiros & Papageorgiou 2001. Furthermore, a funerary stele found in Rome and 20 IC II, viii, 96. There is no further information about the dated to the early 3rd century AD based on associated Hadrianic aqueduct. finds was erected over the grave of Epaphris, a man who 21 The stele is on display in the Archaeological Museum of Cha- calls himself ΠΟΛΥΡΗΝΙΟС Ο ΚΑΙ ΚΙСΑΜΙΟС, nia. 22 meaning “of Polyrrhenia and Kissamos”.22 The rela- See Svoronos 1890, 56. See also Markoulaki, Christodoula- & Frangonikolaki 2004. tively late dating of this grave stele indicates that Polyr- 23 See Rigsby 1976. rhenia had not ceased to exist as a town, although there 24 Pazarli, Livieratos & Boutura 2007, 245. The Tabula Peutin- may be alternative readings. It is possible that some of geriana is now in the Austrian National Library. A Tale of Two Cretan Cities 143

Fig. 4. Marble relief plaque with Bacchic scene. 2nd to 3rd century AD. From Polyrrhenia. Archaeologi- cal Museum of Chania (photo: A. Kouremenos). For copyright reasons, there is no image in the digital edition. are excluded from the Tabula Peutingeriana is because Kissamos for a while before they were buried during or they were considered minor cities or did not feature in after 37–41 AD. If this is the case, then I would argue the road network.25 for a foundation date of the last decade of the 1st cen- When, exactly, was Polyrrhenia eclipsed by Kissamos tury BC or the first decade of the first century AD, and what conclusions can be drawn from the archaeolog- dates which would allow the buried people to have ical evidence for this important event? Kissamos was al- reached old age when they were buried in the new ready known to Pliny in the 1st century AD, who men- city—assuming, of course, that most of the burials are tions the location of the town in his Natural History, not those of very young individuals. A further piece of written in AD 77–79. As there is no mention in this work evidence that would favor a foundation date of the of Kissamos’ recent foundation, it is likely that the city early 1st century AD or slightly earlier comes from the must have existed for some time in order for Pliny to re- pottery workshop in the House of (Phase 1) that cord its presence. is dated to the early 1st century AD by the excavator The archaeological remains from the city lead me to- based on unpublished associated pottery finds.27 This is ward a similar conclusion. Evidence that would indi- a clear indication that the town was sufficiently well cate a probable foundation date for Kissamos in the late established by the early first century AD to have at 1st century BC to early 1st century AD comes from one least one pottery workshop. Thus, based on the archae- of the Roman cemeteries on the southwest part of the ological evidence, the dating for the foundation of town and the House of Phidias in the center of the Ro- Kissamos falls sometime between Augustus’ re-organi- man city. According to archaeological reports, several zation of the provinces (including Creta et Cyrene) in coins struck between 37 and 41 AD have been found in 27 BC and the early part of the 1st century AD.28 It is graves, possibly indicating that the town had already 26 been built by that time. While the sample of coins is 25 Pazarli, Livieratos & Boutura 2007, 250. not necessarily indicative of the earliest burials since 26 Stiros & Papageorgiou 2001, 394–395. Unfortunately, no fur- not all burials in the town have been excavated, the ther information is available about the exact number of coins coins are the earliest examples found in the cemetery and other finds in the graves, including the number of people buried in them. and may be linked to the date of the foundation of the 27 See Markoulaki 2009. town. However, I suggest that it is also very likely that 28 For the re-organization of Crete, including the foundation of the people buried in these graves had already lived in Knossos, see Sanders 1982, 5, 14. 144 Anna Kouremenos not surprising that the Romans chose the better situ- ated area around the Bay of Mirtilos to build a new town as they were keenly interested in the maritime trade which the region afforded and the new maritime city would be a base for trade between Crete, the Aegean, and the West. In addition, the area around Fig. 5. Symbols of the four major Cretan cities shown on the Kissamos was covered with trees and vines and Tabula Peutingeriana (Pazarli, Livieratos & Boutura 2007, 254). the two chief products of the region were and wine, both of which were in high demand all over the 29 empire. The city’s possible status in the Roman period may be Thus, the above evidence supports the conclusion that surmised from its inclusion among this select group of after the destruction of Phalasarna and the Roman con- cities, all four of which, interestingly, included sizable quest of the entire island by 67 BC, Polyrrhenia gradu- immigrant Italian communities as may be surmised from ally lost its power to the newly established town of epigraphic sources.33 Kydonia and Hierapytna seem to Kissamos but was never abandoned. In fact, the evidence have possessed the status of civitas libera under the Ro- points to its persistence as a minor city well into the late mans and was the provincial . The inclu- Roman period. A significant percentage of the popula- sion of Kissamos among this group of cities indicates tion of Polyrrhenia must have gradually left their upland that it very likely also possessed similar status to Kydo- town by the late 1st century AD and resettled at the nia and Hierapytna. Another piece of evidence regarding coastal city of Kissamos. Whether the new city was actu- the status of Kissamos comes from the necropolis of the ally built by the Romans or by native Cretans ordered by city. A grave stone from the necropolis of Kissamos the Romans to build it or, as I would like to believe, by dated to the 4th century AD mentions Eutychos, “who both parties, is hard to discern as historical sources do worked hard for the city and the parliament and accom- not give us any further information apart from the town’s plished many things”34 : location. ⳩ Εὔτυχον ἄνδρα | καμόντα ἀνὰ | πτόλιν ἠδ’ ἀνὰ | βουλὰv πολλὰ | δ’ ἀεϑλεύσαντ’ ἅ|δε κέκευϑε κόνις. The status of Kissamos in the Roman period The above inscription is the only document that men- tions the parliament (boulé) of Kissamos. Thus, judging Why the Romans decided not to make Kissamos a colo- nia, especially given its relatively early foundation date 29 The wine of Kissamos is praised for its medicinal properties and its key location in western Crete, is somewhat per- in Dioscurides’ De . See also Marangou 1999; 30 plexing. In other provinces of the empire, including the Chaniotis & Hadjisavvas 2012. provinces of the East, some of the towns that were built 30 Current evidence indicates that Kissamos was probably by Romans were settled by large numbers of veterans or founded at around the same time as the colonia at Knossos. The civilians from Italy even if they did not always possess foundation most likely occurred on or shortly after 27 BC, around the time when the province of Creta et Cyrene was also colonial status. Up until the foundation of formed. in in the 2nd century AD, Kissamos was the 31 Other towns in Cyrene and Crete were actually re-founda- only town in the entire double province to have been tions of earlier, pre-Roman towns. Hadrianopolis was built in built during the Roman period.31 Furthermore, there is no the early part of the 2nd century AD with the sole purpose of re- clear indication to suggest that Kissamos had municipal settling the population of the area after a massive Jewish revolt status, but, I argue that there is some evidence which in Cyrene. See Applebaum 1979, 286–288; Boatwright 2002, 183. would suggest that the city was a civitas libera. Substan- 32 Note the exclusion of the colonia of Knossos from this list of tial information regarding the town’s importance is pro- major cities. The reason for this exclusion is that Knossos was vided by the Tabula Peutingeriana, where Kissamos ap- probably overshadowed by its port city even before pears as one of only four Cretan towns with a symbol on the catastrophic earthquake of AD 365. 33 the map, the other towns being Kydonia, Gortyn, and The of Kissamos has not been studied in any detail to date. For the other three cities, see especially Bowsky 1994; Hierapytna (Fig. 5). Thus, the map indicates that by the 1995; 1999; 2004. 4th century AD, these four cities were the most impor- 34 The inscription is published in IC II, viii, 101 n. 11. It is on tant towns on Crete.32 display in the Archaeological Museum of Kissamos. A Tale of Two Cretan Cities 145 by the available archaeological and epigraphic evidence it the dissemination and adoption of new housing types as well as the lack of any mention by historical sources and architectural innovations. Some of the better exca- of the foundation of a colonia or the town possessing vated houses show marked Italian influence, with one municipal status, it appears that Kissamos was probably containing the only example of a Tuscan-style atrium a civitas libera, with the vast majority of its population found in a Roman-period house on Crete (Fig. 6).39 This being composed primarily of native Cretans with a siz- atrium was excavated in the courtyard of the Metropoli- able number of Roman and other residents, many of tan Church of Kissamos and is dated to the Hadrianic or whom were probably merchants. Antonine period based on coin evidence. Atria of this type, especially in domestic contexts, are rarely found outside of Italy and this particular example is important because it shows that not only could such atrium types Shifting identity as seen through the elite be present outside of Italy, but the particular architect houses of Kissamos who designed this house was thoroughly familiar with Italian architectural techniques.40 Another urban house, Kissamos provides a good case study for the effects of The House of Phidias, shows two building phases, the Roman influence and responses to Roman rule in a city first one dated to the late 2nd to early 3rd century AD on Crete. While most scholars look at the colonia of with expansions and additions made at later dates. The Knossos and the capital of Gortyn for signs of obvious house was destroyed by the earthquake of AD 365 and in Roman influence, I argue that it is Kissamos, a town its last phase it contained vaulted rooms, cellars with built in the Roman period but inhabited primarily by na- many fragments of amphorae for wine or olive oil, a pri- tive Cretans, that may in fact show the clearest evidence vate bath suite, and polychrome and black and white mo- and the highest level of Roman influence on the island. saic floors signed by artists from the Greek East.41 Yet a Nowhere is this influence more apparent than in the third house contained an Ω-shaped space which was city’s elite houses dated from the 2nd to the 4th century most likely a stibadium, a room designed to include a AD. To date, more than fifty excavations in modern Kas- semi-circular dining couch which left plenty of open telli Kissamou have produced evidence for the urban space for the diners to see the mosaics and for the serv- plan of the city, with a number of houses excavated ants to be able to move around freely when serving the within the boundaries of the Roman town, all of which guests.42 These architectural innovations were brought have survived in a more or less fragmentary condition by the Romans to Kissamos and the presence of many thanks in part to the destructive effects of an earthquake other houses of similar type indicate that the upper-class that occurred in the 3rd century AD and, especially, the population of the city was eager to dispense with earlier 35 more well-documented seismic event of AD 365. Be- housing models and to adopt new Roman trends. In low I present briefly a few of the most important features terms of interior décor, the available archaeological evi- of these houses and suggest that Roman rule changed not dence suggests that the elite owners of the houses fa- only domestic life but also the very nature of social life vored decorative themes in mosaics and sculptural on the island. decoration that were commonly seen in other parts of the Many of the houses in Classical and Hellenistic Crete empire and most especially in the provinces of the Greek differed from the stereotypical courtyard house seen East. Scenes from Menander’s comedies, Dionysus and elsewhere in Greece in that they were usually smaller in 36 size and had a linear circulation pattern. In her study of 35 house types from Classical and Hellenistic Crete, West- For the earthquakes that destroyed the houses of Kissamos, see especially Stiros 2010; Markoulaki 2009; Stiros, Papageor- gate emphasizes that, “The linear-type houses are less giou & Markoulaki 2004; Stiros & Papageorgiou 2001; Stiros inward-looking than the secluded courtyard house, and it 2001. seems as if domestic life spilled out into communal 36 Westgate 2007, 449–452. See also Vogeikoff-Brogan 2011. 37 space to a greater extent.” 37 It is likely that the reason Westgate 2007, 451. 38 This is best illustrated by a description of the andreia of the domestic life spilled out into communal space was be- city of Lyttos. See Athenaeus 4.143. cause it was in the local andreia (communal men’s 39 See Markoulaki 2009. houses) that male citizens of Cretan towns made most of 40 On the rarity of atria outside of Italy, see e.g., Gros 2001, 136–213; Hales 2003, 172; Wallace-Hadrill 2008, 195–196. their decisions and entertained themselves, therefore a 41 need to conduct business in one’s house and to impress See Markoulaki 2009 and 2011. At least one of the artists 38 hailed from Antioch-. guests was not as profound. The arrival of the Romans 42 For the stibadium in Roman houses, see Dunbabin 1991, on the island changed the social system and brought with 127–128. 146 Anna Kouremenos

Fig. 6. Tuscan-style atrium in the courtyard area of the Metropolitan Church of Kissamos. 2nd century AD (Markoulaki 2009, 344). his retinue, and personifications of the seasons and hours where the owners could welcome their clients into their were particularly popular themes in the mosaics that houses and conduct business transactions in lavishly have been excavated so far (Fig. 7). Gods and heroes decorated rooms which displayed their wealth and sta- also appear to have been the most popular subjects for tus. Such a lifestyle would have been unthinkable in pre- household sculptures (Fig. 8). These housing trends Roman Crete where communal spirit and bravery were went hand in hand with the changing lifestyle brought by what differentiated elite individuals from the lower the Romans which favored urban elites and domiciles classes.43

Discussion The Roman conquest of Crete followed the eradication of piracy on the shores of the eastern Mediterranean and brought four centuries of peace and prosperity to an is- land that was plagued by frequent internal struggles be- fore its incorporation into the Roman Empire. As archae- ological, historical and epigraphic evidence demonstrate, the incorporation of the island into the Roman Empire brought the integration of Crete into the economic net- works of the empire as well as changes in its cities’ so-

Fig. 7. Mosaic of the Hours and Seasons. From a house on the 43 Chaniotis (2004, 75–82) gives an impressive account of the Paterakis plot, Kissamos. 3rd century AD (Markoulaki, Christo- epigraphic shift that occurred after Crete’s incorporation into doulakos & Frangonikolaki 2004, 367). the Roman Empire. A Tale of Two Cretan Cities 147

was eclipsed by Kissamos, a harbor town which was not- able for its trade in wine and olive oil. Nonetheless, the uplands were still exploited though to a lesser degree than before. This may have been a major reason for the persistence of Polyrrhenia as a minor city even as a large percentage of its population chose to abandon it and re- settle in Kissamos. A further, less obvious reason might have been the diminished threat of piracy which did not necessitate people living in Polyrrhenia and other upland areas away from the coast; with the eradication of pi- racy, Cretans could finally live in peace in the coastal towns. The trade of local Cretan goods with the West, the ownership of lavishly decorated houses, the presence of a theatre as well as an amphitheater, etc. show that the citizens of Kissamos were eager to conform to a lifestyle and an identity that was in favor with Roman rule.46 Future excavations in both cities will provide more in- formation about the urban design of Kissamos and hope- fully reveal a much clearer picture of the Roman period in Polyrrhenia.

Anna Kouremenos Lincoln College University of Oxford Turl St Fig. 8. Statuette of Herakles with club. 2nd or 3rd century AD. OXFORD OX1 3DR From The House of Phidias, Kissamos (Markoulaki 2009, 357). [email protected] cial structure and identity. The decline of Polyrrhenia in favor of Kissamos suggests that the Romans favored an Bibliography urban elite with residence in large cities that controlled Alcock 2002 S. Alcock. Archaeologies of the Greek extensive hinterlands. The movement of a large percent- past. Landscapes, monuments, and age of the population from upland communities such as memories, Cambridge 2002. Polyrrhenia to the coast was probably due to a shift from Antonopoulos 1980 J. Antonopoulos, ‘ from investiga- an economy that favored pastoralism to one that favored tion on seismic sea-waves events in the trading of local products with Rome and the West at a far Eastern Mediterranean from the Birth of grander scale than was possible before the advent of Ro- Christ to 500 A.D.’, Annali di Geofisica man rule. This movement undoubtedly resulted in 33, 15, 1980, 141–229. changes to the social structure of the island. Before Applebaum 1979 S. Applebaum, Jews and Greeks in an- cient Cyrene (Studies in Judaism in Late Crete’s incorporation into the Roman Empire, the is- Antiquity, 28), Leiden 1979. land’s poleis financed the syssitia (men’s common Boatwright 2001 M.T. Boatwright, Hadrian and the cities meals) and there was probably communal ownership of of the Roman Empire, Princeton 2001. 44 livestock which was connected to this institution. As Bowsky 1994 M.W.B. Bowsky, ‘Cretan connections. Chaniotis emphasizes, after the conquest of Crete by the The transformation of Hierapytna’, Cre- Romans, “Agrarian production, no longer bound to the tan Studies 4, 1994, 1–44. public meals, could be oriented to more profitable branches such as the massive production of wine and oil 44 Chaniotis 1999, 193. for export.”45 With Rome’s abolition of the syssitia, live- 45 Chaniotis 2008, 88. 46 stock and their bi-products—milk, cheese, meat, wool, Chaniotis (2008) states that it was in fact the Romans who in- troduced the theatre to Crete. Onorio Belli, a Venetian traveller etc.—apparently did not hold the same value as they had to Crete, records the presence of an amphitheater at Kissamos had in pre-Roman times. It is therefore not surprising during his time. See Falkener 1854, 26 for the presence of an that Polyrrhenia, which was known for its shepherding, amphitheater in Kissamos. 148 Anna Kouremenos

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BY HADWIGA SCHÖRNER

Abstract of the beloved dead and secured the veneration and the re- The beginning of the phenomenon “intraurban burial” in Greece membrance of the deceased for a long time. A good repre- went back to the end of the 8th century B.C., the period when the sentative example is the necropolis of the ancient city of poleis were becoming established in their essential elements, like in north-west Asia Minor: here there were two rows agora, dwellings, sanctuaries or necropoleis. The intraurban of burial streets leading out of the city beyond the west grave was a special honour given by the municipality. The crea- gate, with graves from Archaic2 to High Imperial times.3 tion of identity within the city came about through a common act of worship and remembrance of the honoured dead; otherwise it Yet in early Archaic times one can also notice, that was about the drawing of a distinction between one polis and its singular interments or small groups of burials are placed neighbours. Under Roman rule there was not the same impres- within the city in an intentional way. Four examples of sion of difference between poleis, yet each Greek polis wished to this phenomenon will now be examined. express its urban identity in contradistinction to the Roman impe- rium by demonstrations of its own antiquity. The intraurban grave, a cult-place honoured a couple of centuries in the middle of the agora, offered several possibilities for self-expression by the poleis: there could be a new burial within an old grave, or 2. Greek intraurban burials (8th–3rd cen- making a copy of an old inscription. The resort to pagan graves tury B.C.): four examples by Christian dignitaries in Late Antiquity is interesting, as is the renovation of of the fallen of the Persian Wars at 2.1. Orsippos at Megara Megara, or Christian worship on the Hellenistic grave beneath the octagon church at Philippi until the 6th century A.D.* The burial of Orsippos at the agora of Megara is the oldest known intraurban interment.4 Two sources provide evi- dence of that fact: a quotation in the first book of Pausan- ias and an inscription (Fig. 1) preserved at the Louvre.5 1. Introduction Paus. 1.44.1: “Near Coroebus is buried Orsippus, who This essay reconsiders certain aspects of my dissertation, won the foot-race at Olympia by running naked when all 1 “Sepulturae graecae intra urbem”. In this research I ex- his competitors wore girdles according to ancient cus- amined all the archaeological, epigraphic and literary tom. They say also that Orsippus when general after- sources of intraurban graves and burials in ancient Greek wards annexed some of the neighbouring territory.” cities from about 700 B.C. to the beginning of the 3rd (Translated by W.H.S. Jones). century A.D., which had come to my knowledge. At the end of the 8th century B.C. one can observe an * First of all I like to thank the organizers from the Stockholm interesting phenomenon: the drawing of a distinction be- University, Charlotte Scheffer, Lena Sjögren and Andrzej Wy- tween the city of the living people and the city of the de- pustek for an inspiring conference in May 2009 at Stockholm. ceased, the latter being given the name “necropolis”. It is For fruitful discussions my thank goes to Bruno Bureau, Jo- observable that this differentiation was customary, subse- hannes Engels, Christopher Faraone, Marietta Horster, Arja Ka- rivieri, Nassos Papalexandrou, Thoralf Schröder and Frank quently, for about a thousand years. It was intrinsic to the Trombley, and to Brita Alroth for assuming the compilation. formation of the Greek polis, or city-state, as a uniform political, social and religious system. Necropoleis are lo- 1 Schörner 2007, passim. cated close to every Greek settlement, first as a naturally 2 Utili 1999, passim. 3 expanding, unarranged group of graves, later laid out in Clarke, Bacon & Koldewey 1902–1921, 221–293. 4 Schörner 2007, 260, cat. B 1. rows along the streets leading out of the city. The usual 5 Found 1769 at Megara; Louvre, Inv. MND 1797/depot of the form of a burial there was the family grave, for the de- Bibliothèque Nationale, Cabinet des Médailles Ma 4209; meas- ceased of a particular family; it was the place for the cult urements: H 26 cm; B 52 cm; H letters 7 cm. 152 Hadwiga Schörner

IG VII 52:      6

Fig. 1. Inscription for Orsippos at Megara (IG VII 52), drawing by H. Schörner 2009 (after Montecalvo 2007, 980).

This inscription (Fig. 1) is a copy of a much older text in To deserve this special burial Orsippos needed to have Doric dialect, as one can recognize by the name of the performed an outstanding feat and the written sources honoured dead written as “Orrippos” instead of the Ionic count two of them: his victory at Olympia, and his suc- “Orsippos”. It was part of an architectural complex, re- cessful work for the polis as a , in which cap- markable for the relief on the right border; this block acity he “annexed some of the neighbouring territory” seems to have been reused as a spoil. The dating of the inscription is controversial: formerly edited as an in- 6 Montecalvo 2007, 974 (Latin translation by J.-F. Séguier). Cf. scription of High Imperial times (2nd century A.D.) but the translation into English by Dr. Fairweather: “The Megari- without illustration,7 but because of the special forms of ans, obeying a Delphic utterance, set me up as a conspicuous the letters it is very probable that it was made in Late monument to warlike Orsippos who extended the bounds of his 8 country a long way, a great deal of land being taken from the Antique times, in the 5th century A.D. enemies. He was the first of the Greeks to be crowned at Olym- Only Pausanias mentions specifically a burial place in pia naked, as previously contestants in the stadium had worn the agora, although the inscription9 refers to an oracular girdles”. – Cf. also the translation into French by Stefania utterance from Delphi which referred to this unusual Montecalvo with the character of M. Calvet: “Les Mégariens burial place. Unfortunately we do not know the exact lo- m’ont élevé ici à la mémoire du magnanime Orrippos qui éten- dit au loin, par ses conquêtes les limites de sa patrie et qui, le cation of the finding-place of this inscription. As Euse- premier des Grecs, courut nu et fut couronné aux jeux olym- bius (Chron. 1.195f.; ed. Schoene 1875) attests Orsippos piques tandis qu’avant lui, ceux qui disputaient le prix de la won the dromos at the 15th , therefore in the course avaient toujours été couverts d’une ceinture dans le year 720 B.C. He was naked during the run and the cere- stade.”, Cavalier 2007, 142. 7 IG VII 52; Häusle 1980, 75f. (with German translation). mony after: “Orsippus Megareus. in stadio. Additus do- 8 Moretti 1957, 61f., no. 16; Cavalier 2007, 142, cat. I–6. likhus, (et) currebant nudi; vicitque (et vincebat) Akan- 9 IG VII 52, line 2. thus Lakonius”.10 10 Golden 1998, 65f.; Sinn 2004, 138f.; Häusle 1980, 75f. Revival of the Intraurban Burial in Greek Poleis 153

Fig. 2. Mantineia, western part of the agora. From Fougères 1890, pl. 17.

(Paus. 1.44.1). A cult was not mentioned explicitly, but they changed the inscription on the grave and made it ap- the construction of a “ΜΝΑΜΑ”, which means surely a ply to a descendant of this Podares with the same name, monument with an epitaphion, a grave inscription, pro- who was born late enough to have . In vides testimony of a profane cult of Orsippos. my time the elder Podares was honoured by the Mantine- ans, who said that he who proved the bravest in the bat- tle, of themselves and of their allies, was Grylus, the son 2.2. Podares the elder at Mantineia of ; next to Grylus was Cephisodorus of Mara- The second example is a small Late-Classical mauso- thon, who at the time commanded the Athenian horse. leum on the agora at Mantineia, Arcadia, on the Pelo- The third place for valour they give to Podares.” (Trans- ponnese.11 It is located very close to the theatre (Fig. 2), lated by W.H.S. Jones.) which does not feature a scaenae frons until late Hellen- istic or early Roman times.12 Pausanias saw and de- This mausoleum has a long-rectangular plan on a narrow scribed this grave of Podares the elder, who gave his life podium; its basement and the socle are made of local at the battle of Mantineia in 362 B.C., and the later burial of a relative with the same name: 11 Fougères 1898, 190–193, esp. 180, fig. 44 (plan of agora); pl. VIII (plan of the city); Schörner 2007, 216–218, cat. A 4, figs. 24–27. Paus. 8.9.9–10: “In the market place is (...) a hero- 12 Fougères 1898, 173f., fig. 37 (plan of theatre and skene); of Podares, who was killed, they say, in the battle with Bulle 1928, 248 (222 B.C. as a terminus post quem); Kenzler the Thebans under Epaminondas. Three generations ago 1999, 229 (skene of Roman times). 154 Hadwiga Schörner

IG VII 53 (as seen upon the stone):             

Fig. 3. Inscription for the fallen of the Persian Wars at Megara (IG VII 53), drawing. From Wil- helm 1899, 238. limestone and the masonry above of air-dried clay copied by Michel Fourmont in the 18th century.15 It was bricks. Within the building (Fig. 2) two empty urns were found walled in at the church of Hg. Athanasios at discovered, as well as one cist sarcophagus containing Palaiochori south of Megara. grave goods. The identification with the burial of Po- dares the elder mentioned by Pausanias is very probable One recognizes at first sight that the shapes of the letters because of remains of stamps on two roof tiles with the originate from Late Antiquity. The text of the inscription words  and  [ς on paid honour to all citizens of Megara fallen of the Per- them.13 Grave goods were found only in the cist sarco- sian Wars in the years 480 and 479 B.C. and corresponds phagus, most likely the secondary burial mentioned by with a mention by Pausanias: Pausanias.14 Items indicating a cult were not discovered during the excavation, which took place at the end of the 19th century. 13 Fougères 1898, 191f. There are no published drawings or photographs of the remains of an inscription written on an ar- chitrave, which also has been found at the site (ibid., 191). 2.3. The fallen of the Persian Wars at Megara 14 This opinion was also shared by Fougères 1898, 192. For the grave goods, see section 4.2. This inscription (Fig. 3), a grave-epigram written on 15 Schörner 2007, 261f., cat. B 3, fig. 174; measurements: H dark limestone, was discovered and for the first time 0.925 m, B 1.75 m, Th 0.225 m. Revival of the Intraurban Burial in Greek Poleis 155

Fig. 4. Philippi, city plan. From Bakirtzis 1998, pl. 5.

Paus. 1.43.3: “In the city are graves of Megarians. They to the city centre (Fig. 4, no. 15), east of the Roman fo- made one for those who died in the Persian invasion rum, between two roads: to the south the Via Egnatia, to (...).” (Translated by W.H.S. Jones.) the north the so called ς.18 In view of the fact that the Roman forum lies on the same site as the This monument—called “heroon” in the inscription (IG Hellenistic agora, this does not amount to a burial within VII 53, line 2) or “taphos” by Pausanias (Paus. 1.43.3)— the agora.19 is in my opinion a polyandrion-cenotaph, that means a The barrel-vaulted chamber tomb in the Macedonian mass-cenotaph,16 because it was impossible, and in building-style20 has neither a dromos nor a façade (Fig. Greek custom unusual, to bring back all the fallen - 5). The walls of every side proceed upwards, where they diers from the battlefield; they were buried there in a form the outer walls of a room, which is positioned ex- polyandrion, but the drowned from naval battles could actly above the grave chamber.21 Inside that chamber the not be buried at all, so a cenotaph was the right measure excavators found a cist sarcophagus built of four marble to take care for all of them. In the inscription there is ex- slabs sunk into the floor.22 On the lid, which takes the plicit mention of the naval battles of Artemision (north of the island of Euboia) and of Salamis, both in the year 480 B.C.; the battle fought off Mykale on the west coast 16 Cf. Stupperich 1977, 66 with n. 1. To the phenomenon of a of Asia Minor, and again the battle in Boiotia, best polyandrion-cenotaph: Schörner 2007, 146–148 with n. 1239. 17 IG VII 53 lines, 6–9; Wilhelm 1899, 238f., lines 6–9. known as the battle of Plataiai, both in the year 479 18 17 Pelekanidis 1978, 393; Koukouli-Chrysanthaki & Bakirtzis B.C. “   ” in line 13 1995, 20f., fig. 14 (city plan with phases); Schörner 2007, 230– describes a bloody sacrifice of a bull; that implies cult- 233, cat. A 12, figs. 65–73. honours, which were taking place periodically. 19 Koukouli-Chrysanthaki & Bakirtzis 1995, 38–41, fig. 31. 20 To the architectural layout, Gossel 1980, 10–17. 21 Gounaris 1990, 56. 2.4. Euephenes, son of Exekestos, at Philippi 22 Dimensions of the sarcophagus: L 1.19 m, B 0.62 m, H 0.59 m; Slabs: Th 0.17–0.22 m. Chamber tomb: Koukouli-Chrysan- During the campaign of 1963, the excavators of Philippi thaki & Bakirtzis 1995, 35, fig. 45 (view); 54, fig. 47 (axono- in Macedonia discovered a chamber tomb situated close metry). 156 Hadwiga Schörner

Fig. 5. Philippi, axonometry of the Hellenistic chamber tomb. From Gounaris 1990, plan 17. form of a low, double-pitched roof, one could read the • 1 golden wreath with 22 oak-leaves (Mus. Kavalla M inscription written in very large letters: 571) • 1 golden ornament pendant (Mus. Kavalla M 577),  made of five elements, so called “pendeloque” “Euephenes, son of Exekestos/(grandson of ...)nos”23 • 1 golden sheet in form of a rhombus for the closing of the mouth The letters in line 2, probably from the name of the • 1 golden, elliptical pendant with a winged thunderbolt grandfather, are insecure. The shapes of the letters be- (Mus. Kavalla M 576) long to early Hellenistic times, about the middle of the • 1 golden, round pendant with a Macedonian shield 3rd century B.C. An examination of the human bones (Mus. Kavalla M 575) identified the deceased as a young man or a male child • 1 small, elliptical, golden sheet with Eros playing the about 14 years old, which also corresponds with the lyre 24 short length of the cist sarcophagus. In the chamber • 1 golden earring, “Club-Type”, with ruby (Mus. (Fig. 5) a rectangular trapeza with three circular hollows Kavalla M 572) on the upper side and five niches in the side walls be- longed to the tomb-furnishings. 23 Mus. Philippi, Inv. 327/G 478; dimensions of the lid: L 1.37 m, B 0.76 m; H of letters 0.33–0.38 m. Pilhofer 2000, 334–336, In the sarcophagus the following grave goods were no. 327 (middle of the 3rd cent. B.C.). found: 24 Lazaridis 1964, 373. Revival of the Intraurban Burial in Greek Poleis 157

• 1 clay oil-lamp with a long muzzle Here is the basic idea underlying the worship of all • 3 black-glazed clay dishes city-founders and persons honoured as ktisteis.27 It ap- • 1 unguentarium plies to Orsippos and the fallen of the Persian Wars at • 1 lagynos Megara, and also to Podares the elder at Mantineia. Or- • 2 silver needles sippos as a strategos about 700 B.C. had both enlarged • 1 bronze strigil25 the territory of his own city-state and been an Olympic victor. The achievements of the fallen of the Persian On the floor of that chamber and within the niches, Wars were above any doubt. As a polemarchos of his pieces of terracotta were found, dating to late Hellenistic home polis Podares had given his life during the battle of and early Roman times.26 To the cult items on the floor Mantineia in 362 B.C. Our fourth example is an excep- belong amphorai, amphoriskoi, chytrai (cooking pots), tion: it is very unlikely that Euephenes, son of Exekes- prochooi (jugs), skyphoi, kyathoi, oinochoai, unguent- tos, such a young man or a child, was worshipped in the , pyxides, oil lamps of clay, terra sigillata vessels and second half of the 3rd century B.C. as a founder or re- some other things; and also two female terracotta figu- founder of Philippi. rines in one of the western niches and one in front of the other niche. In both of the niches on the west side there were found ashes, charcoal und burned bones. These vessels were regarded as cult-objects, first used for cultic acts and afterwards placed in the chamber. They verify 4. Development and regress in the four the accessibility of the chamber and continuous worship illustrative examples (1st–5th century from the moment of the burial until early Roman times. A.D.) The access to this deep storey is insecurely identified; it could have been either a dromos or a staircase. The final Our four examples have been chosen on the one hand be- closing of the door with the stone slab (Fig. 5) postdates cause they are typical illustrations of the phenomenon the ending of periodic cult-acts in the chamber in early Greek intraurban burial, and on the other hand because, Roman times. after the imposition of Roman rule in the eastern Medi- terranean, they underwent a transformation with regard to architecture or cult-activity. Under Roman rule each polis of the eastern part of the 3. Intraurban burial in pre-Roman times: Mediterranean wished to express its urban identity in the formation of identity contradistinction to the Roman Empire, and one way to do this was to demonstrate the antiquity of the polis in At the beginning of the “polis” phenomenon the person question. This could be done primarily by looking back given intraurban burial was mostly the founder or re- at the foundation of the city and the founding figure wor- founder of a polis. The city owed its existence to this shipped for hundreds of years on the agora. Our ex- founding figure, and the act of common remembrance by the citizens at the grave on the agora refreshed its sense amples need now to be reconsidered from this perspec- of identity every year. In the course of the following cen- tive. turies the function of providing a focus for civic identity can be assigned to personalities, who had supported their 4.1. Orsippos at Megara: copy of the inscription city in some other way, maybe as a strategos, a poet, an Olympic victor or a politician, and from Hellenistic As already stated, the inscription of Orsippos (Fig. 1) times onward mainly as an euergetes, a benefactor of the has been assigned to a date in the late 4th or the early 5th city. As Cicero saw it, the preserving of a polis had the century A.D. because of the shapes of the letters. Pau- same value as the founding of a new one: both were to be sanias had seen on the agora at Megara a slab with the valued as almost divine achievements. same text, maybe the predecessor of our inscription. The Cic. Rep. 1.7: “Neque enim est ulla res, in qua propius renewal of that inscription about 1100 years after the ad deorum virtus accedat humana, quam civitatis death of the honoured person refers not only to an active aut condere novas aut conservare iam conditas.”—“For there is really no other occupation in which human virtue 25 Gounaris 1990, 56. For more details and measurements of the approaches more closely the august function of the gods grave goods, Schörner 2007, 230–233, cat. A 12, fig. 73. than that of founding new States or preserving those al- 26 Lazaridis 1964, 373. ready in existence.” (Translated by C. Walker Keyes.) 27 Cf. the summary in Schörner 2007, 188–207. 158 Hadwiga Schörner form of commemoration, but also to the practice of a early Medieval times the tomb construction had a By- permanent and periodical cult for Orsippos, otherwise zantine chapel built over it,33 and fragments of a bronze unattested in any source of evidence, written or archaeo- oil lamp have been assigned to this Christian building logical. which, sadly, is poorly documented.

4.2. Mantineia: burial of Podares the younger 4.3. The fallen of the Persian Wars at Megara: The secondary burial of the younger Podares on the copy of the inscription agora at Mantineia (Fig. 2) described by Pausanias can Very interesting is the mention in the inscription of the be dated to the last third of the 1st century B.C. Perhaps bloody sacrifice of the bull (Fig. 3). First of all, it is the mausoleum was enlarged in its eastern part with a possible that the original inscription was copied without pronaos in view of the differences of breadth and mate- any changes. But it is not impossible that this pagan sac- rial recognizable on the plan of the agora.28 The roof- rifice was practiced at approximately the date of the tiles with stamped inscriptions either belonged to the copy, the years around 400 A.D., but of course not by the early Imperial reconstruction or originally belonged to Christian inhabitants of Megara. This suggests either a the grave construction of the 4th century B.C. and were permanent cult lasting for more than 800 years or a re- reused in the 1st century A.D.29 sumption of that cult. Remarkable also is the commis- sioner of the inscription-copy, a Christian bishop or ar- These items of grave goods were found within the cist chiereus named Helladios.34 Some scholars mistrust the sarcophagus: attribution to Simonides of the epigram because he usu- • 9 ampullae of glass (unguentaria) ally did not sign his texts.35 Maybe it was an epigram • 2 disks of bronze mirrors, without decoration copied from a scroll.36 It could even have been added in • leaves of a golden wreath, found near the skull, to the an attempt to give additional value to the inscription in north Late Antiquity. Even so, this intraurban grave is of great • 3 ivory plates, with a deepened centre (maybe writing importance not only for the city of Megara itself, but tablets, originally filled with wax) also as evidence of how Greek-speaking people regarded • 2 slate bronze pencils themselves in the era prior to c. 400 A.D. • 2 bronze strigils • 2 flat objects of bone (perhaps amulets) • 8 small, hollowed cylinders of ivory (probable tube for 4.4. Euephenes at Philippi: later cult above the a pen) chamber tomb 30 • 10 undecorated clay vessels The end of cult-activities inside the chamber tomb can be dated to around the time when Christ was born. With This cist sarcophagus must have contained the burial of the final closing of the door a break occurs: in the fol- Roman Imperial times, because of the free blown glass lowing years cult-activity took place only in the venera- ampullae, which could not have been made before 40–50 tion-room above the ground. In Christian times, a small 31 A.D. To serve as a lid, a damaged plinth of an eques- church (Fig. 6) was erected, dedicated to Saint Paul, the 32 trian bronze statue was re-used. Of the grave goods apostle or a martyr, which can be dated to the years 342/ only a summarized description and no illustrations exist. 343 A.D. because of an inscription.37 This little church They characterize the deceased of Flavian times as a well educated person, using writing tablets and slate pencils, who belonged to the upper class, spending his 28 Fougères 1890, pl. 17; 1898, fig. 37 on p. 167. 29 time with sports and personal hygiene, given that he For the term “” on roof-tile stamps of the early and middle Hellenistic times, cf. Lauter 2002, 380f., fig. 12a–b. needed mirror-discs, ampullae of glass and strigils. The 30 Fougères 1898, 192. golden leaves, found near the skull, doubtlessly be- 31 Schörner 2007, 102–104. longed to a wreath he had worn on his head. The un- 32 Fougères 1898, 192. decorated clay vessels could be Roman kitchen ware. 33 Fougères 1898, 193. We do not know the reason why the younger Podares 34 “Archiereus” means literally “high priest”. Chaniotis 1991, was buried beside his prominent ancestor. Did he have 141 called the commissioner Helladios simply a “priest”. 35 Kierdorf 1966, 17, n. 5. his own merits or was it enough for him to have been a 36 Wade-Gery 1933, 95–97; Podlecki 1973, 25–27, no. 1 (in- descendant with the same name? Unfortunately Pausan- scription text is an overall concept). ias does not tell us all the facts. In Late Antiquity or 37 Bakirtzis 1995, 63. Revival of the Intraurban Burial in Greek Poleis 159

dieses Märtyrers Paulus sind. Gewiss liegt hier ein Fall von Kulttradition vor, das heißt, die kultische Verehrung des Heros Euephenes wurde abgelöst von der christli- chen Verehrung des Märtyrers Paulus, die ihrerseits kon- tinuierlich bis zur Zerstörung des Oktogons im neunten Jahrhundert bestanden hat”.40

5. Intentional regress to intraurban burial in Roman and early Christian times In pre-Roman times the Greek city defined its identity in relation to a particular and independent cult of the city-founder reserved only for the citizens of that polis. But under Roman rule this impression had changed: Fig. 6. Philippi, plan of the older church. From Koukouli-Chry- each Greek polis wished to express its urban identity in santhaki & Bakirtzis 1995, 54, fig. 46. relation to the Roman Empire by demonstrating its an- tiquity and thereby distinguishing itself from the neigh- bouring poleis, for example by using an old dialect, shared her north wall with the adoration-chamber like Doric on the inscription of Orsippos. This could be above the tomb. A few decades later, around 400 A.D., done not only with a new accent upon the cult of an in the time of the Emperor Arcadius, the church was re- Olympian city goddess but also with regard to the in- built after a fire on the same site, now in an octagon traurban grave of the city-founder or re-founder, at layout, with a peristyle inside (Fig. 7). The entrance which he had been worshipped on the agora for many from the south into the chamber tomb was blocked af- centuries. ter that time; the presumed staircase would otherwise As we have seen, this could be achieved in a profane have continued upstairs into the sanctuary. Conse- way by a new burial within an old grave, such as the in- quently, no access from either church into the tomb terment of Podares the younger at Mantineia, or by mak- chamber was possible. ing a copy of an old inscription, as was done at Megara The most interesting aspect of this example is the lo- both for Orsippos and for the fallen of the Persian Wars. cal continuity of cult. Euephenes, son of Exekestos, was buried in the middle of the 3rd century B.C. close to the From the 4th century onwards played a ma- agora and was worshipped in the chamber tomb since jor role in public life of the east Greek cities. Given that early Roman times. Then we have evidence of Christian it was a Christian dignitary who had ordered the copy of cult-activity from the 4th to the 6th century A.D.: in the the inscription of the fallen of the Persian Wars, this northern part of the overground room a kioniskos stands could be taken as an example of deliberate Christian re- in situ, probably part of a loutron or a table.38 Around vival of a commemorative tradition from pre-Christian this little lies mortar with circular hollows on the times. A special case was the Christian cult on the site of floor, on which the excavators found 527 copper coins39 a venerated early Hellenistic grave standing between the from the 4th century A.D. up to Justinianic times, most octagonal church and the baptistery belonging to the oc- likely a Christian money offering. The Christian cult fi- tagon at Philippi until the 6th century A.D. nally ended with the destruction of the octagonal church In my opinion with these renovations of older cults in the 9th century A.D. we can grasp some reflections of the march of the But we do not have secure evidence as to whom the Visigoths under Alaric in the years 395–397 A.D.41 Late Antique worship was directed at. Was the grave and the name Euephenes still known? Or, as Gounaris has 38 Size of the kioniskos: diam. 0.12 m. pointed out, was the cult-activity in the chamber above 39 Pelekanidis 1978, 394f., only a description, no illustration of the coins. the tomb concerned with the relics of the martyr named 40 Paul, the owner of the first chapel at this place: “Es ist G. Gounaris, ‘Zum christlichen Kult in Philippi’, unpublished paper from 25 June 1991, 6f., cited after Pilhofer 1995, 19, n. nicht auszuschließen, dass die Knochen, die in der Erde 54. oberhalb des Grabes gefunden wurden, die Knochen 41 For the route of the Visigoths, Meier 2007, 51 with fig. 160 Hadwiga Schörner

Fig. 7. Philippi, plan of the octagonal church. From Pelekanidis 1966, 77, fig. 1.

They came from Constantinople and were going the time of the Visigothic incursions had the function through the northern part of mainland Greece to Athens of creating the identity of the city anew. and further through the Isthmos of Corinth on the Pelo- ponnese by breaking there through the Hexamilion, the Hadwiga Schörner protection wall.42 The population must have had a great Gymnasiumstraβe 68/7 terror of the Visigoths at the time around 400 A.D. al- A-1190 WIEN though the events that Zosimos (5.5–6) narrates about [email protected] their incursion into Athens caused less destruction than was once assumed. This is the conclusion drawn from excavations at Athens, for example in the region of the .43 It is probable that this common great Bibliography fear overran the borders of religion: Zosimos (5.41.2) Bakirtzis 1995 Ch. Bakirtzis, ‘Le culte de Saint Démé- has told us that the bishop of Rome permitted private trius’, in Akten des XII. Internationalen pagan sacrifices in 408 A.D., when Alaric stood out- Kongresses für Christliche Archäologie, side the walls of Rome for the first time.44 Why should Bonn 22.–28. September 1991, Vol. 1 it not be possible that, a few years before, Christians at (JAC, Suppl., 20), eds. E. Dassmann & J. Philippi began to sacrifice at a place which had long Engemann, Münster 1995, 58–68. been venerated? And why should a Christian bishop Bakirtzis 1998 Ch. Bakirtzis, ‘Paul and Philippi: the ar- not have caused the renovation of an old inscription chaeological evidence’, in Philippi at the standing at the agora at Megara for a very long time, 42 For the history and route of the Hexamilion, Gregory 1993, when this action could support the solidarity of the city 141–151, figs. 1–2. in difficult times? It is undoubtable that the revival of 43 Rügler 1990, 279–294, tabs. 59–60. the intraurban burial in poleis under Roman rule and at 44 Meier 2007, 55. Revival of the Intraurban Burial in Greek Poleis 161

time of Paul and after his death, eds. Ch. Lauter 2002 H. Lauter, ‘“Polybios hat es geweiht ...”. Bakirtzis & H. Koester, Harrisburg, PA Stiftungsinschriften des Polybios und des 1998, 42–44. Philopoimen aus dem neuen Zeus- Bulle 1928 H. Bulle, Untersuchungen an griechi- Heiligtum zu Megalopolis (Griechen- schen Theatern (Abhandlungen der land)’, AntW 33, 2002, 375–386. Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaf- Lazaridis 1964 D. Lazaridis, ‘Φιλίπποι’, ArchDelt 19, ten: Philosophisch-Philologische und 1964, Chronika, 372–374. Historische Klasse, 33), München 1928. Meier 2007 M. Meier, ‘Alarich und die Eroberung Cavalier 2007 O. Cavalier (ed.), Le voyage en Grèce du Roms im Jahr 410. Der Beginn der Völ- comte de Choiseul-Gouffier [catalogue of kerwanderung’, in Sie schufen Europa. the exhibition, Musée Calvet], Avignon Historische Portraits von Konstantin bis 2007. Karl dem Großen, ed. M. Meier, Mün- Chaniotis 1991 A. Chaniotis, ‘Gedenktage der Griechen. chen 2007, 45–62. Ihre Bedeutung für das Geschichtsbe- Montecalvo 2007 M.S. Montecalvo, ‘L’iscrizione di Or- wußtsein griechischer Poleis’, in Das rippo da Megara ad Avignone e ad Cabi- Fest und das Heilige. Religiöse Kontra- net des Médailles. Storia ed interpreta- punkte zur Alltagswelt (Studien zum Ver- zioni di IG VII, 52’, in XII Congressus stehen fremder Religionen, 1), eds. J. Internationalis Epigraphiae Graecae et Assmann & T. Sundermeier, Gütersloh Latinae. Provinciae imperii Romani in- 1991, 123–145. scriptionibus descriptae, Barcelona, 3–8 Clarke, Bacon & J.T. Clarke, F.H. Bacon & R. Koldewey, septembris 2002, Acta 2, eds. M. Mayer i Koldewey 1902–1921 Investigations at Assos. Drawings and Olivé, G. Baratta & A. Guzmán Alma- photographs of the buildings and objects gro, Barcelona 2007, 973–981. discovered during the excavations of Moretti 1957 L. Moretti, ‘Olympionikai, i vincitori 1881–1882–1883, London, Cambridge & negli antichi agoni olimpici’, Mem Linc ser. 8, 8:2, 1957, 55–198. Leipzig 1902–1921. Pelekanidis 1966 S. Pelekanidis, ‘Ἀνασκαφαὶ Ὀκταγώνου Fougères 1890 G. Fougères, ‘Fouilles de Mantinée Φιλίππων’, Praktika 1960 (pr. 1966), (1887–1888) II. Topographie intérieure’, 76–94. BCH 14, 1890, 245–275. Pelekanidis 1978 S. Pelekanidis, ‘Kultprobleme in Apos- Fougères 1898 G. Fougères, Mantinée de l’Arcadie tel-Paulus-Oktogon von Philippi im orientale (BÉFAR, 78), Paris 1898. Zusammenhang mit einem aelteren He- Golden 1998 M. Golden, Sport and society in ancient roenkult’, in Atti del IX Congresso inter- Greece, Cambridge 1998. nazionale di archeologia cristiana, Gossel 1980 B. Gossel, Makedonische Kammer- Roma 21–27 settembre 1975 (Studi di gräber, Berlin 1980. antichità cristiana, 32), Vol. 2, Città del Gounaris 1990 G.G. Gounaris, Τὸ Βαλανεῖο καὶ τὰ Vaticano 1978, 393–399. βόρεια προσκτίσματα τοῦ Ὀκταγώνου Pilhofer 1995 P. Pilhofer, Philippi 1. Die erste christli- τῶν Φιλίππων (Βιβλιοθήκη τῆς ἐν che Gemeinde Europas, Tübingen 1995. Ἀθήναις Ἀρχαιολογικῆς Ἑταιρείας, 112), Pilhofer 2000 P. Pilhofer, Philippi 2. Katalog der In- Athens 1990. schriften von Philippi, Tübingen 2000. Gregory 1993 T.E. Gregory, ‘The Hexamilion and the Podlecki 1973 A.J. Podlecki, ‘Epigraphica Simonidea’, fortress’, in Isthmia V, Princeton, NJ Epigraphica 35, 1973, 24–39. 1993, 141–151. Rügler 1990 A. Rügler, ‘Die Datierung der “Hallen- Häusle 1980 H. Häusle, Das Denkmal als Garant des straße” und des “Festtores” im Keramei- Nachruhms. Beiträge zur Geschichte und kos und Alarichs Besetzung Athens’, AM Thematik eines Motivs in lateinischen In- 105, 1990, 279–294. schriften (Zetemata, 75), München 1980. Schörner 2007 H. Schörner, Sepulturae graecae intra Kenzler 1999 U. Kenzler, Studien zur Entwicklung und urbem. Untersuchungen zum Phänomen Struktur der griechischen Agora in ar- der intraurbanen Bestattungen bei den chaischer und klassischer Zeit, Frankfurt Griechen (Boreas, Beiheft, 9), Möhnesee am Main 1999. 2007. Kierdorf 1966 W. Kierdorf, Erlebnis und Darstellung Sinn 2004 U. Sinn, Das antike Olympia. Götter, der Perserkriege (Hypomnemata, 16), Spiel und Kunst, München 2004. Göttingen 1966. Stupperich 1977 R. Stupperich, Staatsbegräbnis und Pri- Koukouli-Chrysantha- Ch. Koukouli-Chrysanthaki & Ch. Ba- vatgrabmal im klassischen Athen, Mün- ki & Bakirtzis 1995 kirtzis, Philippi, Athens 1995. ster 1977. 162 Hadwiga Schörner

Utili 1999 F. Utili, Die archaische Nekropole von Assos (Asia Minor Studien, 31), Bonn 1999. Wade-Gery 1933 H.T. Wade-Gery, ‘Classical epigrams and epitaphs’, JHS 53, 1933, 95–97. Wilhelm 1899 A. Wilhelm, ‘Simonideische Gedichte’, ÖJh 2, 1899, 236–244. ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE FOR ROMAN IDENTITY IN ANCIENT ITALY

BY INGRID EDLUND-BERRY

Abstract actions were preceded and followed by contacts of a The term ‘Romanization’ is often used to indicate Roman dom- more general nature, and how the Latin language, Ro- inance in different areas of Italy and the Mediterranean. For the man political and legal practices, and religious beliefs as interaction between Romans and their neighbors in Italy, the well as building types and material goods (pottery, mo- dates and circumstances of when an area was colonized or be- came a Roman ally are usually taken from Roman historical saics, etc.) became accepted by other peoples. It is this texts with little regard to the changes in lifestyle or governance phenomenon that has given rise to the modern term ‘Ro- among the peoples supposedly under Roman rule. By using the manization’ which tends to summarize the impact of Ro- presence of Roman-style Capitolium temples in cities in Etruria man presence.3 and central Italy as a case study I suggest that the presumed Ro- manization was a very slow process and that, as a whole, the While ‘Romanization’ is a convenient tool for system- different areas did not lose their own distinct cultural identity atizing and evaluating changes of lifestyle and produc- until the end of the or early Roman Empire.* tion in any given area, it can also be misleading in that it emphasizes the one side (Roman) over the other (the peoples and cultures with which the Romans came into contact). Especially for the interaction between the Ro- Introduction mans and their neighbors in Italy, we find that any As Vergil reflects on the beauty of the Italian landscape change or development in a previously non-Roman com- in the Georgics (for example, 2.136–176), he no doubt munity is attributed to the presence of Romans, espe- expressed the sentiment of most Romans who viewed cially in cities that had become Roman or Latin colonies, their own city as the true center of Italy, and the Italian had the status of municipia, or existed in a treaty-rela- 4 peninsula as the land of the Romans. But, in looking tionship with Rome. back over Roman history during the centuries before This is not the place to discuss all the different ways Vergil’s time, it becomes clear that Rome’s first steps in which a Roman ‘identity’ was established in cities and outside the city boundaries had been tentative and not al- ways successful, and that the interaction with other cities * I wish to thank the organizers of the conference, Professor and cultures had taken many different forms, both politi- Charlotte Scheffer and Professor Andrzej Wypustek, for their cally and culturally.1 initiative in creating a truly interdisciplinary focus that well rep- resents the long tradition of ‘Antikens kultur and samhällsliv’ as Because of the perceived clarity with which Roman taught at the University of Stockholm. Some aspects of this pa- historians illustrate the political and military actions per were previously presented in September 2008 at the 14th which ultimately created the Italy of Augustus’ fourteen Annual Meeting of the European Association of Archaeologists regions, we tend to overlook the obvious fact that we in Valletta, . Beth Chichester (Department of Classics, have so few (if any) indications of how the communities University of Texas at Austin) kindly prepared the illustrations on the receiving end viewed their interactions with for publication. Rome. Whether the historical sources use power lan- 1 See, for example, Salmon 1970; Bradley 2006. guage about the military conquest of cities in Italy or de- 2 For an overview of the historical events, see Cornell 1995. scribe episodes of exchange of good deeds between the 3 See, for example, Harris 1971, ch. 5. For different viewpoints two sides, it is always the Roman perspective that colors on the history of the term Romanization and its use (or abuse) in these accounts.2 the scholarly literature, see, for example, Mattingly 1997; Keay & Terrenato 2001; Merryweather & Prag 2003. As Rome ventured outside Italy and began its success- 4 For an insightful discussion of the theory that the use and dis- ful conquest and interaction with other areas of the tribution of anatomical terracotta votives originated in Rome, Mediterranean and Europe, we begin to see how military see Glinister 2006. 164 Ingrid Edlund-Berry

Fig. 1. The Cathedral at resting on the podium of a Roman ‘Capitolium’ temple (photo: author). Archaeological Evidence for Roman Identity in Ancient Italy 165 communities throughout Italy and the Roman empire.5 built into later church buildings, little is known about the Instead, I have chosen one specific case study to illus- superstructure.13 trate the complexity of analyzing historical sources for The question of when these temples were built rests Roman involvement on the one hand, and the archaeo- on the supposition that they were the immediate result of logical evidence for recognizing their physical presence Roman colonization (or conquest as in the case of Villa on the other. S. Silvestro) in which case their dates range from the late A Roman city, especially one that was founded ex fourth century B.C. (Sora 303 B.C.) to the second quar- nihilo, is easily characterized by its plan with streets in ter of the third century B.C. (Isernia 263 B.C.), with the a grid pattern, and an urban center, a forum, with public temple at Villa S. Silvestro falling in between, after 290 buildings and one or more temples.6 The main temple, B.C.14 the Capitolium, indicating the power of Roman gods There are, however, reasons to question this ‘high’ (Jupiter), is easily recognized with a high podium, chronology, and Tanzilli has argued that the temple at sometimes defined by mouldings, steps and a frontal Sora instead should be dated to a period between 250– entrance, and columns across the front and sometimes 150 B.C. or even later.15 Also, a recent evaluation of the along the long sides.7 As a symbol, these Capitolia re- finds from Villa S. Silvestro notes the lack of ‘early’ ar- flected the importance of the Capitoline temple in chitectural terracottas from the temple, and postulates Rome, with the difference that they were usually that they still have not been found.16 It is, however, also placed at one end of the forum and not on a separate possible that the date of the original temple should be hill, as in Rome.8 lowered to correspond with the newly discovered ‘fo- As can be expected, such Capitolia were built in cities rum’ at the temple precinct.17 and communities throughout Italy as a visual indication that the Romans and their gods were in control. The 5 For an example of a general discussion of religious ‘Romani- problem, however, is to establish how the creation of zation’, see de Cazanove 2000. such temples corresponded with the historical informa- 6 See, for example, Salmon 1970. tion about when a community was considered to have 7 I realize that I am using a broader definition of what consti- become part of the Roman sphere of power. Our task, tutes a Capitolium than other scholars, see, for example, Barton then, is to examine the presence of such temples at key 1982 and Bispham 2006. Although the Capitoline temple in Rome had three cellas, one for each of the Jupiter, Juno, sites in Italy to see how they relate chronologically to the and Minerva, the archaeological remains of Capitolia suggest recorded dates for Roman or Latin colonies or other that there were many variations to this pattern (Boëthius 1978, forms of political dominance.9 35–64, 156–178). 8 For examples of Capitolia in Italy, see Boëthius 1978. For ex- amples of Roman city planning, including temples, throughout the Roman empire, see Ward-Perkins 1981. According to Bar- ton 1982, a temple must have a dedication to the Capitoline Colonies and Capitolia Triad to constitute a true Capitolium. Unfortunately, few temples meet this criterion. 1. Sora, Isernia and Villa S. Silvestro 9 By necessity, the examples are limited to those sites for which there are remains of a Capitolium-type temple and Roman-in- According to the Roman historical texts, the ancient spired city planning. As will be clear from the following discus- Volscian town of Sora in was attacked by the sion, the history of many cities in Italy is often viewed with Ro- Romans during the 4th century B.C., and became a Latin man eyes, that is, the extent of interaction between Rome and 10 another community; only rarely can we document how a city in- colony in 303 B.C. (Fig. 1). Likewise, the Samnite fluenced Rome in ways other than by providing manpower and town of Isernia had various hostile interactions with the supplies. Romans, until it became a Latin colony in 263 B.C.11 10 Livy 10.1.1–2; Tanzilli 1982, 27–28. 11 Common to both communities is that there are remains Velleius Paterculus 1.14.8. 12 of very majestic foundations of temple podia, presum- Velleius Paterculus 1.14.6–7. See, most recently, Coarelli 2009, 11–17. ably representing the Capitolia of the Latin colonies. 13 Edlund-Berry 2008. Similar to these two temples is the one at Villa S. Sil- 14 See, for example, the statements by Bendinelli 1938, 157 vestro, which is commonly associated with the Roman (Villa S. Silvestro); La Regina 1976, 223 (Isernia); Coarelli & Diosono 2009, 60 (Sora, Isernia, Villa S. Silvestro). conquest of this Sabine territory by M’. Curius Dentatus 15 12 Tanzilli 2009, 43; 2012, 28. For an account of the excava- in 290 B.C. What all three temples have in common is tions, see Mezzazappa 2003. that the podium was marked with very large-scale 16 Stopponi 2009a, 78. double Etruscan round mouldings, but since they are 17 For the most recent discoveries at the site, see Diosono 2009. 166 Ingrid Edlund-Berry

The correct dating of these three temples is important for two reasons. First, because their creation reflects the political message provided by the Romans through ar- chitecture, and second because the architectural style, in particular the mouldings, defines them as Etrusco-Italic rather than deriving from the city of Rome proper.18 Un- til further evidence and study can provide a clear answer, there seems to be little reason to automatically assume that the temples coincide with the creation of the colo- nies.

2. Cosa and The year 273 B.C. marked the creation of two Latin colonies, Paestum in Campania and Cosa in Etruria.19 Of these, Paestum represented a venerable Greek city with several temples, but as a colony it was equipped with a Roman-style forum and a main temple, a Capitolium. Cosa, on the other hand, was created ex nihilo from the territory taken from the Etruscan city of Vulci, over which the Roman celebrated a triumph in 280 B.C. As the city was laid out, key components were the street plan, the forum, and, in a separate area, the arx, with a Capitolium (Fig. 2). In spite of the differences in origin and layout of the two colonies, they share the fact that the main temples, the Capitolia, were not erected until much later in their history.20 The dates proposed for the Capitolium at Paes- tum range from 200 B.C. to the end of the second cen- tury B.C., and for Cosa the suggested date is at least 100 years after the foundation of the colony, that is, between 21 173 B.C. and the end of the second century B.C. Fig. 2. The Capitolium at Cosa (photo: Lucy Shoe Meritt collec- As with the three temples discussed previously, the tion). dating and identification of the temples at Paestum and Cosa affect our understanding of Roman political (and religious) presence in these two colonies as well as the founded as a Roman colony in 295 B.C.,23 a temple to history of architecture. It should be noted Jupiter was known in 207 B.C. (Livy 27.37.2).24 We that the temple at Cosa preserves a podium with an have, however, scanty archaeological evidence for its Etruscan round moulding of a type known in Etruria and prior history, and the preserved foundations date from central Italy, but not in Rome proper, whereas the temple the second century B.C. and later. In the case, however, at Paestum displays a cyma reversa podium moulding, a of the Roman colony at Luna/Luni, founded in 177 form that may have developed in the Etrusco-Italic tradi- tion but which became regarded as a distinctly Roman 18 contribution to the architecture of central Italy.22 Edlund-Berry 2008. 19 See, for example, Torelli 1999, 43–88; Bradley 2006, 172– 173. 20 For a discussion of these temples as not being Capitolia in the 3. Minturnae and Luni strict sense of the word, see, for example, Bispham 2006, 96– The list of colonies founded from Rome is impressive 104 and Torelli 1999, 65. 21 and detailed, but, as can be expected, there is little rela- Edlund-Berry 2008, 444–445. 22 Edlund-Berry 2008; Edlund-Berry, in press. tionship between the importance of a colony and the 23 Livy 10.21.7–10; Velleius Paterculus 1.14. physical remains of the city, including its main temple or 24 Johnson 1935, 16–17 (aedes Iovis), 18–41 (Capitolium); Gui- Capitolium. In some colonies, such as Minturnae, dobaldi & Pesando 1989; Bispham 2006, 111–113; Livi 2006. Archaeological Evidence for Roman Identity in Ancient Italy 167

B.C.,25 there is a major temple placed at the short (north) further down the hill, in the area known as S. Lorenzo, end of the forum, which has been identified as a Capito- other remains have been interpreted as a Roman temple lium. In spite of the lack of architectural terracottas or with an adjoining forum, but other areas, in particular at podium mouldings, the date of the temple is usually the present Cathedral, have also been identified as the stated as shortly after the foundation of the colony.26 At forum as it was described by Livy (27.24).31 Because of other colonies, again, we have evidence of inscriptions the limited explorations of these areas, it is difficult to referring to Capitolia, but no physical remains indicating propose a date for the creation of these changes in the the location or plan of such temples.27 city plan, and there is no direct link to any particular his- In the case of these two Roman colonies, the time torical event. span between their foundation dates (295 B.C. and 177 Like Arezzo, the inland Etruscan city of Chiusi, had B.C.) may suggest a change in attitude towards building early connections with Rome through its ruler, Lars a Capitolium, in line with the history of the Latin colony Porsenna, and later was in a treaty-relation before it be- of Cosa. Minturnae may not have had such a temple in came a Sullan colony.32 The city plan of Chiusi includes its early phase, but by the time of the foundation of Etruscan remains, but there are also indications of where Luna/Luni, however, a Capitolium was part of the urban a Roman forum was laid out, with an adjoining temple at planning. It is also possible that the origin of the colo- the church of S. Francesco (Fig. 4).33 Since the location nies, Roman rather than Latin, determined the priorities of the temple is postulated on the finds of architectural of highlighting the visual ties with the mother city.28 terracottas, dated to the fourth to second century B.C., there is no evidence for actual temple foundations, or when these might have been constructed. An example of the second category is the once impor- Cities and Temples tant Etruscan city of Tarquinia, which like Arezzo and Chiusi had active and sometime intense dealings with Although one would expect the planning and erection of Rome.34 While the archaeological remains at both Roman-style temples as particularly relevant to commu- Arezzo and Chiusi at least imply that the city plan was nities that historically can be classified as Roman or modified to incorporate Roman elements such as a fo- Latin colonies, there are also other patterns of interac- rum and probably a temple, there is no indication that tion. First, we can follow a development in which cities this took place at Tarquinia. Here, the famous della with a long history, including that of treaties with Rome, Regina temple which dominated the city hill continued gradually begin to incorporate what we would refer to as its existence through the end of the Roman Republic and a Roman city plan, with a forum and a main temple. Sec- into the Empire, but with no obvious changes to the ond, we see areas where the main city keeps its tradi- building itself.35 Thus, at least in terms of its main tional layout and temples, in spite of the fact that colo- temple, it seems that Tarquinia maintained its Etruscan nies have been founded within its general territory. Third, there is the puzzling scenario of cities that were conquered and even destroyed by Rome (according to 25 Lib.Col. 223.14. Harris 1971, 309; Terrenato 2001. the Roman sources), but where local temples and cults 26 Santuari 1985, 95; Strazzulla 1992, 162; Bispham 2006, 118– continue to exist and thrive as if nothing had changed. 119. According to D’Andria, the date close to the foundation of the colony is based on pottery found in the fill of the podium Examples of the first category are Arezzo and Chiusi, (D’Andria 1973, 640–641). both with a long and glorious history and 27 Barton 1982. with an equally long and complicated connection with 28 For the distinction between citizen (Roman) and Latin colo- Rome. Although not a colony until the time of Sulla, nies during the middle Republic, see Bispham 2006, 93. 29 Arezzo had joined other Etruscan cities against Rome For the history of Arezzo, see, for example, Harris 1971, 261–263 and Paturzo 1997, 79–94, 235–244. during the time of the Tarquins, and was later in a treaty- 30 29 Maetzke 1957, 326; Paturzo 1997, 118–120, 316; Scarpellini relationship with the Romans. Excavations in the pre- 2000, 32. sent-day city of Arezzo include evidence of city walls, 31 Paturzo 1997, 131–133, 310–314. streets, and sacred structures, of which one has been 32 Harris 1971, 263; Rastrelli 2000, 18–25; Borghi 2002, 15–18. identified as a Capitolium and dated to the second cen- 33 Paolucci 1988, 105–106; Borghi 2002, 76–77, 102–109. tury B.C. (Fig. 3).30 The location of the remains of walls Other suggestions for the forum include the area at the Cathe- dral, as at Arezzo, for which see Gamurrini 1897. on a high point within the city suggests that the temple 34 Harris 1971, 28–30 and passim; Leighton 2004, 137–143. was important, but there is no conclusive evidence that 35 Leighton 2004, 175. For the history of the temple, see Ba- the plan or function was that of a Capitolium. Slightly gnasco Gianni 2002 and Bonghi Jovino 2009. 168 Ingrid Edlund-Berry

Fig. 3. The so-called Capitolium at Arezzo (photo: author). profile, in spite of other signs of Roman presence in the the Romans in 265 B.C. and the population moved to a city,36 and the fact that the Roman colony of Graviscae new location.41 had been established in its territory in 181 B.C.37 The Roman Volsinii is located on the slope of a hill, If then Tarquinia maintained its Etruscan temple intact and unlike settlements such as Cosa and Luni, no central even at a time when the Romans were politically in sanctuary has been identified.42 Instead, several sacred charge, a third category of sites provides mixed mes- areas seem to have been included in the new plan, thus sages in terms of Roman political dominance on the one hand, and temple buildings on the other. At the Etruscan 36 For example, the Elogia inscriptions, for which see, Harris city of Vulci, over which the Romans celebrated a tri- 1971, 28–30 and Torelli 1975, and the marble basin inscribed umph in 280 B.C.,38 the main temple, Tempio Grande, with the name Q. Cossutius, for which see, Ambrogi 2005, 299– 300. originally built as an Archaic Etruscan temple, continued 37 Harris 1971, 150; Fiorini 2005, 19–22. its existence and was eventually incorporated into an ur- 38 See Harris 1971, 82–83 and Riccioni 1979, 241–276. ban layout that included a main street, the decumanus, 39 Moretti Sgubini 2005, 459–461. 40 and a forum.39 Although the plan seems to have re- For the building history of the temple, see Bartoccini 1963; Moretti Sgubini 1997; Riccioni 1979, 256–257. mained unchanged, the temple may finally have been ac- 41 Harris 1971, 43 and passim. For the history of Volsinii/Or- knowledged as Roman when it was remodeled during vieto, see Stopponi 1996. Like other sites presumably ‘de- the Early Empire.40 stroyed’ by Rome, the archaeological evidence suggests a more Another example of Roman political intervention is or less uninterrupted continuity from Etruscan to Roman, as in- the foundation of Volsinii on the shore of Lake Bolsena, dicated by the ongoing excavations at the extra–urban sanctuary of Campo della Fiera, for which see, Stopponi 2009b. to replace the old Etruscan city, in all likelihood to be 42 For the area of Lake Bolsena, see Timperi & Berlingò 1994. identified with ancient Orvieto. This city was taken by For Roman Volsinii, see Buchicchio 1970 and Pailler 1985. Archaeological Evidence for Roman Identity in Ancient Italy 169

Fig. 4. Chiusi, church of S. Francesco (photo: author). incorporating religious traditions from the Etruscan past, Capitolia and other temples attributed to the Roman and, as far as we can tell, none that fit the criterion of a presence in different parts of Italy. First, by separating Roman Capitolium. the Roman historical evidence for colonization and po- Historically, Rome claimed to have defeated and de- litical involvement from the archaeological remains, in molished some of its neighbors, and in the case of the our case, temples, we are able to begin to establish a main town of the Faliscans, , the city was not only two-directional history, seen from Rome’s point of view, taken in 241 B.C. but moved to a different location.43 As but also from the perspective of her neighbors.45 A city preserved today, a massive city wall surrounds the new may be regarded as a ‘colony’ in the minds of Roman habitation, and it has been suggested that it reflects the administrative politics, but what effect did that actually memory of the original town, Civita Castellana, perched have on the appearance of the city and the life of its in- on top of a steep hill. The new town, Falerii Novi, has habitants? Second, unless other evidence appears, there not been fully excavated, but the forum has been identi- are, in my opinion, no direct links between the dates pro- fied through the use of a magnetometer and the main 43 temple, presumably a Capitolium, is placed at the east See Harris 1971, 115–118 and Di Stefano Manzella 1990. For 44 the area of Falerii (Civita Castellana) and Falerii Novi, see De end of the forum. Lucia Brolli 1991. According to Terrenato (in Keay et al. 2004, 234) the creation of Falerii Novi was due to general changes in settlement patterns rather than caused by the events in 241 B.C. For an overview of the place of Falerii Novi in the discussion of the Romanization of Italy, see McCall 2007. Conclusions 44 Keay et al. 2004, 226–234; Opitz 2009, 4–9, pl. I. 45 For insightful discussions of the Roman historical context for In spite of the disparate evidence, I believe that two les- colonization and the process of Romanization, see in particular, sons can be learned from examining the existence of Bispham 2006 and Bradley 2006. 170 Ingrid Edlund-Berry vided in the texts and the construction of Roman-style Bispham 2006 E. Bispham, ‘Coloniam deducere: how temples. Instead, by examining the temples without a Roman was Roman colonization during preconceived historical context, we may be able to the Middle Republic’, in Greek and Ro- evaluate the process of architectural innovation through- man colonization. Origins, ideologies out Italy, and, with luck, establish a scenario of local or and interactions, eds. G. Bradley & J.-P. Wilson, Swansea 2006, 73–160. more widespread economic and social events which led Boëthius 1978 A. Boëthius, Etruscan and early Roman to the creation of new temples (as well as city planning), architecture, rev. by R. Ling & T. Ras- perhaps in cooperation with Rome, perhaps indepen- mussen, New Haven & London 1978. dently. Bonghi Jovino 2009 M. Bonghi Jovino, ‘Il santuario dell’Ara It should be noted that the presence of Capitolia is an della Regina. Preliminare proposta di ri- important aspect of Roman identity at whatever place costruzione dei templi arcaici e indica- they occur, but their creation cannot automatically be zioni sul luogo di culto’, in L’Ara della tied to the historical evidence for establishing Roman or Regina di Tarquinia. Aree sacre, san- Latin colonies. The process of creating a Roman iden- tuari mediterranei (Quaderni di “Acme”, tity, or Romanization, was slow and erratic and we can 110), eds. M. Bonghi Jovino & F. Chiesa, Milano 2009, 7–45. only imagine the frustration on the side of the impatient Borghi 2002 R. Borghi, Chiusi (Atlante tematico di to- Romans and their at times bewildered and slow-moving pografia antica, Suppl., 14), eds. L. Qui- neighbors on the other. The Capitolium temple was in- lici & S. Quilici Gigli, Roma 2002. deed an important feature of most every Roman/Latin Bradley 2006 G. Bradley, ‘Colonisation and identity in colony, but it could not be created until the citizens of Republican Italy’, in Greek and Roman the local community were ready to incorporate their reli- colonization. Origins, ideologies and in- ance on Roman deities in this way, visually and architec- teractions, eds. G. Bradley & J.-P. Wil- turally. son, Swansea 2006, 161–187. Buchicchio 1970 F.T. Buchicchio, ‘Note di topografia an- Ingrid Edlund-Berry tica sulla Volsinii romana’, RM 77, 1970, Department of Classics 19–45. The University of Texas at Austin Cornell 1995 T.J. Cornell, The beginnings of Rome. [email protected] Italy and Rome from the Bronze Age to the Punic Wars (c. 1000–264 BC), Lon- don & New York 1995. Bibliography de Cazanove 2000 O. de Cazanove, ‘Some thoughts on the “religious Romanisation” of Italy before Ambrogi 2005 A. Ambrogi, Labra di età romana in the Social War’, in Religion in Archaic marmi bianchi e colorati (Studia Archae- and Republican Rome and Italy: evi- ologica, 136), Roma 2005. dence and experience, eds. E. Bispham Bagnasco Gianni G. Bagnasco Gianni, ‘Il santuario del- & Ch. Smith, Edinburgh 2000, 71–76. 2002 l’Ara della Regina’, in Sviluppi recenti Coarelli 2009 F. Coarelli, ‘La romanizzazione della Sa- nella ricerca antichistica (Quaderni di bina’, in Diosono 2009, 11–17. “Acme”, 54), ed. V. De Angelis, Milano Coarelli & Diosono F. Coarelli & F. Diosono, ‘Il tempio prin- 2002, 363–378. 2009 cipale. Architettura. Fasi edilizie. Com- Bartoccini 1963 R. Bartoccini, ‘Il tempio grande di mittenza’, in Diosono 2009, 59–69. Vulci’, in Études étrusco-italiques. Mé- D’Andria 1973 F. D’Andria, ‘CS – Zona nord del Foro langes pour le XXVe anniversaire de la (settore II–3,4)’, in Scavi di Luni. Rela- chaire d’étruscologie à l’Université de zione preliminare delle campagne di Louvain (Recueil de travaux d’histoire et scavo 1970–1971, ed. A. Frova, Roma de philologie, Sér. 4, 31), Louvain 1963, 1973, 573–646. 9–12. De Lucia Brolli 1991 M.A. De Lucia Brolli, L’agro falisco, Barton 1982 I.M. Barton, ‘Capitoline temples in Italy Roma 1991. and the provinces (especially Africa)’, in Di Stefano Manzella I. Di Stefano Manzella, ‘Lo stato giuri- ANRW II:12:1, ed. H. Temporini, Berlin 1990 dico di Falerii Novi dalla fondazione al & New York 1982, 259–342. III secolo d.C.’, in La civiltà dei Falisci. Bendinelli 1938 G. Bendinelli, ‘. Monumentale Atti del XV Convegno di studi etruschi ed tempio etrusco-romano scoperto in fra- italici, Civita Castellana, Forte San- zione Villa San Silvestro’, NSc 1938, gallo, 28–31 maggio 1987, ed. G. 141–158. Maetzke, Firenze 1990, 341–368. Archaeological Evidence for Roman Identity in Ancient Italy 171

Diosono 2009 I templi e il forum di Villa S. Silvestro. McCall 2007 W.F. McCall, Falerii Novi and the La Sabina dalla conquista romana a Romanisation of Italy during the mid- Vespasiano, ed. F. Diosono, Roma 2009. Republic, Ph.D. Diss., The University of Edlund-Berry 2008 I. Edlund-Berry, ‘The language of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007. Etrusco-Italic architecture: new perspec- Maetzke 1957 G. Maetzke, ‘Rassegna degli scavi e tives on Tuscan temples’, AJA 112, 2008, delle scoperte avvenute nel territorio 441–447. della Soprintendenza alle Antichità Edlund-Berry in I. Edlund-Berry, ‘Etruscan round and dell’Etruria dal 1o Luglio 1954 al 30 press cyma reversa mouldings: the religious Giugno 1956’, StEtr 25, 1957, 323–326. context of architectural mouldings in Mattingly 1997 Dialogues in Roman imperialism. Power, central Italy’, in Atti del III Convegno in- discourse, and discrepant experience in ternazionale dell’Istituto di Ricerche e the Roman Empire (JRA, Suppl., 23), ed. Documentazione sugli antichi Umbri, D.J. Mattingly, Portsmouth, R.I. 1997. Perugia–Gubbio, 21–25 settembre 2011, Merryweather & ‘Romanization’? – Proceedings of a post- in press. Prag 2003 graduate colloquium held at The Institute Fiorini 2005 L. Fiorini, Gravisca. Scavi nel santuario of Classical Studies, University of Lon- greco. Topografia generale e storia del don, 15 November 2002 (Digressus, santuario, Bari 2005. Suppl., 1), eds. A.D. Merryweather & Gamurrini 1897 G.F. Gamurrini, ‘La ubicazione del fo- J.R.W. Prag, 2003. http://www.digres- rum dell’antica Chiusi’, RendLinc 6, sus.org 1897, 79–84. Mezzazappa 2003 S. Mezzazappa, ‘La forma della città di Glinister 2006 F. Glinister, ‘Reconsidering “religious Sora e i suoi santuari,’ in Santuari e Romanization”’, in Religion in Republi- luoghi di culto nell’Italia antica (Atlante can Italy (Yale classical studies, 33), eds. tematico di topografia antica, 12), eds. L. C.E. Schultz & P.B. Harvey, Jr., Cam- Quilici & S. Quilici Gigli, Roma 2003, bridge 2006, 10–33. 99–126. Guidobaldi & M.P. Guidobaldi & F. Pesando, ‘La colo- Moretti Sgubini 1997 A.M. Moretti Sgubini, ‘Il Tempio Pesando 1989 nia civium Romanorum’, in Minturnae, Grande di Vulci: le terrecotte architetto- ed. F. Coarelli, Roma 1989, 35–66. niche di fase arcaica’, in Deliciae Ficti- Harris 1971 W.V. Harris, Rome in Etruria and Um- les. Proceedings of the Second Interna- bria, Oxford 1971. tional Conference on Archaic architec- Johnson 1935 J. Johnson, Excavations at Minturnae, I. tural terracottas from Italy held at the Monuments of the Republican Forum, Netherlands Institute in Rome, 12–13 Philadelphia 1935. June 1996 (Scrinium, 12), eds. P.S. Lulof Keay et al. 2004 S. Keay, M. Millett, S. Poppy, J. Robin- son, J. Taylor & N. Terrenato, ‘New ap- & E.M. Moormann, Amsterdam 1997, proaches to Roman urbanism in the Tiber 151–164. valley’, in Bridging the Tiber. Ap- Moretti Sgubini 2005 A.M. Moretti Sgubini, ‘Risultati e pro- proaches to regional archaeology in the spettive delle ricerche in atto a Vulci’, in middle Tiber valley (Archaeological Dinamiche di sviluppo delle città Monographs of the British School at nell’Etruria meridionale. Veio, Caere, Rome, 13), ed. H. Patterson, London Tarquinia, Vulci. Atti del XXIII Conve- 2004, 223–236. gno di studi etruschi ed italici. Roma, Keay & Terrenato Italy and the West. Comparative issues in Veio, Cerveteri-Pyrgi, Tarquinia, Tusca- 2001 Romanization, eds. S. Keay & N. Terre- nia, Vulci, Viterbo. 1–6 ottobre 2001, nato, Oxford 2001. eds. G. Camporeale & O. Paoletti, Pisa La Regina 1976 A. La Regina, ‘Il Sannio’, in Hellenismus 2005, 457–484. in Mittelitalien. Kolloquium in Göttingen Opitz 2009 R. Opitz, ‘Integrating lidar and geophysi- vom 5. bis 9. Juni 1974 (AbhGött, F. 3, cal surveys at Falerii Novi and Falerii 97), ed. P. Zanker, Göttingen 1976, 219– Veteres (Viterbo)’, PBSR 77, 2009, 1–27 254. and 335–343. Leighton 2004 R. Leighton, Tarquinia. An Etruscan Pailler 1985 J.-M. Pailler, ‘L’urbanisme de Volsinii: city, London 2004. nouvelles observations et hypothèses. Livi 2006 V. Livi, ‘Religious locales in the territory Datation de l’enceinte, statut de la cité, of Minturnae: aspects of Romanization’, tracé de l’axe principal’, MEFRA 97, in Religion in Republican Italy, eds. C.E. 1985, 899–922. Schultz & P.B. Harvey, Jr., Cambridge Paolucci 1988 G. Paolucci, ‘Chiusi: archeologia e topo- 2006, 90–116. grafia urbana’, in I Romani di Chiusi. Ri- 172 Ingrid Edlund-Berry

visitazione attraverso testimonianze epi- Strazzulla 1992 M.J. Strazzulla, ‘Le terrecotte architet- grafiche, topografiche, archeologiche, toniche frontonali di Luni nel problema ed. G. Paolucci, Roma 1988, 105–116. della coroplastica templare nelle colonie Paturzo 1997 F. Paturzo, Arezzo antica. La città dalla in territorio etrusco’, in La coroplastica preistoria alla fine del mondo romano, templare etrusca fra il IV e il II secolo Cortona 1997. a.C. Atti del XVI Convegno di studi Rastrelli 2000 A. Rastrelli, ‘La storia di Chiusi nelle etruschi e italici, Orbetello 25–29 aprile fonti scritte’, in Chiusi etrusca, ed. A. 1988, eds. G. Maetzke & L. Tamagno Rastrelli, Chiusi 2000, 18–25. Perna, Firenze 1992, 161-183. Riccioni 1979 G. Riccioni, ‘Vulci. A topographical and Tanzilli 1982 A. Tanzilli, Antica topografia di Sora e cultural survey’, in Italy before the Ro- del suo territorio, Isola del Liri 1982. mans. The Iron Age, Orientalizing and Tanzilli 2009 A. Tanzilli, Museo della media valle del Etruscan periods, eds. D. Ridgway & Liri, Sora, Isola del Liri 2009. F.R. Ridgway, London 1979, 241–276. Tanzilli 2012 A. Tanzilli, ‘Sparsa ac disiecta membra Salmon 1970 E.T. Salmon, Roman colonization under sorana’, Quaderni Coldragonesi 3, the Republic, Ithaca, N.Y. 1970. 2012, 23–34. Santuari 1985 Santuari d’Etruria, ed. G. Colonna, Terrenato 2001 N. Terrenato, ‘A tale of three cities. The Milano 1985. Romanization of northern coastal Etru- Scarpellini 2000 M. Scarpellini, ‘Il sacello tardo etrusco di ria’, in Italy and the West. Comparative villa Fatucchi ed appunti sui santuari di issues in Romanization, eds. S. Keay & Arezzo etrusca’, Atti e Memorie Acca- N. Terrenato, Oxford 2001, 54–67. demia Petrarca Arezzo 59–60, 1997– Timperi & Berlingò A. Timperi & I. Berlingò, Bolsena e il 1998 (pr. 2000), 29–55. 1994 suo lago, Roma 1994. Stopponi 1996 S. Stopponi, ‘Orvieto’, in EAA, Suppl. Torelli 1975 M. Torelli, Elogia Tarquiniensia (Studi e 1971–1994, Roma 1996, 134–140. materiali di etruscologia e antichità itali- Stopponi 2009a S. Stopponi, ‘Il tempio principale: le ter- che, 15), Firenze 1975. recotte architettoniche’, in Diosono Torelli 1999 M. Torelli, Tota Italia. Essays in the cul- 2009, 71–80. tural formation of Roman Italy, Oxford Stopponi 2009b S. Stopponi, ‘Campo della Fiera di Or- 1999. vieto: nuove acquisizioni’, AnnFaina 16, Ward-Perkins 1981 J.B. Ward-Perkins, Roman imperial ar- 2009, 425–478. chitecture, Harmondsworth 1981. ARCHAEOLOGY OF MEMORY OR TRADITION IN PRACTICE?

BY CATHERINE MORGAN

Abstract lived) context which should itself be the focus of analy- This article focuses on methodological issues surrounding ar- sis. Past symbols of status and/or authority also served to chaeological research into social memory. The distinction be- legitimate new forms of activity in relation to ‘tradi- tween the material expression of social memory and the detritus tional’ values: consider, for example, the range of public of tradition in practice is explored with reference to Early Iron Age religious practice in mainland Greece. Objectified memory and private uses of monumental tripods from the seventh 2 (formalized episodes of remembrance and forgetfulness) is dis- century onwards. And they could be used to establish tinguished from the practice of ritual (which constitutes a form the ‘ancestral’ credentials of new sanctuaries as power of response to what is inherited, and is thus an act of selection structures shifted. Olympia is such a case: the sanctuary and definition). Understanding the operation and dynamics was established late in the eleventh century close to a (process and causality) of the ‘normal’ operation of ritual be- haviour is essential to identifying objectified moments selected still-visible EHIII burial tumulus, and featured the prac- to embody memory. Innovation of itself is no guide: regular rit- tices of burnt sacrifice and mass consumption previously ual practice can bring about change of varying speed and inten- attested at Pylos (even down to preferred vessel shape).3 sity. To illustrate how innovation may or may not be a develop- The change in setting to an outdoor location was not a ment of practice tradition, the appearance of purpose-built cult structures (temples) is discussed. trivial one, bearing in mind the impact of physical set- ting upon the sensory experience of ritual, but the shift in The question posed in the title of this article reflects a di- the basic values expressed may not have been so great, lemma encountered in interpreting change in the Early especially when one adds to recent archaeological ad- Iron Age material record of mainland Greek sanctu- vances, insights into the distinctive place of payment to 4 aries—or more precisely, of locations where the expres- the gods in the Pylian Linear B record. The result is a sions of religious values were particularly salient (as, for rich combination of manipulation of past values, varia- example, prominent residences or nodal points in the tion in the nature of the setting and thus experience of 5 landscape). The discussion which follows is primarily ritual, and changed symbolic expression of shifting so- historiographical, exploring the kind of theoretical cial and economic priorities. framework which might permit a more nuanced under- Plainly, attitudes towards the past as expressed in reli- standing of the use of the past within a complex and of- gious practice did help to shape and sustain identities in ten fast changing area of activity. Early Iron Age communities on the Greek mainland. Yet There is no doubt that symbols drawn or retained from by focusing on what seem to be obvious examples, like past repertoires were actively deployed in various ways, those above, without understanding the broader context over various timespans, and to various ends. They were of the ritual behaviours which generated them, we run used to underpin the power and status of particular the risk of simply meeting a priori expectations about groups or individuals within societies during periods of the role of the past (and prioritising certain forms of ex- change. A good example of this is the LHIIIC remodel- pression which happen to be of interest, notably those ling of the megaron at Tiryns,1 where the throne and part of the hearth (symbols of the authority of Mycenaean 1 Maran 2006. rulers) were retained in a much reduced area, without the 2 Amandry 1987; Papalexandrou 2005, chapters 1, 4–5; see also architectural layout which had previously channelled ac- Papalexandrou 2008 on Boiotia, and Papalexandrou in this vol- cess to the ruler (visually reinforced by wallpaintings). ume. 3 Eder 2001; Kyrieleis 2006, 61–79. In this case the meaning previously attached to individ- 4 Stocker & Davis 2004; Halstead & Isaakidou 2004. ual elements of the complex may have been retained 5 Hamilakis & Konsolaki 2004. Linear B: Bendall 2007, esp. and/or invoked, but in a remade (and apparently short- chapter 7. 174 Catherine Morgan variously associated with hero or ancestor cult).6 Inter- later narratives is also a complex problem). The chal- preting the material detritus of religious practice raises lenge is thus to establish a research design to investigate wider questions of the role of what we variously (and of- this in the primarily material record of the Early Iron ten vaguely) term ‘tradition’, ‘innovation’ and ‘memori- Age. alisation’. Does the presence in the material record of It is perhaps appropriate to begin by setting out how what we as outsiders identify as ‘old’ objects or forms of this approach differs from those currently taken to the ar- behaviour represent a specific expression of social mem- chaeology of memory in the Greek and Roman world. ory or is it a product of the highly variable nature and The idea that shared remembrance underpins identity is pace of change that results from performance traditions uncontroversial, although how we understand this rela- in practice? Or to put the argument in reverse (which is tionship is not, especially when comparing pre- and more profitable since our focus is on process, causality post-Enlightenment situations and approaches. Equally, and agency), in their different ways both options relate while it is true that memories are embedded and sup- to expressions of personal or group identity, but how can ported within a material framework,14 this is a very gen- one distinguish them in the archaeological record? The eral formulation and should not imply an automatically archaeology of Early Iron Age religious practice, so inti- independent frame of reference. Alcock asserts that the mately tied up with the expression of social structures archaeology of memory (my emphasis) ‘expands the and priorities, should be fertile ground for exploring range of commemorative practices and impulses that we change and agency over long periods of time.7 But more can actually recognize and study, giving back to people theoretically robust and sophisticated research agendas in the past … some of the vigor of their remem- than have hitherto been pursued are now needed if we brances’—i.e. that there would otherwise be, as an arte- are to document process and hypothesize about intent on fact of modern scholarship, a gulf between ‘official’ the basis of the extant record. texts and assumptions of contemporaneity and/or homo- 15 Much recent literature on the archaeology of memory geneity in the material record. This is problematic not in the Greek and Roman world has focused on Hellenis- least because it leaves aside the crucial element of the tic and Roman evidence, on conquest, domination and regular practice of behaviours deemed ‘traditional’, resistance, and on assertions made in times of social something extensively discussed in the social science lit- trauma.8 It is worth noting the narrowness of this focus erature (see below), but less often applied to material 16 in relation to work in other regions and periods (espe- culture. Recent work on material mnemonics may cially in prehistory).9 But equally, there is no reason why seem close, but its theoretical underpinning is as yet later periods should be prioritized and the Early Iron Age under-developed. Indeed, tradition is a problematic con- not be approached independently in similar terms. While cept for many anthropologists, and work on it in relation myths of migration and conquest have rightly been dis- to memory studies rarely goes beyond casting it as a counted as an interpretative framework for Early Iron chain of memories (an approach which may be likened Age material culture,10 there is no reason to preclude the to that of social evolution in contrast to Darwinian evo- occurrence of real social trauma in earlier times also. By the seventh and sixth centuries, shifts in the meaning and 6 To illustrate the problem of selectivity, see e.g. Button 2007. role of sanctuaries such as Kalapodi and Delphi, which For analogous reflections, see Sourvinou Inwood 1989. 7 On the concept of agency and the variety of ways in which it often more or less directly coincided with episodes of has been conceived in archaeology, see Dobres & Robb 2000; warfare (whatever the complexion put upon them in later Johnson 1989. literary sources), make this perfectly clear.11 Moreover, 8 This is the main focus of Alcock 2002, for example. the formation of Archaic Greek states, which mostly 9 For a flavour of this, see Chapman 2009 (plus other papers in consisted of complex palimpsests of identities, implied that volume). 10 Hall 1997, 4–16, 56–66, 111–142; Dickinson 2006, 44–54. situations of potentially conflicting or alternative identi- 11 12 Morgan 2003, 113–134 with extensive previous bibliogra- ties, accommodations and choices. Indeed, Katherine phy; Davies 2007, 47–52 (on the early Amphictyony, see Clarke’s recent study of the construction of time and lo- Lefèvre 1998, 13–20); McInerney 1999, chapter 6; Luce 2008, cal histories, and the political level on which these were 434–440. negotiated and contested, offers further confirmation of 12 Morgan 2003, e.g. chapter 1. 13 Clarke 2008, esp. chapter 4. the vitality of these Archaic phenomena, feeding later 14 13 As expressed by Alcock 2002, 2. collective histories rather than being a product of them. 15 Alcock 2002, 2. It is inherently likely that there was a prehistory to these 16 With regard to the Isthmian sanctuary, see Morgan 1999, phenomena (and the issue of what underlies dominant chapter III.2, esp. 369–372. Archaeology of Memory or Tradition in Practice? 175 lution).17 There is, however, a potentially important dis- tected with early monumental sculpture.23 It is mislead- tinction between objectified memory (formalized epi- ing in that sanctuaries were indeed favoured focuses of sodes of remembrance and forgetfulness), and the prac- tradition and memory, as made explicit in their epigraph- tice of ritual whereby what is inherited (itself an act of ical and sculptural records (to cite but two forms of evi- selection and definition) is responded to, positively or dence). Yet these different routes bring us back to the negatively, in whole or part, consciously or uncon- problem of social consensus. Enlightenment and post- sciously.18 Enlightenment perceptions of this consensus from This distinction is important for two main reasons. Thomas Hobbes onwards stand in direct contrast to the First, interpreting the intent behind specific material be- views of Plato and Aristotle, which make it clear that all haviours, an exercise central to the study of identity, is citizens subscribed to an ideal of right thinking—the delicate when dealing only or principally with the mate- route to right opinion might be debated, but the fact of it rial record. On what basis do we assume that ruins were was not.24 This disjunction is potentially highly problem- perceived as places of memory rather than potential atic. Of course one can no more treat fourth-century atti- sources of recyclable building materials, irrelevant left- tudes unquestioningly as models for the Early Iron Age overs, or perhaps not even ‘perceived’ at all? And to than one can assume a connection between the Classical what extent does the nature of an object and its material world and that of the Enlightenment. The point is rather matter? The caches of terracotta figurines often found at that arguments have been made, explicitly or implicitly, long-lived sanctuaries like Olympia may merely reflect on the basis of models without assessment of their rele- the fact that small pieces of fired clay were good for little vance. but landfill when sanctuary spaces came to be cleaned Conversely, one of the main objections to cognitive up, whereas most metals could be recycled. One would psychology is that it operates on the level of the individ- not confuse these circumstances with, for example, one- ual, with the risk that moving to the collective (the level off discoveries of Mycenaean figures which were then on which we read the archaeological record) may leave dedicated (as those in the Marmaria at Delphi),19 let us with anodyne, reified categories, such as ‘peoples’.25 alone the exceptional practice of memorialisation re- But there is an important, diverse, and underused body cently identified at Early Bronze Age Keros, whereby of anthropological work on precisely the problem of how sawn off portions of Cycladic stone figures and figurines religious tradition operates as a cognitive process, and were brought probably from right across the Cyclades the implications of this for the scale and nature of for dedication at the end of their useful life.20 All make choices made as responses to past practice.26 one or more kind of sense in context, and plainly all the Pascal Boyer begins his 1994 study The naturalness of spectrum, from straightforward responses to inherited religious ideas with the innocent observation that the expectation to formal memoralisation, existed in the re- cord. Yet understanding the function of tradition and 17 See papers in Lillios & Tsamis 2010 (noting especially Hami- memorialisation, recognizing them case by case, re- lakis 2010), also Chapman 2009; Hamilakis 2008. On tradition: quires sensitive examination of the whole fabric, rather Misztal 2003, 91–98. Here too there are echoes in Sourvinou In- than assumptions about ancient perceptions. wood 1989. 18 On the latter, see especially Boyer 1990. The second reason why the distinction is important is 19 Müller 1992. historiographical. The theoretical foundations of most 20 Renfrew 2007. work on performance tradition lie in cognitive psych- 21 The literature is extensive: see, for example Hobsbawm ology, which claims, rightly or wrongly, to express uni- 1983a and 1983b; Misztal 2003, chapter 5 presents a good over- view of approaches. Alcock 2002, chapter 1, mixes case studies versal principles of human behaviour, whereas recent of all periods and traditions without acknowledging this point. work on memory relies on post-Enlightenment studies of Boyer & Wertsch 2009, a collection grounded in the psycho- social practice grounded in very different expectations of logical approach to religion and tradition, is a rare attempt to social consensus.21 There are problems with both. One close the theoretical gap. 22 See e.g. 1989. might, for example, object that lieux de memoire, physi- 23 A brief review of the findspots catalogued by Floren 1987 il- cal embodiments of historical memory which should be lustrates the point, although the body of evidence is now much traceable archaeologically, are essentially a post-En- greater. lightenment phenomenon,22 yet this is both true and mis- 24 Coleman 2008. 25 leading. It is true in the sense that we cannot assign such Acknowledged by Alcock 2002, 15; cf. Boyer 1994, 12–14. 26 Here I acknowledge my particular debt to the work of Pascal unique significance to Greek sanctuaries: consider for Boyer and Dan Sperber: Boyer 1990; 1993; 1994; Sperber example, the range of locations marked, defined and pro- 1985; 1990. 176 Catherine Morgan fact that people have religious ideas at all, let alone spe- normality of change in the early Greek sanctuary record, cific religious ideas, is not just because other people in yet the variety in its nature, extent and time frame, are the same environment had them before. Not all ideas are fundamental points to be accommodated in any analyti- transmitted equally easily, and acquisition is inevitably cal approach, making understanding of the mechanisms selective. The more people pick up available information and processes by which ritual actions were transmitted from the environment, the more they are processing it and performed, essential. Take the case of Thermon in and developing implicit hypotheses about what is actu- . From the eleventh to the early eighth century, ally out there to be picked up.27 There is of course a con- the elite residents of Megaron B sacrificed as a house- tinuing and lively debate about the transmission of cul- hold and deposited the resulting remains in a bothros in tural information especially among those developing ex- front of the building. In the century or so that followed plicitly Darwinian models of social selection, much of it the destruction of the Megaron, the former interior space drawing on meme theory.28 But this is not our focus came to be used for cult. The rear room was re-roofed here: instead we will concentrate on that intersection of and the large open area in the front of the building anthropology and psychology which allows us to use formed into a temenos, with an ash altar and bothroi con- psychological insights to investigate group activities like taining debris of different forms of sacrifice. Then the religious practice. Dan Sperber usefully terms this the first temple of Apollo was erected on this site. The exca- epidemiology of belief, comparing the relationship of vator, Ioannis Papapostolou, conjectures that different psychology to anthropology with that of physiology to kinds of sacrifice were linked with the altar and the epidemiology—one deals with way in which ideas or in- bothroi, but he makes no specific connection with the in- fections are acquired, and the other with observing and habitants of the previous megaron, and he is surely right explaining their spread.29 Which constraints make one not to simplify explanations of these ostensibly radical particular transmission more likely than another—evolu- changes with reference to memories of a ruler let alone a tionary, or cognitive (actor performance, capacity, or the hero.32 Rather, this is exactly the kind of complex case function of the idea)—or do explicit conceptions elabor- that begs close understanding of how change came about ated in specific historical concerns govern peoples’ in- within the practice traditions of those who used the site. tuitive expectations? Pascal Boyer has usefully defined As a further illustration of where this might lead, let four repertoires which must be understood and set to- us consider another innocent question. Why were gether in order fully to describe religious representations ‘temple’ buildings erected in established Greek main- in any particular culture. These are: (i) the ontological land in the eighth and seventh centuries when, (what is described and how); (ii) how causal judgments with a few notable exceptions, there had been none are made; (iii) the typology of ritual episodes; and (iv) through the Early Iron Age? This has nothing to do with the social categories involved in defining actors in rit- technical competence or architectural form.33 Rather, we ual.30 It is relatively straightforward to see how strategies are observing conscious decisions about the role of built could be designed to approach each repertoire through space in containing, reinforcing, or helping to articulate, 34 the material record. And while the contribution of the the performative aspects of religious belief. Inevitably, temporal sequence implied in an act of performance is the purpose, form and impact of these buildings varied harder (though not always impossible) to assess, it too is greatly. To understand how this is so, we must reach important. Maurice Bloch’s image of ritual as a fixed back into the social and managerial context into which and formalized entity, a tunnel down which one plunges buildings were inserted after varying lengths of time, to with no choice of turning to left or right, is a powerful try to reconstruct the use of space in open air shrines, one.31 But is the lack of choice consistent, or does free- dom diminish the further one proceeds? And what are 27 Boyer 1994, vii–x, with chapter 1. 28 the implications for the points in a sequence of activities Boyer 1994, 10–12; for an overview, see Boyer & Bergstrom 2008; Shennan 2002. at which change or innovation is more or less likely to 29 Sperber 1990. occur? 30 Boyer 1994, chapters 4–7 (see especially 42–45). Given the sheer complexity of the Early Iron Age rit- 31 Bloch 1989, 41–42. ual record, it is surely more profitable to approach uses 32 Papapostolou 2008, 66–113, 182–223, 248–276. 33 of the past within this richer theoretical frame (crudely Corinthians extracted and worked massive limestone and sandstone blocks from EG onwards, principally for sarcophagi: as it is characterized here), than to rely on more super- see Pfaff 2007, 472–473, 503–505, 530–531. ficial concepts of memory with no clear notion of the 34 Morgan forthcoming (a larger study of early temple building processes which generated the record over time. The is also in preparation). Archaeology of Memory or Tradition in Practice? 177 and to consider how this expressed social relations, and quarter of that century, with a burnt layer containing ani- the implications of displaying and managing the types mal bone, and cooking and drinking vessels dating back and quantities of equipment and offerings commonly at least to 950.40 The building put the altar out of use and found. Where, as at Olympia for example, this amounted displaced dedicatory activity, although this plainly con- to several centuries of previous activity, there was great tinued elsewhere as a significant number of later terra- scope for complex social and spatial hierarchies to have cottas in surrounding fill included lavish symbols of elite become deeply rooted. Indeed, ingrained behaviour pat- personal and cult interests. Chariot models and frag- terns of this kind may have slowed or complicated inno- ments of at least four building models date exactly to the vation, perhaps accounting for the relatively late date of period of the temple’s construction: one particularly in- temple building. Close consideration of the different ar- teresting finished roof model depicts images of competi- tefact groups present from the kinds of perspective out- tion, a chariot race and a tripod flanked by two seated lined helps to build the big picture required. Pottery, for males accompanied by two horses.41 The combination of example, can reveal much about the degree and scale of the real structure, the models, and the religious iconogra- planning (event wide, or family by family), what is being phy points to the building as a powerful claim to status consumed, and the extent to which variation in vessel and control. But there is no evidence for what, if any- size (implying portion size or functional options) and thing, happened inside it (with the caveat that the floor decoration was tolerated. At Isthmia, there was very levels in the south part of the interior have yet to be little variation in vessel capacity from the eleventh to the cleared). eighth century, implying a strong consensus about por- Other buildings more obviously facilitated particular tion size and mode of serving in a consistent context of aspects of cult activity. Renewed excavation at Kalapodi organised provision for a large gathering.35 A more im- in Phokis since 2004 has so far produced two Geometric pressionistic reading of the Olympia data implies that predecessors for the Archaic south temple (with more to any such conventions grew weaker over time.36 And be dug).42 The Archaic temple cella was used to store Ephesus is different again, with 35% of the eleventh- large metal items, including iron horse trappings and century deposit from the Artemision hill consisting of chariot wheels displayed on wooden posts. Storage of cookpots, and 53% of cups and skyphoi which could metal wealth seems also to have been a basic function of have held stews or drinks.37 Considering what went into its predecessors, but other functions declined with these pots, wine, meat and grain have different implica- time—storing provisions for ritual meals, and in the case tions for the supply and storage of resources, labour, the of the earliest temple, housing a hearth-altar with a cen- spectacle of preparation and serving, and the generation tral pit. The wealth of metal dedication was not a of secondary products. The display and management of feature of the sanctuary from the start: rather, we have other items—how artefacts were grouped and whether ample evidence for dining, and it looks as though metal there was social competition for access to prime space, began to be offered in quantity once a temple was stand- how frequently dedications were cleared away, and ing, and that this may have been a motive for building. who controlled scrap and for what purpose—poten- Similar questions arise at Isthmia, where the seventh- tially required a complex consensus to manage, de- century temple was inserted into a context of ritual per- pending in detail on the location of the sanctuary and formance already some four centuries old.43 Evidence of the degree of openness or closure of the worshipping the functions that the building came to serve is provided group(s).38 by deposits left after its destruction by fire in the mid The first major construction projects at a significant number of sites were directed towards the manipulation 35 Morgan 2011. of space to accommodate visitors—terracing the ap- 36 Assessment based on Kyrieleis 2006 with Eder 2011. 37 Kerschner 2011. proach to the altar at Isthmia in the mid eighth century, 38 or diverting the at Olympia early in the seventh, Lindenlauf 2001 is the fullest study of the definition and man- agement of waste in the ancient Greek world: Bookidis 2010, 39 for example. Temples were not an obvious need, and 16–18 summarises textual evidence for votive placement. the earliest buildings for which we have good records 39 Morgan 1999, 195–208, 315–316; Kyrieleis 1992, 20–21. show very different forms of integration with previous 40 Kolia 2011. 41 votive practice. Some appear to be status expressions by Gadolou 2011. 42 Annual excavation reports are posted on Archaeology in dominant elites. At Nikoleika in Achaia, for example, an Greece Online (http://chronique.efa.gr, under Kalapodi); the apsidal mud brick temple of the last quarter of the eighth most recent summary is Lemos 2012, 19–21. century sat immediately over an altar built in the first 43 Morgan forthcoming. 178 Catherine Morgan fifth century.44 It held large metal offerings, armour and To conclude, this article provides a brief review of chariot fittings (probably after a period on display out- why it matters to set the use of the past within a more so- side); old offering cuts up for recycling, and materials phisticated framework than is often proposed. Simply needed to repair precious objects; very valuable objects; selecting cases from the Greek Early Iron Age where the consumables, and vessels for drinking especially. past seems to feature in the creation of local identities Plainly, the building added to the sanctuary authorities’ via religious practice, while superficially attractive, tells capacity to manage resources and plan ahead between us little about early religion. Most importantly, the as- festivals, but was this the initial motive for the construc- sumptions thus entailed, and often still made, are major tion or did the building change the range or nature of be- and potentially misleading. But the combination of a haviours possible? Examination of the preceding votive cognitive approach to understanding religious tradition record shows that certain activities of long-term signifi- in practice, and detailed analysis of the implications of cance (like the consumption of food and drink) remained the material record as noted, constitutes a promising new relatively stable in scale and nature, but others were in- direction. troduced not long before the building was erected.45 The appearance of monumental bronze dedications from c. Catherine Morgan 750 was a major change in Corinthian behaviour, late by The British School at Athens Souedias 52 wider standards, but presaging much greater differentia- GR-106 76 ATHENS tion in the value and size of the offerings made. The temple as store, promoting a particular strand of activity, here makes sense. And it is worth recalling that the building, with its wall paintings, was an attraction in its Bibliography own right. But who commissioned it, how many people were engaged in decision-making and of what social Alcock 2002 S. Alcock, Archaeologies of the Greek past. Landscape, monuments and memo- standing, and how were designs decided and materials ries, Cambridge 2002. organised? One approach is to look at the implications of Amandry 1987 P. Amandry, ‘Trepieds de Delphes et du the structure itself. The oolitic limestone used at Isthmia Péloponnèse’, BCH 111, 1987, 79–131. can be provenanced not just to individual Corinthian Bendall 2007 L. Bendall, Economics of religion in the quarries, but within them to a vertical and horizontal Mycenaean world. Resources dedicated resolution of a few tens of centimetres.46 So we should to religion in the Mycenaean palace be able to tell how many stone sources were used and economy, Oxford 2007. whether they come from the same area of the Corinthia, Bloch 1989 M. Bloch, ‘Symbols, song, dance and and this should at least suggest certain parameters for the features of articulation: is religion an ex- treme form of traditional authority?’, in organisation of supply. idem, Ritual, history and power: selected Perhaps surprisingly, only in Asia Minor do we have papers in anthropology (Monographs on clear evidence of built space intervening in relations be- social anthropology, 58), London 1989, tween humans and the divine. At Ephesus, the earliest 19–45. temple so far excavated, of the second half of the eighth Bookidis 2010 N. Bookidis, Corinth XVIII:5. The Sanc- century, is built around a statue base, in a sacred area tuary of Demeter and Kore. The terra- ‘peopled’ with early composite ivory statues up to one cotta sculpture, Princeton, N.J. 2010. third life-size.47 The images here interact with the archi- Boyer 1990 P. Boyer, Tradition as truth and commu- nication, Cambridge 1990. tecture, guiding participants at the shrine towards a cult Boyer 1993 P. Boyer, ‘Cognitive aspects of religious image which was then ‘protected’ by architecture in an symbolism’, in Cognitive aspects of reli- ever more complicated way, from a simple baldachino, gious symbolism, ed. P. Boyer, Cam- through colonnades, into the complex ‘forest of col- bridge 1993, 4–47. umns’ and the columnae caelatae of the Archaic temple. Boyer 1994 P. Boyer, The naturalness of religious The conception of space, image and worshipper here in- ideas, Berkeley 1994. teract in a fundamentally different way from that ob- 44 Gebhard 1998. served on the mainland, and the origins of this arrange- 45 ment, which displaced earlier mass feasting activity Morgan forthcoming. 46 Hayward 2003. from the hill, remains one of the most interesting un- 47 A summary overview is provided by the papers in Muss solved problems in early sanctuary archaeology. 2008, with full bibliography. Archaeology of Memory or Tradition in Practice? 179

Boyer & Bergstrom P. Boyer & B. Bergstrom, ‘Evolutionary Gadolou 2011 A. Gadolou, ‘A Late Geometric architec- 2008 perspectives on religion’, Annual Review tural model with figure decoration from of Anthropology 37, 2008, 111–130. ancient , ’, BSA 106, 2011, Boyer & Wertsch P. Boyer & J.V. Wertsch (eds.), Memory 247–273. 2009 in mind and culture, Cambridge 2009. Gebhard 1998 E. Gebhard, ‘Small dedications in the Ar- Button 2007 S. Button, ‘Mortuary studies, memory chaic Temple of Poseidon at Isthmia’, in and the Mycenaean polity’, in Negotiat- Ancient Greek cult practice from the ar- ing the past in the past. Identity, memory chaeological evidence. Proceedings of and landscape in archaeological re- the Fourth International Seminar on An- search, ed. N. Yoffee, Tucson 2007, 76– cient Greek Cult, organized by the Swe- 103. dish Institute at Athens, 22–24 October o Chapman 2009 J. Chapman, ‘Notes on memory-work 1993 (ActaAth-8 , 15), ed. R. Hägg, and materiality’, in Materializing mem- Stockholm 1998, 91–115. ory. Archaeological material culture and Hall 1997 J. Hall, Ethnic identity in Greek an- the semantics of the past, eds. I. Barbiera, tiquity, Cambridge 1997. A.M. Choyke & J.A. Rasson, Oxford Halstead & P. Halstead & V. Isaakidou, ‘Faunal evi- 2009, 7–16. Isaakidou 2004 dence for feasting: burnt offerings from Clarke 2008 K. Clarke, Making time for the past. Lo- the at Pylos’, in Food, cal history and the polis, Oxford 2008. cuisine and society in Prehistoric Greece Coleman 2008 J. Coleman, Ancient Greek, modern and (Sheffield studies in Aegean archaeol- post-modern agonisms. The possibilities ogy, 5), eds. P. Halstead & J.C. Barrett, Oxford 2004, 136–154. for democratic toleration, Athens 2008. Hamilakis 2008 Y. Hamilakis, ‘Time, performance, and Davies 2007 J.K. Davies, ‘The origins of the festivals, the production of a mnemonic record: especially Delphi and the ’, in Pin- from feasting to an archaeology of eating dar’s poetry, patrons and festivals. From and drinking’, in DAIS. The Aegean to the Roman Empire, feast. Proceedings of the 12th Interna- eds. S. Hornblower & C. Morgan, Ox- tional Aegean Conference / 12e Rencon- ford 2007, 47–69. tre égéenne internationale, University of Dickinson 2006 O.T.P.K. Dickinson, The Aegean from Melbourne, Centre for Classics and Bronze Age to Iron Age. Continuity and Archaeology, 25–29 March 2008 change between the twelfth and eighth (Aegaeum, 29), eds. L. Hitchcock, R. centuries BC, London 2006. Laffineur & J. Crowley, Liège & Austin Dobres & Robb 2000 M.-A. Dobres & J. Robb, ‘Agency in ar- 2008, 3–18. chaeology: paradigm or platitude?’, in Hamilakis 2010 Y. Hamilakis, ‘Re-collecting the frag- Agency in archaeology, eds. M.-A. Do- ments: archaeology and mnemonic prac- bres & J. Robb, Abingdon 2000, 3–17. tice’, in Lillios & Tsamis 2010, 188–199. Eder 2001 B. Eder, ‘Continuity of Bronze Age cult Hamilakis & Y. Hamilakis & E. Konsolaki, ‘Pigs for at Olympia? The evidence of the Late Konsolaki 2004 the gods: burnt animal sacrifices as em- Bronze Age and Early Iron Age pottery’, bodied rituals at a Mycenaean sanctu- in POTNIA. Deities and religion in the ary’, OJA 23, 2004, 135–151. Aegean Bronze Age, eds. R. Laffineur & Hayward 2003 C.L. Hayward, ‘Geology of Corinth: the R. Hägg, Liège & Austin 2001, 201–209. study of a basic resource’, in Corinth, the Eder 2011 B. Eder, ‘The Early Iron Age sanctuary centenary 1896–1996 (Corinth XX), eds. at Olympia: counting sherds from the C.K. Williams II & N. Bookidis, Prince- Pelopion excavations (1987–1996)’, in ton 2003, 15–42. Early Iron Age pottery: a quantitative Hobsbawm 1983a E. Hobsbawm, ‘Introduction: inventing approach. Proceedings of the Interna- traditions’, in The invention of tradition, tional Round Table organized by the eds. E. Hobsbawm & T. Ranger, Cam- Swiss School of Archaeology in Greece bridge 1983, 1–14. (Athens, November 28–30, 2008) (BAR- Hobsbawm 1983b E. Hobsbawm, ‘Mass-producing tradi- IS, 2254), eds. S. Verdan, Th. Theurillat tions: Europe, 1870–1914’, in The inven- & A. Kenzelmann Pfyffer, Oxford 2011, tion of tradition, eds. E. Hobsbawm & T. 61–65. Ranger, Cambridge 1983, 263–307. Floren 1987 J. Floren, Die griechische Plastik 1. Die Johnson 1989 M. Johnson, ‘Conceptions of agency in geometrische und archaische Plastik archaeological interpretation’, Journal of (Handbuch der Archäologie), München Anthropological Archaeology 8, 1989, 1987. 188–211. 180 Catherine Morgan

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Sperber 1990 D. Sperber, ‘The epidemiology of be- Stocker & Davis S.R. Stocker & J.L. Davis, ‘Animal sac- liefs’, in The social psychological study 2004 rifice, archives, and feasting at the Palace of widespread beliefs, eds. C. Fraser & of Nestor’, Hesperia 73, 2004, 179–195. G. Gaskell, Oxford 1990, 25–44. 182 Catherine Morgan THE CULT OF SIRENS AND GREEK COLONIAL IDENTITY IN SOUTHERN ITALY

BY RABUN TAYLOR

Abstract portance of her cult seems to have exceeded that of all The southern Tyrrhenian coast of Italy was the locus of the only other gods and heroes at —including Apollo, known cults of the Sirens in antiquity. While a famous sanctu- the Dioskouroi, and Demeter, whom Statius would name ary of the Sirens was situated on the Sorrentine Peninsula at the as the city’s dii patrii (Silv. 4.8.45−51). southern end of the Bay of Naples, the cities of Neapolis and seem to have claimed possession of these demigods’ The cult of the Sirens was unique to western Magna 2 very remains. Evidently each city advertised its claim with a Graecia. According to one tradition favored there, they coastal tomb set near the mouth of a river. According to tradi- occupied the Sorrentine Peninsula at the south end of the tion, these tombs marked the sites at which the bodies of the Bay of Naples. Strabo observes that a sanctuary of the lifeless Sirens, defeated by Odysseus, had washed ashore. In ef- Sirens was situated on the north side of the peninsula; it fect, the Sirens were treated locally not like the insidious 3 monsters of Homer, but like dead heroes, enshrined and deified. has not been definitively identified. These mythic, bird- Neapolis even borrowed from Athens the tradition of funerary like women ensnared sailors as they plied the coastal sea torch-races to commemorate Parthenope, the city’s adopted lane between the headland and the precipitous island of , who had given her name to an earlier settlement on the Kapreai (Capri). Roman authors observe that Neapolis site. This paper investigates the distinctive symbolism and meaning of the Sirens as they relate to regional identity—par- had possessed the island from some unspecified time in ticularly their sacrificial nature, which emphasizes their kinship the past (Strabo 5.4.9; Suet. Aug. 92; Dio Cass. 52.43.2). with the local river gods, and their relationship to narrow, vul- Perhaps because of this geographic bond, the cult of the nerable geographic places. Sirens was strong at Neapolis early in the city’s exist- ence.4 Shortly before 700 BC, the residents of Kyme, perhaps The Hellenistic poet Lykophron, a native Euboian joining with others, founded the colony of Parthenope who seems to have had a particular interest in the west- just a few miles to the east on the Bay of Naples. The ern colonies of his homeland, helped to disseminate the town occupied the steep promontory known today as version of the myth that predominated around the Bay of Pizzofalcone, defining the southwestern edge of the har- Naples. According to this version, the Sirens committed bor of modern Naples. Around 490 BC the walled city of suicide by drowning after being foiled by Odysseus Neapolis, named “New” to differentiate it from the older (Alex. 712738). Their bodies washed ashore at three settlement nearby, was founded just to the north, again widely separated points along the Tyrrhenian coast. At evidently by the Kymeans.1 Thereafter these two adja- cent towns seem to have shared a single territory and 1 civic identity. According to a popular tradition in Magna On the location and dates of Parthenope, see De Caro 1974; on the foundation of Neapolis, see Giampaola & D’Agostino 2005. Graecia, Parthenope, the town’s namesake and patron Only two sources specifically say that Neapolis was founded by goddess, was the foremost of the three Sirens who tor- the Kymeans (Ps.-Skymnos Periegesis 252−253; Philargyrius, mented Odysseus on his passage up the Tyrrhenian schol. ad Verg. G. 4.564). Several others, however, refer to its coast. From the 460s onward, Neapolitan silver coinage colonization by Chalkidians, referring to the ethnicity of Kyme, was dominated by a female bust on the obverse, univer- itself founded by Euboian colonists. 2 On the cult of the Sirens, and the relationship of the Siren Par- sally identified today as Parthenope (Fig. 1). Numerous thenope to Neapolis, see Pugliese Carratelli 1952; Gabrici 1959, sources attest that her tomb was established here along 90−97; Napoli 1959 [1997], 159−165; Sbordone 1967; Breglia with a cult of her veneration (Lycoph. Alex. 712738; Pulci Doria 1987; Raviola 1990; 1995, 173181; Federico & Tzetz. ad Lycoph. Alex. 732; Strabo 5.4.7; Plin. HN Miranda 1998, 388389. 3 Strabo 1.2.1213; Greco 1992. 3.62; Schol. Bern. ad Verg. G. 4.564; Philargyrius, 4 Pugliese Carratelli 1952, 423; 1967, 121122; Sbordone 1967, schol. ad Verg. G. 4.564; Eust. schol. ad Dionysius 518; Mele 1985, 105106; Giangiulio 1988, 120121; Raviola Periegetes 358). Prior to the Hellenistic period the im- 1995, 131134, 153. 184 Rabun Taylor these places their tombs were established and local cults set up in their honor. Taking the form of a forecast de- livered by Cassandra before the Trojan War, Lyko- phron’s poem delivers this prognostication: Hurling themselves from the cliff’s top they dive with their wings into the , where the bitter thread spun by the Fates shall draw them. The tower Fig. 1. Silver didrachm of Neapolis representing a bust of Par- of Phaleros shall receive one of them washed ashore, thenope on the obverse and a striding androcephalous bull on and Glanis wetting the earth with its streams. There the reverse. Last quarter of the fourth century BCE. Photo cour- the inhabitants shall build a tomb for the maiden and tesy of Numismatica Ars Classica. with and sacrifice of oxen shall yearly honor the bird goddess Parthenope. And Leukosia shall be cast on the jutting strand of and shall long myth. We may at least suggest that Phaleros, who was haunt the rock that bears her name, where rapid Is and there before Parthenope, was regarded as an oikistes, neighboring Laris pour forth their waters. And perhaps even the principal mythical founder of the town. shall come ashore at Terina spitting out the wave. And There was another phase in the development of Nea- sailors bury her on the stony beach beside the eddies polis. Again, Lykophron: of Okinaros [River]; and an ox-horned Ares shall And there one day in honor of the first goddess of the wash her tomb with his streams, cleansing with his sisterhood shall the ruler of all the navy of Mopsops waters the bird-child’s home.5 [i.e., Athens] array for his mariners a torch-race, in  obedience to an oracle, which one day the people of  Neapolis shall augment.7  ’            A number of sources attest that the Athenian general – Diotimos introduced a torch-race at Neapolis to honor ’ Parthenope, probably in the third quarter of the fifth cen- ’ tury BCE.8 Neapolis seems to have adopted this tradition  to add a celebratory, agonistic dimension to its founda-  tion myth. To the best of our meager knowledge, we may  conjecture that the myth developed around the following   armature of elements, all of which, in partial combina-  tions, are widely attested elsewhere: (1) an oikistes seeks an expiatory ritual to purify his new colony; (2) he finds There is no need to wrestle here with Lykophron’s geo- the body of a sacrificial mortal, which was led by the graphic difficulties. It is enough to recognize the three gods to the intended place; (3) he establishes a hero cult landing sites—Neapolis, Terina in Bruttium, Leukosia dedicated to the deceased honorand; (4) the cult is adver- (Punta Licosia) in Lucania—and the establishment of each Siren’s tomb near a river. The landscape of Neapo- 5 Lines 714731, trans. Mair, with my modifications. lis includes another interesting detail: the Tower of 6 Napoli 1959 [1997], 129130; Raviola 1990, 57; 1995, 58 Phaleros, the place where Parthenope washes ashore. 60; 1997. Phaleros, one of the Argonauts, was a minor hero, and 7 Lines 732735, trans. Mair, with my modifications. 8 his connection to Neapolis is not known. But he was a Strabo 5.4.7; Tzetz. ad Lycoph. Alex. 732. On Diotimos, his intentions, and the date of his visit, see Lepore 1967, 172−179; Euboian by exile, and so his adopted ethnicity fits that of 1990, 293−296; Mattingly 1969, 207−208; Rutter 1979, 5−6, 6 the Neapolitans and Lykophron himself. These details 49; Frederiksen 1984, 104−106; Càssola 1988, 63−64; Raviola are enough to hint at a full-blown Neapolitan foundation 1993; 1995, 67−73, 87−91. The Cult of Sirens and Greek Colonial Identity in Southern Italy 185 tised and perpetuated by means of funerary games. The (Fig. 2).12 These local river gods fit a consistent pattern, closest analog of this model is the Isthmian version of probably even a widespread mytheme: heroes who the story of the boy Melikertes-Palaimon.9 Pursued by drown in the local river, and thereby become sacrificial her crazed husband Athamas, his mother Ino leapt head- victims offered in symbolic purification of a new colony. long into the sea, bringing her boy with her. A dolphin They are reborn as river gods who retain the most essen- carried Melikertes’ lifeless body to Isthmia, where it was tial character of the hero, his face—but who otherwise found by King Sisyphos. The boy’s finder then estab- take the quintessential form of the sacrificial victim, the lished a hero cult and funerary games in his honor. The bull.13 cult site, or Palaimonion, was prominent in the Isthmian The of Neapolis pairs Sebethos, the young bull- sanctuary of the Roman period. The pre-Roman equiva- man, with a winged female figure whose features are lent remains to be discovered, but recent scholarship, borrowed from Nike. But she is shown sitting on a re- combining careful analysis of Greek sources and the ar- cumbent water jug, the standard iconography for a river 14 chaeology of the Roman site, suggests a continuity of or spring. This type is encountered on the coinage of devotion to Palaimon here from at least the Archaic pe- only two other Greek poleis, Morgantina and Terina. riod.10 The worship of both Leukotheia and Palaimon Terina’s is the most prominent and probably the oldest; was widespread; thus it is the local, not the general, na- scholars generally agree that it served to inspire the ture of these gods that interests us here, particularly others (Fig. 3). Significantly from the perspective of Palaimon’s assimilation to a god of the narrows. Neapolis, this polis was the resting place of another of the three Sirens, Ligeia. The type has several variations, According to Lykophron, the three tombs of the Si- and the water jug is not always present; but unlike the al- rens were all adjacent to rivers. The coins of Terina and tar on which the sometimes sits, or the ca- Neapolis seem to support this claim. The colonies of duceus or bird that occasionally appears in her hand, the Magna Graecia and Sicily often adopted the bull-man jug is not a generically interchangeable attribute: it bears iconography of Acheloos, the river of , to repre- a single, unmistakable association with flowing water. sent their own rivers.11 The pairing of Parthenope and These figures have often been interpreted as local water the Sebethos River dominated the Neapolitan silver nymphs, but the prominent wings, which are not ordinar- coinage. It is made most explicit on a silver obol of the ily applied to nymphs of any kind, evoke the Sirens early fourth century BCE, which pairs the horned head themselves, coupled implicitly with the rivers that ran of a youth with the name  in retrograde beside their tombs. In the case of Terina, then, we have the Siren Ligeia represented on both sides, with the wa- ter jug referencing the Okinaros River. On the Neapoli- tan coin, the Sebethos River is represented on both sides, by way of the horned youth and the water jug. The winged woman on the Neapolitan coin references the Si- ren Parthenope. Fig. 2. Two silver obols representing a bust of the Neapolitan The Sirens fall within a class of liminal beings whose river god Sebethos on the obverse and on the reverse a winged domain constitutes vulnerable points of passage, such as female figure seated on an overturned urn. 400−380 BCE. straits, promontories, or mountain passes. Often these Illustration from Garrucci 1885. creatures belong to the zone at the meeting of two geo- graphic realms, such as land and sea. They embody the

9 For various versions of the myth, see Apollod. 1.9.12; 3.4.3; Pind. Isthm. hyp. ad, ed. Drachmann; Paus. 1.44.78; 2.1.3; Ov. Met. 4.416542; Fast. 6.473550; Hyg. Fab. 4. 10 Broneer 1973, 99112; Gebhard & Dickie 1999; Gebhard 2005. 11 Imhoof-Blumer 1923; Lacroix 1953; Gabrici 1959, 7597; Fig. 3. Silver didrachm of Terina in Bruttium representing a Isler 1970; 1981; Gais 1978; Rutter 1979, 4647; Weiss 1984; bust of a nymph on the obverse and on the reverse a winged fe- 1988; Costabile 1991; Taylor 2009. male figure seated on an overturned urn, holding an olive 12 Sambon 1903, 218219; Rutter 1979, 4344. wreath and a . Second half of the fifth century BCE. 13 Taylor 2009. Ex C.R.J. Spencer-Churchill collection. Photo courtesy of Clas- 14 Gabrici 1959, 111120; Napoli 1959 [1997], 160161; Canti- sical Numismatic Group. lena 1985, 355; Rutter 1997, 6162. 186 Rabun Taylor dangers and terrors that face the human traveler: con- but that seems a rationalization. After all, Strabo himself fined passageways, rocky shoals, points of ambush. deems the act fundamentally apotropaic, and thus sacri- Maurizio Giangiulio observes that they often merge into ficial. More probably, this bizarre ritual was meant to as- a well-known mytheme: the katapontismos, similate the man, already a social outcast, to a hybrid, by leaping into the sea.15 In this respect, Parthenope is therianthropic, liminal creature like the mythic men who akin to another bird-goddess worshiped at Neapolis, Ino- merged with bulls after drowning in rivers. In one sense, Leukotheia. Tormented by her husband Athamas, she he resembled the classic sacrificial scapegoat, deflecting plunges into the sea and turns into a nymph. Appearing harm or blame upon himself. But as a winged creature to Odysseus as a sea-bird, she offers him a veil that will subjected to katapontismos in a narrow coastal passage, save him from drowning (Hom. Od. 5.333353). In a and commandeered in death (or near-death?) to play a more passive, and thus a more symbolic mode, we may sacrificial role, he belonged in the same class of trans- include two of Ino’s relatives in this category as well— formed beings as the Sirens and the seabird-nymph Ino- her son Melikertes-Palaimon, the adopted god of a nar- Leukotheia. Anchored only to the edges of things, these row place on the sea, the Isthmus of Corinth; and per- were outcasts, the perfect Other, psychic fixations of the haps even Ino’s stepdaughter (and intended victim) anxiety that pervades human encounters with boundaries Helle. Sister of Phrixus, and equally hated by Ino, Helle and bottlenecks along the journey of life. Like the Har- fell from the golden ram on its passage to Kolchis and pies, the Sirens transgressed natural boundaries by pene- drowned in the narrows of the Hellespont, which then trating all three domains of the world: air, land, and was named for her. (Was a cult of veneration established sea—but were comfortably situated in none of them— here too?) Reconstituted gods of this kind seem to have and least of all, in human society. A condemned bird- been understood as protectors, offering safety from the man, dead or alive, was at home nowhere—and so he dangers of the sea; as so often in Greek devotion, a god had to be cast out from the geographic domain that his who once experienced a particular misfortune is enlisted sacrifice was meant to benefit. But suppose that he sur- 16 to protect others from it. vived the fall, and that his polluted, outcast status was Perhaps the residue of this hybrid type may be ob- known to those who received him in a neighboring polis served in one more example, the strangest of them all. or chora; would this have condemned him to similar Leukatas, overlooking the strait between the island of treatment? Perhaps not. As with the Sirens or founder- Leukas and the Greek mainland, was the proverbial 17 heroes, the act of sacrifice or exile may have promised lover’s leap of myth. But it was also a place darkened redemption. The outlaw’s liminal state could prefigure by the shadow of human sacrifice: expiation, even an enhanced power to protect, when he It was an ancestral custom among the Leucadians, reentered society.19 every year at the sacrifice performed in honor of Neapolis, the dominant sea power on the Tyrrhenian Apollo, for some criminal to be flung from this rocky after the 470s BCE, depended on taming the collision look-out for the sake of averting evil, wings and birds between land and sea, on controlling the promontories of all kinds being fastened to him, since by their flut- and shipping lanes around the Bay with their narrow pas- tering they could lighten the leap, and also for a num- sages between the mainland and the islands. Thus the ber of men, stationed all round below the rock in small key to the success of the city’s cult of Parthenope turned -boats, to take the victim in, and, when he had upon her transformation from a feared predator into a be- been taken on board, to do all in their power to get neficent being, even a protectress. It is a striking inver- him safely outside their borders.18 sion—but not uncommon. An anthropologist might ex- ’ plain the phenomenon in immunological terms: the in-  fection is also the remedy. In ordinary sacrifices, the vic-  tims, almost by definition, must be pure; but those  victims who undergo an apotheosis or redemption, or  who have an apotropaic function, may have been pro-  foundly polluted. Indeed sometimes their potency in do-  15  Giangiulio 1988, 110140. 16 Hawthorne 1958, 9294. 17 Nagy 1973. Birds and wings were tied to the victim, Strabo tells us, 18 Strabo 10.2.9, trans. Jones. to slow his fall and so facilitate the recovery of his body; 19 Dougherty 1993; 1998. The Cult of Sirens and Greek Colonial Identity in Southern Italy 187 ing good seems proportional to their former power to do tecting the polis. These cities could not venerate mere wrong. Ino is a good example. A malicious queen in life monsters, and so they undertook to merge the preexist- (even a murderess), after her katapontismos she was re- ing psychogeography of the Sirens—the anxiety pro- surrected as the beneficial sea nymph Leukotheia, who duced by cliffs, shoals, and narrow places—with the ele- saved Odysseus from drowning. mental mythology of the katapontismos. This resolved Carol Dougherty has examined the redemptive cycle several problems. First, it killed the monster inside the of pollution and purification in the context of Greek col- Sirens. Second, it remade them into useful tools of re- onization.20 An oikistes was almost by definition a crimi- demption in the dangerous environment of early coloni- nal and an outcast, seeking to start a new life and a new zation and control of the local waters. Third, it made the polis by consulting an oracle. After the foundation, his Sirens mobile, so that they could conveniently to heroization helped to inoculate his people. The god at the colonies that required them. And last, it individual- the center of this cycle was Phoibos Apollo, an erstwhile ized the Sirens, giving them independent identities and murderer who expiated murder—a god whose name it- agency in the future well-being of their posthumous self emphasizes his role as Purifier. There can be little homes. doubt that the town and cult of Parthenope were founded upon an oracle of Apollo, probably issued at Kyme, Nea- Rabun Taylor polis’ metropolis and the site of a famous cult of the god. Department of Classics, University of Texas at Austin Waggener 123, Mailcode C3400 The Euboian Apollo was prominent among the early Austin, TX 78712, USA 21 cults of the Bay of Naples, and so it benefited the colo- [email protected] nists to play up his connections with the more localized Sirens. As makers of irresistible , the Sirens are of- ten compared to the Muses; as the quintessential patron of music, Apollo would naturally have had an interest in Bibliography them. But there is a more explicit relationship as well. Apollo’s cult statue at Neapolis, Statius reports, featured Breglia Pulci Doria L. Breglia Pulci Doria, ‘Le Sirene: il 1987 canto, la morte, la polis’, AnnArch- a bird perched on his left shoulder (Silv. 4.8.4749). The StorAnt 9, 1987, 6598. poet explains what kind of bird, and why it appears with Broneer 1973 O. Broneer, Isthmia II. Topography and Apollo, in another poem: “After Parthenope had been architecture, Princeton 1973. carried across the sea, Apollo himself, with Venus’s Cantilena 1985 R. Cantilena, ‘La monetazione’, in dove (Dionaea … columba), guided her to a gentle land” Napoli antica [Mostra Napoli 26 settem- (3.5.7880). This passage is usually interpreted meta- bre 1985 – 15 aprile 1986], Napoli 1985, phorically, to mean that Apollo and the dove led the 352–367. Neapolitans’ Euboean ancestors to the site of Kyme (cf. Càssola 1988 F. Càssola, ‘Problemi di storia neapoli- Vell. Pat. 1.4.2). But we can take Statius at his word. He tana’, in Neapolis 1988, 3781. refers to the body of Parthenope, guided to the site of her Costabile 1991 F. Costabile, ‘Culti e miti delle divinità fluviali: Euthymos, il Kaikinos ed own city by two of its principal patron gods, Apollo and Acheloos’, in I ninfei di Epizefiri. Aphrodite. Architettura, culti erotici, sacralità delle I conclude with some general observations about the acque, ed. F. Costabile, Catanzaro 1991, nature of the Siren cult in light of colonial identity. Two 195226. of the principal goals of Greek foundation mythologies De Caro 1974 S. De Caro, ‘La necropoli di Pizzofal- were to construct an etiology and to displace the reli- cone in Napoli’, RendNap 49, 1974, 37 gious pollution generated by the act of colonization it- 67. self. Italian cities, Greek and non-Greek alike, were par- Dougherty 1993 C. Dougherty, The poetics of coloniza- ticularly ingenious at weaving their historical narratives tion, New York & Oxford 1993. Dougherty 1998 C. Dougherty, ‘It’s murder to found a retroactively into the tales of mythic Greek travelers, colony’, in Cultural poetics in Archaic particularly Odysseus.22 Neapolis and Terina appropri- ated the Sirens, at one level, because they were topo- 20 graphically convenient; the Odyssey’s geography was Dougherty 1993, 3538; 1998. 21 both vague and specific enough to situate them some- Stat. Silv. 3.5.7980; 4.8.4549; Peterson 1919, 182184; Napoli 1959 [1997], 138–141; 1967, 418–421; Lepore 1967, where along the south Tyrrhenian coast. More important 169–170; Mele 1985, 105; Giangiulio 1988, 148151. was turning the Sirens to the task of purifying and pro- 22 Malkin 1998. 188 Rabun Taylor

Greece: cult, performance, politics, eds. Lepore 1967 E. Lepore, ‘Napoli greco-romana: la vita C. Dougherty & L. Kurke, New York & politica e sociale 1. Neapolis nel quinto Oxford 1998, 178198. secolo a.C.’, in Storia di Napoli 1967, Federico & Miranda E. Federico & E. Miranda (eds.), Capri 139192. 1998 antica dalla preistoria alla fine dell’età Lepore 1990 E. Lepore, ‘Parallelismi, riflessi e inci- romana, Capri 1998. denza degli avvenimenti del contesto Frederiksen 1984 M. Frederiksen, Campania, London mediterraneo in Italia’, in Crise et trans- 1984. formation des sociétés archaïques de e Gabrici 1959 E. Gabrici, Problemi di numismatica l’Italie antique au V siècle av. J.C. Actes greca della Sicilia e della Magna Grecia de la table ronde, Rome 19–21 novembre (MemNap, 4), Napoli 1959. 1987 (CEFR, 137), Rome 1990, 289 297. Gais 1978 R.M. Gais, ‘Some problems of river-god Malkin 1998 I. Malkin, The returns of Odysseus: colo- iconography’, AJA 82, 1978, 355370. nization and ethnicity, Berkeley 1998. Garrucci 1885 R. Garrucci, Le monete dell’Italia antica, Mattingly 1969 H.B. Mattingly, ‘Athens and the western Rome 1885. Greeks: c. 500−413 B.C.’, in La cir- Gebhard 2005 E.R. Gebhard, ‘Rites for Melikertes- colazione della moneta ateniese in Sicilia Palaimon in the early Roman Corinthia’, e in Magna Grecia. Atti del Convegno in Urban religion in Roman Corinth: in- del Centro Internazionale di Studi terdisciplinary approaches (Harvard Numismatici, Napoli 5–8 aprile 1967 Theological Studies, 53), eds. D.N. (AIIN Suppl., 12−14), Roma 1969, Schowalter & S.J. Friesen, Cambridge, 201−222. Ma. 2005, 165203. Mele 1985 A. Mele, ‘La città greca’, in Napoli an- Gebhard & Dickie E.R. Gebhard & M.W. Dickie, ‘Meli- tica [Mostra Napoli 26 settembre 1985 – 1999 kertes-Palaimon, hero of the Isthmian 15 aprile 1986], Napoli 1985, 103108. Games’, in Ancient . Pro- Nagy 1973 G. Nagy, ‘, ’s Phaon, ceedings of the Fifth International Semi- and the White Rock of Leukas’, HSCP nar on Ancient Greek Cult, organized by 77, 1973, 137177. the Department of Archaeology and An- Napoli 1959 [1997] M. Napoli, Napoli greco-romana, Napoli cient History, Göteborg University, 21 1959; newly formatted ed. 1997. 23 April 1995 (ActaAth-8o, 16), ed. R. Napoli 1967 M. Napoli, ‘Topografia e archeologia 2. I Hägg, Stockholm 1999, 159165. monumenti’, in Storia di Napoli 1967, Giampaola & D. Giampaola & B. D’Agostino, ‘Os- 417–448. D’Agostino 2005 servazioni storiche e archeolgiche sulla Neapolis 1988 Neapolis (AttiTaranto, 25), Taranto 1986 fondazione di Neapolis’, in Noctes Cam- (pr. 1988). panae. Studi di storia antica ed archeo- Peterson 1919 R.M. Peterson, The cults of Campania logia dell’Italia preromana e romana in (PAAR, 1), Rome 1919. memoria di Martin W. Frederiksen (Ita- Pugliese Carratelli G. Pugliese Carratelli, ‘Sul culto delle si- lus tellus, 1), eds. W.V. Harris & E. Lo 1952 rene nel golfo di Napoli’, PP 2527, Cascio, Napoli 2005, 49−80. 1952, 420426. Giangiulio 1988 M. Giangiulio, ‘Appunti di storia dei Pugliese Carratelli G. Pugliese Carratelli, ‘Il mondo medi- culti’, in Neapolis 1988, 101154. 1967 terraneo e le origini di Napoli’, in Storia di Napoli 1967, 97137. Greco 1992 E. Greco, ‘Nel golfo di Napoli: tra Si- Raviola 1990 F. Raviola, ‘La tradizione letteraria su rene, Sirenusse e Athena’, AnnArch- Parthenope’, Hesperìa, Studi sulla gre- StorAnt 14, 1992, 161170. cità di Occidente 1, 1990, 1960. Hawthorne 1958 J.G. Hawthorne, ‘The myth of Palae- Raviola 1993 F. Raviola, ‘Tzetzes e la spedizione di mon’, TAPA 89, 1958, 92 98.  Diotimo a Neapolis’, Hesperìa, Studi Imhoof-Blumer 1923 F. Imhoof-Blumer, ‘Fluß- und Meergöt- sulla grecità di Occidente 3, 1993, 67– ter auf griechischen und römischen 83. Münzen’, Revue suisse de numismatique Raviola 1995 F. Raviola, Napoli origini (= Hesperìa, 23, 1923, 173421. Studi sulla grecità di Occidente 6), Roma Isler 1970 H.P. Isler, Acheloos. Eine Monographie, 1995. Bern 1970. Raviola 1997 F. Raviola, ‘Il mito di Phaleros, in quanto Isler 1981 H.P. Isler, ‘Acheloos’, LIMC I:1 (1981), elemento di una convergenza e inter- 1236. ferenza fra Atene e Neapolis nell’avan- Lacroix 1953 L. Lacroix, ‘Fleuves et nymphes épo- zato V secolo’, in Mito e storia in Magna nymes sur les monnaies grecques’, RBN Grecia (AttiTaranto, 36), Taranto 1997, 99, 1953, 521. 347−357. The Cult of Sirens and Greek Colonial Identity in Southern Italy 189

Rutter 1979 N.K. Rutter, Campanian coinages 475 and control of water in Greek and Roman 380 BC, Edinburgh 1979. constructions of identity’, in The nature Rutter 1997 N.K. Rutter, The Greek coinages of and function of water, baths, bathing and southern Italy and Sicily, London 1997. hygiene from antiquity through the Re- Sambon 1903 A. Sambon, Les monnaies antiques de naissance (Technology and change in l’Italie, London 1903. history, 11), eds. C. Kosso & A. Scott, Sbordone 1967 F. Sbordone, ‘La cultura 1: uno sguardo Leiden & Boston 2009, 21−42. alle origini’, in Storia di Napoli 1967, Weiss 1984 C. Weiss, Griechische Flußgottheiten in 511520. vorhellenistischer Zeit (Beiträge zur Storia di Napoli 1967 Storia di Napoli I. Età classica, alto me- Archäologie, 17), Würzburg 1984. dioevo, Napoli 1967. Weiss 1988 C. Weiss, ‘Fluvii’, LIMC IV:1 (1988), Taylor 2009 R. Taylor, ‘River raptures: containment 139−148. 190 Rabun Taylor THE TEMPLES OF APOLLO AT SIKYON

BY KALLIOPI KRYSTALLI-VOTSI AND ERIK ØSTBY

Abstract were carried out by Ms. Krystalli-Votsi on behalf of and As part of a research program concerning the monuments of with contributions from the Archaeological Society, and ancient Sikyon, directed by Dr. Kalliopi Krystalli-Votsi on be- a state plan of the remains was made in 1987 by two half of the Archaeological Society at Athens in the 1980s, the Norwegian architects, Hans Olav Andersen and Dag Iver temple foundation at the agora of the ancient city was studied Sonerud, with grants from the Norwegian Research with the collaboration of Dr. Erik Østby from the Norwegian Institute in Rome. Council (NAVF, now NFR). The complex foundations preserve remains of two successive It is now clear that the temple had three building temples of Doric style, one from about 300 BC and one of the phases of very different aspect: a long and narrow, early 6th century. The Hellenistic temple was peripteral, but de- peripteral Hellenistic temple, from the years after the ur- liberately archaizing with a peristasis of 6 × 18 columns and a long naos divided in three deep rooms. The Archaic temple was banistic reorganization of Sikyon imposed by Demetrios probably tetrastyle prostyle, and had no peristasis; in the cella Poliorketes in 303 BC;4 an Archaic temple of the early two parallel colonnades supported the roof construction. Re- 6th century, shorter and narrower, without peristasis; and mains of a circular basis probably for a monumental tripod sup- some indications of a predecessor probably of 7th cen- port the identification as a temple of Apollo, mentioned by Pau- sanias. There are also some indications of an earlier building, tury date. Above the remains of the Hellenistic temple, probably from the 7th century. an early Christian church was constructed probably in the 5th century AD and is not discussed here. The Hel- lenistic temple is of particular interest, since its plan fol- lows uncompromisingly Archaic models, but it is never- Introduction theless radically different from the shape of the Archaic temple which it replaces; the fragments of the elevation, In the 1920s and 1930s, the Greek archaeologists A. on the other hand, follow closely the patterns of the late Philadelpheus and A.K. Orlandos excavated a compli- 4th–early 3rd century and show no sign of archaizing cated temple foundation near the agora of ancient tendencies. Sikyon, in front of the remains of a Roman bath. These works were only published as short, preliminary reports in Greek periodicals.1 Hellenistic building material was found, but also some of Archaic date, and the long, nar- The Hellenistic temple (Plan, Fig. 1) row plan opened for the suggestion that an early Hellen- istic temple had been built on the foundations of an Ar- The foundations are those of a long and narrow, chaic predecessor on a similar plan.2 The temple has peripteral temple, more than three times as long as it was been variously identified either as one for Artemis Lim- wide, with an almost precise east–west orientation coin- naia, mentioned by Pausanias between the theatre and ciding with the direction of the Hellenistic agora (Fig. the agora (2.7.6), or the one for Apollo which he dis- cusses at some length at the agora itself (2.7.8–9).3 1 Philadelpheus 1926; Orlandos 1937. In the 1980s, after Orlandos’ death, work at the site 2 As suggested by Orlandos 1937, 95. was continued by Dr. Kalliopi Krystalli-Votsi, then 3 See Roux 1958, 143f., and Musti & Torelli 1986, 242–244, for of antiquities in Argolis and Corinthia, on behalf commentaries to these passages. Orlandos (1937, 94) identified of the Archaeological Society in Athens. Dr. Erik Østby, the temple without discussion as the one for Artemis; the case for Apollo was argued by Roux. See also Griffin 1982, 16f., for then at the Norwegian Institute in Rome, collaborated a discussion of the two alternatives. with her for the study of the architecture of the temple. 4 See for these events conveniently Griffin 1982, 78, with a list Additional excavations at the site from 1987 to 1990 of the relevant sources note 21. 192 Kalliopi Krystalli-Votsi & Erik Østby

Fig. 1. The foundations of the temple, with proposed reconstruction of the Hellenistic building. (Drawing: Erik Østby)

2). Only the lowest foundation course is preserved, but at very unusual. The abnormally deep pronaos was closed three different levels, since the foundations had to adjust by a wall in the front and entered through a valve door; to a slight slope descending from west to east. Blocks three blocks supporting the threshold of this door are from the euthynteria level are preserved only in the west- preserved. From each side of the room two foundation ern front, where the slope is highest, and consequently blocks project into it, probably for a system of decora- the foundations there are limited to only that course. tive columns or supports near the wall. The divisory wall Even there their external outline is irregular and does not between pronaos and cella was built on earlier founda- form a regular euthynteria, but cuttings on their surface tions. The cella room behind it is normally shaped, show that they projected only about 10 cm in front of the somewhat more than twice as deep as it is wide (4.90 × next course. This next course could not have been more 10.70 m), and a system of decorative supports along the than 90 cm wide, and must have been the stylobate, walls probably existed also here, carried by blocks with which was thus placed immediately above the euthynte- separate foundations placed at regular intervals in a ria as in early Archaic temples, without a normally de- bench running alongside the wall and slightly raised veloped krepis in between. Some fragments of stylobate above the surface of the floor. This bench is best pre- blocks have been found and identified, and have such served at the north side (Fig. 3). Three pavement slabs horizontal cuttings below the vertical surface as normal are left of a system which could cover the entire floor be- in 4th century buildings. Some pieces of painted terra- tween those benches with 8 × 4 slabs of the same dimen- cotta simas of the same period were also found.5 sions. However, a special arrangement would have been The external dimensions of the stylobate can be calcu- necessary in the inner left corner, where the pavement lated as about 11.40 × 37.60 m. The long and narrow had to respect a circular slab (calculated diameter 1.35 m) shape was repeated still more emphatically in the cella, resting on a complicated system of very irregular blocks 6.25 m wide. The precise length of the cella cannot be (Fig. 4). This circular slab is only partially preserved, but established, since there are no foundations preserved of there is a deep hole in the surface near the edge of the pre- its western end, but it must have been located some- served part, which makes it more suitable as the base for a where above the trench for the rear foundations of the monumental tripod than for a cult statue.6 If a cultic sym- earlier building. This provides a maximum and a mini- bol so closely connected with the cult of Apollo was mum possible length, 31.40 and 30.70 m respectively; placed here, this would obviously strongly support the they move around 31.25 m, five times the width of the identification of the building as the temple of Apollo men- cella, which may be a likely guess for the precise length. tioned by Pausanias. In order to give adequate space for The side walls coincide approximately with the positions the tripod, the divisory wall behind it had to be pushed far- of the second and fifth columns in a normal, hexastyle column front, as expected in a Classical temple. 5 Krystalli-Votsi 1994, 116–118, pl. 31. The inner distribution of this long and narrow cella is 6 See for such tripods the important article by Amandry 1987. The Temples of Apollo at Sikyon 193

Fig. 2. View of the temple, from west. (Photo: Erik Østby)

Fig. 3. The interior of the Hellenistic cella, seen from east. (Photo: Erik Østby) 194 Kalliopi Krystalli-Votsi & Erik Østby

Fig. 5. Block with triglyph and from the Hellenistic temple. (Photo: Kalliopi Krystalli-Votsi)

Fig. 4. The cult complex in the SE corner of the Hellenistic cella, with rests of a circular base probably for a monumental contraction would give slightly wider axial spacings, tripod. (Photo: Erik Østby) 2.17 m. This difference is unusual, but small, and could be avoided altogether if the contraction was slightly stronger on the fronts. The long-stretched peri- ther back than the rhythm of the supports along the wall stasis with 6 × 18 columns, as well as the very open would require, and the door into the next room had to be and the omission of a regular krepis, recall dislocated to the right, off axis. early Archaic temples with wooden columns rather This inner, rear room was equally deep and spacious than any regular temple architecture of the 5th or 4th as the cella, and it has conveniently been called an century, and can only be understood as a strongly ar- opisthonaos7 rather than an . The decorative chaizing feature. supports at the walls continued in the same rhythm as Pending a closer study of the fragments from the ele- in the cella, here probably as Ionic pilasters, of which vation, we have no direct evidence for the height of the one fragment has been found (see Fig. 2). The inner- frieze, or the width of the metopes. With axial spacings most part of the opisthonaos was separated from the as calculated above, the metopes would have had the rest by a pair of stronger foundations, projecting fur- improbable width of about 75 cm, 2 ½ times the tri- ther into the room. Here, stronger wall tongues prob- glyph, if the Classical system with two triglyphs and ably framed a sort of niche in the innermost part of the two metopes per intercolumniation was applied. It interior for the cult statue; a life-size, marble hand seems more likely that this temple had adopted the later probably from this statue was found during the recent 8 system with three triglyphs and three metopes, which excavations. would give fairly narrow metopes, about 40–42 cm. From the external colonnade we have some Doric This seems a better solution also because the very open capitals of late Classical or early Hellenistic type, with colonnade would require the light and low entablature a diameter of 44 cm on the upper end of the shaft and which such a reconstruction would imply. With its ab- an abacus width of 57 cm. The lower column diameter normally long flank colonnade with 18 columns it must, according to contemporary practice, have been could in this way easily be associated with stoa archi- slightly less than the abacus width, somewhere be- tecture, where this new relation between colonnade and tween 50 and 55 cm. Assuming an ordinary, hexastyle frieze was first developed. But there is apparently no column front, the axial spacings of the columns would earlier example than this of such a system applied to a have been about 2.10 m, about four times this dia- temple building, and a conclusive answer to this prob- meter, creating an unusually open and spacious colon- lem can only be obtained by a closer study of the archi- nade. The fragments of frieze and geison are unfortu- tectural remains. nately too limited to provide independent evidence for The association with contemporary stoa architecture is the axial spacings, or for the contraction (Fig. 5). particularly interesting considering the location of the But since the triglyphs were only 31 cm wide, a con- temple at the early Hellenistic agora created by the ur- traction of 10 to 12 cm would probably be sufficient to compensate for the angle conflict; this would increase 7 Term applied by Orlandos 1937, 94. the three central axial spacings to 2.14 m. On the 8 Dedicated together with the temple by an otherwise unknown flanks, a reconstruction with 18 columns and the same Pythokles, according to Paus. 2.7.9. The Temples of Apollo at Sikyon 195

Fig. 6. Foundations for the altar, at the northern flank of the temple. (Photo: Erik Østby) banistic reorganization after 303 BC. In this position the his daughters had been cured of their madness, and an- altar which was recently discovered near the northern cient relics had been kept in it before it was destroyed by flank of the temple, of substantial dimensions and with fire: Meleager’s lance, the cauldron where the Peliads an unusual, almost square shape, is concealed from the had boiled their father, and the voting stone used by agora (Fig. 6). From the open square only the long, Athena during the final process against Orestes. If any stretched flank colonnade of the building was visible. such objects had survived the fire (according to Pausan- We almost receive the impression that the religious and ias they had been destroyed, but another source, Ampe- cultic associations connected with the temple were inten- lius (Lib. Mem. 10), gives a more exensive list of these tionally toned down by making it appear like a small objects and describes them as if they were still to be stoa, in a modest position near the corner of the agora, seen), they might have been kept in the inner of the two and without an altar in the normal position in front of the cella rooms, and might contribute to explain this almost temple, where it would be visible from the agora. Since unique solution.9 In this way it was also possible to com- the architectural material from the temple—capitals, bine the Archaic, stretched plan with normally shaped mouldings, etc.—seems to confirm the date about 300 interiors, including those decorative support systems BC, we may safely conclude that it was intentionally along the walls which in the 4th century had become built for this effect and with a view to the new, urbanistic common. A direct model can perhaps be identified in the context. temple of Bassai, where the floor pavement as well as The plan of the temple is a refined and subtle mixture the support system are arranged in the same way. Per- of old and new elements. The elongated proportions of haps the special interior arrangement of the Bassai the plan with its 6 × 18 colonnade recall very early temple, with the Corinthian column dividing the interior temples, of the 7th rather than the 6th century, and are in two separate spaces, may even have provided the unthinkable without a knowledge of them. With such a inspiration for the two-room arrangement as it was de- consciously archaizing plan the ancient traditions of the veloped at Sikyon. temple were adequately emphasized. If this actually was the temple of Apollo mentioned by Pausanias, it had ac- cording to him been founded by Proitos at the site where 9 See Griffin 1982, 17, for this question. 196 Kalliopi Krystalli-Votsi & Erik Østby

The Archaic temple (Plan, Fig. 7) certainly needed inner supports, and an inner colonnade for that purpose might have been placed on this founda- The tradition linking Proitos’ daughters and the ancient tion. A similar colonnade should in that case have ex- relics with the Hellenistic temple would be difficult to isted in a symmetrical position on the northern side of explain if no temple had existed at the site until about the cella, on a line coinciding with the Hellenistic cella 300 BC. During the pre-war excavations some material, wall, which seems to have obliterated all traces of it and 10 such as antefixes of a 6th century type, was does not even seem to have used old foundations under- recovered from an earlier building, which was assumed neath. The reconstruction is for that reason not free from to have been located at the same site and on the same problems, but it provides a normal division of the inte- foundations. It has now been confirmed that an Archaic rior into three bays, the central one slightly wider than temple preceded the Hellenistic one, but the relation be- the lateral ones: 2.60 against 2.30 m. tween the two structures has turned out to be far more Another problem in this context is raised by the curi- complex than earlier realized. ous complex with the presumed tripod basis which is in- The analysis of the Archaic temple plan may part from corporated in the Hellenistic structure (see Fig. 4), and the long stretch of foundations between and parallel to which the Archaic inner colonnade must have crossed. the southern peristasis flank and the southern cella wall The basis itself need not, however, have been an obstacle of the Hellenistic temple (Fig. 8). In the Hellenistic for a column if their positions were indicated by those building it supports only the pavement slabs in the short wall tongues on the foundations which connected pteron and is structurally superfluous; in the northern the southern wall with the foundation for the inner col- pteron it is omitted. In the western end it continues as a onnade, and which were later used to carry the inner sup- trench carved into the rock for the same foundation, ports along the southern wall of the Hellenistic temple. which then turns north and crosses the Hellenistic cella; The early temple of Hera at Olympia gives an obvious later, the western wall of that cella was constructed there parallel for such an arrangement. The axial spacings of (see Fig. 2). The trench continues through the northern the decorative systems in the Hellenistic cella are for that pteron and joins the foundation for the northern perista- reason identical at the southern and northern wall, 2.25 sis flank, turning east at a corner which has been identi- m. At the southern wall these transverse foundations fied immediately outside that foundation. Consequently, continue into the Hellenistic opisthonaos, and connect the northern colonnade of the Hellenistic peristasis was there with the foundations for the inner colonnade in actually constructed on the Archaic foundation. The such a way that they cannot be explained as a later addi- width of the building is documented by the trench in the tion. The inner colonnades cannot, however, have western end, and the length is indicated by a joint going stretched all the way back to the rear wall, since they through two courses of the northern foundation not far would have to cross natural rock formations which were from its eastern end, where it also defines the transition never cut to receive any foundations. For this reason it to a different type of foundations, with smaller blocks; must be assumed that the temple had an adyton in the they were evidently added later for the Hellenistic rear, separated from the cella with a wall probably coin- temple front. We consequently have three sides of a rec- ciding with those blocks which project somewhat more tangle measuring about 10.05 × 30.90 m, with founda- strongly from the northern cella wall than the Hellenistic tions 1.40 to 1.50 m wide. This was not a peristasis foun- tongue foundations. They were probably useful also in dation, since there are no indications of a cella building the Hellenistic arrangement if they carried tongue walls inside it, and investigations in the available area to the framing the innermost adyton with the cult statue, as north of the temple have confirmed that there was no suggested above, but they may be of Archaic date with a peristasis surrounding this building. similar function already then. A transverse wall, whose foundation was later used There is no doubt that this was a building of Doric for a similar wall in the Hellenistic temple, separated the style. Numerous Archaic guttae have been found, some 7 m deep pronaos from the cella. In the southern half of with horizontal and some with slanted lower surface, re- the cella, behind this foundation, it is possible to trace spectively from the regulae and from the mutuli. The with some interruptions a line of rectangular blocks guttae from the regulae are worked freely without con- passing through the cella and into the Hellenistic - thonaos; they could have no function in the later build- 10 Illustrated by Orlandos 1937, 96, fig. 4. (The Archaic build- ing, and must be connected with the earlier one. The in- ing fragments fig. 3 are from a different site.) They are further ner width between the walls of the Archaic cella was so discussed by Krystalli-Votsi 1994, 115f., pl. 30, and dated to considerable, 7.20 m, that the roof construction almost the late 6th century. The Temples of Apollo at Sikyon 197

Fig. 7. The foundations of the temple, with proposed reconstruction of the Archaic temple. (Draw- ing: Erik Østby)

Fig. 8. The southern flank of the temple foundation, with a possibly early Archaic line of blocks inside the Hellenistic (far left) and Archaic (to the right of those) foundations. (Photo: Erik Østby)

tact with the architrave surface behind them, which was building must have been completely built of stone. A normal in the first half of the 6th century. A date in the column drum of about 55 cm diameter might be suitable second quarter seems to be confirmed by the echinus for the presumed dimensions of the inner colonnade, but curve of a fragmentary capital. There are several wall there are also fragments of considerably larger columns. blocks of local limestone, some of them with cavities for There must consequently have been a colonnade also in lifting and hoisting similar to those in the temple of Hera the front, either in a tetrastyle prostyle or a distyle in at Olympia, but more complex, and they confirm that the antis arrangement, in either case with axial spacings 198 Kalliopi Krystalli-Votsi & Erik Østby about 2.70–2.80 m. The prostyle arrangement may actu- Parallels and contexts ally be the more likely solution, if an otherwise unex- plained feature in the south-western corner of the No typological or stylistic analysis of this earliest build- pronaos, where the width of the foundation is suddenly ing can be attempted, but its Archaic successor can eas- reduced, can be interpreted as the position of an anta. ily be connected with traditions in the north-eastern The pronaos was in that case so deep that a return col- . The closest parallel is probably the temple umn had to be placed in the space between the anta and for Hera Akraia at Perachora, also without a peristasis the column front, and an additional colonnade across the and with almost identical dimensions, about 9 × 30 m, pronaos at this point would probably be necessary in or- and an adyton and a cella with two parallel foundations 11 der to support the roof of the deep pronaos space. One for inner colonnades. Unfortunately the shape of the block is still preserved in a position suitable for such an front, prostyle or in antis, is unknown, but the preserved inner column front, between the northern peristasis and remains from the entablature suggest a date in the late 12 the northern pronaos wall, and no other convenient ex- third or early fourth quarter of the 6th century B.C. planation can be found for it; but if there was such a This temple is consequently later than the one at Sikyon, repetition of the front colonnade, we have to look to Ar- and may have been modelled on it. The somewhat chaic architecture in the Western world for parallels. smaller, early temples of Aphaia at and at Psi- likorphi near , the former probably and the latter certainly prostyle, are from the same period as the Si- kyon temple, the first half of the 6th century.13 Similar A possible early Archaic temple temples existed in the Western colonial world, at Cyrene and .14 A reconstruction of this type has also been The foundation complex includes some elements which considered for the early Archaic temple of Apollo at do not seem to be suitable neither for the Hellenistic nor Delphi, and is interesting as far as Sikyon is concerned.15 for the Archaic building, and may relate to a still earlier If the early temple at Sikyon is correctly dated about 570 building phase. Such an unexplained foundation line to 550, it falls into the period immediately after the First goes underneath the southern wall of the Hellenistic Sacred War, in the final period of the Orthagorid leader- cella and supports it. The blocks of that foundation also ship, when contacts between Sikyon and Delphi were supported the inner part of the next course in the Archaic particularly strong and when it is easy to believe that a wall, but their surface level is 10 cm lower than the Ar- new temple for Apollo on the Sikyonian acropolis could chaic foundations themselves, so they were hardly put have taken the principal temple in the Pythian sanctuary there for that purpose; moreover, they have cuttings as a model.16 which would only create complications for such a func- If the Archaic temple can easily be inserted into a con- tion (see Fig. 8). Other blocks at the same, slightly lower temporary architectural tradition and cultural context, level have appeared in the prolongation of the divisory the Hellenistic building stands out as something very un- wall between pronaos and cella beyond the Hellenistic usual with its clear ambition to follow models still earlier cella wall, in the northern pteron. The transverse founda- than the temple which it replaced. This can only be un- tions between the southern wall and the presumed inner derstood as a desire to give architectural shape to the old colonnade of the Archaic temple seem also to belong legends and traditions which were connected with the with this group, since they are located on the same level sanctuary, adapted to the new, urbanistic context. Ar- and bonded with the southern foundation. If these actu- ally are foundations left over and to some extent reused 11 Payne 1940, 78–89; Menadier 1995, 6–67; Pfaff 2003, 119– from a very early building at the site, its overall dimen- 121. While Payne (80) proposed an ordinary distyle in antis sions must remain unknown, since only one corner can front, Menadier (18 f.) leans toward a prostyle reconstruction. 12 be identified; it does seem, however, that the cella of the Payne (1940, 88f.) suggested about 530; Pfaff (2003, 167) pulls it down to the end of the century. Archaic temple was constructed around it. But in any 13 Aegina: Schwandner 1985. Psilikorphi: Østby 1995, 307– case the strange foundation under the presumed tripod 327. basis would have been located inside this temple, in a 14 Cyrene: Pernier 1935, 11–44; Stucchi 1975, 16–19. Selinus, position similar to the one it had in the Archaic temple, Temple E 1: Gullini 1983. 15 Kalpaxis (1976, 56) considers this solution, but sees it as less where it is a far from convenient one. It seems reason- likely than a peripteral building. able to assume that it goes back to this early temple 16 See for Sikyon’s part in the Sacred War and her particular re- building which may have been the first at the site. lations with Delphi at the time Griffin 1982, 52–54. The Temples of Apollo at Sikyon 199 chaizing trends are not unknown in Hellenistic architec- one’s mind when confronted with a temple plan such as ture, but they do not normally go beyond rebuilding this, is only partially adequate for this building. The allu- early temples on an identical plan; the famous temple at sions to Archaic shapes and patterns are certainly delib- Thermon is an excellent example of this approach.17 This erate, and coincide with a tendency represented also by is precisely what the architect at Sikyon did not do; he other structures from that period. But they express only clearly wanted a peripteral temple, not a repetition of the one of those artistic intentions which have here been old, non-peripteral building. This could easily be done brought together in order to resolve an unusually compli- just by constructing a peristasis surrounding the older cated and challenging task, created by the topographical building, and one might believe that this would be poss- situation and the remains of the older building. It is ible also at Sikyon. Here, however, the older building tempting to define this many-faceted and accomplished conditioned the new one in a highly unusual way. The structure as the last true masterpiece left to us from the total length of the Archaic cella was maintained almost rich tradition of Doric temple architecture. without changes for the new one, and the inner division in three rooms as well; but the width was strongly re- Kalliopi Erik Østby Krystalli-Votsi Institute of archaeology, history, duced, stretching its proportion from about 1:3 to 1:5. In Mystras 1 cultural study and religion this way the northern flank of the new peristasis could be GR-166 73 Voula, University of Bergen built on the same foundations as the northern wall of the ATHENS Box 7805 non-peripteral, Archaic temple; the extensions of the N-5020 BERGEN plan which became necessary because of the new peri- [email protected] stasis could be limited to the fronts and the southern flank, and the length axis of the building was conse- quently shifted somewhat to the south. One reason for this surprising move may be found in the relation to the Bibliography altar, if it (or a predecessor) had already been con- Amandry 1987 P. Amandry, ‘Trépieds de Delphes et du structed in that position, so close to the northern flank of Péloponnèse’, BCH 111, 1987, 79–131. the temple that there would not be space available for Griffin 1982 A. Griffin, Sikyon, Oxford 1982. adding an external colonnade in that direction. In order Gullini 1983 G. Gullini, ‘Origini dell’architettura to obtain a more normal proportion the cella could have greca in Occidente’, ASAtene 59, 1981 (pr. 1983), 97–125. been shortened, but this was not done, and with a cella as Kalpaxis 1976 A.E. Kalpaxis, Früharchaische Baukunst long and narrow as this, the long peristasis with 6 × 18 in Griechenland und Kleinasien, Athen columns became as inevitable as it had been in the initial 1976. stage of Greek temple architecture. The consequences Krystalli-Votsi 1994 K. Krystalli-Votsi, ‘Αρχιτεκτονικές τερ- for the cella interior could have been disastrous, it might ρακότες από την αρχαία Σικυώνα’, in have been reduced to a long, narrow and dark corridor N.A. Winter (ed.), Proceedings of the in- on a pattern which already the Archaic temple had aban- ternational conference on Greek archi- doned. The strange division in two almost equally deep tectural terracottas of the Classical and Hellenistic periods, December 12–15, inner spaces solved this problem in an almost brilliant 1991 (Hesperia, Suppl., 27), Princeton, way, and allowed the interiors to be shaped after con- N.J. 1994, 113–124. temporary fashion with decorative supports at the inner Kuhn 1993 G. Kuhn, ‘Bau B und Tempel C in Ther- wall faces. As another consequence of the shift of the mos’, AM 108, 1993, 29–47. central axis to the south the tripod basis now came closer Menadier 1995 B. Menadier, The sixth century B.C. to the centre, becoming an obvious focus of attention in temple and the sanctuary and cult of the first of the two rooms, as the cult statue must have Hera Akraia, Perachora, Ph.D. diss. been in the inner room. If the statue was dislocated to the University of Cincinnati 1995. right of the central axis in a similar way, so that its posi- Musti & Torelli 1986 D. Musti & M. Torelli, Pausania, Guida della Grecia, Libro II: La Corinzia e tion coincided approximately with the off-centre posi- l’Argolide, Milano 1986. tion of the door between the two rooms, it might already Orlandos 1937 A.K. Orlandos, ‘Ἀνασκαφὴ Σικυῶνος from the pronaos have been possible to get a glimpse of τοῦ 1937’, Prakt 1937, 94–96. the two monuments, tripod and statue, as focal points in the two successive rooms. 17 For the problem of separating the building faces in this build- Such a term as “archaizing”, which easily comes to ing, see Kalpaxis 1976, 47–50 and Kuhn 1993. 200 Kalliopi Krystalli-Votsi & Erik Østby

Østby 1995 E. Østby, ‘Templi di Pallantion e C.K. Williams II & N. Bookidis, Athens dell’Arcadia: confronti e sviluppi’, ASA- 2003, 95–140. tene 68-69, 1990–91 (pr. 1995), 285– Philadelpheus 1926 A. Philadelpheus, ‘Ἀνασκαφαὶ Σικυῶ- 390. νος’, ArchDelt 10, 1926, 46–50. Payne 1940 H.G.G. Payne et al., Perachora. The Roux 1958 G. Roux, Pausanias en Corinthie, Paris sanctuaries of Hera Akraia and Limenia 1958. [I]. Architecture, bronzes, terracottas, Schwandner 1985 E.-L. Schwandner, Der ältere Porostem- Oxford 1940. pel der Aphaia auf Ägina (Denkmäler an- Pernier 1935 L. Pernier, Il tempio e l’altare di Apollo a tiker Architektur, 16), Berlin 1985. Cirene, Bergamo 1935. Stucchi 1975 S. Stucchi, Architettura cirenaica Pfaff 2003 C.A. Pfaff, ‘Archaic Corinthian architec- (Monografie di archeologia libica, 9), ture, ca. 600 to 480 B.C.’, in Corinth XX. Roma 1975. Corinth, The centenary 1896–1996, eds. BLOOD, BOUNDARIES, AND PURIFICATION. ON THE CREATION OF IDENTITIES BETWEEN MEMORY AND OBLIVION IN ANCIENT ROME

BY J. RASMUS BRANDT

Abstract Caesar, the past, and the Lupercalia In two case studies identity and memory are discussed with ref- erence to purification and liminality in late Republican/early On the 15th of February every year, at the beginning of Imperial Rome with Caesar and Octavian as the respective pro- the celebrations of the dead, a festival was ar- tagonists. Both studies regard the way the two protagonists ranged in Rome. In a cave under the SW corner of the handled the cave (in the southwest corner of the Pala- Palatine Hill, one or more goats were sacrificed and tine Hill, an area dense with historical memories connected with Rome’s earliest history) and the Lupercalia as a means to create skinned, before the skin was cut into strips and used an identity of power. The first study discusses Caesar’s blunt partly as loincloths by young men, partly as thongs with use of the Lupercalia purification festival in 44 BC to create an which the young men, running round the city, flogged identity as the Saviour of the city. The second study discusses themselves and others they met on their way. They were Octavian’s subtle entry into the southwest corner of the Palatine Hill and his use of the Lupercal’s liminal position in early Ro- in particular sought out by women of child-bearing age, man history as a guideline for the position of his house, as blows by the goatskin thongs were said to have a whereby he established an identity built on respect for ancient positive effect on their fertility and ensure an easy child- values and continuity. Their methods in the use of the past were birth. The festival in question is the Lupercalia,2 the different, as were the outcomes. The article ends with a few young men were referred to as luperci and were divided words on the Lupercalia and oblivion—the antonym of mem- ory. into two teams, the Quinctii (or Quinctilii), attributed to , and the Fabii to Remus.3 Identity is a concept of many faces, memory being one In the year 44 BC the Lupercalia received special at- of its most prominent ones. Memory can be expressed tention: the running ended in the Forum, in front of the through landscapes and natural phenomena, through rostra on which Caesar was seated on a golden throne, monuments and pictures, and it can be used to foster the dressed in a triumphal costume. Marc Antony, who was image of both immaterial and material things, gods and consul that year, appeared as a front runner among the humans, groups and individuals. Memory can be luperci, representing a new team established for the oc- strengthened if connected to an institution, whether casion, the Iulii, referring to Caesar’s family name. He sacred or public, which can manifest its presence offered Caesar a diadem, which the imperator twice re- through regular celebrations. The title of the seminar, of fused to accept when he noticed that the action was not which the present publication is the result, invites to a 1 theoretical discussion on identity and memory. I have 1 For some studies on memory, see, for example, Connerton all the same, despite the theoretical questions inherent in 1989; Alcock 2002; Van Dyke & Alcock 2003. the title of my own contribution, decided not to discuss 2 On the festival, see, for example, Dio Cass. 44.11.1–3; Dion. theory as such, rather to present, as part of a discussion Hal., Ant. Rom. 1.32.3–5, 1.80.1; Festus, s.v. , 75– on identity and memory, two case studies, in which some 76L; , Epit. 43.6ff.; Livy 1.5; Lydus, Mens. 4.25; Ov., Fast. 2.423–442; Nicolaus of FGrH 90 F130.71; theoretical issues are raised. Both studies are taken from Plut., Vit. Rom. 21.3–8; Vit. Caes. 61; Quaest. Rom. 68; Val. late Republican/early Imperial Rome, and they both take Max. 2.2.9; Verg., Aen. 8.342–344—all carrying references to as their point of departure the same topographical area the Lupercalia in one way or the other.—On modern discus- with the same past memories, but their selected memory sions, see, for example: Smits 1946; Michels 1953; Scholz ‘parameters’ are different and their results likewise. The 1981; Ulf 1982; Pötscher 1984; Wiseman 1993, 77–88; 1995 [2008]; Beard, North & Price 1998, II.119–124; Ziolkowski area is the southwest corner of the Palatine Hill, and the 1998–1999, 194–210; Coarelli 2005; Valli 2007a; North 2008; protagonists of the two studies are respectively Caesar McLynn 2008; North & McLynn 2008; see also Brandt 2012b. and his adoptive son Octavian. 3 Ov., Fast. 2.377–380. 202 J. Rasmus Brandt well received by the attending public. Instead, he took phase, when often extreme effects were taken into use, the diadem and offered it to Jupiter on the Capitoline whether in the shape of disorder, lawlessness, immoral- Hill, who, he said, was ‘the only king of Rome’.4 ity, dirtiness, or abnormal acts10—such as during ritual In a recent article, John North suggested that Caesar acts to laugh and joke, strike people, lark about, and ex- here presented himself not as the king of Rome, but as change obscenities. This was not a carnival or a feast ‘of the city’s New Founder, establishing ties for himself and the carnival type’ even if carnivals may have developed his Iulia back to Romulus, the first founder of from purification rituals of such sorts. Rome, and through him and his twin brother Remus Disorder is also encountered in one of the aitia for the back to Aeneas and Venus.5 This last tie had already festival:11 with their followers were been underlined by Caesar in his new Forum by the preparing the sacrifice of a she-goat for the pastoral building of a temple in honour of Venus genetrix, Venus deity Faunus [a female animal sacrificed for a male deity the child-bearer, the family’s female progenitor. was contrary to normal customs12]. It was a hot day and Caesar’s effort to use the past in order to increase his they undressed to do their exercises. Then a shepherd family’s prestige and his own ambitions for power was a called out that robbers were driving off their bullocks. political act common among the late Republican elite in Without dressing [i.e. running naked, not considered a Rome. But why did Caesar select the Lupercalia for his normal act], Remus ran off in one direction, Romulus in bid for power and a new identity? John North unfortu- another. Remus [traditionally the slow one and unex- nately here misses an important point when he refers to pectedly the ‘winner’] was the first to hit upon the rob- the rituals of the Lupercalia as ‘of the Carnival type’ or bers and he rescued the bullocks. On his return he found arranged in ‘the spirit of the Carnival’.6 There was an- the sacrificial meat sizzling on the fire, and, as the victor, other, more important issue underlying the festival, he consumed the meat. When Romulus [traditionally namely its content, which we may be able to understand the swift one and unexpectedly the ‘loser’] returned better by analysing the form it was given through its rit- empty-handed, only the bare bones were left. He ual elements of celebration.7 laughed [an unduly reaction in a ritual context] and The festival was performed in two stages and con- grieved that he had not won. tained the following elements:8 At the Lupercalia the teams of luperci did not run off in opposite directions; rather, both teams ran around the A. Celebrations at the Lupercal cave. Palatine, the hill being a topographical signal which may 1. Sacrifice of goat(s?) and a dog. imply that they followed the perimeter of Roma quad- 13 2. The forehead of two young luperci was touched rata, Romulus’ town (see Figs. 1 and 8). This was also with a bloody knife, and the blood was wiped off the town’s original ritual border. The purification rituals with wool soaked in milk. may thus not have been primarily directed at the town’s 3. After this the two young luperci had to laugh. inhabitants, but rather at the town’s sacred space, as this 4. The skin of the sacrificed goat(s?) was cut into strips to serve as loincloths and thongs. 4 Plut., Vit. Caes. 61; Dio Cass. 44.11.1–3. 5 5. Feasting with plenty of wine. North 2008, 156–159. 6 North 2008, 148, 154, 159. 7 On the use of the concepts content and form, see Brandt 2006; B. Running around (the Palatine), the luperci 2012a, 140–142. 1. beat people with their thongs; 8 Plut., Vit. Rom. 21.3–8, esp. 21.4–5. See also North 2008, 2. beat women of child-bearing age to increase their 147–148.—The actions central to the present discussion are sig- nalled in bold. fertility and ensure an easy delivery; 9 Varro, Ling. 6.34; Dion. Hal., Ant. Rom. 1.80.2; Plut., Vit. 3. joked, laughed, larked about, and exchanged ob- Rom. 21.3; see also Cato, Agr. 141, for a private purification scenities. festival based on ancient rituals. 10 See, for example, Douglas 1966 [2005, 117–121]. 11 Ov., Fast. 2.359–380; Livy 1.5. See North 2008, 153–154. According to the ancient sources, the festival was one of 12 Note that also Plut., Vit. Rom. 21.4 implied that the sex of the 9 purification, staged on one of the inauspicious days goat sacrificed at the Lupercalia was female. (dies nefasti) in the month of February. Purification is an 13 For a discussion of the running, see Michels 1953, followed act which places it between two conditions: between by Ziolkowski 1998–1999, 194–210, arguing for a rectilinear clean and dirty, between pure and impure, between im- course in the Forum area; contra Coarelli 2005, 32–37, who ar- gues convincingly for a course around the Palatine Hill. See maculate and polluted. That is, the act takes place in a also Valli 2007a, 110–120. On Roma quadrata, see Cecamore marginal phase, in a phase of transition, in a liminal 2002a, 15–54, with ancient sources. Blood, Boundaries, and Purification 203

Fig. 1. Rome, the triumphal route encircling the Palatine Hill (detail of plan in La Rocca 2008, 41, fig. 6). space had been defined during the foundation rituals, route as the luperci,18 that is to say in the liminal area when the town’s boundary had been marked by a along the perimeter of Roma quadrata, to the Capitol plough, drawn by a white cow and ox in the so-called Hill, where the final blood guilt was cleansed through sulcus primigenius rite.14 This boundary line, though be- sacrifices to the state god Jupiter Optimus Maximus.19 ing sacred, appeared also as a liminal area dividing the The same route, in the original liminal area of the city, sacred space of the town from the profane space out- was also appropriately followed by the imperial funerary side.15 At the Lupercalia the sacred space of the town , but clockwise, since this was not a purifica- was cleansed for actions which might have polluted it in tion act per se, even if purification was an important ele- the course of the year—and since death was considered a 14 serious kind of pollution, it may be that the festival’s The ploughing, as well as the running, was done counter- clockwise, a normal custom with lustrations; see Briquel 1987, connection with the Parentalia, the festival of the dead, 184; Valli 2007b, 39. For Rome, see also Ov., Fast. 4.819–820. 16 was not entirely accidental. 15 On territorial passage, see van Gennep 1909 [1960, 15–25]. Another important act of purification in Rome was 16 On this connection, see Ziolkowski 1998–1999, 191–193, but connected with the triumphal processions of victorious also Brandt 2012b. 17 On the purification effects of passing a gate, see van Gennep generals. Before the soldiers could move freely inside 1909 [1960, 20–21]. Contra Versnel 1970, 132–163, 196–197. the town, the homecoming army had to be cleansed of See also La Rocca 2008, 37, 39, who suggests that a fountain in the blood guilt caused on the battlefield. The first act of connection with the temples of Apollo and , just outside cleansing occurred as the triumphal procession passed the city gate (or alternatively the Porta Triumphalis), could have the city gate of the later, expanded town.17 Well inside been used for purification. 18 As also suggested by La Rocca 2008, 42. the walls the procession continued also this time around 19 On the triumphs, see the references in La Rocca 2008, 52, n. the Palatine Hill (Fig. 1), perhaps following the same 1; see also Coarelli 2005, 37. 204 J. Rasmus Brandt ment of funerary rituals.20 It rather underlined the liminal month later, on the Ides of March he was assassinated in status of the deceased (or rather his soul), between the the Senate. moment of death and /interment.21 Blood caused pollution which had to be cleansed, as in the case of the triumphant soldiers, but blood was 25 also a sign of life and recreation. In Etruscan tomb Octavian, the past, and the Palatine Hill paintings, which in Archaic and Classical times por- Rome was not yet ready to accept the manipulation of a trayed actions taken in the disorderly liminal phase (be- festival for this sort of political self-promotion, but Cae- tween the moment of death and the moment of inter- sar’s play on family, inheritance, and power paved the ment) in order to ward off evils and dangerous powers, way for his successor, his adoptive son Octavian, who bloodshed was a recurring theme. We meet it in the was more subtle in his use of the same past in the crea- many boxing scenes and in the gruesome play between tion of an identity, which over time implicitly gave him the masked person Phersu, who on a leash holds a dog an inherited right to the power of Rome. His policy was 22 which attacks someone with a covered head. Among based on Roman inheritance and traditions (mores maio- the Etruscans it was thought that blood sacrifice, or rum), principles which were much in line with that of the bloodshed, was able to confer to the de- strong senate order. Octavian’s strategic move was noth- 23 ceased’s soul. Whipping, as it occurred at the Luper- ing new—it can be followed as a scarlet thread through calia, being an act of purification, could also create the later part of the Republic’s history. For example, the bloodshed, but as life-giver the blood may during this idea in the late 3rd century BC to introduce the cult of festival also have been considered beneficial for Cybele, or Magna Mater, to Rome was a political-reli- women of child-bearing age. The beneficiary result for gious act strongly supported by the Scipio family, who female fertility and child-bearing was thus an indirect could carry the roots of its gens back to Troy.26 result of purification; it was part of the bargain, so to speak, and was not a separate fertility ritual per se. The 20 Valli 2007b, 46–51; on esp. pp. 44–45, the author suggests shedding of blood is furthermore an act of disorder; this that also another two processions may have followed the same may explain why it was confined to the liminal phase iter around the Palatine Hill: the procession of the saecu- of the Etruscan funerary rituals and of the purification lares (clockwise) and that of ter novenae virgines (direction not suggested). Cf. also Versnel 1970, 101–131. act at the Lupercalia, which took place in the liminal 21 area of the boundary of Roma quadrata. On this, in an Etruscan setting, see Brandt in print. 22 For a further elaboration of this argument, see Brandt in print. The Lupercalia was thus an important purification 23 According to the late Roman author Arnobius (Adv. Nat. festival established to protect the city from perils and 2.62), in the Acherontic Books (or the books on funerary rituals) dangers. This was the festival’s content.24 By using this the Etruscans promised ‘that by the blood of certain animals, di- vine souls (animae) become endowed with certain numinous particular festival rather than the on the 21st of spirits and they would be led away from the laws of mortality’ April, Rome’s birthday, and by manipulating elements (translation from De Grummond 2006, 209). In other words, the of the festival’s form, Caesar promoted an image of him- blood sacrifice was able to give immortality to dead souls. self as the Protector of the town in a bid for more power. 24 Here I risk being included in North’s list of those who search He wanted to identify himself, perhaps not as Rome’s for the ‘true original meaning’ of the festival: North 2008, 145, n. 4. Whether fantasy or not, by content I mean the system of New Founder, but rather as its Saviour, for which reason ideas used by humans to represent themselves within the society he was dressed in a triumphal costume. By adding a third of which they are a part. That is, content comprises the myths, team of luperci, the Iulii, he advertised an inherited aitia, and cosmological conceptions used by humans to remem- claim to this identity. ber past events and to explain civic concerns and social customs and phenomena; in other words, content is the collective cul- The staged performance was most likely a way to test tural memory of a festival. Cf. Brandt 2006; 2012a, 140–142. if the Romans were ready for a monarchy based on past 25 This second case study is a modified version of two articles Roman traditions, but apparently they were not. When written in Norwegian for an interested public (Brandt 2008a; Caesar sensed the lukewarm enthusiasm among the at- 2008b), and is adjusted to the present identity arguments. The articles were written independently of Carandini & Bruno 2008, tending public, he twice turned down Marc Antony’s of- a book dense with information on ancient sources and archaeo- fer of a diadem, a royal symbol, and instead proclaimed logical remains, all blended together in an overwhelming, im- Jupiter on the Capitoline Hill as the only king of Rome. aginative overview, which certainly will raise much criticism But the damage had been done: the excessive use of (as already done by Wiseman 2009). My presentation takes a different point of departure, and has been written independently symbols and connected identities strengthened his ene- of both Carandini & Bruno and Wiseman. mies in their fear of Caesar’s real ambitions. Exactly a 26 See Pensabene & D’Alessio 2006, 34. Blood, Boundaries, and Purification 205

Fig. 2. Palatine Hill, southwest corner with the positions of the Temple of Magna Mater (Q), the Temple of Vic- tory (L), the Scalae Caci (O), and Octavian’s first house (B) (map from Pensabene & Falzone 2001, fig. 1 between pp. 4 and 5).

Family origin was an important element in the identity new house and property on the Palatine Hill—in its and power base for members of the senate order, and it southwest corner.28 The move was certainly carefully was visualized in various ways. One example is L. Mar- studied. This area was the most sensible place in Rome cius Philippus, who in 56 BC minted coins with a picture with regard to community heritage. Here were clustered on the reverse of a on top of an aqueduct: a number of monuments with reference to persons who the scene referred to one of his ancestors, the Q. represented three significant stages in Rome’s earliest Marcius Rex, who in the year 144 BC had built the Aqua history (Fig. 2): Marcia and was consequently honoured with an equest- rian statue. On the coins’ obverse was a portrait of the 1. The Arcadian Evander, who, as the first, founded fourth king of Rome, , the progenitor of the sanctuary of Victory on the Palatine Hill and the family.27 Caesar, as mentioned above, had underlined the Trojan origin of his family through the temple of Ve- 27 Hannestad 1986, 24, and more examples there cited. nus genetrix in the new forum he had started to build, but 28 Normally the house is considered to be that of the orator Q. he later failed in the way he handled this origin. Hortensius Hortalus, but he died in 50 BC and the house passed Soon after the victory over the murderers of Caesar, at to his son Quintus, see Corbier 1992, 887–891, and the tables of descent, figs. 1–2, pp. 874–875. See also E. Papi (LTUR II Philippi in 42 BC, the young Octavian made his first (1995), 116–117: Domus: Q. Hortensius) and the contrary move with a claim of origin and inheritance: he bought a views of Wiseman 2009, 529–539. 206 J. Rasmus Brandt

housed Pan (with the epithet Lykeios) in a cave just percal cave symbolized a liminal phase in the prehistory below at the foot of the hill.29 of the town, in which the twins Romulus and Remus, 2. The Trojan Aeneas, who was associated with the who in the transitional stage were saved by the she-wolf temple of Magna Mater built soon after the an- (the abnormal situation), found themselves between iconic statue of the goddess in 205/4 BC was death (the intended result when they were put out on a brought to Rome from her major sanctuary at Pes- raft on the Tiber) and life (when they were found by the sinus in Asia Minor, considered to be within the herdsman ). By placing his property line across realms of the ancient Trojan territory.30 the Lupercal cave, Octavian signalled the cave’s liminal 3. The Roman Romulus, whose dwelling was in this importance and his own direct connection with the corner of the Palatine Hill and restored and re- town’s origin and power. newed throughout Antiquity.31 Octavian’s move to the southwest corner of the Pala- tine was a subtle way to appropriate himself of Caesar’s Of these monuments, we lack a precise location for the legacy as the heir of Aeneas and Romulus, to which he cave of Pan, which is the same as that of the Lupercal and where, according to tradition, the she-wolf nursed 29 Dion. Hal., Ant. Rom. 1.32–33; Paus. 8.43.2. See also Livy the twins Romulus and Remus. In winter 2006/2007, a 1.5.1–2; Verg., Aen. 8.342–344; Vel. Pat. 1.15.3. 30 clamorous discovery was made during some deep-drill- Livy 29.11. This act requires a brief explanation. In the midst ing works: at the bottom of the Palatine cliff, in front of of the wars against Hannibal, by the end of the 3rd century BC going badly for the Romans, the were con- Octavian’s house, a circular room (D. 6.56 m; H. c. 7.10 sulted. According to these the Romans were urged to introduce m) was found with the dome decorated with mosaics and the cult of Magna Mater/Cybele to Rome (Livy 29.14.2–6; sea-shells set in geometric and vegetal patterns including Diod. Sic. 34/35.33.2; App., Hann. 56), since it was with her a white eagle in its zenith.32 The discovery was immedi- Aeneas first had taken refuge during his flight from the burning Troy (Verg., Aen. 9.80–92, 10.156–158; cf. Dion. Hal., Ant. ately proclaimed as the Lupercal cave, re-igniting the Rom.1.47). This may be seen as a result of the Romans’ politi- discussion of the cave’s real whereabouts.33 If the inter- cal attempts to justify their interference in the diplomatic chess pretation of the room as the Lupercal cave is disputed, game in the eastern Mediterranean at this time. For a further there is at least a general agreement that the room must discussion, see Burton 1996; Pensabene & D’Alessio 2006, 34– 37, and literature there cited. be a nympheum, part of a larger complex. The date of 31 Dion. Hal., Ant. Rom. 1.79.11. 34 the mosaics may be late Republican. 32 For a presentation of the room, see the home page of the Mi- I shall not go into a full discussion of the room’s inter- nistero per i beni e le attività culturali under the link ‘Confe- pretation, but if it originally had had some relation to the renza stampa sull’aggiornamento dei restauri in corso al Pala- Lupercal, an interesting topographical observation can tino’, dated Nov. 20, 2007 (www.beniculturali.it/sala/dettaglio- comunicato.asp?nd=ss,cs&Id=2579). Cf. also the following site be made: the room is situated right under the southwest of the Italian daily newspaper La Repubblica: http://www.re- façade of Octavian’s house, that is the border zone, or in pubblica.it/2006/08/gallerie/spettacoliecultura/grotta-romolo-e- the liminal area of the house (appearing here more or remo/1.html. 33 less the same for both building phases of the house) See, for example, interviews and short articles in La Repub- blica following the official presentation of the discovery on (Figs. 3–4). Normally, the Lupercal is considered to lie Nov. 20, 2007: A. La Regina (Nov. 22, 2007, Rome pages, p. 1: at a point closer to the temples of Victory and of Magna no Lupercal); F. Zevi (Nov. 23, 2007, Rome pages, p. 2: no Lu- Mater further west. The two temples are placed close to percal); A. Carandini (Dec. 22, 2007, p. 43 (and implicitly also each other, but on slightly different orientations; it is on Nov. 23, 2007, p. 37: Lupercal); F. Coarelli (Febr. 15, 2008, tempting to suggest, as someone may well have done al- p. 56: no Lupercal); A. Carandini (Febr. 16, 2008: Lupercal). See also Carandini & Bruno 2008 and the corresponding critical ready, that the Lupercal was located below the point remarks by Wiseman 2009, 539–544. where the axes of the two temples met. It may be of 34 Carandini & Bruno 2008, xiv, 129–131, date the room to 40– some interest to notice that this occurs at the southwest 20 BC, but Zevi (see preceding note), judging the room from corner of Octavian’s house, where it borders on scalae the first published photographs, considered them later. 35 It may be noticed that in this position the Lupercal lies just in Caci, i.e. still in its liminal area, the line between the two Circo according to the definition presented by Carandini & hypothetical Lupercal positions following that of the Bruno 2008, 10–12, 124, and fig. 4. Actually, its position is in south façade of the house (Fig. 5).35 the very northwest corner of the region, in the border zone with Such a liminal position of the Lupercal in relation to Regio X, that of the Palatine, a possible reason for the contradic- Octavian’s house on the Palatine may not be accidental. tory information of its position given by respectively Serv., in Verg. Aen. 8.90 (in Circo = Regio XI) and the Cataloghi Re- The Lupercalia can by the purification ceremonies be gionari (which mention it as the last monument in Regio X). See considered a liminal festival, in the same way as the Lu- also Coarelli 1983, 263, fig. 75. Blood, Boundaries, and Purification 207

Fig. 3. Palatine Hill, Octavian’s first house with the Stanza delle Maschere in the upper left corner. also added Evander, the first element in Rome’s founda- aniconic object connected to Apollo, confirmed by tion myths. Whether or not the move was noticed by the the quiver leaning against its base. The other object contemporary elite in Rome, Octavian did not follow it leaning against the missile-like betylus is Romulus’ up with any bid for political power. That Octavian made javelin, which he had thrown towards the Palatine this move consciously is further confirmed by frescoes Hill when he, before the foundation of Rome, took in one of the more peripheral reception rooms of his auspices on the ;36 the depicted jave- house, the so-called Stanza delle Maschere (see Fig. 3). lin thus refers to the third stage in Rome’s founda- A fanciful theatrical stage architecture appears there on tion myths (Fig. 6). three walls, each with a central ‘window’ opening out to an imaginary outdoor space behind: 36 On this event, see Enn., Ann. 47 (Skutsch 1985); Serv., in 1. On the wall opposite the entrance we find depicted Verg. Aen. 3.46; Arn., Adv. Nat. 4.3. See also Cappelli 2000, in this imaginary space a missile-shaped betylus, an 177. 208 J. Rasmus Brandt Fig. 4. Palatine Hill, Octavian’s second house with the liminal position of newly discovered nympheum indicated below. Blood, Boundaries, and Purification 209

Fig. 5. Palatine Hill, the southwest corner of the hill and Octavian’s house; the position of the newly discovered nympheum and the hy- pothetical position of the Lupercal in relation to the Temples of Magna Mater and Vic- tory marked by circles (basic map borrowed from Mar 2005, pl. 4, a map which in some de- tails differs from those of Figs. 3–4 ).

2. In the ‘window’ on the wall to the right of the en- established in power, that he went public with the picto- trance stands a cut column carrying a large two- rial inheritance themes and made them part of a state handled situla; by the column’s base appears a identity and ideology, as we meet them in both the Ara syrinx, or the flute of Pan—thus referring to Evan- Pacis and his own Forum.38 der and the first stage in Rome’s foundation myths Into this picture is also introduced Apollo, Octavian’s (Fig. 7). favourite god, whose temple he in the following years 3. The motive on the third wall, to the left of the en- raised to be in immediate contact with his house, now trance, is unfortunately not well preserved, but completely rebuilt.39 How could he do this with a deity since we in the other two pictures have references who was a foreigner to Rome’s pantheon of local gods to Romulus and Evander, the third wall most likely and, even more to the point, how could he do it inside carried a motif with reference to Aeneas, the sec- the perimeter not only of the Servian city walls, but also ond stage in Rome’s foundation myths.37 of the Romulean Roma quadrata on the Palatine Hill?

This means that Octavian, already from the beginning of 37 The object could, with reference to the Aeneas scene in the his political career, picked up and carried further Cae- later Ara Pacis, have been an altar or one of the penates, a pig, a sar’s creation of an identity as the heir to the power in temple, or some object of Trojan origin. For iconographi- Rome. But Octavian had learned his lesson and moved at cal objects connected with Aeneas, see Cappelli 2000, 152–160. 38 For both monuments, of which much has been written, see, a very slow pace. He did not hurry, as Caesar had done for example, Zanker 1987, passim. by building a temple to his divine progenitor, Venus, in 39 The rebuilding started in 36 BC after the victory over Sextus his forum, and by staging the Lupercalia in 44 BC. Pompeius. During this operation the early house was interred, Octavian kept these frescoes—the first proclamation of preserving for posterity the beautiful frescoes on the walls, as his political intentions, apart from the position of the suggested by Iacopi & Tedone 2005/2006, 366, 370–371; Iacopi 2007, 11–12. The new interpretation has been adopted to house—to himself in private, perhaps visible only to the extreme by Carandini in Carandini & Bruno 2008, 30–104 trustworthy and intimate friends. It was only later, well and given a biting criticism by Wiseman 2009, 527–539. 210 J. Rasmus Brandt

Fig. 6. Octavian’s first house, Stanza delle Maschere. Detail of a ‘window’ in the wall opposite the entrance.

How did he manage to give a Roman identity to have been dated to the third/fourth quarter of the 8th cen- Apollo—and how was this connected to his policy based tury BC and interpreted as part of Rome’s earliest de- on Roman inheritance and traditions? fence system.43 Romulus’ Roma quadrata was a concept that was per- haps born from a topographical description of the town, 40 Tac., Ann. 12.24. Cf. also Cecamore 2002a; 2002b. The map in which four known monuments were mentioned as its is taken from the interpretation of Mar 2005, 111, fig. 52, see corners (see Fig. 8):40 the southwest corner by ara Her- also 109, fig. 51 and accompanying text pp. 105–112. For a dif- culi maximi in the outskirts of Forum Boarium,41 the ferent interpretation, see Bruno in Carandini & Bruno 2008, southeast corner at ara Consi in the east end of the later 224–231. See also the references in Cappelli 2000, 182, n. 1, and Wiseman 2009, 541–542. Circus Maximus, the northeast corner by Curiae Veteres 41 According to tradition the altar was founded by Evander (the council hall of the town’s earliest tribes, close by the (Verg., Aen. 8.268–275; Liv. 1.7.10–15). much later Arch of Constantine), and the northwest cor- 42 The position of the , which most likely shall be ner by the unidentified sanctuary of the lares (the house- called Larundae, is not known, but there seems to be general hold gods) or of their mother (sacellum Larum/Larun- agreement that it lies in the Forum Romanum/Velabrum area, 42 see F. Coarelli (LTUR IV (1999), 207–209: Roma Quadrata), J. dae) in the Forum Romanum. Excavations conducted Aronen (LTUR III (1996), 176–177: Sacellum Larundae), and near the line between the last two monuments have un- Mar 2005, 108. covered the course of a solid tufa wall and a ditch. They 43 Carandini 1995, 63; Terrenato, Brocato & Ricci 1995. Blood, Boundaries, and Purification 211

Fig. 7. Octavian’s first house, Stanza delle Maschere. Detail of a ‘win- dow’ in the wall to the right of the entrance.

In this quadrangular system the internal line between ‘Roman’ identity may have been Evander and his intro- the altar of Hercules (SW) and the old council hall (NE) duction of the cult of the Arcadian Pan Lykeios in the appears fairly certain. And in the very pronaos of the cave under the southwest corner of the Palatine Hill and temple of Apollo, the SW–NE line meets at a right angle the cult’s accompanying festival.45 the prolongation of the axis of Via Flaminia, along The epithet Lykeios (of wolf) is rare, but apparently which the other two corners of the town have also been strongly connected with central Peloponnese. Both Zeus, tentatively placed. In such a reconstruction of Roma venerated on the Lykaion mountain in Arcadia, and Pan, quadrata it appears that Octavian may have placed the having his sanctuary nearby,46 used it. Apollo used it as temple of Apollo in the physical centre of the town, at well, though not in Arcadia, but in the neighbouring the auguratorium from where Romulus is said to have Argolid area, where he was worshipped as Argos’ most observed the flight of the birds;44 Octavian thus con- important deity. This may be a tenuous connection. An- nected Apollo physically to the foundation of Rome as its protector, in the same way Apollo had protected the 44 Coarelli (LTUR I (1993), 143: Auguratorium); Iacopi & Te- Trojans in the battle against the Greeks. With reference done 2005/2006, 375. See also Mar 2005, 109–111, who sug- gests that the concept Roma quadrata was constructed on this to the temple of Magna Mater, the argument for Apollo’s picture, not the other way round. introduction may accordingly have been a déjà vu situa- 45 For ancient sources, see note 29 above. tion. However, another connection for giving Apollo a 46 Paus. 8.38.2–7. 212 J. Rasmus Brandt

Fig. 8. Roma quad- rata with its crossing axes (map as inter- preted by Mar 2005, 111, fig. 52). other connection may have existed in an unusual Evander) was later placed in Augustus’ Forum,51 thus coupling of Apollo and Pan: Pausanias saw and modern completing the triad of Rome’s foundation heroes there research has revealed the existence of Apollo statuettes as they also appeared together on the Palatine Hill. in two sanctuaries of Pan on the Lykaion mountain.47 As Since Apollo’s connection to the Palatine was estab- Aeneas in the Middle Republic had been important in lished through Evander and Pan Lykeios, it is not unjus- creating a ‘Roman’ origin for Magna Mater, in order to tified to ask whether Octavian would have tried to estab- have her temple installed inside the city walls, Evander lish such a link also in the topography of the Palatine may similarly have been important for Octavian in creat- Hill. If so, the position of the newly discovered nymph- ing a ‘Roman’ origin for Apollo to justify the placement eum establishes two interesting links: first, its centre lies of a temple in his honour in the heart of the Romulean on the prolonged line of the west long wall of the temple, city. The Arcadian/Argive connection was further under- some 45 m (around 150 Roman feet) from the temple, in lined by the presentation of the Danaïds in the court in the liminal border area of the temple temenos, which co- front of the temple, with the 50 daughters of king incided more or less with the south limits of Octavian’s Danaos being of Argive descent.48 two succeeding houses;52 second, the axis of the In 12 BC this connection to Evander may further have been used, in a reversed way, as an argument by Augus- tus to place the Sibylline books in the temple of 47 Paus. 8.37.11–12; Hübinger 1993. 48 Apollo,49 since according to tradition the first sibyl was On the Danaïd court and the Danaïds, see lately, Iacopi & 50 Tedone 2005/2006, 359, 362–363; Tomei 2005/2006 (with fur- Evander’s mother. After the battle at Actium Octavian ther references). travelled to Arcadia to settle affairs with the cities which 49 Suet., Aug. 31.1. See also Dio Cass. 54.17. had supported Marc Antony. It may not have been for 50 On this, see two sources mentioned by Wiseman 1995 [2008, purely aesthetic and/or economic value reasons that he at 55 and nn. 19–20]: Schol. Plato, Phaedrus 224b, Ruhnk p. 61, this occasion transferred the Greek artist Endoios’ re- and Clem. Al., Strom. 1. cap. xxi.108.1ff. (cf. Heraclides Ponti- cus fr. 130 Wehrli). nowned ivory cult statue of Athena Alea from Tegea to 51 Paus. 8.46.1, 4–5. Rome. The statue (implicitly carrying associations to 52 Compare Iacopi & Tedone 2005/2006, pls. 7 and 8. Blood, Boundaries, and Purification 213 nympheum appears to meet the axis of the temple be- most often meet it reported in writings and recorded in tween the two central columns of the temple (see Fig. 4). artefacts and monuments). Seen in this perspective the We then have two possible scenarios. In the first sce- Lupercalia was not a festival ‘of the carnival type’, even nario the observation above presupposes that the if such an interpretation could certainly be favoured by nympheum preceded the temple, that the temple was po- Cicero’s negative description of the luperci as a ‘certain sitioned according to the nympheum, and that the wild association of Lupercalian brothers, both plainly nympheum (also known as the Lupercal cave) was re- pastoral and savage, whose rustic alliance was formed decorated when the temple was built. The second sce- before civilization and laws’.54 The festival, however, nario accepts that the position of the original Pan was connected with an essential observance, namely pu- Lykeios/Lupercal cave was further west, perhaps in the rification, that was important for the survival of the city, position where the axes of the temples of and of an observance laid down already in the city’s foundation Magna Mater meet. Since there was no space for moving myths and ritual actions. Caesar’s selection of the festi- another temple in together with the other two, a different val for the promotion of his ambitions was not acciden- solution was needed—the Lupercal had to be moved to tal—rather, it played on the past and was carefully made. the new temple. This, of course, could not be done, but The festival was part of the social memory of the Ro- the Lupercal could be expanded further east to include mans.55 The ultimate outcome underlines, even if in an new rooms in order to establish the missing topographi- uncalculated and calamitous way, not only the success of cal cum identity link. Thus, the building of the Apollo his choice, but also how dangerous his adoption of an temple and the nympheum occurred simultaneously. identity (with monarchical overtones) as the Saviour of Nymphea are often connected with rooms for dining— the city was felt by the Senate, Caesar’s counterpart in and dining, and especially wining, was an important part his struggle for the power of Rome. of the ritual procedures of the Lupercalia, as we have al- Octavian was also aware of the symbolic importance ready seen. of the Lupercal cave and the Lupercalia in the founda- tion and later survival of the city. But when Caesar bluntly laid claim to the festival by introducing a new team of luperci and receiving the winners, Octavian laid The Lupercal and the Lupercalia between claim to the sanctuary by placing his house above it, though in such a way that he respected (and underlined) memory and oblivion—some summary the sanctuary’s liminal function in the foundation myths remarks of the city. He also used the cave as an argument to in- troduce Apollo to the Palatine Hill—an argument he Both the connection between the temple of Apollo and must have had at hand already when he let Romulus’ the Pan Lykeios/Lupercal cave and the identification of lance, in the central fresco of the Stanza delle Maschere the newly found nympheum as part of the Lupercal sanc- in his first house there, be depicted as leaning against the tuary are, of course, speculative and difficult to prove in base of Apollo’s betylus. In this also Octavian played on lack of further archaeological and/or written testimonies. the social memory of the Romans, but some of that However, Octavian’s establishment of his house in the memory, especially the introduction of Apollo, was an southwest corner of the Palatine Hill was no mere acci- historical construction based on known elements that dent, nor was his renovation of the Lupercal cave, as were made to suit his aims. stated in his own testament.53 The cave and its connected In the present case studies the distinction between festival apparently had a strong symbolic meaning for content and form has helped us not only to understand the Romans, perhaps more than modern research has better the reason behind Caesar’s Lupercalia perfor- grasped. Why otherwise would both Caesar and Octav- mance, but also how differently he and his adoptive son ian in their political manoeuvrings have shown, each in Octavian used the past to create for themselves an iden- his own way, such an interest for this sanctuary and its tity as a ruler: Caesar, as the general, made it in public, accompanying festival? in order to obtain a quick result; Octavian, as the politi- One aim of this paper has been to demonstrate the im- cian, started it in private and waited patiently for the portance of defining what information we use when in- right moment to go public. terpreting ancient sources. With respect to festivals (as in the present example of the Lupercalia), identities are 53 Res gestae divi Augusti 4.19 and Summary 2. created in connection with the festivals’ content, but 54 Cic., Cael. 26. they are expressed through the festivals’ form (as we 55 Connerton 1989, 6–40. 214 J. Rasmus Brandt

Even if little is known about the further development The content of the festival was gradually going into of the Lupercal and the Lupercalia, their cultic impor- oblivion, but its form was maintained, even if carne- tance in Rome is well demonstrated by Constantine, who valesque in appearance, because such was the custom.67 took them with him when the capital of the empire was transferred to Constantinople. The cave may have been J. Rasmus Brandt placed under the kathisma, or Imperial tribune, facing Department of Archaeology, Conservation, and History 56 University of Oslo the hippodrome next to the Imperial palace. The place Pb. 1008 Blindern recalled the Lupercal’s position in Rome, between the N-0315 OSLO Imperial palace and the Circus Maximus, but running up and down the hippodrome made little sense to the Luper- calia’s original content of purification, which must soon Acknowledgements have disappeared into oblivion. The name, however, had stuck and the festival was still celebrated in the 10th cen- My sincere thanks go to Profs. Eugenio La Rocca, tury,57 though in a completely changed form, and per- Patrizio Pensabene, and Riccardo Mar for the kind per- haps given a new meaning, with running with chariots mission to publish respectively Figs. 1, 2, 5 and 8. These now being the central element.58 thanks are also extended to Ministero dei Beni e delle Back in Rome, what happened to the Lupercalia puri- Attività Culturali e del Turismo – Soprintendenza Spe- fication ritual at the rise of Christendom, when the ciale per i Beni Archeologici di Roma for the permission to publish Figs. 3–4 and 6–7 (photo nos. DA2826 and Christian funerary customs challenged the ancient ideas DA2827). of especially death and pollution?59 The festival survived Theodosius’ decree of 391 banning animal sacrifices, but the young luperci were replaced by running actors, and the priest by a public official.60 The festival was pro- Bibliography fessionalized, and though the form of the running pre- Abbreviations of journals follow the system of the Deutsches served,61 the content gradually shifted from a ritual act of Archäologisches Institut: http://www.dainst.org/medien/de/ urban purification to folklore entertainment with super- richtlinien_abkuerzungen.html#B. stitious overtones. In a letter about the Lupercalia writ- Alcock 2002 S.E. Alcock, Archaeologies of the Greek ten by the end of the 5th century, Pope Gelasius disap- past: landscape, monuments, and memo- 62 proved that Andromachus, a Roman senator, had ries, Cambridge 2002. staged the Lupercalia. The pope referred to the senator’s Beard, North & M. Beard, J. North & S. Price, Religions arguments in favour of the festival, (writing e.g. ‘dis- Price 1998 of Rome, 2 vols., Cambridge 1998. eases occur because demons are not honoured, and sacri- fice is not made to the god Februarius’), and he asked the 56 For this interesting observation, see Carandini & Bruno 2008, senator whether plague, barrenness, and the continuous 18–20. storm of wars had occurred because the Lupercalia had 57 Duval 1977, 223–243; Wiseman 1995 [2008, 82]; McLynn been abolished.63 The disapproval refers to a mixture of 2008, 173. The festival appears by now to celebrate the begin- ning of either spring or Lent. elements directly or indirectly belonging to the old festi- 58 Duval 1977, 223–243; McLynn 2008, 173. val (sacrifices, barrenness,64 plagues, and wars), some 59 See Brandt 2012b. under new denominations such as demons.65 The origi- 60 McLynn 2008, 169–173. 61 nal festival had moved into a phase of gradual oblivion, I expect that the old course around the Palatine was more or less maintained. Augustine’s statement (De civ. D. 18.12) that and at best its contents had been transferred to other the running was performed up and down the Forum should be fields of purification. seen more as a contextual metaphor than as a real fact. Cf. also Gelasius did not stop the celebrations, in fact they Coarelli 2005, 36; McLynn 2008, 173. 62 may have ‘endured for as long as the civil administration MacLynn 2008, 171. On this story, see also Holleman 1974. 63 McLynn 2008, 162, 167. of Rome had the means to sponsor such shows’. How- 64 Whether this refers to female barrenness or, in a figurative ever, the endurance was not only connected to ‘the re- sense, barrenness in general. turns that members of the Roman aristocracy continued 65 Most likely a common denominator for the pagan gods, in to derive from investing their energies in the city’s herit- this case those honoured at the Lupercalia. 66 age industry,’ 66 but also to a fear in the population re- McLynn 2008, 175. 67 For the end of the pagan festivals, see, for example, the com- garding the transition from old, in-grown traditions, to ments by Holleman 1974, 185–189, and by Beard, North & new concepts of boundaries, liminality, and purification. Price 1998, I, 388. Blood, Boundaries, and Purification 215

Brandt 2006 J.R. Brandt, ‘Votives and veneration. Cecamore 2002a C. Cecamore, Palatium. Topografia sto- Athena, Hellotis, and Europa at Gor- rica del Palatino tra il III sec. a.C. e I tyna’, in Common ground: archaeology, sec. d.C., Roma 2002. art, science and humanities. Proceedings Cecamore 2002b C. Cecamore, ‘Le Curiae Veteres sulla of the XVIth International Congress of Forma Urbis Marmorea e il pomerio Classical Archaeology, Boston, August romuleo secondo Tacito’, RM 109, 2002, 23–26, 2003, eds. C.C. Mattusch, A.A. 43–58. Donohue & A. Brauer, Oxford 2006, 44– Coarelli 1983 F. Coarelli, Il Foro Romano. Il periodo 48. arcaico, Roma 1983. Brandt 2008a J.R. Brandt, ‘Luperkalet på Palatinen’, Coarelli 2005 F. Coarelli, ‘I percorsi ceremoniali a Klassisk Forum 2008:1, 62–80. Roma in età ’, in Teseo e Romolo. Brandt 2008b J.R. Brandt, ‘Oktavians hus på Pala- Le origini di Atene e Roma a confronto. tinen’, Klassisk Forum 2008:2, 38–58. Atti del Convegno internazionale di Brandt 2012a J.R. Brandt, ‘Content and form. Some studi, Scuola archeologica italiana di considerations on Greek festivals and ar- Atene, Atene, 30 giugno–1 luglio 2003 chaeology’, in Greek and Roman festi- (Tripodes, 1), ed. E. Greco, Atene 2005, vals. Content, meaning, and practice, 29–42. eds. J.R. Brandt & J.W. Iddeng, Oxford Connerton 1989 P. Connerton, How societies remember, 2012, 139–197. Cambridge 1989. Brandt 2012b J.R. Brandt, ‘From sacred space to holy Corbier 1992 M. Corbier, ‘De la maison d’Hortensius à places. The of the Ro- la curia sur le Palatin’, MEFRA 104, man cityscape: some reflections’, Oriz- 1992, 871–916. zonti 13, 2012, 151–156. De Grummond 2006 N.T. De Grummond, Etruscan myth, Brandt in print J.R. Brandt, ‘Passage to the Underworld. sacred history, and legend, Philadelphia Continuity or change in Etruscan funer- 2006. ary ideology and practices (6th–2nd cen- Douglas 1966 [2005] M. Douglas, Purity and danger. An an- tury BC)?’, in Death and changing rit- alysis of concepts of pollution and taboo, uals. Function and meaning in ancient London & New York 1966 [2005]. funerary practices (preliminary title), Duval 1977 Y.-M. Duval, ‘Des Lupercales de Con- eds. J.R. Brandt, H. Ingvaldsen & M. stantinople aux Lupercales de Rome’, Prusac, in print. REL 55, 1977, 222–270. Briquel 1987 D. Briquel, ‘I riti di fondazione’, in Tar- Hannestad 1986 N. Hannestad, Roman art and imperial quinia: ricerche, scavi e prospettive. Atti policy, Århus 1986. del convegno internazionale di studi: La Holleman 1974 A.W.J. Holleman, Pope Gelasius I and Lombardia per gli Etruschi, Milano 24– the Lupercalia, Amsterdam 1974. 25 giugno 1986, eds. M. Bonghi Jovino Hübinger 1993 U. Hübinger, ‘Überlegungen zu den & C. Chiaramonte Treré, Milano 1987, Bronzestatuetten aus dem “Pan”-Heilig- 171–190. tum am Sübabhang des Lykaion’, in Burton 1996 P.J. Burton, ‘The summoning of Magna Sculpture from Arcadia and Laconia. Mater to Rome’, Historia 45, 1996, 36– Proceedings of an international confer- 63. ence held at the American School of Cappelli 2000 R. Cappelli, ‘Questioni di iconografia’, Classical Studies at Athens, April 10–14, in A. Carandini & R. Cappelli, Roma, 1992 (Oxbow Monograph, 30), eds. O. Romolo, Remo e la fondazione della Palagia & W. Coulson, Oxford 1993, 25– città, Milano 2000, 151–183. 31. Carandini 1995 A. Carandini, ‘Centro protourbano (Sep- Iacopi 2007 I. Iacopi, La Casa di Augusto. Le pitture, timontium), città in formazione (prima Milano 2007. età arcaica) e città in se compiuta (se- Iacopi & Tedone I. Iacopi & G. Tedone, ‘Bibliotheca e conda età arcaica)’, in Carandini & Ca- 2005/2006 Porticus ad Apollinis’, RM 112, 2005/ rafa 1995, 63–83. 2006, 351–378. Carandini & Bruno A. Carandini & D. Bruno, La casa di Au- La Repubblica La Repubblica: For articles and inter- 2008 gusto. Dai “Lupercalia” al Natale, views mentioned in note 33, see under: Roma & Bari 2008. http://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/ar- Carandini & Carafa A. Carandini & P. Carafa (eds.), Pala- chivio/repubblica 1995 tium e Via, I. Prima delle mura, La Rocca 2008 E. La Rocca, ‘La processione trionfale l’età delle mura e l’età case arcaiche (= come spettacolo per il popolo romano. BA 31–34), Roma 1995. Trionfi antichi, spettacoli moderni’, in 216 J. Rasmus Brandt

Trionfi romani, eds. E. La Rocca & S. Smits 1946 E.C.H. Smits, Faunus, Leiden 1946. Tortorella (exhibition catalogue), Milano Terrenato, Brocato & N. Terrenato, P. Brocato & G. Ricci, ‘Le 2008, 34–55. Ricci 1995 fortificazioni. La fase 2. Le prime mura’, Mar 2005 R. Mar, El Palatí. La formació dels pa- in Carandini & Carafa 1995, 134–160. laus imperials a Roma, Tarragona 2005. Tomei 2005/2006 M. Tomei, ‘Danaidi in rosso antico dal McLynn 2008 N. McLynn, ‘Crying wolf: the Pope and Palatino’, RM 112, 2005/2006, 379–384. the Lupercalia’, JRS 98, 2008, 161–175. Ulf 1982 C. Ulf, Das römische Lupercalienfest. Michels 1953 A.K. Michels, ‘The topography and in- Ein Modellfall für Methodenprobleme in terpretation of the Lupercalia’, Trans- der Altertumswissenschaft (Impulse der actAmPhilAss 84, 1953, 35–59. Forschung, 38), Darmstadt 1982. North 2008 J.A. North, ‘Caesar at the Lupercalia’, Valli 2007a B. Valli, ‘Lupercis nudis lustratur an- JRS 98, 2008, 144–160. tiquum oppidum palatium: alcune rifles- North & McLynn J.A. North & N. McLynn, ‘Postscript to sioni sui Lupercalia’, Florentia: studi di 2008 the Lupercalia: from Caesar to Androma- archeologia 2, 2007, 101–154. chus’, JRS 98, 2008, 176–181. Valli 2007b B. Valli, ‘I percorsi delle processioni Pensabene & P. Pensabene & A. D’Alessio, ‘L’imma- nella Roma antica: ludi saeculares e fu- D’Alessio 2006 ginario urbano: spazio sacro sul Palatino nerali imperiali’, Fragmenta 2, 2007, tardo-repubblicano’, in Imagining an- 33–59. cient Rome. Documentation – visualiza- Van Dyke & Alcock R.M. Van Dyke & S.E. Alcock (eds.), tion – imagination. Proceedings of the 2003 Archaeologies of memory, Malden, MA Third Williams Symposium on classical 2003. architecture held at the American Acad- van Gennep 1909 A. van Gennep, The rites of passage, emy in Rome, the British School at Rome [1960] 1906 [Chicago & London 1960 – the ref- and the Deutsches Archäologisches Insti- erences are to this edition]. tut, Rome on May 20–23, 2004 (JRA Versnel 1970 H.S. Versnel, Triumphus. An inquiry into Suppl., 61), eds. L. Haselberger & J. the origin, development and meaning of Humphrey, Portsmouth 2006, 31–49. the , London 1970. Pensabene & P. Pensabene & S. Falzone (eds.), Scavi Wiseman 1993 T.P. Wiseman, Remus: a Roman myth, Falzone 2001 del Palatino I. L’area sud-occidentale Cambridge 1993. del Palatino tra l’età protostorica e il IV Wiseman 1995 [2008] T.P. Wiseman, ‘The god of the Luper- secolo a.C. Scavi e materiali della cal’, JRS 85, 1995, 1–15 [reprinted in struttura ipogea sotto la cella del tempio T.P. Wiseman, Unwritten Rome, Exeter della Vittoria (Studi Miscellanei, 32), 2008, 52–83 – the references are to this Roma 2001. version]. Pötscher 1984 W. Pötscher, ‘Die Lupercalia: ein Struk- Wiseman 2009 T.P. Wiseman, ‘The House of Augustus turanalyse’, GrazBeitr 11, 1984, 221– and the Lupercal’, review of Carandini & 249. Bruno 2008, JRA 22, 2009, 527–545. Scholz 1981 U.W. Scholz, ‘Zur Erforschung der Zanker 1987 P. Zanker, Augustus und die Macht der römischen Opfer (Beispiel: die Luper- Bilder, München 1987. calia)’, in Le sacrifice dans l’antiquité. Ziolkowski 1998– A. Ziolkowski, ‘Ritual cleaning-up of the Entretiens sur l’antiquité classique, Van- 1999 city: from the Lupercalia to the ’, dœuvres 25–30 août 1980 (Fondation AncSoc 29, 1998–1999, 191–218. Hardt. Entretiens, 27), eds. J. Rudhardt & O. Reverdin, Genève 1981, 289–340. REMEMBERING BRITANNIA: EXPRESSIONS OF IDENTITIES BY ‘BRITONS’ ON THE CONTINENT DURING THE ROMAN EMPIRE

BY TATIANA IVLEVA

Abstract In order to understand what such ethnonyms as This paper explores the ethnic terms used by British emigrants Britannus/Britto meant to the native inhabitants of Ro- when naming their origin. It will be argued that the memory of man Britain, one needs to consider how emigrants from their ancestral land played an important part in the construction this province referred to their homeland and how they of their migrant identities and helped the self-awareness of an ethnic migrant group to emerge. Furthermore, it will be shown identified themselves within the different communities. that the interaction of British emigrants with other migrant or This will help to understand the usage and the reasons indigenous groups on the Continent may have led to the form- behind the adoption of these Roman constructs. The ation of a different self-perception in comparison with the evidence from the emigrant community is the best ‘Britons’ living inside their tribal territories. It is suggested that the ethnic names used to label the inhabitants of , available to shed light on the meaning of the particular although being Roman constructs with little self-ascriptive ethnonyms, because those who lived in their home value, were adopted by the British emigrant community in order province would not be as explicit as emigrants would to distinguish themselves from others. be when naming their origin.6 A reconstruction of how a community of migrants remembers its ancestral lands can be used to establish the meaning of ethnic names as Introduction Acknowledgments In his article on the meaning of ethnic names such as I would like to thank Prof. J. Bintliff and Dr B. van der Meer, Britannus and Britto, Keith Matthews asks what signifi- my supervisors at Leiden University, The Netherlands, for read- cance these two terms had for those whom they labelled ing the initial draft of this paper and their valuable comments as well as what the difference in meaning was between which helped to improve the initial version. Special thanks to them.1 Using the writings of amongst others St Patrick Izabella Donkow for her editorial comments during the prepara- and burial objects found at the cemetery at St Albans, tion of this work. I wish to thank I. Oltean for access to her pa- 2 per from the book I was not able to purchase in time and her UK as evidence, Matthews argues that both ethnonyms useful comments on the earlier draft of the paper. Further were used by the outsiders and intruders, the Romans, to thanks go to Fine Line Archaeological language services, in name the local inhabitants of the province of Britannia. particular to M. Wilkinson-van Hoek, for the correction of my He establishes that while “the ethnic name Britannus English text. Any mistakes remain my own. was given to the population by outsiders” and, subse- 1 Matthews 1999, 14. quently, used mostly by the local Roman authorities, the 2 Matthews 1999, 16, 23. ethnonym Britto derived from the self-awareness of 3 Matthews 1999, 25, 29–30. what it was to be an inhabitant of Roman Britain”.3 4 Matthews 1999, 26. Hence, although both terms were alien to the indigenous 5 Matthews (1999, 19) indicates that “the natives of Roman population of Britannia, pressure from the Roman ad- Britain left no description of themselves” so the only way to un- ministration meant that they were gradually adopted by derstand “how they constructed their identities is through mate- rial culture” (ibid., 20). Matthews however did not take into the inhabitants and even became the categories from consideration the epigraphic record left by the natives of Roman which native British self-awareness was created and Britain, while this record contains valuable information on how maintained.4 Although Matthews’ conclusions appear in- indigenous populations described themselves. teresting and mind-provoking, he did not allow ‘the 6 Kakoschke 2004; Oltean 2009. Oltean (94–95) argues that Britons’ to speak for themselves by using their own ter- “Dacians who emigrated were demonstrably keener to make 5 their ethnic origin explicit than were their relatives back at minology as expressed on inscriptions. Funerary in- home” and that “certain environments increase the exhibition of scriptions which give information about the deceased origo: these tend to be communities of settlers coming from di- were regrettably omitted from his work. verse regions”. 218 Tatiana Ivleva used by these individuals when naming their origin, 952, 1072, 1335, 3129, 3255, 6311; CIL III 11233, and epigraphy is an important source for establishing 14216,8; CIL VI 3279, 3301, 3346, 3594, 32861; CIL this. VIII 1950, 3962, 21669; CIL XIII 1981, 8314; AE 1939, This article focusses mainly on how Brittones used 53; AE 1956, 249; AE 2003, 1218; ILJug 2, 679; HEp 1, their past to recreate their identities in their new circum- 555; HEp 2, 143; EE 9, 62; IAM 2, 56. These inscrip- stances and how they presented their identities to the Ro- tions are dated from the second half of the first to the end man public. The following issues will be addressed: how of the third centuries AD, with the exception of one ‘British’ were ‘Britons’ and how did they emphasise Christian inscription, which dates from the fourth/ their attachment to the province of Britannia? Using ex- fifth centuries (AE 1939, 53). For three inscriptions— amples of Latin inscriptions found on the Continent, this ERRioja ID 27, Conimbri 236 and HEp 2, 182c2—the paper considers the memory of the homeland as ex- type is hard to determine, but it is most likely to be fu- pressed by the British emigrants in order to gain insight nerary since names of persons are given with the filia- into their sense of ethnic identity. The various forms of tion, which is usual for a funerary text. inscriptions were chosen because “the traces of ethnic There are eight votive inscriptions: CIL II 805, identity are in principle archaeologically intangible, un- 5812; CIL XIII 6221, 6679; AE 1915, 70; AE 1922, 7 less combined with contextual historical data” and be- 116; AE 1987, 698; AE 1996, 905. The votives are cause inscriptions are a means of storing memory in dated from the end of the first to the end of the third 8 written form. centuries AD. Prior to analysing the surviving material it should be One inscription—EE 8:2, 262,15 (p. 490)—probably noted that the author of this work is fully aware of the names the master of a workshop—officina Brito(…). fluid and dynamic nature of ethnic identities. As argued Rather than belonging to a votive or funerary context, by Sian Jones, “the idea that ethnic groups are fixed and it was probably a sign put up in front of the workshop. bounded entities extending deep into the past is a mod- There are two public monuments: the Tropaeum 9 ern classificatory invention”. Here, the concept of iden- Traiani in Adamklissi, Romania (CIL III 14214), built tity is understood as a certain identity (ethnic, cultural, after the Dacian wars to commemorate the soldiers of the national etc.) expressed by an individual or group at a Roman army who participated in the conquest of Dacia, particular time through a particular medium in a particu- and an inscription with the names of the soldiers of the lar set of circumstances. The question is not what the legion, probably the legio III , from Lambaesis, ethnic identity of emigrant ‘Britons’ was but why they Algeria (CIL VIII 18087). chose to express this particular identity, why they felt the Lastly there are six military diplomas on which the re- need to express certain identity features at a particular ceiver states his ethnic origin as British, either referring time.10 to his British tribe or city, or simply giving his ethnikon Last but not least, it must be emphasised that “there is a desire to explore diversity, not to find a unitary solu- 7 tion”.11 Oltean 2009, 93. 8 Barrett 1993, 237. Barrett (ibid.) argues furthermore that in- scriptions allow the memory to “extend beyond this simple tex- tual model because memory organizes consciousness, enabling experiences to become recognizable and to be spoken about”. The epigraphic data “Memories might be recorded, literally inscribed, onto the monuments” which makes the inscriptions the perfect reposi- The contextual data consist of 47 inscriptions and mili- tory (Hope 2003, 119). tary diplomas in which (a) a person indicated his or her 9 Jones 2007, 66. “The ethnic categories are produced, repro- origo as Britannus, Britannicianus or Britto, or used a duced and transformed through the systematic communication of cultural differences with relation to the cultural practices of word starting with the element brit-; (b) the cognomen of particular ethnic others. … The construction of identity in- a person started with brit- or was a variation and differ- volves the marking of contrast – the opposition of selves and ent spelling of a word containing this element, such as others” (ibid., 68). Especially in migrant communities the con- Britonus, Brittonus, Britanus or Britta etc.; (c) a person struction of identities goes through identity stress when new stated the province of Britannia as the birthplace or gave forms of identification are constructed, manipulated or adjusted as domus a British town; or (d) a person mentioned that to circumstances. The identity stress and construction of mi- grant ethnic identities are thoughtfully and profoundly de- he or she originated from one of the indigenous British scribed in Oltean 2009, 92–93. tribes. 10 Oltean 2009, 93. In total there are 27 funerary inscriptions: CIL II 586, 11 Mattingly 2004, 9. Remembering Britannia 219

Table 1. Indication of origin by British emigrants on the inscriptions and military diplomas found on the Continent.

16

14 14

12 12

10

8

6

4 4 3 2 2 11111111 111 1

0

as natione Britto: RMM 20; Eck & Pangerl 2007, 234; 12 12 Kennedy argues that this person, Lucco son of Trenus, was CIL XVI 49, 110, 160, 163. The diplomas are dated to Dobunnian through his mother (1977, 254). Kennedy mistak- the second century AD, the latest being issued in AD enly assumes that the names Lucco and his father’s Trenus were 154. attested only in Noricum and in the Danubian provinces. He This produced a dataset of 47 ‘Britons’; hence, there proposes that Lucco was the son of a Dobunnian woman mar- ried to a soldier from Noricum who had at one time served in is direct evidence of 47 persons of British origins who Britain and died in service. In such cases, his children, born be- for various reasons moved to the Continent and indicated fore he had received citizenship, would take the origin of their their origin as being ‘British’.13 mother (ibid., 254). However, recent research by Mullen (2007) shows that both the names of the father and the son are well at- tested in the British epigraphic record: the element luc- is the third most commonly attested element in Roman Britain (ibid., 50). The name Lucco is found in some numbers on inscriptions Remembering Britannia: the construction in Roman Britain (Mullen, online database). The father’s name– Trenus–is also attested in Britain in some numbers (Mullen, on- of ethnic identity in a provincial setting line database). Hence, Lucco is indeed first-generation Dobunn- ian. Preliminary analysis of inscriptions with the ethnikon 13 By ‘British’ origin is understood the origin of a person whose Brit(…), with domus in the province of Britannia and of inscription indicates that he or she originated from the province personal names such as Britonnus etc. has shown that of Britannia, either from an urban or rural environment. 220 Tatiana Ivleva those who migrated to the Continent in the Roman Em- CIL VI 3594, Rome, Italy pire preferred to indicate their pan-tribal origin, i.e. D(is) M(anibus) / Fl(avi) Britto/ni |(centurionis) BRITISH (Table 1). This can be seen from Table 1, leg(ionis) XIIII / Gem(iniae sic!) Cato/nia Baudia / co- where the highest numbers belong to columns (in black) niux et / liberi / eius b(ene) m(erenti) / fecer(unt) occupied by such categories as BRITTO, NATIONE BRITTO and personal names Brit(t)o or Britta. The fol- Translation: “To the Underworld gods. To Flavius lowing preliminary conclusions can be proposed. Emi- Britto, centurion of the legio XIIII Gemin(i)a. Catonia grants from Roman Britain preferred to call themselves Baudia, wife and their freedmen made (this stone) to a ‘Britons’ so as to emphasise that they were members of well-deserving person.” the GROUP of people with whom they shared the land of their birth—the province of Britannia. Whenever they Both inscriptions are funerary, dated to the second cen- wished to emphasise their special ties with the mother- tury, and both name individuals with the cognomen land they would mention the tribe they belonged to or Britto. If we go beyond what is written on the tombstone the city where they were born. Hence, we see people and try to understand who these ‘Brittones’ were, it be- from Glevum (modern-day Gloucester), Deva (Chester) comes clear that one of them did indeed come from the and Lindum (Lincoln); and members of such tribes as province of Britannia, while the other had no connection the Dumnonii, Dobunni or Belgi (Table 1). Those who with it. The first inscription names Britto, son of Dati- left the British Isles, then, were divided into those who cus. According to research by Spanish scholars, Uloqum emphasised their pan-tribal identity (‘Britons’ remem- is not a personal name, but most likely a nomen gentili- bering their ancestral land as the province of Britannia) cium or tribal affiliation.14 Inscriptions with the word and those who deliberately chose to express their re- Uloqum are widespread in the area around modern-day gional identity, remembering the tribe or city they hailed Madrid, Spain, which led scholars to conclude that Ulo- from. qum is some kind of tribe or place name, or a nomen However, the geographical spread of the inscriptions gentilicium referring to a tribe which resided in this area reveals the following inconsistency. Those who simply in Roman times.15 call themselves Brit(t)o/a without the indicative Latin The second inscription names Flavius Britto, a word natione (meaning origin) were concentrated in the centurion from the legio XIV Geminia, which was part Spanish and North African provinces: 18 and 4 cases re- of the invasion troops in AD 43. The legion stayed in spectively (Fig. 1). It is possible that here Brit(t)o/a was Britain for two decades after the invasion, participated a cognomen used by emigrants to establish their ‘ethnic’ in the suppression of the Boudiccan revolt in AD 61, ties with the homeland. This begs the question whether and was finally sent from Britain to the Continent in some ‘Britons’, after the invasion of Claudius in AD 43, AD 69.16 Most likely the centurion was a ‘Briton’ by emigrated to Spanish and North African provinces or birth, hailing from one of the British tribes and re- whether in this case the ethnic cognomen Brit(t)o/a stood for something else. cruited into the legion some time during the Flavian dy- nasty. In order to enter the legion he was granted citi- zenship and probably received a new Latin name: Fla- vius. This new name gave him a new identity—he was How to recognise a real and a fake no longer called by his British Celtic name, but by a ‘Briton’ Roman name which indicated his origin: Britto. More- over, his wife was also a ‘Briton’. Catonia is actually a Two inscriptions in which Britto is part of a person’s Celtic name deriving from the Celtic element catu-.17 cognomen can be usefully compared in order to establish Names starting with this element appear 17 times on in- if this was indeed an ethnic cognomen used solely by scriptions found in Roman Britain and can be con- British emigrants. sidered to be well-represented in this province.18 Her CIL II 6311, Perales de Milla, Spain cognomen, Baudia, is reminiscent of Boudicca, the name of the famous queen of the British tribe Iceni, D(is) M(anibus) / Britto / Uloq(um) / Datic(i) / an(no- rum) LXX / s(it) t(ibi) t(erra) l(evis) 14 Aguña 2003–2004, 189, 200. 15 Aguña 2003–2004, 200. Translation: “To the Underworld gods. Britto Uloqum, 16 Farnum 2005, 23. son of Daticus, (died) at the age of 70. May the earth rest 17 Evans 1967, 171; Delamarre 2001, 94. lightly on you.” 18 Mullen, online database, accessed on 23 September 2009. Remembering Britannia 221

Assyria

Mesopotamia Arabia Magna Arabia Arabia Arabia Magna

Sarmatia Asiatica Sinus Arabicus

Judaea Arabia Petrae Cilicia

Maeotis Palus Cappadocia Cyprus Taurica Bythinia Galatia Aegyptus Lycia Pontus Euxinus Sarmatia Europea

Asia Dacia Inferior Britto Tracia Creata Mare Mare Aegaeum

Britto Ratae (Coritanorum) Belgus Britto Lindum Cyrenaica Moesia Cornovus (without find spot) Achaea Superior Dobunnus Macedonia Figure 1. Distribution map of "Britons" attested epigraphically across the empire 1. Distribution map of "Britons" attested epigraphically across Figure Mare Mare Ionum

Pannonia Mare Internum natione Britto Camulodunum Dalmatia Mare Mare Siculum Britto Britto Britto Noricum

Mare Hadriaticum Sicilia Magna natione Britannicianus natione Britto natione Britto Britto (as cognomen) Italia Glevum Raetia Mare Tyrrenum Lindum Deva

Africa proconsularis Africa Alpina Mare Lugusticum

Civis Britto Germania Superior Civis Dumnonius Trinovas Deva Germania Inferior Corsica Numudia

Belgica Narbonensis Sinus Gallicus

Figure 1. Distribution map of “Britons” attested epigraphically across the Empire. natione Britannus natione Gallia natione Britto Britannia colonia Eboracum and Lindum, provincia Britania inferioris Aquitania Caesariensis Lindum

Lugdunensis Britannicus Oceanus

Britto Britto Britto Britto Britonus Britonus Brito Brito Britta

Oceanus Hibernicus Oceanus Hibernia

Oceanus Cantabricus Baetica Mauretania Britto Brito Brito Britta Tarraconensis Oceanus Gallicus

Britto Britto Britta Britta Brit(...)

E Lusitania Tingitana Breit(t)o S N Oceanus Atlanticus Fretum Herculeum W 222 Tatiana Ivleva which derives from Celtic boudi-.19 Although names times out of 39 inscriptions found across the Empire.26 with such element, used by both males and females, ap- His cognomen, therefore, suggests a North African ori- pear 47 times across the provinces of the Roman Em- gin. It is plausible that he was born into a family of pire against only once in Britain, it seems plausible that mixed origins: one side was North-African, hence Tan- she was of British origin and followed her husband to nonius, another Celtic speaking, hence the cognomen his post on the Continent.20 The unpopularity of names Britto. starting with boudi- in Britain is understandable con- The origin of the man mentioned on CIL VIII 18087 is sidering the impact of the suppression of the revolt in unclear. He was probably a legionary soldier from the le- AD 61 and probable negative associations with the gio III Augusta serving at the time when the inscription name. was made. On the one hand, if Britto formed part of the It seems likely that in the second inscription we are name of the soldier, the question is: why do other names dealing with a family of ‘Britons’ and in the first with an on the same inscription end in -us? On the other hand, if individual who was Spanish by birth. Hence, in other in- Britto is an origin indicator, why were other legionaries scriptions from Spanish provinces, the cognomen Britto mentioned without any indication of where they came does not stand for distinct ethnic origin and is not used from? It makes no sense to mention the origin of only as an ethnic marker. It is useful to provide another in- one person. It is more than likely, therefore, that Britto scription to support this view. CIL III 3271 mentions a here is a cognomen. Since on inscriptions from Spain the 27 person whose father’s name is Britto and whose origin is cognomen in most cases ended in o-, it is also plausible domo Hispano—Spanish by birth. The popularity of the that the person from this inscription from Lambaesis name Britto in Roman Spain can be explained as fol- originated from a Celtic-speaking family residing in Ro- lows. Britto derives from the Gaulish Celtic21 element man Spain. bretos-, which means ‘judgment, thinking, mind’.22 If The origin of the man from the third inscription—CIL therefore someone was named Britto by his parents, this VIII 3962—is hard to identify. The name Petronius is widespread across all provinces.28 Although there is no is indicative of a wish for the child to be thoughtful or indication that this person could not have been a mindful. The appearance of the Gaulish Celtic name in ‘Briton’, when we compare it with the other two inscrip- Spain, where the majority of the population spoke a tions from Numidia it seems reasonable to suggest that Celtiberian branch of the Celtic language, is not unusual. Britto here is simply the name of a person whose origins For instance Gaulish Celtic names such as Boudicca or Verecundus also appear in some numbers there.23 19 However, on the basis of an analysis of the usage of Delamarre 2001, 71; Raybould & Sims-Williams 2007, 86. 20 The author of this article has consulted the online epigraphic the cognomen Brit(t)o/a in Roman Spain, the inscrip- database of Clauss & Slaby for the exact number and refers tions from the Spanish provinces must be excluded from those who are interested in the appearance of the names starting this research since this cognomen does not indicate the with boudi- to this database. 21 ethnic origin of a person, but is a Celtic personal name By Gaulish Celtic here is understood a branch of the Celtic widespread in Roman Spain.24 language. The Celtic language is divided into sub-families of Gaulish Celtic spoken mostly in the Roman province of Gaul; If we consider the four North African inscriptions, Celtiberian, spoken mostly in Roman Spain, and Brythonic, which also mention men whose origin or name is Britto, spoken mostly in Roman Britain (Delamarre 2001, 7–11). it seems that they also need to be excluded from the pre- 22 Delamarre 2001, 74, 265. 23 sent study because here too, Britto did not stand for eth- Palazon 1994, 302, 542. 24 The following inscriptions were excluded: AE 1987, 698; AE nic origin but was a Celtic name. One inscription, how- 1996, 905; CIL II 586, 805, 952, 1072, 1335, 3129, 3255, 5812, ever, does indeed suggest that an individual hailed from 6311; HEp 1, 555; HEp 2, 143, 182c2; EE 8:2, 262,15 (p. 490); Britain. IAM 2, 56 from Tamuda, Morocco, shows that EE 9, 62; ERRioja ID 27, Conimbri 236. the person originated “from Britons”: [ex] Breitonibus 25 CIL VIII 1950, 3962, 18087. 26 was inscribed after his name. The other three inscrip- The author refers the interested to the online epigraphic data- base of Clauss & Slaby. In the publications of Mocsy and tions recorded as having been found in the Roman prov- Lörincz on the spread of names in the Roman Empire, the cog- ince of Numidia are very questionable.25 On all of them nomen Tannonius is said to appear once in the Moesian prov- Britto appears after the name of the person—the usual inces and twice (once in Mocsy) in Gallia Narbonensis (Mocsy place on the inscription for the origin indicator, but their 1983, 281; Lörincz IV, 107). Neither publication included the North African and Near Eastern provinces. names do not indicate that they were British Celts. The 27 See, for instance, HEp 2, 143 mentioning Sempronius Britto cognomen of the man from CIL VIII 1950—Tannon- or CIL II 952 mentioning Decimus Cornelius Britto. ius—was popular in North Africa; it appeared there 28 28 Mocsy 1983, 220; Lörincz III, 135. Remembering Britannia 223 lay elsewhere. Therefore, on inscriptions recorded in rum meaning that all soldiers who served in this unit had Numidia Britto is a name and does not represent an eth- Roman citizenship. Another soldier who was commemo- nic origin. Equally it is not the ethnic marker that can be rated as civis Dumnonius, citizen of the Dumnonii which used to identify ‘Britons’; instead it can be used to iden- inhabited the southwest corner of England, served in the tify Gaulish Celtic-speaking people in Roman Spain. Roman navy, where Roman citizenship was granted af- The assumption that Brit(t)o/a is simply a popular ter 26 years of service. The inscription shows that he was cognomen supports the analysis of other names starting still serving at the time of his death but already pos- with Britt-. For example, names such as Brittus appear sessed citizenship. Either this is a case of wishful think- five times in Italy29 and Brittius/Brittia eleven times.30 In ing on the part of those who commemorated him or he Rome alone, names such as Brittius/Brittia appear nine was indeed granted citizenship for some exceptional 31 32 times, and Brittidius/Brittidia six. In other provinces deed while serving. What these two inscriptions do tell names starting with Britt- are equally unexceptional. In us is that these two people—or their heirs—proudly em- 33 Pannonia, Britticius and Britta were commemorated, in phasised both their connection with the province of Bri- Gallia Narbonensis, two people called Brittius were tannia and their Roman citizenship. On another two in- 34 given monuments in two different cities, in Aquitania scriptions, the origo of auxiliary soldiers was indicated 35 one may encounter ‘Brittula’ and ‘Britex’, in Germania as follows: one originated from the British 36 37 Superior ‘Britta’, in Belgica ‘Brittonius’, in Noricum tribe42 and another from the city Colonia Claudia Camu- 38 39 ‘Britto’ and in Africa Proconsularis ‘Brittanus’. In all, lodunum, modern-day Colchester in the UK. In these 41 people with a cognomen starting with a Gaulish two cases the tribal origin of these soldiers was stated Celtic element Britt- are known from inscriptions found out of pride and not to conform to a contextual standard across the Roman Empire. It seems plausible that they or fashion. They served in units supplemented with the were neither British emigrants nor offspring of British recruits of different ethnic backgrounds: the Trinovan- people who migrated to the Continent. They had only tian served alongside Breuci, a tribal entity which sent one thing in common and this was the fact that their its recruits from Pannonia, and the soldier from Camulo- names started with the (relatively popular) element Britt-. dunum probably served alongside legionaries recruited In order to recognise a genuine British emigrant, as in from all around the Empire. Below there will be a dis- the case of Flavius Britto, one needs to look more cussion on the significance of stating one’s origin in a closely at the text of the inscription and reconstruct the unit of mixed ethnic background. person’s biography, as was done above. In conclusion, the ethnonym Britto, on three North 29 African and 18 Spanish inscriptions, formed part of the CIL V 5002; CIL IX 1899, 3098, 6263, 6320. 30 CIL IX 1237, 3098 (male and female), 3115 (male and fe- cognomen of a person; it derived from the Gaulish Celtic male), 4995, 5038, 5444; CIL X 151; CIL XI 4970; AE 1988, element bretos- and it was not used by British emigrants 425. to indicate their origin through a cognomen. These 21 in- 31 CIL VI 1924, 2153, 8729 (two females), 13640, 16725, scriptions therefore need to be excluded from the present 26675; AE 1977, 78; AE 1984, 126. 32 study since they do not refer to emigrants from Roman CIL VI 13636 (two males and one female), 13637, 13638, 13639. Britain. What is left are 26 inscriptions and military di- 33 CIL III 14356, 5a, 15169. plomas: 15 funerary, four votive, six military diplomas 34 CIL XII 3353; AE 1976, 406. and one public monument. 35 CIL XIII 192, 497. 36 CIL XIII 5020. 37 Nesselhauf 1937, no. 1. E pluribus unum40 38 CIL III 4727. 39 CIL VIII 27763. The epigraphic record was divided according to date 40 The title for this section was taken from the name of the paper (Tables 2, 3 and 4). Three tables show how people who presented by Paula Perlman at the conference “Attitudes to- hailed from Britannia named their origin on first, second wards the past in Antiquity: creating identities?” held at Stock- holm, 15–17 May 2009. The author of this work strongly be- and third centuries AD inscriptions and diplomas. A lieves that there are correlations between the conclusions of consistent pattern emerges. Perlman’s paper (called “E pluribus unum. The construction of There are four inscriptions that can be dated to the polis identity in Archaic Crete”) and the present article. It is for first century (Table 2).41 Only in one case did relatives of this reason that this quote is used here. 41 a deceased express his origin as civis Britto: British AE 1956, 249; AE 2003, 1218; CIL XIII 8314, 11233. 42 It must be noted that on the tombstone the tribe is mentioned citizen. This person was an auxiliary soldier from cohors as ‘Trinovas’, which can be identified as the British Trinovantes VI Ingenuorum which carried the title civium Romano- tribe. 224 Tatiana Ivleva

Table 2. Origin on the inscriptions dated to the first century.

1 1 1 1

civis Britto civis Dumnonius Colonia Claudia Trinova(nte)s Victricensis Camuloduniensis Table 3. Origin on the inscriptions and military diplomas dated to the second cen- tury.

5

4

3

2

1 1 1 1 1 1

Table 4. Origin on the third century, including one Christian, in- scriptions.

11

provincia Britannia inferior natione Britannus Remembering Britannia 225

From inscriptions and diplomas dated to the second dated to the second century, when recruitment took century, another pattern can be determined (Table 3).43 place at the local level. British alae and cohorts were While ten people still continued to name as their place of supplemented with Dacians, Thracians, Pannonians and origin either a British city or a tribe, ten (in black in recruits from elsewhere, which led to a necessity for Table 3) preferred to identify themselves as a com- soldiers to emphasise their differences in ethnic ori- munity of British origin by naming their origin as na- gin.54 tione Britto/Britannicianus or as Britto.44 It should be noted that the low number of surviving in- The third-century inscriptions exhibit different fea- scriptions does not indicate that ‘Britons’ did not migrate tures (Table 4).45 One person chose to emphasise the to other Roman provinces. Most likely they did and in communal identity, stating that he is from the Roman higher numbers, but they left little or no traceable evi- province of Britannia Inferior. On the Christian inscrip- dence. Nevertheless, the material available to us still tion, however, the relatives of the deceased preferred to shows a considerable degree of variation in origin no- indicate his ethnikon as natione Britannus. menclature. It must be noted that only tentative conclusions can be Migrants who arrived on the Continent after the inva- drawn from this evidence. It would be a mistake to gen- sion of Claudius in AD 43 proudly emphasised their spe- eralise on the basis of the information from the limited cific affiliation with a British tribe or with a city. The fo- amount of sources and to suggest that a set of commem- cus was on citizenship status and membership of a par- orative customs, such as how one should name one’s ori- ticular regional tribal formation. To migrants in the sec- gin, was utilised by ‘Britons’ and their family members ond half of the first century, the combination of being throughout the Roman Empire. In comparison with other both Roman and belonging to a specific British tribe, groups of migrants one might think that the number of with its deep roots stretching back into the past, appears ‘Britons’ who emigrated is strikingly low. For instance, to have been an important symbol of identity. it is known that around “150 Dacians were spread un- 46 evenly across the Empire”, whereas 174 cases of emi- 43 AE 1915, 70; CIL III 14214, 14216,8; CIL VI 3279, 3301, gration from both Germanic provinces are attested.47 The 3346, 3594, 32861; CIL VIII 21669; CIL XIII 1981, 6221, number of those who moved to the Continent from 6679; CIL XVI 49, 110, 160, 163; ILJug 2, 679; RMM 20; Eck & Pangerl 2007, 234; IAM 2, 56. Britain is expected to be higher, since it is known (a) that 44 The inscriptions where the word Britto is used without the in- 14 auxiliary units were formed from the inhabitants of dicative natione were not located in Spain or North Africa, ex- this Roman province,48 (b) that ‘Britons’ served in the le- cept the one from Morocco which has already been discussed. gionary forces and together with these legions were One is recorded on the Tropaeum Traiani monument (Adam- 49 klissi, Romania) where there was no place to add the indicative transported to the Continent and (c) that ‘Britons’ were word natione, another two are military diplomas where it was 50 recruited into units of different ethnic backgrounds. not customary to use the word natione. Two trends might have been responsible for the low 45 Inscriptions AE 1922, 116; AE 1939, 53; CIL VIII 5180. number of surviving inscriptions. The first can be found 46 Oltean 2009, 96. 47 in particular commemorative custom of people in Ro- Kakoschke 2004, 198. 48 Spaul in his Ala2 and Cohors2 publications mentions two alae man Britain when only few might have been remem- and nine cohorts (Spaul 1994, 68–73 and 2000, 189–204). The 51 bered by a stone funerary monument. A second trend analysis of Marcu for the province of Dacia (2002–003, 219– can be connected with the irrelevance of naming an indi- 235) and research by the author of the present article into the vidual origin when a particular soldier served among his history of British auxiliary units (Ivleva 2012) has shown that there were 14 units. own countrymen. Oltean notes in her study of Dacian 49 Examples: e.g. Marcus Iunius Capitus, soldier of legio X soldiers serving abroad that it becomes “particularly sig- Geminia, Marcus Ulpius Ner(…) Quintus from legio VI Valeria nificant for a Dacian individual to indicate his Dacian or- Victrix, Iulius Victor from legio XX Valeria Victrix. igin in a unit of different or mixed ethnic background”.52 50 Examples: e.g. Catunectus from cohors III Breucorum, Lic- It would be unnecessary for a ‘Briton’ in a British auxil- caius from cohors III Campestris, Decimus from cohors VI In- genuorum. iary unit to specifically name his origin, whereas if he 51 Hope 2003, 132. served in other ethnic units he would most likely empha- 52 Oltean 2009, 97. sise his ethnic background. This can be supported by the 53 Ivleva 2012, 87. It must be noted that four of these 11 ‘Brit- number of British soldiers epigraphically attested as ons’ were identified on the basis of their names. They were not serving in their own ethnic British units: out of 139 included in the present study, because they or their relatives did not mention their ethnikon, that of natione, domus or civis, 53 known soldiers only 11 can be identified as British. which is relevant for the present paper. Moreover, the inscriptions of these British soldiers are 54 Ivleva 2012, 88. 226 Tatiana Ivleva

In the second-century inscriptions, a slow shift can be were citizens (cives) of different tribes, such as the detected. While some people still preferred to be identi- Canti, Cornovi, Dobunni, Catuvellauni, Dumnonii and fied with a specific British tribe or a city, others seemed the city of Lindum (Lincoln); three indicated their ori- to deliberately emphasise their pan-tribal origin, that of gin (natione) as belonging to the Belgi, Briganti and natione Britto. It is interesting to note that whenever Catuvellauni tribes, while three simply named their they chose to emphasise their pan-tribal ethnic identity, origin as (colonia) Victrix, Caledonus and Brittonus. other individuals in the Empire usually indicated their These stones with inscriptions were erected by the rela- home region, that of domo or civis.55 Those who identi- tives of the deceased who died far away from their fied their origin as natione Britto never indicated the re- home tribe inside the Roman province of Britannia and gion where they came from. by the individuals who fulfilled their vows in a foreign These two forms of expressing ethnic identity on the region of their home province. For instance, an individ- second-century inscriptions, regional and pan-tribal, re- ual from the Canti (Cantiaci)59 tribe erected a votive quire further discussion. There are two possible explana- monument at Colchester, a city that belonged to the tions for these different forms of identification. The first tribe of the Trinovantes; an individual from the Cor- is that those who called themselves ‘Britons’ were born novi tribe died in Ilkley in Yorkshire, which in Roman in Britannia but did not belong to any specific tribe. To times belonged to the Briganti tribe, and a woman from be able to indicate on the tombstone that one was, for in- the Dobunni tribe died on the territory of the Briganti. stance, Belgus or Dobunnus, an individual needed to Although the territories of tribes such as the Cantiaci have both or at least one parent who was a member of a and Trinovantes, or Cornovi and Briganti, are adjacent, particular British tribal entity. It can be suggested that these individuals or their relatives found it important to these Brittones were the children of emigrants who came emphasise their origin in another tribal territory. Indeed to Britain with the Roman army, or were the children of even inside the tribal territory, relatives of the deceased traders living in Britain. In that case, natione Britto was emphasised their origin: a woman, a citizen from Lin- used as a form of ethnic identification by individuals dum (Lincoln), died in the same place; a member of the who were born in the province of Britannia but were not Belgi died at Bath, which was part of the territory of the members of British indigenous tribes. Belgi tribe. It seems reasonable to suggest that for the A second option is that natione Britto was used by relatives of the woman who died at Lincoln, the most second-generation emigrants, those who were not born important aspect was her status and not her origin. She in Britannia but whose parents belonged to one of the was a citizen of the city where she died; hence, she was British tribes. They will have retained the memory of the a Roman citizen of Lindum. In the case of the soldier name of the province where their ancestors came from who died in his own tribal territory, his origin, on the and called themselves ‘Britons’ as a group of people contrary, was important. He already had Roman citi- who shared the same ethnic background through their zenship, since he served in the legion, so there was no ancestry. Hence, those who claimed to have natione need to emphasise it once more. This could explain Britto emphasised their provincial rather than their re- why his relatives chose natione instead of civis. How- gional origin. Consequently, those who named a British ever, since he served in a legion which also contained tribe or city on funerary monuments dated to the second soldiers from other ethnic backgrounds, on his tomb- century belonged to the indigenous population of Roman stone his relatives most likely preferred to mention Britain and emigrated directly from Roman Britain to the Continent. that he was native to the region his legion was sta- tioned in, as opposed to his comrades from the Conti- The problem with these explanations however is that 60 Britto was a Roman construct used to label the inhabit- nent. It is also possible that he was mentioned as ants of the lands they referred to as Britannia.56 There 55 was no such thing as a British pan-tribal identity, as has See for instance AE 1990, 990 – natione Pannono domo Sir- 57 mus; AE 1961, 331 – natione Graeca, civis Cilicia; CIL been archaeologically shown by Matthews. This can XVI 152 – natione Italico domo Miseno and many others. also be supported epigraphically. Within Roman Brit- 56 Matthews 1999, 15. ain itself, out of 2215 published inscriptions in the vol- 57 Matthews 1999. ume Roman inscriptions of Britain, there were eight on 58 RIB 156, 188, 191, 192, 250, 621, 639, 1065, 1962, 2142, which relatives of the deceased indicated the origin of 2152, 3005. 59 their loved one, three votive inscriptions on which indi- There are two different spellings of the name of the same tribe: Canti and Cantiaci. viduals mentioned their origin and one building in- 60 See for instance RIB 203 – in Bithynia; 450 – domo 58 scription. These twelve individuals belonged to vari- Samosata; 490 – natione Syrus, Osroenus; 493 – Lugdunus; 498 ous British tribes. As can be seen from Table 5, six – Celeia; 500 – Arelate and many others. Remembering Britannia 227

Table 5. Indication of origin inside the province of Britannia.

6

3

111

Cives (Canti, natione (Belgi, (colonia) Victrix Caledonus Brittonus Cornovi, Dobunni, Briganti, Catuvellauni, Catuvellauni) Dumnonii and city Lindum)

Belgus because of the mixed ethnic environment in to stress the group identity of those who lived in the Bath: its popular hot springs had seen many visitors North and the South. These two broad groupings in a from elsewhere.61 society brought some degree of uniformity in overall The votive monuments of individuals who indicated diversity. However, it is plausible that not everyone their origin as Caledonus and Brittonus are interesting. accepted it. Most likely these two categories were used The first one was found at Colchester, the territory of to emphasise the different ethnic backgrounds, i.e. the Trinovantes in Roman Britain, and another one in southern and northern, rather than British or Caledo- Castlecary, along the Antonine Wall in Scotland. The nian pan-tribal uniformity. In the case of those who ethnic name Caledonia was also a Roman construct, mentioned their city or tribe, the regional identity was given to the confederacy of the tribes of Scotland used to underline the profound differences between which later became distinguished in the literature as neighbouring tribal entities. Picts. Caledones and Brittones were the classic ethno- It must be noted that once an individual moved out of nyms primarily used by Romans to indicate the con- the province of Britannia, he or she could no longer use federacies of tribes in northern and southern Britain the southern and northern ethnic group names, i.e. Brit- respectively. Assuming therefore that ‘Briton’ was a tones and Caledones, since the whole meaning of the clear expression of regional origin, there is no reason difference would be lost. Possibly Brit(t)ones on the Continent started to mean something else. Being a Ro- to assume that ‘Caledonian’ did not fulfill the same man construct, the ethnonym Brittones was used by function. What is clear in these two votive inscriptions those who originated from the province with the same is that the Roman constructs were used to indicate pan- name and by those who lived in Britannia to distinguish tribal identity in lands that were inhabited by different between the two major groupings of North and South. pan-tribal entities. ‘Caledonian’ indicated that he was What it does not mean is that ‘Britons’ en masse at one from the North, in the heart of the ‘British’ territory, in point in time saw themselves as ‘Britons’—a group of the South; while ‘Briton’ indicated that he was from people who had the same ethnic identity. It should be the South in the territory inhabited by the northern noted again that the construct was used to distinguish confederacy of tribes called ‘Caledonians’. This sug- oneself from another: within Britannia, an individual gests that inside Britannia, pan-tribal and regional eth- from the North or from the South; outside Britannia, an nic identities were used by individuals to emphasise their belonging to a particular group. In the case of ‘Caledonian’ and ‘Briton’, pan-tribal identity was used 61 Oltean, personal comment. 228 Tatiana Ivleva individual from Roman Britain, as opposed to an indi- ‘British’ identities under the microscope vidual from or . If someone for example said that he or she was from the Cantiaci tribe While British emigrants made a distinction between re- in the territory of the Eravisci tribe in Pannonia, this gional and pan-tribal identities, it becomes clear that would be meaningless, as people from the Eravisci tribe they also made distinctions in terms of regional identi- 63 would not have heard of the Cantiaci, whereas if one ties. As can be seen from Table 6, four out of six per- said that one came from Britannia, the Eravisci would sons who named their urban origin served in the legion- probably have understood that this person came from a ary forces, while five out of five persons who named distant province of the Empire. their tribal origin served in the auxiliary forces. It must One question remains unanswered: who could use be noted again that only tentative conclusions can be the ethnikon natione Britto? Was it used by people who drawn due to the scarcity of the evidence. 64 were born in Britannia but did not belong to any British All named Romano-British cities were former le- tribes? Or was it used by second-generation immigrants gionary fortresses that grew into veteran settlements, ex- to emphasise the origin of their ancestors? The situa- cept Ratae Coritanorum (modern-day Leicester, UK). 65 tion can be compared with that of modern-day emi- This city probably never had military installations in its grants.62 First-generation emigrants often refer to the proximity but instead grew from a native settlement into city or village or region where they were born, while a major Romano-British city. Those born in the former second-generation emigrants name the country of ori- legionary camps were the children of legionary veterans gin of their parents. In other words, to the question re- and had Roman citizenship by birth; those who origi- garding their origin they would answer, for example: ‘I nated from native settlements were free-born but did not am Russian from Moscow, but I live in Holland’, while yet receive Roman citizenship. For this reason the for- their children would say: ‘We were born in Amsterdam mer were conscripted to serve in the legions, the latter in in Holland, but my parents are Russians’. Probably the the auxiliary forces. The following is suggested: a city same situation can be observed on one inscription from origin stood for status and Roman citizenship, a regional Rome, where someone mentions ‘natione Dacisca re- for native and ‘British’. It would be useful to test this gione Serdica nato’: he is Dacian by origin, born in the suggestion by carrying out a comparison with similar region of Serdica, the modern-day capital of Bulgaria, groups elsewhere in the Roman Empire, to see whether Sofia (CIL VI 2605).62a It seems reasonable to assume having urban roots did indeed automatically secure Ro- that if a person had natione Britto, his or her parents man status, and whether by contrast rural or tribal ori- originated from the province of Britannia, making this gins made one ‘native’. However, the author of this pa- person a second-generation emigrant. This individual 62 did not belong to a particular British tribe, and neither This observation is based on the personal experience of the author, who is herself an immigrant from Russia living in the probably did his/her parents after their emigration. Netherlands, and during her studies in Holland has met many Having parents who were members of a certain tribe migrants. did not automatically make you a member of the same 62a This inscription can be interpreted differently, however, and tribe if you yourself were born on the Continent. How- its interpretation depends on the dating: a pre-AD 270s date may also indicate a person who was a member of a Dacian tribe ever, it did ensure membership of a group whose ances- which moved to south of the Danube early in the first century; a tors originated from Britannia. By choosing to label post-AD 270s date would suggest that this person lived in Dacia one’s origin as British, one distinguished oneself from Mediterranea, whose capital was Sardica (I. Oltean, pers. com- other groups of immigrants or from the dominant group ment). The later suggestion is favoured by most interpreters. 63 The soldier who stated his origin as from Colonia Claudia in the territory where immigrants and their families Camulodunum served in an unknown unit. He died at Carnun- settled down. tum, the base for legiones XV Apollinaris and XIV Geminia. It is In the third century and later, the trend might have more than likely that he served in one of these legions, probably shifted to naming the provincial origin rather than that in fourteenth Geminia, which, as mentioned above, served in Britain. He may therefore have been a legionary soldier. of a tribe or a city. Therefore, the label ‘Briton’ would 64 Camulodunum was in fact an Iron Age oppidum which was imply those who were born in the province of Britan- turned into a Roman legionary fortress after the invasion of AD nia, no matter where within Britannia one was from. 43 and later turned into a city with the status of colonia and pop- The pan-tribal emigrant identity suppressed the re- ulated with veterans. 65 gional one, making it the ultimate “e pluribus unum”, There is an ongoing discussion as to whether this city ever had a fort and by whom it was occupied. Suggestions range when from the many tribes, one ‘province’ of emi- from a legionary vexillation fortress to an auxiliary temporary grants emerged. fort. See Watcher 1995 and Todd 1973 for further discussion. Remembering Britannia 229

Table 6. Origin according to status. Tribe Status City Status

Trinova(nte)s Miles cohortis Lindum Legionaries (2); miles cohortis Dumnonius Miles cohortis Glevum Legionary Cornovus Miles cohortis Camulodunum Unknown, but most likely legionary Dobunnus Miles cohortis Deva Unknown (2) Belgus Miles cohortis Ratae Coritanorum Miles cohortis per is not aware of any research on this particular sub- pan-tribal or regional identity in- and outside the prov- ject. Unfortunately such research is beyond the scope of ince, or by the establishment of links with the ancestors the present article. by naming a provincial origin, in the absence of a re- Another significant parallel is the status of those who gional connection with the homeland. Considering this, give natione Britto as their origin. Four out of twelve the context in which “the decision to indicate on the fu- served in the auxiliary units, two were civilians, one was nerary monuments an ethnic identity” took place should a legionary centurion, another a centurion of a detach- not be forgotten, as Oltean notes .70 The text on the tomb- ment, one was junior officer on a ship and three be- stones was chosen by the relatives and inheritors, rarely longed to the prestigious auxiliary unit of the Emperor’s by the deceased.71 What this means is that a social group horse guard in Rome. Clearly, for British emigrants sta- intended to emphasise someone’s origin; it can therefore tus display together with origin was also an important be argued that on the tombstones we are dealing not with factor. Whenever it was impossible to indicate that one individual memory, as is case with votives, but with col- had Roman citizenship by stating that one hailed from a lective memory. A group of people chose an ethnic defi- city, the ‘status word’ civis was deliberately chosen, em- nition which they felt suited them, and which they most phasising Roman citizenship through a particular tribe. likely used for their own funerary or votive inscriptions. Although the surviving evidence is scant in compari- son with that from other ethnic groups, an overall con- clusion can be drawn from the available sources. Early “To remember is to reconstruct”66 on, especially in the first century, there was “no such so- cial groups as ‘Britons’, the peoples were an assortment In his 2005 novel The mysterious flame of Queen Loana, of tribes”,72 members of which emphasised their differ- Umberto Eco explores the nature of memory and its sig- ences whenever possible. In spite of the fact that it was a nificance for the life of a human being, especially when Roman construct, the ethnic marker Brittones started to one loses the ability to remember through an accident. be used by the population and emigrants from Roman He notes through his character that without the memory Britain in the late first and early second century AD, es- of the past one cannot see the future: “in order to say pecially when other ethnic identifications seemed to fail. what I’ll do next, I need to know a lot about what I did The label natione Britto was “applied to [and by]73 di- 67 before”. When one remembers, one reconstructs “on verse individuals who lacked a clear sense of group iden- the basis of what [one has] learned or said” since a par- tity”74 and was used by the second generation of emi- ticular moment in the past and then builds something grant groups in order to distinguish themselves from 68 else “… that will only be his or hers”. other communities. Later on, the usage of this Roman la- When ‘Britons’ remembered their motherland, they reconstructed their own ethnic identities, which were 66 Eco 2005, 25. specific for each individual: one remembered a tribe, an- 67 Eco 2005, 28. other a city, others the province. Here, the remembrance 68 Eco 2005, 25. of the homeland and the construction of the emigrant 69 Oltean 2009, 99. 70 Oltean 2009, 99. ethnic identity went hand in hand. In this context the dis- 71 play of ethnic identity by ‘Britons’ who emigrated oc- Oltean 2009, 99. 72 Mattingly 2004, 10. curs “as a result of specific mechanisms of identity defi- 73 Author’s insertion. nition”69 between individuals, such as by mentioning a 74 Mattingly 2004, 10. 230 Tatiana Ivleva bel increased, especially in the second century, probably Clauss & Slaby M. Clauss & Slaby, Epigraphik-Daten- because of pressure from the Roman administration or database bank EDCS Roman army to unify diverse peoples within provinces. http://www.manfredclauss.de/gb/ Oltean suggests that “the Roman army reinvented rather (14 October 2012). than destroyed Dacian ethnic identity and provided the Delamarre 2001 X. Delamarre, Dictionnaire de la langue gauloise: une approche linguistique du environment for the formation of a new Dacian military 75 vieux-celtique continental, Paris 2001. identity”. It seems reasonable to suggest that Romans Eck & Pangerl 2007 W. Eck & A. Pangerl, ‘Neue Diplome für also reinvented British ethnic identity by consistently re- die Helfstruppen von Brittania’, ZPE ferring to the people who originated from or were born 162, 2007, 223–234. in the province of Britannia as ‘Britons’. The emigrants Eco 2005 U. Eco, The mysterious flame of Queen seem to have adopted the Roman ethnonym in order to Loana, London 2005. distinguish themselves from other communities, while EE Ephemeris Epigraphica. the Romans appear to have encouraged the use of this ERRioja U. Espinosa Ruíz, Epigrafía romana de ethnic name in order to construct a pan-tribal identity. It La Rioja, Logrono 1986. is understandable that the Romans wanted to establish Evans 1967 D.E. Evans, Gaulish personal names. A study of some continental Celtic forma- one ‘state’ of ‘Britons’ because such a development tions, Oxford 1967. would counter inter-tribal rivalries and promote peace in Farnum 2005 J.H. Farnum, The positioning of the Ro- the province. man imperial legions (BAR-IS, 1458), In turn, the Roman construct was used by British emi- Oxford 2005. grants to remember their ancestral land. This ethnonym HEp Hispania Epigraphica, Madrid 1989–. helped the diverse ethnic groups from Roman Britain to Hope 2003 V.M. Hope, ‘Remembering Rome. Mem- emerge as one emigrant community, as becomes evident ory, funerary monuments and the Roman from the inscriptions. It must be noted that this commu- soldier’, in Archaeologies of remem- nity is visible only through the epigraphic record and brance. Death and memory in past socie- was created as a way of distinguishing oneself from ties, ed. H. Williams, New York 2003, 113–140. other ethnic groups. Privately, this community probably IAM Inscriptions antiques du Maroc 2. In- consisted of diverse groups from different British ethnic scriptions latines, Paris 1982. backgrounds. ILJug Inscriptiones Latinae quae in Iugoslavia ... repertae et editae sunt [1–3], eds. A. Tatiana Ivleva Šašel & J. Šašel, Ljubljana 1963–1986. Faculty of Archaeology Ivleva 2012 T. Ivleva, ‘British military units and the University of Leiden identity of British-born recruits in the P.O. 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(Osnabrücker Forsch- brance: the interpretation of some Roman ungen zu Altertum und Antike-Rezep- inscriptions’, World Archaeology 25:2, tion, 8), Möhnesee 2004. 1993, 236–247. Kennedy 1977 D. Kennedy, ‘The ala I and cohors I Bri- CIL Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. tannica’, Britannia 8, 1977, 249–255. Conimbri Fouilles de Conimbriga II. Épigraphie et sculpture, eds. J. Alarcão & R. Etienne, Paris 1976. 75 Oltean 2009, 99. Remembering Britannia 231

Lörincz I–IV B. Lörincz, Onomasticon provinciarum Oltean 2009 I.A. Oltean, ‘Dacian ethnic identity and Europae latinarum (OPEL), ex materia the Roman army’, in The army and fron- ab András Mócsy, Reinhardo Feldmann, tiers of Rome. Papers offered to David J. Elisabetha Marton et Mária Szilágyi col- Breeze on the occasion of his sixty-fifth lecta, I–IV, Budapest 2005. birthday and his retirement from Historic Marcu 2002–2003 F. Marcu, ‘Comments on the identity and Scotland (JRA Suppl., 74), ed. W.S. deployment of Cohortes I Brittonum’, Hanson, Portsmouth, R.I. 2009, 90–103. Acta Musei Napocensis 39/40(1), 2002– Palazon 1994 J.M. Palazon, Los nombres personales en 2003, 219–234. las inscripciones Latinas de Hispania, Matthews 1999 K.J. Matthews, ‘Britannus/Britto: Roman Murcia 1994. ethnographies, native identities, labels, Raybould & Sims- The geography of Celtic personal names and folk devils’, in Theoretical Roman Williams 2007 in the Latin inscriptions of the Roman archaeology and architecture: the third empire, eds. M.E. Raybould & P. Sims- conference proceedings, ed. A. Leslie, Williams, Aberystwyth 2007. Glasgow 1999, 14–33. RIB R.G. Collingwodd & R.P. Wright, The Mattingly 2004 D. Mattingly, ‘Being Roman: expressing Roman inscriptions of Britain I. Inscrip- identity in a provincial setting’, JRA 17, tions on stone, new ed. with addenda et 2004, 5–25. corrigenda by R.S.O. Tomlin, Stroud Mocsy 1983 A. Mocsy, Nomenclator provinciarum 1995. Europae latinarum et Galliae Cisalpi- RMM B. Pferdehirt, Römische Militärdiplome nae, Budapest 1983. und Entlassungsurkunden in der Mullen 2007 A. Mullen, ‘Linguistic evidence for “Ro- Sammlung des Römisch-Germanischen manization”: continuity and change in Zentralmuseums, Mainz 2004. Romano-British onomastics. A study of Spaul 1994 J. Spaul, Ala2. The auxiliary units the epigraphic record with particular ref- of the pre-Diocletianic imperial Roman erence to Bath’, Britannia 38, 2007, 35– army, Andover 1994. 62. Spaul 2000 J. Spaul, Cohors2. The evidence for and a Mullen online A. Mullen, Celtic personal names of Ro- short history of the auxiliary infantry database man Britain. http://www.asnc.cam.ac.uk/ units of the imperial Roman army (BAR- personalnames/ (23 September 2009). IS, 841), Oxford 2000. Nesselhauf 1937 H. Nesselhauf, ‘Neue Inschriften aus Todd 1973 M. Todd, The Coritani, London 1973. dem römischen Germanien und den an- Watcher 1995 J. Watcher, The towns of Roman Britain, grenzenden Gebieten’, BerRGK 27, London 1995. 1937, 51–134. 232 Tatiana Ivleva PRIESTS, CROWNS AND PRIESTLY HEADDRESSES IN IMPERIAL ATHENS

BY MARIETTA HORSTER AND THORALF SCHRÖDER

Abstract of the deified and living emperors and the imperial 3 The paper presents an outline of the project entitled “Crowning family. the Past”. It focuses on the presentation of Athenian priesthoods These new cults and rituals had a major impact on the in Imperial times with its visual and verbal references to the religious calendar of the citizens, the religious topogra- glorious past of Athens. The various manifestations of the phy of the city and the hierarchy of priesthoods. The adapted past were meant to link the erudite Athenian élite with their own “Greek” past, while, however, concurrently con- next period of major changes and shifts in the religious structing new traditions and rituals for their “Roman” present. life of the Athenians occurred under Hadrian. It was This reshaping and inventing of an Imperial-era, Athenian, civic mainly encouraged by the emperor’s interest and finan- identity is conspicuously symbolised of two types of public cial engagement in Athens. The Hadrianic Panhellenion symbols: (1) crowns, leaf wreaths and circlets as distinguishing iconographic signs in portraits of priests and (2) the specific and the temple of Zeus Olympius were references to the verbalisation of priestly duties in inscriptions.* glorious past of Athens, to Periclean, Isocratean and Demosthenic Athens, to a time when Athens was strong, overcame the Persian threats and became hegemon of the Delian league and later the leader in the fight against Introduction Macedonian dominance. Athens’ political strength and its cultural pre-eminence in the fifth and fourth century In Imperial times, visual and verbal references to the had, together, become the frame of reference for the self- glorious past of Athens often involve representations of identity and pride of the Athenian élites.4 Athenian priesthoods. Adaptations of the venerable In Roman Athens, artefacts referred visually and verb- Athenian Greek past, manifested in various ways, con- ally to the revered deeds of men in Classical times: hon- structed a link between this past and new traditions and orific portrait-statues, representations of the crowns in rituals related to the Greco-Roman present. The follow- reliefs on stelai and statue-bases inscribed with honorific ing preliminary sketch presents some observations, hy- potheses and questions pertinent to our ongoing project, * We thank Charlotte Scheffer for organizing the conference “Crowning the Past”. Its objective is to give an insight and for inviting us to speak at it. Dr. Janet Fairweather has into our project which is concerned with the reshaping helped to improve our English text. The crown-project is con- and inventing of an Imperial-era, Athenian, civic identity nected to Marietta Horster’s DFG-funded research project ‘Re- with particular reference to two distinct manifestations ligiöse Funktionsträger’ in the context of the SPP 1209: ‘Die hellenistische Polis als Lebensform’ and to Thoralf Schröder’s of this development: the crowns and wreaths as icono- PhD thesis, ‘Portraits in Imperial Greece’, which he defended in graphic signs of priesthoods as well as the significant December 2011 (Universität Göttingen). verbalisation of priestly traditions in inscriptions as ‘ver- bal signs’. 1 Graindor 1927; 1934; Follet 1976; Geagan 1979; Spawforth & Imperial Athens saw two major periods of religious Walker 1985; 1986; Boatwright 2000, 94–100; Dally 2008. 2 IG II² 1035 = SEG 26, 121, cf. SEG 33, 136. For the date of refurbishment and renaissance, one in Augustan times the decree, see Culley 1975; 1977; Walker 1997; Schmalz 2009, and the second during Hadrian’s reign.1 The beginning 10–11. of the was marked by the rebuilding and re- 3 Imperial cult: Oliver 1950, 73–101; Trummer 1980; Spaw- 2 forth 1997; Clinton 1997; Kantiréa 2007. establishment of shrines and cults, and by the installa- 4 tion of the Imperial cult with buildings, processions, sac- E.g. Bowie 1974; Swain 1996; Lamberton 1997. For the crea- tion of (a) Greek identity or identities under Roman rule, cf. e.g. rifices, festivals and priests for Roma and Augustus. It Galli 2004 and the contributions in Goldhill 2001, Alcock, was then followed by institutions and facilities in honour Cherry & Elsner 2001 and Cordovana & Galli 2007. 234 Marietta Horster and Thoralf Schröder decrees.5 Demosthenes’ famous oration ‘On the Crown’ the number of prohedria-thrones and seats of the priests and the speeches of his adversaries were probably the and priestesses increased and the seating was re- most impressive proof of the importance and weight of arranged.9 In addition to new Hadrianic organisational such honours in the fourth century BC. The rhetorical structures and new or completed sanctuaries and build- and literary treatment of the crown affair and the orators’ ings, new festivals and cult rituals were instituted in fame received continued interest of the educated public which the presence of many priests and other cult offi- inside and outside Athens. cials was an integral and important part.10 Apart from the wide array of references to honorific In Imperial times, there existed general trends in the crowns in literature, speeches, in publicly exhibited in- culture of conferring honours and in documenting them, scriptions and in iconographic representations: from the trends which had also a major impact on the visual and Classical period onwards, crowns made of oak-leaves, of verbal presentation and commemoration of individual myrtle, leaves of olive-trees and other leaves, also fea- priests and of the priesthoods in Athens. Whereas in the tured in performances enacted within the context of Classical and the early Hellenistic period inscribed stelai 6 cults. (often with crown-reliefs as visual markers) seem to have predominated the publicly published documenta- tion of such honours, in Imperial times, the inscriptional evidence for priests and other religious officials is found Priestly traditions verbalised and visual- mainly on the inscribed bases of honorific statues. This ised in inscriptions change in epigraphic and honorific habit is due to an overall trend towards the augmentation of privately set- Several changes occurred in the late Hellenistic and up, honorific statues in the city of Athens, which was early Imperial period, which are mainly observable in part of the ‘global’ Imperial culture of familial remem- epigraphic sources. The trend away from yearly priest- brance and desire for commemoration. Late Classical hoods towards priestly office for life is one such change and Hellenistic decrees and other honorific inscriptions that had begun already in the late Hellenistic period, but often include the mention of the wreath, or golden increased dramatically in Augustan times. Another such crowns and their value and cost, as part of the honour change is the increasing use of the hieronymy, the hiding which was conferred. The honour of a crown might be, of the personal name of a priest as a sign of his arcane for example, combined with prohedria or the honour of duties and religious importance. Both innovative as- sitesis, the gratuitous provision of meals in the Pryta- pects, permanence and secretiveness, added to the pres- neion. In the second century AD, however, there is us- tige of the priestly office-holder.7 ually no verbal or visual reference in the texts on statue- From the late third century BC onwards, parallel to an bases to the specific honours voted. Thus, it seems that overall rise in the numbers of honorific statues of bene- factors and office-holders in Athens, there was an in- 5 crease in the perpetual commemoration of priests, priest- Even in cases in which a honorific inscription did not verbally refer to the honour of a wreath or a crown, this part of the hon- esses and other religious office-holders by honorific our could be visually presented as a relief. E.g. the statue base monuments, most often set up in sanctuaries. The cut- for a kanephoros dedicated by and demos at the beginning tings on the top of statue-bases erected for male priests of first century BC: IG II² 3220 = Clinton 2005, no. 267. of major priesthoods reveal that such honorific statues 6 Blech (1982) discusses the following categories: crowns in the were often life-size bronze statues.8 The increasing pres- sympotic contexts, bridal and nuptial crowns, crowns used in the death cult, crowns for victors in competitions, honorific ence of statues with inscribed statue-bases related to crowns, crowns connected to the cults of Dionysus, Apollo and both deceased and living, former and still active priests other cults, crowns used in sanctuaries and cult rituals, e.g. in the sanctuaries. In Imperial times and especially dur- crowns for the victims or crowns worn by all participants in a ing Hadrian’s reign, the priestly presence in ritual as specific ritual. On the Athenian tradition of crowns as part of honours in Classical times and the early Hellenistic period, see well as in new performative contexts changed, and the Calabi Limentani 1987; Scafuro 2009. number of festivals increased. In Athens, the prominence 7 See Horster 2012 for the relevance of eponymy and hiero- of the priests, and the less numerous priestesses was, for nymy and the changing character of late Hellenistic and Impe- example, manifest in the context of the refurbishment of rial Athenian priesthoods. 8 the under Hadrian. The rebuilding Clinton (2005 and 2008) provides information about such cut- tings and mouldings in the surface of the statue bases. of the theatre was connected to the new institution of a 9 Maas 1972. thirteenth in honour of Hadrian and the establish- 10 E.g. in the context of the Imperial cult, see the literature in ment of an imperial loggia in the theatre. Furthermore, note 3 above. Priests, Crowns and Priestly Headdresses in Imperial Athens 235 the individual honours had most often been confined to a velopments over the centuries, have had an impact on statue in bronze or marble with a short inscription on the the choice of portrait-iconography, and the significance base. of a chosen portrait-type, in a given geographical, politi- Only a few honorific inscriptions concerning priests cal and cultural context. It is not possible, therefore, to and priestesses refer to their specific priestly or religious develop a comprehensive overall system of iconography qualifications. If at all, these qualifications were often which will cover all the depictions of crowns in the based on presumed or real achievements in the religious Greco-Roman world.15 past. (1) We frequently find reference to the priestly Athens was the biggest sculpture-producing centre in genealogy of the honoured persons. The present reality of Roman Greece. Moreover, the number of crowned por- the office-holder is thus related to the religious context in traits produced there is unique and exceptional relative the Athenian past. It emerges that the specific religious to the rest of the Imperium Romanum. In addition to the qualification of the honoured person, often a young male sheer abundance of crowned portraits, the iconographic or female hearth-initiate, was restricted to his or her an- spectrum is most remarkable.16 Investigation of the male cestry and a familial tradition of priestly engagement in portraits has led to the differentiation of at least 15 cate- one or more cults.11 Another way of referring to cult tradi- gories of crowns, wreaths, ribbons and their combina- tions in honorific inscriptions is (2) a new tendency to as- tions.17 sert the importance of the gene. Simone Follet and James The crown which has in modern literature most often H. Oliver have presumed that the gene might have re- gained a new role and pre-eminence in Hadrianic Athens been associated with the representation of a priest is the because of their presumed traditional, archaic and classi- so-called strophion. It is a compact, compressed band cally rooted important religious role.12 that was bound around the head and knotted normally 18 19 As has already been mentioned, the Imperial-era hon- just above the neck. Single as well as double forms orific inscriptions on the statue-bases for priests, magis- trates, and benefactors do not refer explicitly to the vari- 11 E.g. Clinton 2004. 12 Follet 1976; Oliver 1980. ous honours such as sitesis, prohedria or wreaths and 13 crowns that were decreed by the honouring institutions. During the Republican era the corona civica was awarded to a soldier who saved the life of a companion in battle. But after But as the awarding of a crown or wreath was not made the constitution of the Principate it was monopolized for the explicit in most inscriptions from the late first to the emperor, who had saved the lives of all Roman citizens. Cf. third centuries AD, the many attested Imperial-era por- Zanker 1990, 98. A good example is the famous bust of Augus- trait-statues with wreaths or crowns need further expla- tus in the Glyptothek of Munich 317: Boschung 1993, 164–165, no. 133, pls. 150, 223:1. The Gemma Augustea depicts Augus- nation. tus in the posture of Jupiter, an eagle beneath. Augustus sits on a throne wearing the hip-mantle, the corona civica is held above him. Cf. Zanker 1990, 232–236, fig. 182; cf. B. Bergmann 2010. 14 Cf. Rumscheid 2000. With few exceptions this kind of crown Archaeological evidence was used only in Asia Minor. Until now, there seems to be only one Attic example of that kind, Agora Museum S 3500: Ric- Modern scholars tend to identify portraits of priestesses cardi 2007, 365–390, figs. 1–3, 12, 16. This crown is character- or priests by crowns, wreaths or ribbons presuming these ized by a compact ribbon or metal circlet to which several busts iconographic features of the portrait to be characteristic were attached. For a long time portraits with this type of head- priestly attributes. Many portraits with crowns and dress used to be interpreted as priests of the Imperial cult. 15 There exists no comprehensive study of the different variants wreaths, however, are definitely not meant to signify a of crowned non-imperial portraits from the city of Rome. Por- priest or priestly duties. The emperors’ corona civica, an traits with circlets that have an attached star-medallion above oak-wreath with ribbons, is one such obvious example.13 the middle of the forehead are a local variation exclusive to the Another such exception seems to be frequently attested province of . Cf. Goette 1989, 173–186. 16 in Asia Minor: Jutta Rumscheid has demonstrated that However, the imperial portraits from Athens show no evident differences from their metropolitan models. See, for instance, a portraits with ‘bust crowns’ in Asia Minor are likely to portrait of Claudius, Athens, National Museum 430: Datsouli- refer to magistrates and benefactors who financed games Stavridi 1985, 34–35, pls. 25–26; Kaltsas 2002, 318–319, no. and spectacles, and not to priests.14 665 with fig. 17 The identification of priestly crowns, ribbons and Schroeder, PhD thesis, ‘Portraits in Imperial Greece’. 18 Athens, 2378: Dontas 2004, 55, no. 24, wreaths turns out to be much more complicated than is pl. 21. often presumed. Local cultural traditions, local icono- 19 Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek 1561: Johansen 1995, graphic particularities and characteristics, as well as de- 84–85, no. 32 with fig. 236 Marietta Horster and Thoralf Schröder are well attested. Furthermore, there exist combinations A parallel Athenian phenomenon is the “retrospective of the strophion either with a twisted ribbon or with all portrait”. It is attested only from c. AD 120 until 240. It different kinds of leaf wreaths. These wreaths consist of is characterized by distinctive references (with variants small, medium-sized and large leaves respectively.20 in gradation) to older Greek archetypes. This choice of They all have in common an elongated form, and differ- “retrospective” representation is well-known within the ences in the size of leaves are reasonably easy to distin- portraits of the kosmetai,27 but it is not exclusive to this guish. The smallest leaves represented may be identified small group. Such a kind of representation differs from as myrtle, the medium-sized as olive and the largest as the so-called Zeitgesicht (period face) which was the laurel. In addition, such leaf wreaths appear alone with- common option of representation all over the Roman out any ribbons.21 In addition, there are Attic portraits Empire, including Greece.28 However, in the “retrospec- showing circlets with pin holes.22 In no case have the at- tive portrait”, explicit references to pre-Roman models tached objects survived, but it seems that they formed a in Athenian portraits were specifically utilised to link the kind of a radiate crown. Another such variant consists of Athenian élite with their own “Greek” past while also portraits with a very thin band, similar to the Hellenistic constructing a competitively new self-image for their diadem.23 Is there any possibility of linking these Attic “Roman” present. This is unique in the Imperium Ro- portraits with specific contexts or with a category of manum. Most of the “retrospective portraits” do not people in Athens? The external evidence for such identi- wear crowns, but the chronological coincidence with the fications is in general poor. crowned portraits is too obvious to be a matter of One votive relief (c. AD 200) from the area of the chance. One may say that these two elements of self- Olympieion might provide a clue for the interpretation of fashioning are two different expressions of a bigger cul- some of the portrait-variants mentioned above.24 The re- tural phenomenon. lief presents a sitting Demeter and a standing Kore accom- Comprehensive analysis of such pseudo-classical panied by a bearded, middle-aged man with a strophion modes of representation (priestly iconography and for- and a wreath made of small leaves on his head. On the mulaic presentation) within their specific contexts base of this relief an inscription reads: QesmofÒroisi Qea‹j `AgnoÚsioj `Ierof£nthj.25 Hence a of 20 Strophion and twisted ribbon: Athens, Magazine of the third the is depicted and he is character- Ephoria: Daux 1963, 695, fig. 8; strophion and wreath consist- ing of small-sized leaves: München, Residenz Museum P. I ized with a strophion and a wreath made probably of 181: Weski & Frosien-Leinz 1987, 250–251, no. 135, pl. 175; 26 myrtle. In the current state of knowledge, this is the sole strophion and wreath consisting of medium-sized leaves: example from Athens of such a visual narrative. Athens, National Museum 432: M. Bergmann 1977, 85, pl. However, there exists some probability that priests are 25:4; strophion and wreath consisting of large-sized leaves: Athens, Acropolis Museum 1353: Dontas 2004, 76–77, no. 63, depicted in one other context in Athens: portraits with a pl. 47. The most complicated combination of different objects is thin hair-band have come to light on the Acropolis of displayed by a portrait of the Hadrianic period with a twisted Athens. It is possible that benefactors or magistrates, not ribbon, a strophion and a leaf wreath: Athens, Magazine of the priests, were honoured with this kind of hair-ornament, first Ephoria: Vermeule 1968, 357, fig. 180; Calza 1972, 383– 384, no. 269, pl. 129, pp. 474–475 have a wrong designation- but the absence of similar representations within other no. 261; Balty 1982, 265–266, pl. 27:2. Athenian non-cult-specific, public spaces, for example 21 Medium-sized leaves: Athens, Acropolis Museum 1315: the Agora, makes it quite plausible that the individuals Dontas 2004, 68–69, no. 50, pl. 39. Large leaves: Athens, portrayed should be identified as priests. Agora Museum S 564: Harrison 1953, 56–57, no. 43, pl. 30. 22 Furthermore, the chronological spread of the Attic Athens, National Museum 3557: Fittschen 1999, 98, no. 122, pl. 186a–d. crowned portraits is illuminating. Apart from a few Re- 23 Athens, Acropolis Museum 2200: Dontas 2004, 52–53, no. publican examples, which have to be seen in the light of 22, pl. 19. Like the strophion it can be combined with a leaf Hellenistic representational conventions, and with one wreath: Athens, National Museum 356: Datsouli-Stavridi 1985, Flavian exception, there are no private Attic portraits 69–70, pl. 85; Fittschen 1999, 97, no. 119, pl. 184c–f. 24 Athens, current depository unknown: Clinton 1974, 32, no. with crowns before the end of the first century AD. 23, fig. 3; LIMC IV, 1988, 868 s.v. Demeter, no. 285, pl. 580 There is an abrupt change in Hadrianic times, when the (L. Beschi). crown emerges as one obviously strong option among 25 For a discussion, see Clinton 1974, 32. 26 the available modes of self-fashioning and representa- Cf. Balty 1982, 263–273; Geominy 1989, 253–264. 27 tion. The peak of the fashion of crowned portraits is Cf. Graindor 1915; Lattanzi 1968; Krumeich 2004; D’Ambra 2005. within the Antonine period, but the habit continues into 28 Fundamental are M. Bergmann 1982, 143–147 and Zanker the mid-third century AD. 1982, 307–312, see also Fejfer 2008, 270–285. Priests, Crowns and Priestly Headdresses in Imperial Athens 237

(monument types, epigraphic habits, and places con- Calza 1972 R. Calza, Iconografia romana imperiale: nected with priestly honours and commemorations) will da Carausio a Giuliano (287–363 d.C.) be necessary to elucidate the semantics and identity of (Quaderni e guide di archeologia, 3), the Athenian élites with their specific references to tradi- Roma 1972. tional paradigms. Clinton 1974 K. Clinton, The sacred officials of the Eleusinian Mysteries, Philadelphia 1974. Marietta Horster Clinton 1997 K. Clinton, ‘ and the Romans: Historisches Seminar – Alte Geschichte Late Republic to ’, in Johannes-Gutenberg-Universität Mainz The Romanization of Athens. Proceed- D – 55099 MAINZ ings of an international conference held [email protected] at Lincoln, Nebraska (April 1996) (Ox- bow monograph, 94), eds. M.C. Hoff & Thoralf Schröder S.I. Rotroff, Oxford 1997, 161–181. LMU München Clinton 2004 K. Clinton, ‘A family of Eumolpidai and Institut für Klassische Archäologie Katharina-von-Bora-Staße 10 Kerykes descended from ’, Hes- D – 80333 MÜNCHEN peria 73, 2004, 39–57. [email protected] Clinton 2005 K. Clinton, Eleusis. The inscriptions on stone. Documents of the Sanctuary of the Two Goddesses and public documents of Bibliography the , vol. 1 A and B. Text and plates (The Archaeological Society at Athens, Alcock, Cherry & Pausanias. Travel and memory in Roman Library, 236), Athens 2005. Elsner 2001 Greece, eds. S.E. Alcock, J.F. Cherry & Clinton 2008 K. Clinton, Eleusis. The inscriptions on J. Elsner, Oxford & New York 2001. stone. Documents of the Sanctuary of the Balty 1982 J. Ch. Balty, ‘Hiérophantes attiques d’épo- Two Goddesses and public documents of que impériale’, in Rayonnement grec. the deme, vol. 2. Commentary (The Ar- Hommages à Ch. Delvoye, eds. L. Ha- chaeological Society at Athens, Library, dermann-Misguich & G. Raepsaet, 259), Athens 2008. Bruxelles 1982, 263–273. Cordovana & Galli Arte e memoria culturale nell’età della B. Bergmann 2010 B. Bergmann, Der Kranz des Kaisers. 2007 Seconda Sofistica, eds. O.D. Cordovana Genese und Bedeutung einer römischen & M. Galli, 2007. Insignie (Image and context, 6), Berlin Culley 1975 G.R. Culley, ‘The restoration of sanctu- 2010. aries in Attica: I.G., II², 1035’, Hesperia M. Bergmann 1977 M. Bergmann, Studien zum römischen 44, 1975, 207–223. Porträt des 3. Jahrhunderts n. Chr., Bonn 1977. Culley 1977 G.R. Culley, ‘The restoration of sanctu- M. Bergmann 1982 M. Bergmann, ‘Zeittypen im Kaiserpor- aries in Attica, II. The structure of IG II², trät’, Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der 1035 and the topography of Salamis’, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin 31, Hesperia 46, 1977, 282–298. 1982, 143–147. Dally 2008 O. Dally, ‘Athen in der frühen Kaiserzeit Blech 1982 M. Blech, Studien zum Kranz bei den – ein Werk des Kaisers Augustus?’, in Η Griechen, Berlin & New York 1982. Αθήνα κατά τη Ρωμαική εποχή Πρόσ- Boatwright 2000 M.T. Boatwright, Hadrian and the cities φατεϛ: ανακαλύψειϛ, νεέϛ έρευνεϛ / of the Roman Empire, Princeton 2000. Athens during the Roman period: recent Boschung 1993 D. Boschung, Die Bildnisse des Augustus discoveries, new evidence, ed. St. Vlizos, (Das römische Herrscherbild, 1, 2), Ber- Athens 2008, 43–54. lin 1993. D’Ambra 2005 E. D’Ambra, ‘Kosmetai, the Second So- Bowie 1974 E. Bowie, ‘Greeks and their past in the phistic, and portraiture in the second cen- Second Sophistic’, Past and Present 46, tury’, in Periklean Athens and its legacy: 1970, 3–41, revised in Studies in ancient problems and perspectives, eds. J.M. society, ed. M.I. Finley, London & Bos- Barringer & J.M. Hurwit, Austin 2005, ton 1974, 166–209. 201–216. Calabi Limentani I. Calabi Limentani, ‘Due caratteristiche Datsouli-Stavridi A. Datsouli-Stavridi, Ρωμαικά πορ- 1987 dell’onore della corona in Atene’, in 1985 τραίτα στό Εθνικό Άρχαιολογικό Μουσείο Studi di antichità in memoria di Clemen- τής Αθήναϛ, Athens 1985. tina Gatti (Quaderni di “Acme”, 9), ed. Daux 1963 G. Daux, ‘Chronique des fouilles et dé- Istituto di storia antica, Milano 1987, 29– couvertes en Grèce en 1962’, BCH 87, 36. 1963, 689–879. 238 Marietta Horster and Thoralf Schröder

Dontas 2004 G.S. Dontas, Les portraits attiques au Kantiréa 2007 M. Kantiréa, Les dieux et les dieux Au- Musée de l’Acropole (CSIR Greece, I:1), gustes. Le culte impérial en Grèce sous Athènes 2004. les Julio-Claudiens et les Flaviens: Fejfer 2008 J. Fejfer, Roman portraits in context, études épigraphiques et archéologiques Berlin 2008. (Meletemata, 50), Athènes 2007. Fittschen 1999 K. Fittschen, Prinzenbildnisse antonini- Krumeich 2004 R. Krumeich, ‘Klassiker im Gymnasion. scher Zeit (Beiträge zur Erschliessung Bildnisse attischer Kosmeten der mitt- hellenistischer und kaiserzeitlicher leren und späten Kaiserzeit zwischen Skulptur und Architektur, 18), Mainz Rom und griechischer Vergangenheit’, in 1999. Paideia: the world of the Second Sophis- Follet 1976 S. Follet, Athènes au IIe et au IIIe siècle. tic (Millenium-Studien zu Kultur und Études chronologiques et prosopogra- Geschichte des ersten Jahrtausend n. phiques, Paris 1976. Chr., 2), ed. B.E. Borg, Berlin & New Galli 2004 M. Galli, ‘“Creating religious identities”: York 2004, 131–155. Paideia e religione nella Seconda Lamberton 1997 R. Lamberton, ‘Plutarch and the Romani- Sofistica’, in Paideia: the world of the zations of Athens’, in The Romanization Second Sophistic (Millenium-Studien zu of Athens. Proceedings of an interna- Kultur und Geschichte des ersten Jahr- tional conference held at Lincoln, Ne- tausend n. Chr., 2), ed. B.E. Borg, Berlin braska (April 1996) (Oxbow monograph, & New York 2004, 315–356. 94), eds. M.C. Hoff & S.I. Rotroff, Ox- Geagan 1979 D.J. Geagan, ‘Roman Athens. Some as- ford 1997, 151–160. pects of life and culture, 1. 86 B.C. – Lattanzi 1968 E. Lattanzi, I ritratti dei cosmeti nel Mu- A.D. 267’, ANRW II.7.1, Berlin & New seo Nazionale di Atene (Studia archeo- York 1979, 371–437. logica, 9), Roma 1968. Geominy 1989 W. Geominy, ‘Eleusinische Priester’, in Maas 1972 M. Maas, Die Prohedrie des Diony- Beiträge zur Ikonographie und Herme- sostheaters in Athen, München 1972. neutik. Festschrift N. Himmelmann, eds. Oliver 1950 J.H. Oliver, The Athenian expounders of H.-U. Cain, H. Gabelmann & D. Salz- the sacred and ancestral law, Baltimore 1950. mann, Mainz 1989, 253–264. Oliver 1980 J.H. Oliver, ‘From gennētai to curiales’, Goette 1989 H.R. Goette, ‘Kaiserzeitliche Bildnisse Hesperia 49, 1980, 30–56 (= in idem, von Sarapis-Priestern’, MDIK 45, 1989, The civic tradition and Roman Athens, 173–186. Baltimore & London 1983, 1–33). Goldhill 2001 Being Greek under Rome. Cultural iden- Riccardi 2007 L.A. Riccardi, ‘The bust-crown, the Pan- tity, the Second Sophistic and the devel- hellenion, and Eleusis. A new portrait opment of Empire, ed. S. Goldhill, Cam- from the Athenian Agora’, Hesperia 76, bridge 2001. 2007, 365–390. Graindor 1915 P. Graindor, ‘Les cosmètes du Musée Rumscheid 2000 J. Rumscheid, Kranz und Krone. Zu In- d’Athènes’, BCH 39, 1915, 241–401. signien, Siegespreisen und Ehrenzeichen Graindor 1927 P. Graindor, Athènes sous Auguste, Le der römischen Kaiserzeit (IstForsch, 43), Caire 1927. Tübingen 2000. Graindor 1934 P. Graindor, Athènes sous Hadrien, Le Scafuro 2009 A.C. Scafuro, ‘The crowning of Amphi- Caire 1934. araos’, in Greek history and epigraphy. Harrison 1953 E.B. Harrison, Agora I. Portrait sculp- Essays in honour of P.J. Rhodes, eds. L. ture, Princeton, N.J. 1953. Mitchell & L. Rubinstein, Swansea 2009, Horster 2012 M. Horster, ‘The tenure, appointment 59–86. and eponymy of priesthoods and their Schmalz 2009 G.C.R. Schmalz, Augustan and Julio- (debatable) ideological and political im- Claudian Athens. A new epigraphy and plications’, in Civic priests. Cult person- prosopography, Leiden & Boston 2009. nel in Athens from the Hellenistic Period Spawforth 1997 A.J.S. Spawforth, ‘The early reception of to Late Antiquity, eds. M. Horster & A. the imperial cult in Athens: problems and Klöckner, Berlin 2012, 161–208. ambiguities’, in The Romanization of Johansen 1995 F. Johansen, Roman portraits III. Ny Athens. Proceedings of an international Carlsberg Glyptotek, Copenhagen 1995. conference held at Lincoln, Nebraska Kaltsas 2002 N. Kaltsas, Sculpture in the National Ar- (April 1996) (Oxbow monograph, 94), chaeological Museum, Athens, Los An- eds. M.C. Hoff & S.I. Rotroff, Oxford geles 2002. 1997, 183–201. Priests, Crowns and Priestly Headdresses in Imperial Athens 239

Spawforth & Walker A.J. Spawforth & S. Walker, ‘The world Walker 1997 S. Walker, ‘Athens under Augustus’, in 1985 of the Panhellenion, I. Athens and Eleu- The Romanization of Athens. Proceed- sis’, JRS 75, 1985, 78–104. ings of an international conference held Spawforth & Walker A.J. Spawforth & S. Walker, ‘The world at Lincoln, Nebraska (April 1996) (Ox- 1986 of the Panhellenion, II. Three Dorian bow monograph, 94), eds. M.C. Hoff & cities’, JRS 76, 1986, 88–105. S.I. Rotroff, Oxford 1997, 67–80. Swain 1996 S. Swain, Hellenism and empire. Lan- Weski & Frosien- Das Antiquarium der Münchner Resi- guage, classicism, and power in the Leinz 1987 denz, eds. E. Weski & H. Frosien-Leinz, Greek world AD 50–250, Oxford 1996. München 1987. Trummer 1980 R. Trummer, Die Denkmäler des Kai- Zanker 1982 P. Zanker, ‘Herrscherbild und Zeitge- serkults in der römischen Provinz sicht’, Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Achaia, Graz 1980. Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin 31, Vermeule 1968 C.C. Vermeule, Roman imperial art in 1982, 307–312. Greece and Asia Minor, Cambridge, Zanker 1990 P. Zanker, Augustus und die Macht der Mass. 1968. Bilder, München 19902. 240 Marietta Horster and Thoralf Schröder ATTITUDES TOWARDS THE PAST IN ROMAN PHRYGIA: SURVIVALS AND REVIVALS Extended abstract

BY LYNN E. ROLLER

This paper discusses the evidence for the existence of gued that Phrygian must have survived as a spoken lan- Phrygian elements in the population of Roman Asia guage throughout the centuries when no written evi- Minor and places it within the broader framework of dence of Phrygian is known, and the increasing prosper- cultural pluralism in this region during the second and ity that followed the advent of Roman rule gave the local third centuries CE. During the first millennium BCE people the financial means to acquire stone memorials Asia Minor was home to a large number of different and inscribe them to their dead in their native language. ethnic groups, but by the Roman era, most of the earlier Yet, while the increased level of prosperity of this region Anatolian populations such as the Lydians, Carians, during the second century CE may be a factor in the re- and Lycians had been subsumed by Greek language appearance of texts in the Phrygian language, it cannot and culture. The Phrygians, however, form a partial ex- be the only reason. For one thing, it is unclear how ex- ception. The continuing existence of the Phrygians as a tensively the Phrygian language was used in daily life. distinct ethnic group can be noted through the presence The great majority of gravestones from Phrygian terri- of written texts in the Phrygian language, the revived tory are inscribed in Greek, not Phrygian, and this plus worship of Phrygian deities, and the renewed use of the widespread use of the Greek language for other pur- older Phrygian cult sanctuaries. Evidence for these poses strongly suggests that Greek was the dominant Phrygian cultural elements increases markedly during language in the region. In most of the Neo-Phrygian bi- the first centuries of the Roman era. This raises several lingual inscriptions, the important information such as questions: how did the Phrygians retain their regional name and family connections of the deceased is given in identity, and why? And why does the evidence for a Greek, and Phrygian is used solely to express a curse. distinctive Phrygian population become more promi- One long monolingual Phrygian text, as yet untranslated, nent at this time? consists of 270 characters, but almost all other monolin- An important source for the distinctive regional iden- gual Phrygian texts are very short, consisting solely of a tity of the Phrygians in Roman Asia Minor is the corpus funerary curse. This suggests that the Phrygian language of inscriptions written in the Phrygian language. To date, was not widely spoken, but was used almost exclusively one hundred fourteen Roman era inscriptions in Phry- to record a curse designed to protect a grave. gian have been published, almost all of them found in ru- The identity and status of those who chose to inscribe ral areas in central and southeastern . Known as texts in the Phrygian language add further information. Neo-Phrygian texts, to distinguish them from the earlier Many of the Neo-Phrygian texts appear on elaborately Paleo-Phrygian texts from the early first millennium carved tombstones, suggesting that the dedicators were BCE, these inscriptions have been recovered from sev- people of some financial means. The dedicator of one eral Phrygian sites ranging from the Phrygian Highlands Neo-Phrygian text proclaims himself a freedman, a sta- near modern Eskişehir to the region of Iconium (modern tus that carried some prestige in an environment where Konya) and the lakes south of Pisidian Antioch (modern most inhabitants were slaves of the imperial estates. An- Yalvaç). Fifty are monolingual Phrygian texts and the other is a carpenter, and another identifies himself as a remainder are Greek-Phrygian bilinguals. All are grave ἱππεύς, a stable master. These are clearly not the dedica- epitaphs, and all but six consist primarily of curses di- tions of the landowning elite, but at the same time they rected towards a potential grave robber. are unlikely to be the tombstones of the poorest agricul- The reappearance of texts in the Phrygian language af- tural laborers. Taken together, the evidence suggests that ter a gap of some five hundred years is surprising, and no written texts in the Phrygian language were deliberately easy explanation is forthcoming. Some scholars have ar- revived by individuals of modest means and used to ex- 242 Lynn E. Roller press a sentiment, the protection of the grave, that was ing the first and second centuries CE. The increased in- very important to the local Phrygian people. terest during the Second Sophistic in the literary tradi- Another marker of renewed interest in older Phrygian tion of the earlier Greek Classical period would also culture that appears during the Roman era is the revived have revived knowledge of the entrenched racist atti- use of older Phrygian cult centers. The venerable Phry- tudes of fifth century BC Greeks towards the native gian sanctuary at Midas City, a major Phrygian cult peoples of Anatolia, especially Phrygians and Lydians, center during the eighth through fourth centuries BCE, attitudes which are well attested in fifth century BCE At- once again became the center of cult activity. New altars tic tragedy and comedy. Such supercilious Greek atti- were erected and inscriptions point to the revived cult of tudes towards native Anatolian peoples can be noted in Phrygian Matar, the Mother goddess, now addressed in proverbs and jokes of the Roman era, in which the as- Greek as the Mother Goddess Angdistis. Other Neo- sumed inferiority of Phrygians, such as their weakness, Phrygian texts are dedicated to the Phrygian god Tios, their ignorance, their suitability for enslavement, is taken probably a Phrygian form of Zeus. for granted. The actual Phrygians who lived in Asia Mi- Why do we see this resurgence of local Phrygian iden- nor must have been keenly aware that they were viewed tity during the Roman Imperial period? I suggest that as inferior by contemporary Greeks and this circum- there were two different trends at work. The sense of stance may have sparked their desire to accentuate their ethnic consciousness, evident in the revival of the writ- own traditions as a means of remaining aloof from Hel- ten language, renewed use of older cult sanctuaries, and lenism. Thus the Phrygians of the Roman Imperial pe- renewed worship of Phrygian deities, may have been in riod, existing in the Roman world of Greek Asia Minor part a result of the widespread antiquarian interests of emphasized their own regional culture that nurtured the period of the Second Sophistic. The general attention Phrygian identity. Moreover, an anecdote about a Phry- paid to earlier periods by the Asiatic Greek intellectuals gian bishop of Kotiaion, recounted by the early church may have awakened a comparable interest in the earlier historian Eusebios, tells us that there were still individ- past of Phrygia by the inhabitants of the region. As a re- uals who identified themselves as Phrygians as late as sult the local Anatolian people, particularly the more the fourth century CE. The strength of this regional cul- prosperous and better educated among them, may have ture had lasted through the advent of Christianity. developed new pride in the cultural traits of their past, showcasing the ancestral language while using it to em- Lynn Roller phasize the sacrosanct quality of the grave, and building Department of Art and Art History new shrines in traditional Phrygian cult centers. University of California, Davis One Shields Avenue Paradoxically, the antiquarian interests of the Second Davis, CA 95616 Sophistic may also have encouraged a reaction against USA the pervasiveness of Hellenic culture in Asia Minor dur- [email protected] INNOVATIVE ANTIQUARIANISM: THE FLAVIAN RESHAPING OF THE PAST

BY SARAH E. COX

Abstract continuity and providing models for emulation. Coins Immediately upon assuming power, Vespasian launched a mas- served as slightly different monuments in the imperial sive publicity campaign in which coins, a particularly adaptable period, when they usually recorded current events and medium, played an important role. Unlike prior emperors, he rulers or their family members. found it useful to systematically copy earlier prototypes, going Vespasian and Titus were acutely aware of history as as far back as the Republic and continuing to Galba. Chosen for specific geographical, chronological, and ideological reasons, a long line of illustrious individuals whose memories these types evoked idealized Republican traditions and values could be manipulated for political advantage. This, of and created a synthetic lineage of distinguished predecessors course, had been done before, perhaps most impres- into which Vespasian and his sons could be assimilated. This sively by Augustus in his Forum, where the ancestors remarkable numismatic appropriation of the past also conveyed the message that the new Flavian dynasty would restore Rome of numerous Republican families had been subsumed 6 to its former greatness. into Augustus’s own. But the Flavians astutely recog- Following in his father’s innovative footsteps, Titus struck a nized that coins could also be employed for this pur- series of bronze coins that explicitly identified themselves as pose. They found it useful to systematically copy ear- restorations of earlier types. Minted in conjunction with Vespa- lier prototypes, going as far back as the Republic and sian’s consecratio and the placement of his ashes within the Mausoleum of Augustus, the coins physically brought together continuing to Galba, to evoke and appropriate the past, the Julio-Claudian and Flavian houses in a potent demonstration of imperial continuity. Like those of his father, Titus’s coins * I am grateful to the organizers of the conference for allowing presented the new dynasty as a restoration of the past, but a past me to participate. This paper, which is essentially the same as carefully edited and shaped for political advantage.* my presentation in Stockholm, is part of a larger study of Fla- vian coinage I plan to publish elsewhere. I thank Mark W. Bud- wig and Stefan Hagen for technical assistance, as well as the The Latin term moneta, which came to refer to both the American Numismatic Society, Baldwin’s, the Bibliothèque na- mint and its products, was cognate with the verb moneo, tionale de France, Classical Numismatic Group, Dirty Old meaning literally “to remind, advise, or warn.”1 It is not Coins, Jean Elsen, Lübke & Wiedemann (for Gorny & Mosch), surprising, then, that the goddess Moneta, the divine Numismatik Lanz, LHS Numismatik, Münzen und Medaillen, Numismatica Ars Classica, Dr. Busso Peus, H.D. Rauch, and guarantor of weights, measures, and coinage, was essen- UBS Gold and Numismatics for permission to publish images tially concerned with memory. Moneta first appeared on of their coins. The following special abbreviations are used: coins in the Republican period, represented as a be- BNC J.-B. Giard, Monnaies de l’Empire romain, III. Du jeweled female bust on the obverses of denarii, such as soulèvement de 68 après J.-C. à Nerva, Paris 1998. those of Titus Carisius from 46 BC, whose reverses de- RPC A. Burnett, M. Amandry & I. Carradice, Roman provincial 2 coinage, II. From Vespasian to Domitian, London & Paris picted minting equipment (Fig. 1). The goddess re- 1999. ceived her first full-length image under Domitian, when RRC M. Crawford, Roman Republican coinage, Cambridge she was shown holding scales and a (Fig. 2).3 1974. 1 Because Moneta was the guardian of memory as well as Mint and its products: Isid. Or. 16.8.8. Cognate terms: Cic. Div. 1.101 and 2.69; schol. ad Luc. 1.380. the mint, coins can be considered monumenta, that is, 2 4 RRC, no. 464. things that prompt memory and reflection. During the 3 RIC 22:1, 280, no. 207; 281, nos. 221–223; 286, no. 303; 291, Republic, from the mid-second to the mid-first century nos. 383–384; 294, no. 417; 299, nos. 492–493; 302, nos. 546– BC, coins provided evidence for past events and individ- 548; 309, no. 630; 310, no. 649; 316, no. 708; 321, no. 756; 325, no. 806. uals related to their moneyers. As scholars have demon- 4 5 Cf. Pompon. Porph. ad Hor. Carm. 1.12.15; Dig. 11.7.2.6 (Ul- strated, these denarii were exempla, (performing the pian); Paul. Fest. 123 L; Varro Ling. 6.49. hortatory function of Moneta), just as much as stories or 5 Meadows & Williams 2001, esp. 41–44, 48–49. imagines, all bringing the past into the present, creating 6 The most recent study of these statues is Geiger 2008. 244 Sarah E. Cox demonstrating a change in approach to coinage that I forebear in the third century. Notably, in 37 BC Octavian call “innovative antiquarianism.” Their repetitions of repeated Caesar’s priestly implements, struck in 46 familiar, currently circulating coins7 looked back to (Figs. 5 and 6).14 As Caesar’s adopted son, Octavian was Rome’s imagined better days in the Republican man- now entitled to make reference to his new father’s coin ner, fostering reassurance after the civil turmoil follow- imagery.15 In the imperial period, too, the repetition of ing Nero’s demise and strengthening Vespasian’s posi- earlier reverse types was highly unusual,16 though Vic- tion as legitimate ruler.8 tory standing on a globe, holding a wreath and palm Vespasian’s decision to recall the past in this fashion branch, was somewhat of an exception. Created by Au- was a remarkable numismatic innovation. In the late Re- gustus (Fig. 7), the type was subsequently used by Galba publican period, there was an explosion of family-ori- (Fig. 8), Otho (Fig. 9), and Vitellius (Fig. 10) prior to ented themes on the denarii, accounting for approxi- Vespasian (Fig. 11).17 It is noticeable that Vespasian’s mately 1/3 of the issues.9 Yet moneyers only rarely re- coin (Fig. 11) most closely reproduces the design of the peated specific types originated by their ancestors.10 For Augustan prototype (Fig. 7). Although other emperors example, the Caecilii Metelli used a Macedonian shield repeated the occasional image, Vespasian was the first to with a central elephant in 127 and again around 81 BC11 reissue a substantial quantity of non-ancestral types. Fur- to recall their ancestor Quintus Metellus, whose defeat thermore, an examination of the types he used shows of Andriscus in 148 made Macedonia a Roman province that they were chosen, not haphazardly, but for specific and earned him the honorary name Macedonicus. Simi- reasons relating to geography, chronology, or ideology. larly, in 61 BC,12 Gaius Calpurnius Piso Frugi (Fig. 3) Among the reverse types that Vespasian copied be- reprised the head of Apollo and a galloping horseman cause of geographical considerations was that of that had been used by his father Lucius in 90 (Fig. 4),13 sacrificing from a patera over a lighted altar. It appeared commemorating the games to Apollo instituted by their in 71 and 72 on the dupondii of Vespasian and Titus

7 For example, the large hoard of bronze coins from bar 1.8.8 in mii (probably father and son) (RRC, nos. 313 and 349), the head Pompeii contained 61 Tiberian Providentia altars to 13 for Ves- of Apollo and galloping horseman by the Calpurnii (father and pasian, and 37 Galban Libertas Publica to 7 for Vespasian. See son) (RRC, nos. 340 and 408), Victory seated right by the Porcii Castiello & Oliviero 1997, 93–205, cat. nos. 81–139 of inv. (father and son) (RRC, nos. 343 and 462), and priestly imple- 6943 and nos. 3–4 of inv. 7093 (Tiberius); cat. nos. 976–985 ments by the Iulii Caesares (father and adopted son) (RRC, nos. and 1228 of inv. 6943, no. 1041 of inv. 6942, and no. 3 of inv. 467 and 537–538). 6936 (Vespasian altar); cat. nos. 632–642, 651–652, and 672– 11 RRC, nos. 263 and 369. 677 of inv. 6942, nos. 645–648, 658–665, 667, and 688–692 of 12 RRC dates this issue to 67 BC, but the hoard analysis con- inv. 6943 (Galba); cat. nos. 719–720, 742–744, and 797–798 of ducted by Hersh & Walker 1984 redates it to 61. inv. 6942 (Vespasian Libertas). The large hoard of bronzes 13 RRC, nos. 340 and 408. from Vilaine had four Tiberian Providentia altars to two for 14 Caesar: RRC, no. 467. Octavian: RRC, nos. 537/1 and 538/1. Vespasian. See Besombes & Morin 2005–2006, 1–35, cat. 1, 15 According to Flower (1996, 85) some coins, e.g. RRC, nos. no. 224 and cat. 2, nos. 4696–4698 (Tiberius); cat. 1, nos. 286 329 and 337, combine ancestors from two separate families and 292 (Vespasian). The finds at Avenches included four which are linked only by the adoption of the moneyer from one Tiberian Providentia altars to one for Vespasian. See Frey-Kup- to the other. per & Liggi Asperoni 2006, 237–257, cat. nos. 5, 8, 16, and 45 16 Under Augustus, ca. 19 BC, the moneyer L. Aquillius Florus (Tiberius) and cat. no. 19 (Vespasian). repeated the type of a warrior raising Sicilia originated by his 8 Vespasian did repeat a handful of Neronian types: two in pre- ancestor Manius Aquillius in 65 BC (RIC 12, 63, no. 310; RRC, cious metals (Concordia seated left with patera and cornucopia no. 401). At the same time, the moneyer M. Durmius repeated and seated left with patera) and three in bronze (Roma the non-ancestor Livineius Regulus’s type of Victory standing with Victory and spear, Roma with wreath and parazonium, and right with wreath and palm from 42 BC (RIC 12, 64, no. 320; seated right with scepter, altar, and torch). RRC, no. 494), as well as non-Roman coins. (See Buttrey 1972, 9 My limited resources indicate a total of ca. 312 issues between 105; RIC 12, 64, n. to nos. 318–319.) Also during the Principate, 137 and 31 BC, with Flower 1996, 333–338 (Appendix C), list- Clodius Macer reused in AD 68 the triskeles with grain stalks of ing 99 using ancestral themes. Only eight moneyers, by my L. Lentulus from 49 BC. (RIC 12, 195, no. 29; RRC, no. 445) count, repeat earlier types, thus amounting to less than 10%. 17 Augustus: RIC 12, 59, nos. 254–255. These coins were part of Four of these are probably sons reprising their fathers, with one a programmatic set. Galba: RIC 12, 234, no. 48 (Tarraco); 237, of them (Octavian) an adopted son. no. 98 (Narbo?); 239, nos. 131–132 (Gaul); 240, no. 148; 241, 10 Republican repetitions include a spiral column by the Minucii no. 175; 242, nos. 215–217; 243, nos. 233–234 (Rome). Otho: (brothers) (RRC, nos. 242 and 243), a Macedonian shield with RIC 12, 260, no. 17. Vitellius: RIC 12, 268, nos. 15–16. Vespa- central elephant by the Caecilii Metellii (RRC, nos. 263 and sian: RIC 22:1, 62, nos. 47–48; 83, no. 361; 84, no. 367; 155, 369), a battle on horseback by the Servilii (RRC, nos. 264 and nos. 1340–1341; 177, no. 1547; BMCRE 2, 11, no. 63; 13, nos. 370), a cornucopia over a thunderbolt by the Fabii (RRC, nos. 72–73; 15, nos. 81–82; 71, nos. 361–362; 83, nos. 407–408; 265 and 371), Venus in a biga crowned by by the Mem- 104, no. 498; BNC, 90, no. 30; 92, nos. 47–48; 93, nos. 57–59; 94–95, nos. 71–72; RPC, no. 1921. Innovative Antiquarianism: The Flavian Reshaping of the Past 245

2

1

4 3

5 6

8 7

9 10

Fig. 1. Denarius of T. Carisius, 46 BC, Rome, RRC, 464/2. Obverse: bust of Moneta. Reverse: minting equipment. CNG Mail Bid Sale 79, 17 Sept. 2008, lot 1009. – Fig. 2. As of Domitian, AD 84, Rome, RIC 22:1, 281, no. 221. Obverse: head of Domitian. Re- verse: Moneta with scales and cornucopia. Peus, auction 374, 23 Apr. 2003, lot 666. – Fig. 3. Denarius of Gaius Calpurnius Piso Frugi, 61 BC, Rome, RRC, 408/1b. Obverse: head of Apollo. Reverse: galloping horseman. CNG, Triton VI, 14 Jan. 2003, lot 711. – Fig. 4. Denarius of Lucius Calpurnius Piso Frugi, 90 BC, Rome, RRC, 340/1. Obverse: head of Apollo. Reverse: galloping horse- man. Rauch, 11 Jan. 2009, lot 44. – Fig. 5. Denarius of Octavian, 37 BC, moving mint, RRC, 538/1. Obverse: head of Octavian. Re- verse: priestly implements. UBS, auction 64, 24 Jan. 2006, lot 146. – Fig. 6. Denarius of , 46 BC, uncertain mint, RRC, 467/1b. Obverse: head of . Reverse: priestly implements. Elsen, auction 98, 13 Dec. 2008, lot 202. – Fig. 7. Denarius of Au- gustus, 31–30 BC, Italy, RIC 12, 59, no. 255. Obverse: head of Augustus. Reverse: Victory on a globe with wreath and palm. CNG, Triton XI, 8 Jan. 2008, lot 644. – Fig. 8. Aureus of Galba, AD 68–69, Rome, RIC 12, 242, no. 216. Obverse: head of Galba. Reverse: Victory on a globe with wreath and palm. NAC, auction 51, 5 Mar. 2009, lot 893. – Fig. 9. Denarius of Otho, AD 69, Rome, RIC 12, 260, no. 17. Obverse: head of Otho. Reverse: Victory on a globe with wreath and palm. Lanz, auction 109, 27 May 2002, lot 336. – Fig. 10. Aureus of Vitellius, AD 69, Tarraco, RIC 12, 268, no. 16. Obverse: head of Vitellius. Reverse: Victory on a globe with wreath and palm. NAC, auction 49, 21 Oct. 2008, lot 149. 246 Sarah E. Cox

Caesar at Lugdunum (Fig. 12),18 where it had originally ficed to Mars, the censor led the newly-constituted citi- been struck by Galba (Fig. 13).19 The type probably re- zen body back into the city.30 A relief fragment in the ferred to the thanksgiving sacrifice made at the end of a Louvre depicting a double suovetaurila is instructive.31 war, when the arms of conquered enemies would be There a tall veiled figure, most likely the emperor, sacri- burned.20 Thus, for the Flavians, as for Galba before fices at an altar with a laurel tree behind, and at the far them, the image represented the victory of Pax over the right edge is a second altar and laurel tree, clearly indi- evil of war, and here specifically civil war.21 cating a double sacrifice, which was warranted for the Many more of the repeated types seem to have been conclusion of a census. The relief probably refers to that chosen to coincide with specific occasions. Three such of AD 14, when Augustus and Tiberius were censors, cases are a group of priestly implements, a pair of laurel but the image is appropriate for Vespasian and Titus 60 trees, and a heifer. Late in 70, Vespasian assumed the of- years later, in 74, the year the two Flavians issued their fices of and and in 71 began laurel tree coins. Significantly, this was the last year of striking denarii at Rome depicting a group of four their censorship and, thus, the very year they performed priestly implements (Fig. 14).22 As Ted Buttrey has this ceremony.32 noted, in contrast to Octavian’s denarius (Fig. 5), Vespa- The third example of reprising a type to coordinate with sian’s coin has taken over completely the design of Cae- a specific event is that of the heifer walking either right or sar’s prototype (Fig. 6), including both the type and the left. Minted in gold and silver both at Rome and in Asia orientation of the legend above and below the imple- Minor for Vespasian and Titus Caesar in 76 (Fig. 17),33 ments.23 This type complemented Vespasian’s accession the type had previously been used on aurei struck by and assumption of priestly offices and also promoted his auctoritas and providentia. But what is really important 18 Vespasian: RIC 22:1, 142, nos. 1142–1144; 144, nos. 1190– here is that Vespasian has set himself in relation to Cae- 1191; BMCRE 2, 199, no. 805B; 203, nos. 816–818; BNC, 183, sar in the same way as Octavian had done, looking back no. 803; 185, no. 817. Titus Caesar: RIC 22:1, 148, nos. 1261– in the Republican fashion to the founder of the Julian 1262; 149, no. 1277; BMCRE 2, 212, no. 860; BNC, 190, no. 864. 19 RIC 12, 240, no. 140; BNC, 62, no. 266. house as his own predecessor and incorporating him into 20 E.g., Verg. Aen. 8.562; Livy 8.30.8, 23.46.5, 45.33.1–2; Sil. a new synthetic Flavian lineage. The coin type thus em- Pun. 10.547–557. See also BMCRE 2, xlvi; Bianco 1968, 191. phasized continuity, presented Vespasian as a guardian 21 Belloni 1974, 1014 n. 24. 22 2 of Rome’s , and offered reassurance that the RIC 2 :1, 62, nos. 42–43; 83, no. 356; 108, no. 698; 178, no. 1553; BMCRE 2, 8–9, nos. 48–53; 11, no. 64; 26, no. 144; BNC, change in dynasty from Julio-Claudian to Flavian had 91, nos. 35–36; 92, nos. 49–50. been successfully negotiated.24 23 Buttrey 1972, 96. The second case is the striking of the laurel tree dena- 24 Gowing 2005, 150. 25 2 rii in 74. Issued at Rome in the names of Vespasian and RIC 2 :1, 107, no. 681 (Vespasian); 108, no. 690 (Titus Cae- sar); BMCRE 2, 25, nos. 133–134 (Vespasian); 28, no. * (Titus Titus Caesar, the reverse features a prominent legend Caesar); BNC, 98, no. 108 (Vespasian); 100, no. 122 (Titus across mid-field—COS V for Vespasian (Fig.15) and Caesar). COS III for Titus—flanked by the trees on a ground- 26 Variety 1 = legend flanked by branches (RIC 12, 43, no. 26); 2 line.25 The type closely resembled similar designs used Var. 2 = legend above and below branches (RIC 1 , 43, no. 33; 45, nos. 50–51); Var. 3 = as 2, but with SPQR and shield (RIC on gold and silver coins of Augustus, minted around 19 12, 44, no. 36; 45, no. 52); Var. 4 = as 2, but with OCS in wreath BC at Rome and in Spain, where the legend CAESAR (RIC 12, 62, nos. 285–286; 63, no. 302). AVGVSTVS is either flanked by the laurel or else ap- 27 Plin. HN 18.45.161; Geoponica 5.33.4; Ogle 1910, 295–296; 26 Castriota 1995, 159. pears above and below it (Fig. 16). 28 27 See Ogle 1910, 287–293. Laurel had an apotropaic function. It was used as a 29 Cf. in the lustrum performed for the restoration of the temple of protection against unclean or evil spirits in the rite of pu- Jupiter Optimus Maximus on 21 June 70 (Tac. Hist. 4.53.5–20). rification known as a lustrum.28 There were several types 30 See Rosivach 1983, 514; Versnel 1985–1986, 146. For the in- of lustratio, but the most important was that performed clusion of fire in the procession, see Ogilvie 1961, 38–39. For at the conclusion of a census. After a new roll of citizens laurel branches, see the so-called Ahenobarbus altar census re- lief, discussed by Kuttner 1993, 198–229. had been drawn up, the people assembled on the Campus 31 Giroire & Roger 2007, 90–91, cat. no. 31 (MA 1096 – inv. in centuriae. A suovetaurilia (the sacrificial MR 852). group of a pig, a sheep, and a bull), together with fire 32 Censorinus DN 18.14. 33 2 carried in braziers or by torches, was led three times RIC 2 :1, 119–120, nos. 840–844; BMCRE 2, 33, nos. 176– 178; BNC, 103, no. 153 (Vespasian); RIC 22:1, 120, nos. 857– around the body of citizens, accompanied by attendants 859; 121, nos. 868–869; 170, no. 1483; BMCRE 2, 35, nos. 185– carrying laurel branches.29 After the animals were sacri- 190; BNC, 104, nos. 162–165; RPC, no. 1458 (Titus Caesar). Innovative Antiquarianism: The Flavian Reshaping of the Past 247

12

11

13

14

15 16

17 18

20 19

Fig. 11. Aureus of Vespasian, AD 71, Rome, RIC 22:1, 62, no. 47. Obverse: head of Vespasian. Reverse: Victory on a globe with wreath and palm. Lanz, auction 145, 5 Jan. 2009, lot 72. – Fig. 12. Dupondius of Vespasian, AD 72, Lugdunum, RIC 22:1, 144, no. 1191. Obverse: head of Vespasian. Reverse: Pax sacrificing. Dirty Old Coins via Wildwinds. – Fig. 13. As of Galba, AD 68–69, Lugdunum, BNC, 62, no. 266. Obverse: head of Galba. Reverse: Pax sacrificing. Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, AF 4985 (= BNC, 266). – Fig. 14. Denarius of Vespasian, AD 71, Rome, RIC 22:1, 62, no. 43. Obverse: head of Vespasian. Reverse: priestly imple- ments. Rauch, auction 84, 13 May 2009, lot 416. – Fig. 15. Denarius of Vespasian, AD 74, Rome, RIC 22:1, 107, no. 681. Obverse: head of Vespasian. Reverse: laurel trees. Rauch, auction 84, 13 May 2009, lot 423. – Fig. 16. Denarius of Augustus, 20–19 BC, Spain, RIC 12, 45, no. 51. Obverse: head of Augustus. Reverse: laurel trees. ANS, New York, 1937.158.406. – Fig. 17. Aureus of Vespasian, AD 76, Rome, RIC 22:1, 119, no. 840. Obverse: head of Vespasian. Reverse: heifer. Leu, auction 93, 10 May 2005, lot 13. – Fig. 18. Aureus of Augustus, after 27 BC, uncertain Eastern mint, RIC 12, 84, no. 538. Obverse: head of Augustus. Reverse: heifer. NAC, auction 41, 20 Nov. 2007, lot 37. – Fig. 19. Cistophorus of Octavian, ca. 28 BC, Ephesus, RIC 12, 79, no. 476. Ob- verse: head of Octavian. Reverse: Pax standing beside cista mystica. NAC, auction 51, 5 Mar. 2009, lot 141. – Fig. 20. As of Claudius, AD 50–54, Rome, RIC 12, 130, no. 113. Obverse: head of Claudius. Reverse: Libertas with pileus. Rauch, auction 84, 13 May 2009, lot 376. 248 Sarah E. Cox

Augustus after 27 BC at a mint in the East (Fig. 18).34 died, they put on liberty caps in their celebrations.45 Of Scholars have interpreted it either as a general, bucolic course this time there was no senatorial debate on the , symbolic of Augustus’s establishment of peace, restoration of the Republic, as there had been after the or as a specific association with the lifelike bronze statue death of Caligula. Now no one saw any viable alterna- created by the renowned Greek sculptor, Myron. His heifer tive to the Principate.46 was originally set up on the Athenian Acropolis after the

Peace of Nicias in 421 BC and at some point thereafter 34 2 2 35 RIC 1 , 84, nos. 536–538. RIC 1 , 38 comments that their fine transported to Rome. The statue was certainly in Vespa- style and execution suggest eastern rather than western crafts- sian’s Templum Pacis, which he dedicated in 75.36 The manship and notes that M. Grant proposed the Black Sea area as heifer coins of 76 were therefore meant to commemorate the location of the mint. 35 the inauguration of the completed building. Vespasian, in Bianco (1968, 176) mentions the less likely opinions of E. Gabrici and L. Laffranchi that the type commemorated either Au- other words, reused a meaningful Augustan type in con- gustus’s trip to the East in 21–20 BC or his decennalia of 17 BC. junction with an event that gave it even more resonance. Cow of Myron: e.g., Bianco 1968, 177; Ritter 1982, 367–368; While Augustan coin types, like these, were copied by Hill 1989, 73. Prosperity through peace: Bianco 1968, 177. Vespasian throughout his reign, his repetition of Galban Acropolis dedication: Corso 1994, 54–62. Transfer by Vespasian: Delbrueck 1901, 45; Himmelmann 1980, 116–117 and 123. types, such as LIBERTAS PVBLICA, was confined Transfer by Nero: Neudecker 1988, 58 n. 579; Corso 1994, 78. largely to his first few years as emperor. This type is one of 36 Procop. Goth. 4.21.12–14. a considerable number chosen for ideological reasons. 37 Caes. B Civ. 1.22.5, “ut se et populum Romanum factione Galba had justified his revolt from Nero as a restora- paucorum oppressum in libertatem vindicaret.” 38 RIC 12, 79, no. 476. tion of Roman libertas and a return to traditional 39 Wirszubski 1968, 105–106; Galinsky 1996, 54. Hammond values, an appeal that had become almost customary in (1963, 95–96) points out the strong case made by Pierre Gre- times of political crisis. Caesar, for example, said he nade, in his book Essai sur les origines du Principat … (Paris, had crossed the Rubicon in 49 BC to liberate himself 1961), that the legend refers to the end of the Civil Wars, pro- and the Roman people from oppression by a faction of claimed by edict in 28 BC in Grenade’s view, and hence con- 37 nects the championing of liberty with the restoration of the Re- the elite few. Octavian likewise portrayed himself as publican constitution. the defender of civic liberty, LIBERTATIS P R VIN- 40 RIC 12, 128, no. 97; 130, no. 113, asses struck at Rome in two DEX, on an abundant issue of cistophori at Ephesus in series, in AD 41–50 and in AD 50–54. 41 38 Hammond 1963, 98; Swan 1970, 164. 28 BC (Fig. 19), and later in his Res Gestae (1.1), 42 2 39 RIC 1 , 235–236, nos. 68–76; 239, nos. 136–137 and 139; 241, where he used almost exactly the same words. Fol- no. 158; 244, no. 237; 246, nos. 275–276; 247, nos. 309–310 and lowing the assassination of Caligula, a group of sena- 318; 248, nos. 346–349; 249, nos. 363–367 and 372–373; 250, tors wanted to abolish the Principate and return to the nos. 387–391; 251–252, nos. 423–427; 253, nos. 459–461. The Republic. Their watchword, libertas, was appropriated theme of libertas utilizes over one fifth of all of Galba’s AE dies, 60 out of 251, with LIBERTAS PVBLICA the most common, by Claudius, who promptly issued coins proclaiming having 48 of the 60 dies. See Kraay 1956, 34, 37, 56. 40 LIBERTAS AVGVSTA (Fig. 20). This legend can be 43 In 43/42 BC, Brutus commemorated Julius Caesar’s assassi- interpreted as saying that libertas was not incompatible nation with a dramatic issue of gold and silver coins, famous with the Principate; in fact, it could be enjoyed fully even in antiquity, with a reverse on which the legend EID MAR 41 appears below a pileus flanked by two daggers (RRC, no. 508.3; under the proper Princeps. Plut. Vit. Brut. 40; Dio Cass. 47.25.3). Anonymous Spanish de- With their emphasis on libertas, many Galban coin narii copied Brutus’s type but replaced his legend with LIBER- types were well-suited to Vespasian’s anti-Neronian TAS PR RESTITVTA. The legend actually begins on the ob- policy, but none more so than LIBERTAS PVBLICA, verse and is meant to be read together with the reverse, so LI- 42 BERTAS or LIBERTAS P R appear on the obverse, with P R probably Galba’s most prominent type (Fig. 21). It RESTITVTA or RESTITVTA on the reverse (RIC 12, 205, nos. depicts the goddess holding a pileus, the felt cap given 24–25; Martin 1974, cat. nos. 49–50; Nicolas 1979, cat. nos. 40 to manumitted slaves as a sign of their new freedom but and 47). Other anonymous Spanish denarii, with the obverse also worn by freeborn persons who had become en- legend LIBERTATI, depicted a togate citizen wearing a pileus and advancing right (RIC 12, 205, no. 28; Martin 1974, cat. no. slaved and then recovered their liberty. The cap was a 68; Nicolas 1979, cat. no. 57). 43 historic symbol of victory over tyranny, which Galba 44 Howgego 1995, 73. chose “with obvious deliberation” to emphasize the 45 Suet. Ner. 57.1; Dio Cass. 63.29.1. people’s loss of liberty under Nero and thus to justify 46 Zissos (2003, 675) makes the point that although revolutionary his revolt.44 The message was one no Roman could opposition by the elites was no longer realistic, they did not ne- cessarily grant moral assent to the Principate. But by presenting a possibly fail to understand. Indeed, according to Sueto- in virtually every region visited by the Argonauts, Flaccus nius, when the people in Rome heard that Nero had shows the inevitability of the new Roman political order. Innovative Antiquarianism: The Flavian Reshaping of the Past 249

21 22

23 24

Fig. 21. Dupondius of Galba, AD 68–69, Rome, RIC 12, 246, no. 275. Obverse: head of Galba. Reverse: Libertas with pileus. CNG Mail Bid Sale 81, 20 May 2009, lot 1006. – Fig. 22. Sestertius of Vespasian, AD 72–73, Rome, RIC 22:1, 84, no. 377. Obverse: head of Vespasian. Reverse: Libertas with pileus. Dirty Old Coins via Wildwinds. – Fig. 23. As of Titus Caesar, AD 77–78, Lugdunum, RIC 22:1, 149, no. 1272. Obverse: head of Titus. Reverse: Ara Providentiae. ANS, New York, 1994.80.1. – Fig. 24. As of Tiberius, AD 14–37, Rome, RIC 12, 99, no. 81. Obverse: head of Divus Augustus. Reverse: Ara Providentiae. ANS, New York, 1937.158.458.

Vespasian’s LIBERTAS PVBLICA type (Fig. 22) different way, using both old and new types. In 77 and was initially struck in bronze at Rome in the first quarter 78, Vespasian repeated Republican issues depicting the of 71, when the theme of libertas was heavily empha- she-wolf and twins, thereby recalling a foundation myth sized,47 and it continued, briefly, into 72–73.48 At that of Rome, and the agrarian types of yoked oxen and Mars point Vespasian had consolidated his power, making with a grain stalk. In the nationalistic myth of the virtu- types that celebrated rebellion no longer politically use- ous farmer/soldier, political and military strength was in- ful. Initially, however, by casting Galba as the last “le- extricably connected with agriculture and the attendant gitimate” princeps, Vespasian could exploit him as a virtues of agrarian life.54 The coin type most reminiscent kind of bridge back to the good Julio-Claudians like Claudius and Augustus, in order to be seen as their right- 47 RIC 22:1, 64, no. 63; 65, nos. 82–87; 69, nos. 137 and 141; ful and constitutional successor.49 BMCRE 2, 197, no. 801; BNC, 144, nos. 502–503. Rome, sec- 2 The issue of succession, and specifically dynastic ond issue: RIC 2 :1, 72, nos. 173–174. Rome, third issue: RIC 22:1, 75, no. 237; 78, no. 272; 80, nos. 309–310. succession, seems to have been the reason behind the 48 RIC 22:1, 84, no. 377; BNC, 157, no. 607. Three other types selection of the Ara Providentiae type. As I have dis- were also briefly continued: PVBLICA, cussed elsewhere,50 these asses were struck early in PVBLICA, and Roma holding Victory. Vespasian’s reign at both Rome and Lugdunum to co- 49 Waters 1963, 208–209; Brunt 1977, 107; Ramage 1983, 209. 50 incide with the joint grant of tribunicia potestas to him Cox 2005, 251–270. 51 2 and his elder son.51 In 77 to 78 they were minted again RIC 2 :1, 58, no. 10; 80, nos. 313–317; 89, no. 448; 92, no. 52 489; 102, nos. 591–592; 104, nos. 630–631; 106, no. 671; 111, at Lugdunum (Fig. 23). Modeled on Tiberius’s coins no. 729; 143, nos. 1166–1167; 145, nos. 1200–1201. honoring Divus Augustus (Fig. 24),53 Vespasian’s type, 52 RIC 22:1, 147, nos. 1234–1236; 149, nos. 1270–1272 and like his predecessor’s, linked the sharing of tribunician 1280. 53 2 power by father and son with the concept of dynastic RIC 1 , 99, nos. 80–81. 54 succession. Bianco 1968, 157 and 178; van den Broek 1972, 322–323; Castriota 1995, 124, 138, 144, 148; Galinsky 1996, 95, 97, 161; Late in his reign, when the political circumstances had Verg. G. 2.513–534; Cornell 1995, 59 and 392; Zanker 1988, changed, Vespasian again evoked the Republic, but in a 287; Carey 2003, 15–16; Blamberg 1976, 177. 250 Sarah E. Cox

25 26

27 28

30

29

31 32

Fig. 25. Denarius of Vespasian, AD 77–78, Rome, RIC 22:1, 127, no. 940. Obverse: head of Vespasian. Reverse: Mars with grain stalk. UBS, auction 55, 16 Sept. 2002, lot 1909. – Fig. 26. Denarius of Lucius Valerius Flaccus, 108–107 BC, Rome, RRC, 306/1. Obverse: bust of Victory. Reverse: Mars with grain stalk. Gorny, auction 165, 17 Mar. 2008, lot 1631. – Fig. 27. Denarius of Vespa- sian, AD 77–78, Rome, RIC 22:1, 130, no. 982. Obverse: head of Vespasian. Reverse: sow with piglets. Rauch, auction 84, 13 May 2009, lot 426. – Fig. 28. Denarius of Vespasian, AD 77–78, Rome, RIC 22:1, 129, no. 980. Obverse: head of Vespasian. Reverse: modius. Baldwin’s / M&M, The New York Sale III, 7 Dec. 2000, lot 643. – Fig. 29. Denarius of Vespasian, AD 77–78, Rome, RIC 22:1, 129, no. 977. Obverse: head of Vespasian. Reverse: goatherd milking. CNG Mail Bid Sale 64, 24 Sept. 2003, lot 1016. – Fig. 30. Sestertius of Titus, AD 80–81, Rome, RIC 22:1, 214, no. 257. Obverse: Divus Vespasian in elephant-drawn quadriga. Reverse: SC surrounded by Titus’s titles. Triton VIII, 11 Jan. 2005, lot 1008. – Fig. 31. Sestertius of Tiberius, AD 36–37, Rome, RIC 12, 98, no. 62. Obverse: Divus Augustus in elephant-drawn quadriga. Reverse: SC surrounded by Tiberius’s titles. Personal Collection. – Fig. 32. Sestertius of Tiberius, AD 22–23, Rome, RIC 12, 97, no. 49. Obverse: Divus Augustus seated. Reverse: SC surrounded by Tiberius’s titles. CNG, auction 50, 23 June 1999, lot 6. Innovative Antiquarianism: The Flavian Reshaping of the Past 251 of this archetype is that of Mars standing left, holding a that “restored” sestertii, dupondii, and asses minted by spear and trophy, with an upright grain stalk at the pre-Flavian emperors. Around the circumference of the right.55 Struck for Vespasian and Titus Caesar in Rome, reverses Titus added his titles along with an abbreviation these denarii (Fig. 25) were modeled on others minted of the word restituit, replacing any legend that might have by Lucius Valerius Flaccus in 108 or 107 BC (Fig. 26).56 been there on the original and making it explicit that he For the early Romans, Mars was a god of the fields as was restoring earlier coins. For example, on sestertii well as a god of war,57 and Cato said that the bravest men struck for Divus Augustus by Tiberius (Fig. 32), the dei- and most vigorous soldiers grew out of farmers.58 As a fied emperor appears on the obverse with his name, while result, Vespasian’s reuse of this Republican type would Tiberius, the reigning emperor, placed his own titles have evoked the quintessential soldier/farmer, Cincinna- around the circumference of the reverse.65 On the restored tus, who had become the model of the frugal and simple version (Fig. 33), the reverse again bore the reigning em- leader, an exemplum to be followed and imitated in order peror’s name and titles together with the word REST.66 59 to obtain the bounty of the maiores. According to Taci- Similarly, on Claudius’s sestertii depicting Spes (Fig. 34), 60 tus, Vespasian’s lifestyle did justice to his austere the legend SPES AVGVSTA ran around the circumfer- 61 Sabine origins by exemplifying the priscae virtutes ence of the reverse field, while on the restored version (the old-fashioned virtues) and thereby providing an ef- (Fig. 35) it has been replaced by Titus’s titles, with the fective exemplum for change. word REST again added.67 Since the restored bronzes and Complementing this Mars type are three others—a sow with piglets (Fig. 27), a modius (Fig. 28), and a 55 2 goatherd milking (Fig. 29)—that did not copy earlier RIC 2 :1, 126–127, nos. 939–940 and 949. 56 RRC, no. 306. According to RRC, 316, the type recalls the prototypes, but were instead completely new, expressly fact that the moneyer’s father had previously held the office of designed to look like Republican types.62 These simula- Martialis. Fears (1981, 787) suggests that the grain ear tions strikingly underscore Vespasian’s awareness of the can be seen as the moneyer’s promise of material benefits to the value of conjuring up and manipulating the imagined Roman people. 57 Bianco 1968, 149; Castriota 1995, 159; Wiseman 2004, 114. Roman past. With their agricultural and pastoral images, 58 Cato, Agr. praef. 4. and struck just a couple of years after the great purifica- 59 Livy 3.26–30; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 10.16–19; Columella tion ceremony of the lustrum, these coins would have Rust. 1. Praef. 13–19; Castriota 1995, 149–151 and 161; Galin- sky 1996, 119, 134, 161. served as reminders of the rewards for living lives based 60 63 Tac. Ann. 3.55. For the princeps as the role model for change, on fundamental, Republican virtues. Yet the very fact see Eck, Caballos & Fernández 1996, 44, lines 90–92; Cooley that they were simulations, types invented by Vespasian 1998, 200, 208, 210. for his own purposes, highlights the changed political 61 Cic. In Vat. 36 called the Sabines “the most austere of men.” situation. Senators no longer speculated about going For Vespasian’s background, see Suet. Vesp. 1–2 and commen- tary by Jones 2000, 10–21. back to the Republic, but it was still valuable to carry on 62 Sow (Vespasian and Titus): RIC 22:1, 130, nos. 982–983 and a Republican charade. Appropriation of these nostalgic 986; BMCRE 2, 39, nos. 212–215; 41, nos. 227–229; BNC, images expressed continuity with the past and, because 106–107, nos. 188–189; 108, no. 203. Modius (Vespasian 2 most of them were also issued in Titus’s name, con- only): RIC 2 :1, 129–130, nos. 980–981; BMCRE 2, 39–40, nos. 216–219; BNC, 107, nos. 190–192. Goatherd (both): RIC 22:1, tinuity into the future. 129, nos. 977–979; 130, no. 985; BMCRE 2, 40, no. 220; 42, no. Vespasian’s policy of reissuing earlier coin types was 230; BNC, 107, nos. 193–194; 108, no. 204. continued after his death by Titus, but in a somewhat dif- 63 It is this idealized view of past traditions and values that I be- ferent manner. Whereas Vespasian had ranged widely in lieve lies behind the group of coin types with Republican themes issued in 77 and 78, and not a reference to an otherwise his copying, Titus was both more limited, focusing pre- unknown program of agrarian reforms that is proposed on vari- dominantly on Tiberian prototypes, and more radical, us- ous coin web sites and by some scholars. See, e.g., Bianco ing the obverses of the originals as well as their reverses. 1968, 149 and 157; Toynbee 1973, 161 and 165; Belloni 1974, Vespasian’s elder son struck a broad series of coins to 1064; Blamberg 1976, 177–178. 64 2 commemorate his father’s consecratio, on which he ex- Divus Augustus: RIC 1 , 98, nos. 56–57, 62–63, and 68–69; 99, nos. 70–83; Sutherland 1941. Divus Vespasian: RIC 22:1, pressly included his new title DIVI F. Some of the 214, nos. 257–261; 221, nos. 369–384; BMCRE 2, 269–270, bronzes deliberately repeated Tiberian prototypes, such nos. 221–225; 276–278, nos. §–*; BNC, 227–228, nos. 229– as the sestertii depicting Divus Vespasian in an elephant- 233; 231–232, nos. 261–263. 65 2 drawn quadriga (Figs. 30 and 31).64 RIC 1 , 97, no. 49. 66 RIC 22:1, 224, nos. 399–401. For the occasion of Vespasian’s consecratio, Titus also 67 Claudius: RIC 12, 130, no. 115. Titus: RIC 22:1, 230, nos. 472 began to strike at Rome a highly innovative series of coins and 474. 252 Sarah E. Cox

33 34

35

Fig. 33. Sestertius of Titus, AD 80–81, Rome, RIC 22:1, 224, no. 399. Obverse: Divus Augustus seated. Reverse: SC surrounded by Titus’s titles. NAC, auction 27, 12 May 2004, lot 306. – Fig. 34. Sestertius of Claudius, AD 41, Rome, RIC 12, 128, no. 99. Obverse: head of Claudius. Reverse: Spes. ANS, New York, 1944.100.39382. – Fig. 35. Sestertius of Titus, AD 80–81, Rome, RIC 22:1, 231, no. 472. Obverse: head of Claudius. Reverse: Spes surrounded by Titus’s titles. ANS, New York, 1944.100.41830. their prototypes circulated together,68 anyone who looked Roma e “imperatorie”)’, ANRW 2.1, at the coins would have noticed how Titus had inserted 1974, 997–1144. himself in the numismatic representations of his predeces- Besombes & Morin P.A. Besombes & É. Morin, ‘Le dépôt sors, thereby placing both himself and his father, the new 2005–2006 de la Vilaine à Rennes’, Trésors Moné- Divus, in the long stream of history beside a select group taires 22, 2005–2006, 1–35. Bianco 1968 E. Bianco, ‘Indirizzi programmatici e of other worthy individuals. Titus made a final connection between himself and these illustrious dead, all of whom were associated with 68 Komnick (2000) has demonstrated that Titus’s restored coins the Mausoleum of Augustus. A restored inscription in that are found more often in Italy than elsewhere. Although the building makes it likely that, in a further show of pietas, Tiber finds in Rome are not well published, Komnick (2001, 69 268) lists several restored coins of Titus, including a Claudius/ Titus placed Vespasian’s ashes in the dynastic structure, Minerva as. Von Kaenel (1984, 140–158, 206–232, 303–304, physically joining together the Julio-Claudian and Flavian 306) catalogues 233 examples of its prototype (cat. nos. 106– houses in a potent demonstration of imperial continuity. 195, 430–568, 924–925, 933–934). The coin finds at Paestum Like those of his father, Titus’s coins presented the new included 18 Tiberian Providentia altars and one restored by Ti- dynasty as a restoration of the past, but a past carefully ed- tus. See Cantilena et al. 2003, cat. nos. 39–41 (18 specimens of Tiberius) and 106 (one specimen of Titus). Outside of Italy, ited and shaped for political advantage. four Tiberian Providentia altars and one restored by Titus have been recorded at Avenches. See Frey-Kupper & Liggi Asperoni Sarah E. Cox 2006, cat. nos. 5, 8, 16, and 45 (Tiberius) and 20 (Titus). The 353 East 83rd Street, Apt. 7H Richborough hoard contained Divus Augustus Pater coins is- New York, NY 10028-4338 sued by both Tiberius and Titus (Reece 1981, 57), and the Ga- USA ronne hoard had coins of Claudius as well as restored issues [email protected] (Étienne & Rachet 1984, 46, 66). The Vindonissa finds had a restored Divus Augustus Pater/eagle as, a Claudius/Spes sester- tius, and a Claudius/Minerva as in addition to numerous ex- amples of their prototypes. See Kraay 1962, 105, 113–114, 129. Bibliography 69 Inv. MA 30. See CIL VI, 40375. Jones (2000, 120) and Or- landi (2009, 493, cat. no. 96) both point out that Augustus’s Belloni 1974 G.G. Belloni, ‘Significati storico-politici Mausoleum was commonly expected to be the repository of delle figurazioni e delle scritte delle Vespasian’s ashes, given that he deflected the of the monete da Augusto a Traiano. (Zecche di structure’s opening onto Junia Calvina (Suet. Vesp. 23.4). Innovative Antiquarianism: The Flavian Reshaping of the Past 253

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Kuttner 1993 A. Kuttner, ‘Some new grounds for nar- Palatinus in der augusteischen Münzprä- rative. Marcus Antonius’s base (the Ara gung’, in Actes du 9e Congrès Interna- Domitii Ahenobarbi) and Republican tional de numismatique, Berne, septem- biographies’, in Narrative and event in bre 1979, vol. 1, eds. T. Hackens & R. ancient art, ed. P.J. Holliday, Cambridge Weiller, Louvain-la-Neuve 1982, 365– 1993, 198–229. 370. Martin 1974 P.-H. Martin, Die anonymen Münzen des Rosivach 1983 V.J. Rosivach, ‘Mars, the lustral god’, Jahres 68 nach Christus, Mainz 1974. Latomus 42, 1983, 509–521. Meadows & A. Meadows & J. Williams, ‘Moneta and Sutherland 1941 C.H.V. Sutherland, ‘Divus Augustus Williams 2001 the monuments: coinage and politics in Pater. A study in the aes coinage of Republican Rome’, JRS 91, 2001, 27–49. Tiberius’, NC ser. 6, 1, 1941, 97–116. Neudecker 1988 R. Neudecker, Die Skulpturenausstat- Swan 1970 M. Swan, ‘Josephus, A.J., XIX, 251– tung römischer Villen in Italien (Beiträge 252: opposition to Gaius and Claudius’, zur Erschliessung hellenistischer und AJP 91, 1970, 149–164. kaiserzeitlicher Skulptur und Architek- Toynbee 1973 J. Toynbee, Animals in Roman life and tur, 9), Mainz 1988. art, Baltimore 1973. Nicolas 1979 E.P. Nicolas, De Néron à Vespasien. Versnel 1985–1986 H.S. Versnel, ‘Apollo and Mars one Études et perspectives historiques suivies hundred years after Roscher’, in Ap- de l’analyse, du catalogue, et de la re- proaches to iconology (= Visible Reli- production des monnaies “opposition- gion 4–5), Leiden 1985–1986, 134–172. nelles” connues des années 67 à 70, Waters 1963 K.H. Waters, ‘The second dynasty of Paris 1979. Rome’, Phoenix 17, 1963, 198–218. Ogilvie 1961 R.M. Ogilvie, ‘“Lustrum condere”’, JRS Wirszubski 1968 Ch. Wirszubski, Libertas as a political 51, 1961, 31–39. idea at Rome during the late Republic Ogle 1910 M.B. Ogle, ‘Laurel in ancient religion and early Principate, Cambridge (1950) and folk-lore’, AJP 31, 1910, 287–311. 1968. Orlandi 2009 S. Orlandi, ‘Base di Vespasiano’, in Di- Wiseman 2004 T.P. Wiseman, The myths of Rome, Exe- vus Vespasianus. Il bimillenario dei ter 2004. Flavi, ed. F. Coarelli, Milano 2009, 493. Zanker 1988 P. Zanker, The power of images in the Ramage 1983 E.S. Ramage, ‘Denigration of predeces- age of Augustus (trans. A. Shapiro), Ann sor under Claudius, Galba, and Vespa- Arbor 1988. sian’, Historia 32, 1983, 201–214. Zissos 2003 A. Zissos, ‘Spectacle and elite in the Ar- Reece 1981 R. Reece, ‘The Roman coins from Rich- gonautica of Valerius Flaccus’, in Fla- borough—a summary’, BIALond 18, vian Rome. Culture, image, text, eds. A.J. 1981, 49–71. Boyle & W.J. Dominik, Leiden 2003, Ritter 1982 H.W. Ritter, ‘Das Heiligtum des Apollo 659–684. WAR AND REMEMBRANCE: MEMORIES OF DEFEAT IN ANCIENT ROME

BY IDA ÖSTENBERG

Abstract At some point, however, the countless columns, Battles and battlefield strategies have long held a prime place of arches, temples, like the now prevalent discussions of interest among Roman scholars. In recent years, attention has monuments and identity provoke the inevitable question: also turned to martial rituals, war memorials and the sense of ‘Where are the Roman defeats?’ After all, Rome fought oneness as shaped by joint experiences of war. These current discussions focus almost without exception on Roman victories. a great many battles, and far from all of them were victo- In contrast, this paper aims at exploring aspects of defeat, ask- ries. In some way or the other, Rome as a community is ing how battlefield failures were received, remembered and bound to have dealt not only with success but also with how they contributed to the creation of identities in ancient misfortunes. Rome. The basic questions are these. How did Rome handle her 2 own defeats? Which losses were forgotten and which were re- Certainly, Roman defeats have not been unnoticed. membered? How were defeats committed to memory (or con- Disasters are thrilling events, and there is a constant flow signed to oblivion)—what rituals, monuments and narratives of books on momentous Roman battle-failures such as were employed? This paper will argue that, while contemporary Cannae, Carrhae and the Teutoburg forest.3 Some of battle losses must have triggered enormous sorrow and fear, there are very few traces of former defeats visible in Roman these works are contributions to the history of warfare, ceremony and cityscape. Only a very limited set of failures with analyses of strategy, topography and battle-forma- from the distant past were embraced as specific events by the tions. Many also discuss the defeats within their political communal Roman memory. Most defeats were instead taken up context, asking why they happened, how they happened by the writers of the Early Empire as preludes to later victories and were thus absorbed into the larger picture of constant Ro- and what the consequences were. Also, the recent finds man success. at Kalkriese, coupled with the 2000th anniversary of the clades Variana, have promoted a large array of works that deal with the Teutoburg battle, many including dis- cussions both on the role of Hermann der Cherusker (Ar- Introduction minius) in the later German tradition and on the issue of imperialism, asking the question ‘To what extent did the Warfare has dominated Roman studies since ancient battle stop Roman expansion?’ In general, works on Ro- times. Throughout the centuries, scholars have continu- man defeat deal only marginally with attitudes towards, ally debated and analysed tactics, battle-formations and and memories of, misfortunes in war. Thus, while victo- treaties. In recent years, discussions have come to in- volve new questions that require analysis of Roman war- ries have lately been discussed as builders of Roman fare in terms of identity, ritual, performance, cityscape, identity, analyses of defeats have generally been left on 4 monuments and memory.1 This is a very rewarding field, the battlefield. as Rome abounded in memories, physical as non-physi- 1 cal, of war and victory. Endless triumphs walked the See, for example, Rüpke 1990; Hölscher 2003; Dillon & route of past parades and recalled a constantly reiterated Welch 2006; Östenberg 2009a. 2 For a short, valuable discussion of Republican defeats in the message of Roman conquest. Temples to gods who had works of Livy, see Bruckmann 1936. helped in war were erected and repaired. Inscriptions 3 Cannae: Healy 1994; Daly 2002; Goldsworthy 2007. Carrhae: boasted key words like imperator, de manubiis, trium- Sampson 2008. Teutoburg: Fansa 1994; Wells 2003; Reddé & phavit, and countless reliefs repeated the message about von Schnurbein 2008; Wolters 2008. Lake Trasminene: Gal- well-organised, victorious Romans bringing down lorini 1994. 4 As an exception, The Classical World in 2003 published a shabby barbarians, thus restoring order and world peace. special section on Roman military disasters and their conse- In fact, not that many monuments in public Rome lacked quences. Discussions here are not strictly strategic/political but the message of victory in war. include also analyses on mental and moral issues. 256 Ida Östenberg

My proposal is not to look at what actually happened city and up to the Capitol, where a thankful offering con- in a specific battle, nor is it to discuss armies, tactics or cluded what the inaugural sacrifice had started.8 Hence, even why Rome was beaten. Instead, I am interested in by a repeated and reiterated movement in civic space, Roman responses to military failure. How did Rome re- Rome, city and spectators, opened and closed war in a act when defeated? How did she handle the immediate communal act. loss? And in the longer run, which defeats were remem- That is, they closed war only when Rome was victori- bered and how? Which defeats were forgotten and why? ous. A telling aspect of Roman attitudes to war is the ab- What role did defeats play in the shaping of a communal sence of any ritual that observed non-successful fights.9 cultural memory? These questions are large, and, I must The army with its general who had walked out of the city admit, not all that easy. Victories are much more evident just never came back. When news of defeat reached in the Roman cultural landscape than defeats. Still, my Rome, the first priority was to prevent panic. After hope is that simply by posing and pursuing these ques- Cannae, Livy states that the Senate waited as long as tions, one may bring to light other aspects of Roman atti- possible to tell of the misfortune, confined people to tudes towards the past. their houses, tried to stop women from wailing and This project is only at its very beginning and the is- closed the gates.10 The Senate was desperately keen to sues have broad implications. My aim in this paper is to keep control and order. Hence, the guards placed at the present some preliminary reflections on defeats, remem- city gates both prevented people from leaving and made brance and forgetting in ancient Rome. This article will sure that all new information that arrived at Rome was analyse Rome’s handling of military failures as reflected given solely to the .11 in some central forms of cultural expression that pre- Bad prodigies often accompanied defeats. In response, served memories from the past and contributed to the Rome offered sacrifices and gave games, in order to shaping of identity: rituals, city space, the calendar and please the gods and to restore balance between Rome story-telling. The discussion will paint quite a broad can- and the divine powers.12 Religion was clearly in focus, vas, but will consider the issues only from the perspec- and mourning was limited to short periods, so as not to tive of Republican and Early Imperial times. Also, the hinder the now extremely important cultic activities.13 focus will be on defeats of the Romans versus ‘others’, Certainly, ritual observances would have strengthened not on conflicts in civil war. people’s spirits and sense of community. In this context, The most obvious thing about defeats and their afterlife we should note, however, that sacrifices and games held in Roman cultural representation is, as already hinted, in times of distress were focused on re-establishing the their absence. This is a most important fact that must not pax deorum, not on observing defeat and grief at the loss be disguised in an attempt to highlight defeats and their of lives. Nor was there subsequently any annual public memories. Instead, any study of defeats must be looked at act of remembrance of those who had fallen for the com- in context, and discussed not least in relation to the Ro- munity, as there was in Athens.14 Rome did not offer her man handling of victories. Another point is that memories need to be discussed both as present and as absent. Obliv- 5 ‘Forgetting’ and ‘oblivion’ are two concepts that have come ion is as important as remembering in decoding norms and into focus lately, see e.g. Flower 2006. views of historical cultural contexts.5 6 Rich 1976; Rüpke 1990. 7 Livy 38.48.16, 42.49.1–7, 45.39.11–13. 8 Several monographs have recently been published on the Ro- man triumph: Itgenshorst 2005; Bastien 2007; Beard 2007; Krasser, Pausch & Petrovic 2008; Pelikan Pittenger 2008; Rituals Östenberg 2009a. 9 Rüpke 1995b, 235. The content of Jörg Rüpke’s book, Domi Roman warfare was imbedded in ritual practices and militiae. Die religiöse Konstruktion des Krieges in Rom (1990) codes that permeated all parts and stages of war.6 There is telling. Rüpke briefly notes Roman defeats (248–249), but the were rituals to proclaim war and rituals to celebrate the principal chapters deal with Roma parata, Roma bellans, and Roma victrix, not with Roma victa. announcement of success. Most importantly, there was 10 Livy 22.55. Cf. Suet. Aug. 23 for Augustus’ handling of the ritual to accompany the army to war. Having made an news from Teutoburg. offering to Jupiter Capitolinus, the general and his sol- 11 Livy 22.55.8. 12 Livy 22.9.7–22.10, 22.57.2–6; Suet. Aug. 23.2. diers marched out of the city space, through the gates, 13 and into the sphere of war.7 When they were victorious, Livy 22.56.5. 14 Thuc. 2.34–46. Loraux 1986. For differences in Greek and the ritual route was reversed. General and army walked Roman attitudes to the fallen, see Clementoni 1990; Edwards in triumph back in again, through the gate, around the 2007, 19–24. War and Remembrance: Memories of Defeat in Ancient Rome 257 citizens a communal act to heal her wounds. Instead, it they remained outside Italy. So, once again, Roman sol- seems that she banned from the public sphere all activi- diers who had fought and lost were not welcomed back, ties providing reminders of defeat: mourning and wail- and there were no official attempts to have them freed.26 ing were not to be heard in public, there were no efforts The point, as is explicitly formulated by Cicero, was that made to bring home the boys, and the dead were mostly Roman soldiers should win or die.27 There was no such left to rot on the field. Defeat was not allowed a place in thing as a heroic escape. In fact, as we have seen above, the city, domi, but left outside, militiae. there was very little appreciation even of heroic deaths, a Indeed, Appian tells that when some leading Romans circumstance that stands out in strong contrast to Greek were killed in the Social War and their corpses sent to culture.28 In Rome, there was practically no alternative to Rome for burial, the dead bodies caused so much dis- winning. tress that the Senate decided that from now on the fallen should be buried in the field.15 Appian’s discussion con- cerns only the consul and other patricians, and there is no suggestion that the common soldiers should be Cityscape buried, much less taken to a funeral in Rome. In fact, Germanicus’ famed detour into the Teutoburg forest to The lack of communal rituals to acknowledge defeat car- provide a decent burial for the fallen appears as quite an ried implications for more than just the contemporary exception in Roman history.16 Some scholars have even community. A further result is the absence of defeats in doubted the historicity of the event.17 There is really no the memoric cityscape of Rome. Victories and triumphs knowing ‘what really happened’, but without doubt, Tacitus’ description is a piece of vivid rhetorical ekphra- 15 App. BCiv. 1.43. sis that paints the act as a deed of pietas performed by 16 Tac. Ann. 1.61–62. Clementoni 1990. There are a few other his hero in defiance of Tiberius and of imperialism at examples of generals being praised for burying the dead in for- 18 mer defeats, Tac. Ann. 15.28.2; Plut. Pomp. 39.1. large. 17 See further Woodman 1979; Pagán 1999. So, most of the fallen were not taken back to Rome.19 18 Pagán 1999. Suetonius also mentions that Germanicus buried Nor were the survivors of defeat.20 While cheering vic- the fallen at Teutoburg, Cal. 2–3, as does Dio Cassius, 57.18. 19 torious soldiers re-entered the city in the triumphal pro- Edwards 2007, 19–24, with references. 20 For a discussion of the right to the so-called postliminium and cession, Rome at several times showed herself utterly re- for the Senate’s refusal to have captured soldiers returning to luctant to embrace those who had failed. The classic ex- Rome, see Leigh 2004, 60–77. ample occurred in the aftermath of Cannae, when the 21 Polyb. 6.58; Livy 22.58–61. See also Cic. Off. 1.40, 3.113– Senate rejected the Roman prisoners of war offered by 115; Val. Max. 2.9.8; Gell. 6.18. 22 Hannibal.21 Sources describe the event as very emo- Livy 22.61.3–4. 23 In the Livian tradition, the captives were deemed infames un- tional, with the prisoners and their families begging for til they had been proven worthy by bringing back spoils from mercy and offering to pay the . The event caused two killed foes, Eutrop. 2.13.2; cf. Val. Max. 2.7.15b; Frontin. a deep conflict between the people, who wanted their Str. 4.1.18. Plutarch (Pyrrh. 20.5) and Appian (Sam. 10) instead relatives home, and the Senate, who firmly refused.22 claim that they were sent back to the enemy after a failed em- bassy intended to achieve a peace treaty with Rome. The story The Senate’s message was clear: on the battlefield you is often taken as fictitious, but, as is stressed by Leigh (2004, were supposed to win or at least fight to your death. 60–77), it does reflect Roman views on defeat, morale and cour- Other examples of a similar Roman reasoning come age. 24 from the account of the war against Pyrrhus. Again, the Hor. Carm. 3.5, esp. 3.5.5–12. Östenberg 2009b, 64. 25 Dio Cass. 56.22.4. Tacitus writes that Roman prisoners taken story goes that Romans taken captive in lost battles were at Teutoburg were recaptured from the Chatti only forty years 23 not allowed back at Rome. Later on, Augustus cer- later, Tac. Ann. 12.27.2–3. He also claims that there were in tainly boasted of having liberated Roman captives taken Germanicus’ army soldiers from Varus’ troops, some of whom at Carrhae, but reveals a strong scepticism as had managed to escape captivity, Ann. 1.61.4. 26 I am not convinced by the arguments proposed by Lica 2001 concerns their return. In his verses, the captives are trai- that Dio Cassius’ comment describes a very unjustified decision tors and cowards who lead a Parthian life-style forgetful of Tiberius, specifically intended to discriminate against the of their Roman origins and virtues.24 Not dissimilarly, memory of Varus. Dio Cassius tells that the Roman prisoners from Teuto- 27 Cic. Off. 3.114: ut esset insitum militibus nostris aut vincere aut emori. burg returned from captivity only later on, and that they 28 25 Horace’s famed dulce et decorum est pro patria mori (Carm. were ransomed not by the state but by their relatives. 3.2.13) probably expresses a Greek rather than a Roman con- Also, their release was permitted only on condition that cept. 258 Ida Östenberg were not only one-time events, but lived on as powerful culty. In the Digesta, Marcellus states that while horses imprints in the cityscape. Wherever you walked in lost in battle could be recovered (as they might have Rome, you were surrounded and reminded of centuries been lost without any fault on part of the soldier), arms of conquests: temples, columns, statues and roads kept could not.39 Arms were only lost turpiter. Hence, re- the memories alive.29 Each speech at the rostra recalled covered objects were not on show in triumphal proces- Roman success at sea; each noble funeral put ancestral sions, and they were very seldom placed in monumental triumphators on stage. Past and present merged into a settings. The most obvious exceptions are the standards powerful vision of Roma victrix that shaped Roman lost by Crassus and recovered by Augustus, and, in clear views about herself and formed Roman identity. And imitation, Varus’ signa that Germanicus brought back. while inscribed lists of past triumphs transmitted an ef- Still, I believe it to be of importance that there are no sto- 30 fective image of a history in which Rome always won, ries of Augustus or Germanicus making any boastful en- there were no equivalent lists of defeats or even of war- tries with the signa on visual display. The standards deaths in the city of Rome. In fact, again, in contrast to were sacred items that signalled previous defeat, and Athens, or to many modern day Western cities involved they could hence only be displayed in Rome with ex- in the First and Second World War, ancient Rome lacked treme care. I have argued elsewhere that Augustus’ em- monuments that celebrated society’s fallen against outer phasis on Crassus’ standards was an exception, made at enemies by way of monumental statues or lists of a very special time of strong confidence in Roman world names.31 The only exception is Imperial and placed out- power and the possibility of expressing rule with pax ro- side Rome, at Adamklissi in Romania.32 In Rome, there mana.40 was no equivalent to the Vietnam memorial in Washing- ton,33 which today, in form of a website too, is dedi- 29 cated to honouring those who died in the Vietnam War, Hölscher 2003. 30 For the Fasti Triumphales: Inscr. It. XIII:1, 1–142; Neder- and offers ‘a place of healing for those affected by one 34 gaard 2001; Itgenshorst 2005, 9–12, 219–223; Beard 2007, 61– of the most divisive wars in our nation’s history’. 66, 72–80, 295–296, 302–303; Östenberg 2009b. Hence, again, we note the absence of a communal con- 31 For Athenian casualty lists, see Bradeen 1969; Arrington solation in the face of calamity and the lack of monu- 2011. In Rome, the exceptions are from the Civil War. Sueto- ments that preserved the memory of non-successful nius (Aug. 12) tells that Augustus punished the people of Nursia people and events. for having erected a monument (tumulus) to commemorate those who had fallen pro libertate at Mutina. He does not men- In Rome, monuments that might be considered re- tion if names were inscribed. Cicero (Phil. 14.38) speaks in fa- minders of defeat are almost non-existing. One could re- vour of a funerary monument, also to honour the dead at Mu- call the busta gallica, a legendary grave of the fallen tina, an act that has been interpreted as inspired by the Athenian Gauls who occupied Rome around 390 BC,35 though this practice, Sordi 1990. For the Imperial altar at Adamklissi, see place would have reminded Rome not only of her defeat below. 32 The altar at Adamklissi lists those who fell for the res pub- but also of Camillus’ later retaking of the city. Also, the lica. Doruţiu 1961; Amiotti 1990. I will discuss this monument bones were Gallic, not Roman. Another example is elsewhere. No sources indicate that there were in Republican clearer. In 479 BC, according to the legend, 306 mem- Rome or Italy any memorials of war-deads who fell in battles bers of the Fabii family walked out of Rome only to be against outer enemies. 33 defeated to the last man at the river Cremera. Several an- Sturken 1997, esp. 44–84. 34 http://thewall–usa.com cient authors explain the defeat—an explanation there 35 Varro Ling. 5.157; Livy 5.48. must be—by the fact that, at their exit from the city, the 36 Livy 2.49.8, where the Fabii took infelici via, dextro iano Fabii took the right-hand passageway of the porta Car- portae Carmentalis; Ov. Fasti 2.201–204. mentalis.36 Ovid discourages everybody from using that 37 Ov. Fasti 2.201–204: Carmentis portae dextro est via arch: it is unlucky, omen habet.37 Later on, Servius calls proxima iano / ire per hanc noli, quisquis es; omen habet. / Illa 38 fama refert Fabios exisse trecentos: / porta vacat culpa, sed ta- the gate accursed, porta scelerata. The story was, of men omen habet, ‘The nearest way is by the right-hand arch of course, invented much after the event, but it does tell us the porta Carmentalis. Whoever you are, do not go that way, it that in Imperial Rome, the gate carried the memory of an is unlucky. Rumour has it that the three hundred Fabii went out early Roman defeat. through it. The gate is not to blame, but still, it is unlucky’. 38 The Roman cityscape also, to a large extent, lacked Serv. in Aen. 8.337. 39 Dig. 49.15.2. For the story of Cato’s son, who lost his sword exhibitions of items recovered from the enemy. In fact, in battle and courageously recaptured it, see Val. Max. 3.2.16; just as defeated soldiers could not easily return to Rome, Plut. Cat. Mai. 20.7–8, Aem. 21.1-5. objects lost in battles were not taken back without diffi- 40 Östenberg 2009b. War and Remembrance: Memories of Defeat in Ancient Rome 259

Roman defeats caused an absence of monuments. The siege of the Capitol and Rome’s eventual rescue by the absence is twofold: defeats themselves did not produce hero Camillus.46 memorials, and defeats also meant the non-existence of The presence of the dies Alliensis on the Fasti An- presumed victory monuments. This second implication tiates maiores is not a coincidence. Quite clearly, the would clearly have been extremely important to those dies Alliensis had a rooted place in Roman memory. It generals and families who strove for remembrance in appears in Republican writers such as Varro and aristocratic Rome. Now, Rosenstein has argued that de- Cicero,47 and it continues to mark the 18th of July in Im- feated generals did rather well in Rome, and that they perial calendars.48 A substantial number of Imperial au- could often continue their political careers.41 Though he thors also mention the date.49 For example, both Sueto- is clearly right in showing that Rome did not systemati- nius and Tacitus blame Vitellius for breaking human and cally prosecute defeated generals for the military misfor- divine law by neglecting the 18th of July, a day that tunes, the argument misses out on the significance of the Tacitus calls infaustus.50 Very telling is also the in- commemoration of victories. The defeated generals did scribed decree of the decuriones in Pisa that, after the not ride a triumphal car, they did not hold any games and death of the young Gaius Caesar in AD 4, proclaimed their battles were not commemorated in glorious monu- that the day that Gaius perished should ‘go on record as a ments, columns, arches, reliefs and coins.42 Hence, the day of mourning equivalent to that of the Allia and be so 51 imperatores victi were punished, one could argue, by the marked down’. very absence of victory celebrations and their commem- We do not know when the Romans started to com- oration. memorate their defeat at the Allia but, as we have seen, it is quite clear that they continued to hold this day revered throughout history. In fact, the date took on even further meaning. According to Livy, after Rome’s recovery Dates thanks to Camillus, the Senate decided that the dies Al- liensis was to be marked up for history and should also Roman calendars were very potent documents. The single days, according to the painted lists, were marked 41 Rosenstein 1990. Rosenstein argues that the aristocracy’s for activities that carried and awoke joint memories of choice not to accuse peers of battle-defeat was a very conscious past events.43 Most preserved Roman calendars are Au- one, aiming at retaining stability of power. His arguments have gustan, and tell the quite blunt story of the Imperial take- been contested, Rich 1991; Erskine 1992; Hölkeskamp 1994. 42 over of communal time. Dates celebrated include events Rüpke 1995b, 235; Flower 2006, 55. 43 On Roman calendars, see e.g. Rüpke 1995a; Feeney 2007. such as birthdays, apotheoses, assumption of power and 44 Rüpke 1995a, 345–360, questioned by Feeney 2007, 184– victories in battle. One pre-Augustan calendar also ex- 185. ists, and this one presents a rather different picture. 45 Inscr. It. XIII:2, 9: Roma cond(ita), 15: [Al]liens(is) die(s). Dated to somewhere between 80 and 60 BC, the Fasti Many scholars note that the Gallic disaster occurred 365 years Antiates maiores (Inscr. It. XIII:2, 1–28), possibly de- after the city’s foundation, and 365 years before Augustus take- over in 27 BC, Rosenberger 2003, 371. pendent on a calendar put up in public in the 180s BC, 46 There is much debate among modern historians on the scale list almost exclusively names of gods and goddesses and effects of the Gallic attack, see e.g. Rosenberger 2003, with with their temples in the dative case. The dates are likely further references. 47 to be the birthdays of these temples.44 Hence, many cal- Varro Ling. 6.32; Cic. Att. 9.5.2, referred to also by (4.9.6). endar dates, by their very presence, brought about re- 48 Inscr. It. XIII:2, 189: Dies Alliensis (Fasti Amiternini). membrance of temple inaugurations and of previous 49 Livy 6.1.11–12; Ov. Rem. Am. 219–220; Luc. 7.409; Plut. vows that had often formed part of a military success. Cam. 19; Gell. 4.9.6; Fest. 6L, 348L; Macrob. Sat. 1.16.21–24. Again, evidence suggests a monument of repeated vic- 50 According to Suetonius (Vit. 11.2), Vitellius took up the of- tories. fice as pontifex maximus on the 18th of July. Tacitus (Hist. 2.91) instead claims that the emperor published an edict as pon- Only two historic events appear in the Fasti Antiates tifex maximus on that day, in conflict with both divine and hu- maiores: Rome’s foundation on the 21st of April and her man law. Suetonius calls the day dies Alliensis, while Tacitus defeat by the Gauls on the 18th of July.45 The day is la- claims that it is unlucky because of two defeats, at the Cremera belled dies Alliensis, the day that the Romans were de- and the Allia. Coale 1971. 51 feated at the river Allia. The event was highly symbolic, Decretum decurionum Pisanorum, CIL XI, 1421 (ILS 140, 11.25–26): ... di[em]que eum, quo die C. Caesar obit, qui dies as it carried the memory not only of defeat, but also of its est a.d. VIIII K. Martias, pro Alliensi / lu[gub]rem memoriae consequences: the Gallic occupation of the city, the prodi, ... 260 Ida Östenberg include the earlier defeat of the Fabii at the Cremera.52 he extended the mourning to include the Roman people One of the Imperial calendars, the Fasti Antiates minist- in a repetitive communal act. Nor does any other calen- rorum, tell the same story. Here, the 18th of July reads dar or source reflect such a practice. Perhaps, Suetonius’ dies Allia[e et] Fab(iorum).53 Tacitus calls the day un- insistence that it was Augustus who continued to remem- lucky from old time due to the disasters at the Allia and ber the day simply indicates that there was no national the Cremera.54 At what date the Cremera disaster actu- day of disaster to commemorate Teutoburg. In Sueto- ally would have occurred is, of course, unknown, and, nius, the defeat appears as a private rather than a national indeed, there is no certainty whether or not it happened misfortune.60 at all. Quite clearly, there is a close parallel to the battle Of all Latin writers, Ovid is almost alone in providing of where the 300 fell around the same particular dates for Roman defeats. In his Fasti, Ovid time. The battle at Cremera was most certainly a way of places the battle at Lake Trasimene on the 21st of June, linking early Rome to a Mediterranean context. The date and Carrhae on the 9th of June.61 Further, he marks up is another issue. It was connected to a Roman disaster, the Cremera defeat for the 13th of February, actually in the battle against the Gauls at the Allia with its conse- conflict with all other sources.62 Ovid is also the only au- quential near-extinction of the city and its civilisation. thority to give a specific date for the death of the consul Jörg Rüpke explains this linking of the two defeats as P. Rutilius Lupus (June 11th) who was killed in battle in a Roman way of handling their misfortunes. The attach- 90 BC.63 It has been suggested that the importance of the ing of bad luck to certain days served as a healing pro- date was due to the annual parentatio held on the day of cess through which disasters were explained by ominous dates that could be treated as dies religiosi.55 The expla- nation seems reasonable, but I would suggest that there 52 Livy 6.1.11–12; cf. Plut. Cam. 19.1; Macrob. Sat. 1.16.23. was also a more active undertaking involved. By con- Macrobius writes that the Senate ordered that the days follow- ing Idus, Nonae and Kalendae should be marked up as black, necting the two most momentous defeats of early Roman since sacrifices had been made on such days before some major history to each other, the date might have achieved an defeats, notably the Allia and the Cremera. From this, Fraschetti augmented importance, but the specific events them- (1996) argues that elder Republican calendars would have held selves would have been diminished in their impact. The the 16th rather than the 18th as the day of the Allia and the Cremera. However, while the 18th of July seems much rooted date would have signalled ‘major disaster in the past’ in the Roman tradition, there is no evidence that the Day of Bad and thus reduced the particularity of the single events. Auspices rather than the Day of Defeat would have been re- Hence, I would think, the linking in the calendar reveals membered in calendars. 53 one way in which the Romans handled defeat: not Fasti Antiates ministrorum: Dies Allia[e et] Fab(iorum), Inscr. It. XIII:2, 208. In his Fasti (2.201–204), Ovid instead simply by blaming the dates themselves, but by actively dates the Cremera disaster to the 13th of February, a ‘mistake’ placing diverse ominous events on a specific date as a much discussed by Roman historians, Fraschetti 1996, 49–57. means of restraining their negative powers. Marked up Fraschetti, like others, stresses the influence of the family ar- for the 18th of July, the omina were fenced in by an or- chives of the Fabii. 54 Tac. Hist. 2.91. Suetonius (Vit. 11.2), discussing the same ganised written form and space that signalled history, event, calls it only dies Alliensis. civilisation and control. 55 Rüpke 1995a, esp. 569. We know that the dies Alliensis took up the dies Cre- 56 Later on, the Neronian fire took place at the 19th of July, the merensis. Perhaps it absorbed other defeats too.56 In fact, same day that the Gauls are said to have burned Rome. Tacitus, Livy, citing Licinius Macer, reports that the defeats at for one (Ann. 15.41.2), notes that 418 years, 418 months and 418 days lay between the two dates. Again, this shows that the the Allia and Cremera were also linked to the clades at notion of a dies Alliensis was still relevant at this time. the Caudine Forks. All three battles were initiated by a 57 Livy 9.38.15–16; Macrob. Sat. 1.16.22–23. vote in which the curia Faucia went first.57 The date of 58 See also Rüpke 1995a, 569–570. the Caudine Forks is unknown, however, as are the dates 59 Suet. Aug. 23.2: diemque cladis quotannis maestum habuerit of most Roman defeats.58 In fact, despite its modern ac lugubrem. 60 Dio Cassius (56.23.1) also describes Augustus’ grief, claim- fame, we do not know even at what date the Roman dis- ing that he tore his garment. aster in the Teutoburg forest occurred. In Suetonius’ 61 Ov. Fasti 6.765–769, 6.465–468. Aulus Gellius (5.17.5) later well-known account, Augustus, on hearing of Varus’ de- places the defeat at Cannae on the 2nd of August, but his date is feat, allowed his hair and beard to grow, beat his head to far from certain. According to Livy (22.56.4–5), news from Cannae reached Rome just as the annual festival to Ceres, the the door and exclaimed: Q. Vare, legiones redde! Also, , held on the 19th of April, was about to be celebrated. according to Suetonius, he continued to commemorate 62 Ov. Fasti 2.201–204. the day of the defeat.59 But Suetonius does not say that 63 Ov. Fasti 6.563–566. Fraschetti 1996, 47–48. War and Remembrance: Memories of Defeat in Ancient Rome 261 his death. The day would have been preserved in family the defeat at Carrhae in his letters.67 He even argues that, memory and archives, from where it would have made had not Caesar and Augustus picked up the theme of its way all the way through to Ovid. Similarly, Ovid’s Parthian revenge, Crassus’ disaster would have had little other days of defeat could have been taken from impor- place in Roman history. Another important factor is the tant family records.64 For example, the day of the battle very process of memory-shaping in Republican culture, of Trasimene, only noted in Ovid, would have stemmed which was controlled by the leading families of Rome. not from the Roman official archives but from the family Roman nobles were obsessed with creating their own calendar of the Flaminii, which preserved the day of memorials in order to prevent themselves and their fami- death of C. Flaminius. Family archives would also ex- lies from falling into oblivion.68 Hence, they constantly plain Ovid’s exceptional dating of the dies Cremerensis had their names placed on inscriptions, built monuments to the 13th of February. He would have picked the date vowed in their names and had their portraits produced. from the archives of the Fabii, which preserved this day Memorials acted as reminders of their military deeds and to celebrate the near-extinction and survival of their their political and religious acts, performed with clan.65 The Roman state chose another day to remember and virtus for the well-being of the Republic. In the com- their clades at the Cremera, the 18th of July, already memoration of the acts of noble families, who also made marked up as the National Disaster Day. In this way, one up the Senate, there was very little place for failures.69 could argue, Rome took the day out of the memory and Hence, Roman defeats were not suppressed or deleted as power of the Fabian gens and transformed it into an af- a form of damnatio memoriae. The memorializing pro- fair of state. cess of society did just not embrace them. It may be suggested, very tentatively, in view of the dates given by Ovid, that the time of Augustus allowed for a larger variety of battle outcomes in the Republican Memories and victory stories past. This does not imply a stronger acceptance of con- temporary failures. Rather, with one family in solid Defeats must have meant huge traumas for the Roman power, there was more room to acknowledge memories 66 people. Still, rituals, space, and time present a picture of past defeats. Hence, in the Augustan age, Latin of common consent, where defeats are almost invisible. writers picked up the various battle-stories of both vic- The major exceptions, namely the battle at the Cremera tory and defeat to paint a full, coherent picture of Roman and the Allia, noted both in cityscape and calendar, be- Republican history. Earlier defeats now became part of a long to an early, almost legendary time. The events were collective story of Roman hardships and success. Later revered, and the date was noted. Their continued com- on, in the fully established Empire, defeats could take on memoration shows that they played an important role in new meanings. Teutoburg was in Tacitus clearly ad- Rome’s construction of her past. As a two-fold clades vanced as a critique of the Empire. Silius Italicus too, in (disaster), these defeats functioned as reminders of the his Punica, uses the defeat at Cannae to foretell of need to pay close attention to the will of the gods, and to Rome’s moral and civic decline.70 fight with virtus. Cremera and Allia were exempla from Certainly, former failures were, in Augustus’ time, the past and they told, especially in the case of Allia, a viewed as a background and a contrast to the glories of story that involved the whole Roman community and re- the emperor himself. Quite clearly, this is what happened called how her hardships had been overcome. At the to Crassus’ defeat at Carrhae, which was promoted by same time, it is my belief that the promoted memory of Augustus as a cause for revenge, albeit of a very peace- these defeats absorbed and thus diminished to some ex- tent the negative impact of other misfortunes, the memo- 64 Fraschetti 1996, 48. ries of which were not given space and time in Rome. 65 Fraschetti 1996, 55–57. The distant past thus functioned as a channel for hand- 66 For Cannae as traumatic memory, see Beck 2006. Beck ar- ling misfortunes closer to the present. gues that the defeat at Cannae was noted as the second Black Day of the Republic. Still, although the name Cannae very Control of ominous negative powers might have been likely did continue to recall catastrophe in Rome, there are no one reason not to commemorate individual defeats; the sources to suggest that the defeat, with its date, was revered in banning of disasters from civic space, another. Other the same way as Allia and Cremera. 67 causes were certainly involved as well. One would be Timpe 1962, 108. 68 Flower 2006, 43, 51–55, passim. the shadow of the Civil War, which preoccupied many 69 The exception would be the noting of important deaths in the late Republican writers like Cicero. Thus, Dieter Timpe family archives, as discussed above. has stressed how surprisingly little notice Cicero takes of 70 Dominik 2006. 262 Ida Östenberg ful sort, against the Parthians.71 Rome was now an Em- Thirdly, the treacherous terrain defeated the Romans. pire, and revenge a proper means to handle those who In fact, Roman writers explain many of Rome’s difficul- opposed world order.72 Hence, by taking back the stand- ties in the field as caused by bad weather or difficulties ards, Augustus erased the earlier disgrace of Carrhae and in coping with natural conditions at the battle scene.86 embraced a past defeat into the final story of conquest.73 Very often, the Romans were caught into a narrow pass In fact, I wonder if it was not precisely such mecha- and ambushed by the enemy. Such were the circum- nisms, whereby victories absorbed earlier defeats into stances in the stories of Caudium, Lake Trasimene and stories of conquest, that were at work under the Republic as well. Somehow, the defeats at Trasimene, Cannae and 71 Mattern-Parkes (2003) argues that Carrhae was considered a Arausio did end up in the history of Rome, and despite national disgrace from the outset. However, one could argue, not being preserved in the inscribed landscape, their sto- with Timpe (1962), that Carrhae took on its importance only ries appear in , Livy, Plutarch, and others.74 In later, after Caesar’s planned attack and Augustus’ taking back these stories, some elements constantly recur, all of the standards. 72 Mattern-Parkes (2003, 393) holds that defeats were very which help to explain how Rome could lose: there are shameful events that required immediate revenge. Still, her ex- generals too anxious for fame, deceitful enemies and a amples are all rather late, and could indicate that the revenge- treacherous landscape. Unfavourable omina are also re- theme became relevant only as Rome had established herself as current. world leader. 73 Ov. Fasti 6.467–468. First: the arrogant military leaders. In their unre- 74 Mattern-Parkes 2003, 396: “The Romans never forgot their stricted ambition, they often rush into things without great defeats; they are at least as prominent in historiography control, even ignoring unfavourable omens.75 The classic and literature as the great victories, and ancient accounts of the example is Claudius Pulcher at in 249 BC. battle of the Caudine Forks, Cannae, or the sack of Camulo- dunum are too famous and familiar to need citation here”. In- When the sacred chickens did not provide the favourable deed, Roman defeats have a much more prominent place in lit- omina he expected, he simply threw them overboard, erature than in cityscape and ritual. hence causing Rome’s first naval defeat in the First Pu- 75 For example: Flaminius at Lake Trasimene (Polyb. 3.80–85; nic War.76 Greed could also be involved, as is made ex- Livy 22.3, 11–14); Terentius Varro at Cannae (Polyb. 3.110– plicit in the case of Crassus.77 By painting defeated gen- 117; Livy 22.34–49); Crassus at Carrhae (Cic. Div. 1.29; Vell. Pat. 2.46.2–3; Luc. 3.125–128; Plut. Crass. 16.3–4; App. BCiv. erals in terms of questionable morality and character, it 2.18). On Regulus’ defeat in 254 BC and his later repentance, is understood that they acted outside the aristocratic Tipps 2003. value system that held the good of the res publica first.78 76 Polyb. 1.49–51. 77 Secondly, there are deceitful enemies, who use am- Greed: Cic. Fin. 3.75; Sen. QNat. 5.18.10; Flor. 1.46. Desire 79 for glory: Plut. Crass. 14.4, 17; Vell. Pat. 2.46.2; App. BCiv. bushes and fraud to win. For example, Crassus was be- 2.18. Crassus’ attack on the Parthians was considered morally trayed by one of his allies, who tricked him into aban- wrong, Timpe 1962, 12; Mattern-Parkes 2003. This was clearly doning his route and instead taking the way across the seen in the omina that Crassus ignored: Cic. Div. 1.29; Vell. desert.80 Now, according to the , fighting Pat. 2.46.2–3; Luc. 3.125–128; Plut. Crass. 16.3–4; App. BCiv. 2.18. should be performed by the rules and with sportsman- 78 In order to stress his thesis about aristocratic understanding, ship: as a good Roman, you were supposed to declare Rosenstein (1990) tones down the blaming of responsible war openly, to avoid using ambushes and to fight pre- generals. In his reading, Rome blamed defeats either on the dominantly hand-to-hand.81 This certainly does not mean gods or the soldiers. Much as I like his focus on the importance that the Romans did not themselves make use of am- of aristocratic bravery and virtus, I think this is too simplistic an argument. After all, ancient authors do frequently blame the bushes and other cunning stratagems. In theory, how- generals in charge. Also, some defeats, such as the clades Vari- ever, fraud, trickery and ambushes were considered un- ana and the clades Tituriana were even named after unsuccess- Roman, and they were specifically linked to Punic and ful military leaders. 79 Greek behaviour.82 Hence, it is no coincidence that Han- E.g. Polyb. 3.71, 3.84; Livy 22.27; Strab. 7.1.4; Vell. Pat. 2.119. nibal, who inflicted several traumatic defeats on Rome, 80 Plut. Crass. 22. was described as particularly cunning in deceptions and 81 Polyb. 13.3, 36.9.9–11; Livy 42.47.4–9. Leigh 2004, 37–56. ambushes.83 To blame defeat on ambushes and fraud was 82 Livy 42.47.5–8. (and still is) a very effective way of avoiding responsi- 83 See, e.g., Livy 21.34; Val. Max 7.4.ext.2. Leigh 2004, 45–47, bility.84 Also it provided a consoling relief for Rome at with references. 84 Bruckmann 1936, 61, 85, 104–105, 110, 124–125. large. Very tellingly, Valerius Maximus writes on Han- 85 Val. Max 7.4.ext.2. nibal’s trickery at Cannae: “We were deceived rather 86 E.g. Livy 7.34.1, 9.38.4–5, 21.54.7–8, 25.16.18, 31.39.7–8, than vanquished” (decepti magis quam victi sumus).85 35.11.2–4, 38.40.6–11, 38.49.7, 44.5.9; Verg. Aen. 11.515. War and Remembrance: Memories of Defeat in Ancient Rome 263

Teutoburg.87 Desert plains caused thirst and exhaus- nalled by a general taking the army back in triumph. The tion.88 Mist and dust were recurrent elements that helped conclusive triumph, I believe, also allowed Rome and in defeating Rome, as were rain and marshes.89 For ex- her people to remember the whole war, its defeats in- ample, on the plains of Cannae, Livy claims that the Ro- cluded. The triumph did not stage Roman misfortunes. mans had a dusty wind in their eyes, which prevented Nevertheless, it provided an arena for a set of emotions, them from seeing anything.90 The sea proved equally grief, sorrow, fear and anguish, that had earlier been sup- treacherous. Hence, for example, Sextus Pompeius, now pressed but were now acknowledged as part of the joy hostis, was much helped by a storm in 36 BC that and relief. Polybius describes the feelings of the Roman wrecked many ships in the fleets of both Octavian and people when watching Scipio’s triumph at the end of the Lepidus.91 Nature herself, in alliance with the enemy, : “... through the vividness of the 92 confronted Rome. spectacle, they were reminded of the dangers to which Many depictions of Roman war-failures are extremely they had been exposed”.100 The notion of previous mis- schematic and employ a very standardised repetitive ter- fortune could be acknowledged by Rome, because she 93 minology. Hence, as Horsfall has clearly demonstrated, had won. Only now were loud expressions of emotions there is little point in using battle accounts in the search allowed and prisoners welcomed home.101 Order had for the exact location of Roman defeats, even though been restored, the gods were favourable, temples were 94 many such attempts have been made. Topographical inaugurated, theatrical plays held, the victorious hero precision would not have been the ancient authors’ aim.

Rather, Livy’s Caudine Forks and Tacitus’ Teutoburg 87 were rhetorical exercises that made much use of literary Caudium: Livy 9.2.6–10 with Horsfall 1982; Trasimene: Livy 95 22.4; Teutoburg: Dio Cass. 56.20. imitation, including self-imitation. This does not mean 88 Plut. Crass. 22.2; Dio Cass. 40.23. that they had no important educational function. Indeed, 89 Polyb. 3.84.1–2; Livy 21.56.3; Dio Cass. 56.20. I would suggest that their very repetitive form filled a 90 Livy 22.46.8–9. crucial role in Rome’s handling of military misfortunes. 91 App. BCiv. 5.98; Dio Cass. 49.1–2. 92 Descriptions of defeat became part of a non-specific, al- Livy 32.4.3: et adiuvabat eos natura ipsa loci. Horsfall 1982, most ritualised story-telling that employed generalised 51; Benario 2003, 401. Rivers and mountains were also dragged 96 as prisoners in the Roman triumphal processions, see Östenberg narratives to blame everything but Roman morality. 2009a, 215–218, 230–245. Deceitful enemies planning assaults in their own diffi- 93 Horsfall 1982, 50. cult landscapes could be coped with, just as bad relations 94 Horsfall 1982; 1985. Horsfall shows that there is cause for with divine powers could be reversed. Non-courageous suspicion regarding much of the detail in Latin authors’ topo- graphical writing. Romans soldiers and low Roman military capacity 95 would have presented more serious threats, and were Pagán (1999) discusses references in Tacitus’ description of 97 the battle at Teutoburg as imitation (of Vergil and Livy) and hence mostly avoided as explanations for defeat. self-imitation. There is yet another common trait in ancient accounts 96 Mattern-Parkes (2003) argues that defeats were national trau- of past Roman defeat: they form the prelude to eventual mas, considered to inflict shame and disgrace on Rome. How- victory. Allia meant the refoundation of Rome, and Can- ever, all these systematic excuses (ambition, bad omina, fraud nae is explicitly described as the turning point of the and landscape) seem to me rather to indicate a desire not to take on any blame for the misfortunes. Second Punic War: from now on, the gods were on 97 Contra Rosenstein 1990, 92–113. Rome’s side. Most of these stories also include a sa- 98 For Cannae as a turning point, see e.g. Beck 2006, 215 viour: Camillus rescues Rome from the Gauls, Marius 99 After his victories in , Tiberius postponed the declared again after Arausio, Fabius Maximus Cunctator turns triumph due to the Teutoburg disaster. He went to sort things things around after Trasimene, and Scipio Africanus fea- out in Germania, and returned in triumph two years later. tures as the rising star after Cannae. Hence, one answer Hence, even the clades Variana could be said to have ended in triumph by way of Tiberius Illyrian celebrations. Later, in 17 to the initial question, ‘Where are the Roman defeats?’ AD, Germanicus more explicitly triumphed over Germania. would be that they were absorbed by Rome’s victory 100 Polyb. 16.23.5. legends. The defeat at Cannae became the fore-play to 101 Hence, almost twenty years after the event, the Roman pris- the story of Scipio’s success,98 Arausio to Marius’, and oners from Cannae were released to T. Quinctius Flamininus, in similarly, Carrhae to that of Augustus. Memories of de- Greece. Back in Rome, they even participated in his triumph, feat became a part of success-stories. wearing liberty caps, Livy 34.50.3–7, 34.52.12; Plut. Flam. 13.3–6; Val. Max. 5.2.6. For other examples of Roman captives Roman defeats never marked the end of a war; they allowed to come home as a result of victory, see App. Pun. 15; signalled only a struggle leading up to definitive suc- Livy 30.45.5–6, 33.23.6–7, 37.60.3–6, Per. 30; Plut. 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BY EWA SKWARA

Abstract play when the recognition occurs. It is not hard to guess Some years after the end of the Second Punic War the Roman that the plot of the play revolves around an intrigue, the playwright Plautus staged his comedy Poenulus, in which one goal of which is to make the pimp’s life miserable and to of the characters was a man from Carthage. The representative steal the girls away from him. To accomplish this task the of the former Roman enemy was depicted as a strange youth need the help of a mysterious stranger, who turns foreigner, who became the butt of jokes. Plautus created him as a funny looking and funny talking out to be the father looking for his two lost daughters, the Carthaginian, whose name, “Hanno”, was inevitably connected heroines of the play. by Romans with the hostile names of Punic generals. The play- The young man as well as the girls, Adelphasium and wright also equipped him with two qualities which distinguished Anterastilis are of Punic origin—they were born in Hannibal himself. One of those characteristics was astuteness, which enabled the character to deceive wisely without being in- Carthage and it is from there that they have been ab- fluenced by emotions. The second one was bilingualism, which ducted. But the characters themselves have been con- helped him to put his astuteness into practice effectively. structed in conformity with the typical masks that occur in In his treatment of Hanno, Plautus draws the line between a the Roman comedy genre called palliata. Their Punic “normally” dressed and Latin-speaking audience and the “strangely” dressed and deceiving Carthaginian. The play- roots are not of importance in the forming of the plot or in wright did not need to create a national identity for the Roman the shaping of the characters themselves. This, however, people, but he certainly created a cultural identity for them, and is not the case when it comes to the character of their fa- a sense of belonging to the same group that shares the same ther and uncle named Hanno. Plautus portrayed him in a dress-code and a similar sense of humour. In this way, he also way that strongly implies resemblances to Hannibal. generated in the audience a feeling of pride and superiority over the defeated foe.

“Hannibal ad portas!” With this shout the Romans ex- pressed the terror caused by the sudden appearance of Hanno as Hannibal? Hannibal on Italian territory during the Second Punic First of all, Hanno is spoken of as a man from Carthage War.1 A decade after ceasing hostilities, the same Ro- (Carthaginiensis, Poen. 59, 84, 997, 1124) and it is he mans had a chance to observe, not Hannibal himself, but one of his fellow-countrymen, also an African, but this 1 time in a far less fearsome role: featuring a character in a Livy (23.16) writes that this particular shout was a reaction to 2 the loss of the battle of Cannae in 216 BC. After some time this comic play. This transition to the stage from the not yet saying became synonymous with terror. Cicero (Phil. 1.5.11; forgotten battlefield occurred not by chance or on his- Fin. 4.9.22) used it metaphorically with this meaning. tory’s demand, but solely on the basis of the whim and 2 The Second Punic War was ended in 201 BC. Plautus staged fantasy of the comedy-writer Plautus, who made one of his play Poenulus probably in 191 BC. This date, however, like his characters in the play Poenulus be Carthaginian. the dates of all the other of his plays, is a result of speculation. Buck (1940, 66–70) writes, “The fact that Hanno, the Cartha- The comedy tells a story of a young man, Agorastocles, ginian, is portrayed sympathetically argues very strongly for a who was abducted as a child. He is now in love with one date when the bitter feelings of Hannibalic war had had an op- of two girls, who are being prepared by their pimp to lead portunity to subside.” Also the allusion to the war with Nabis of the life of courtesans. The girls, who are sisters, were ab- Sparta (Poen. 663–666) lets us assume that the play was not ducted some years ago and were transported to Calydon produced before the return of the soldiers from Greece in 194 BC. And the reference to Antiochus (Poen. 693–694) strength- (in Aetolia), where the play takes place. Furthermore, all ens the argument for the later date—after 192 BC. The date 191 three are connected with each other by blood ties; they are BC was pin-pointed as the date of the performance of Poenulus cousins, although they do not realize it until the end of the by Sedgwick (1949, 376–383). 268 Ewa Skwara who is recognized as the hero mentioned in the title, One of those characteristics is astutia (astuteness)— even though there are several more characters who come the ability to act wisely, not influenced by emotions— from this African city.3 He has the meaningful name of to be cunning. The second, which helps in the better ex- Hanno, which was bound to be connected by the Ro- ecution of the first, is bilingualism. This enables the mans with the hostile names of the Punic generals who character to deceive in more than one way and hence had led their troops against the Roman armies. The deceit is perceived as Punica fides—a synonym for sound of the name Hanno brought to mind the names of perfidia.8 the dynasty, such as Hannibal, Hamilcar, Hasdru- The comedic Hanno unfolds twice his astutia. The bal, and most likely also Hanno, who took part in the first time, in the prologue, it is said he searches for his battle of Cannae. The third element helping to identify daughters with great cunning (astu filias quaerit suas, Hanno with Hannibal would be the constant representa- Poen. 111).9 For he travels from city to city and hires the tion of him as being incredibly smart and clever. charms of courtesans only to ask them where they come Plautus clearly recalls the stereotype that led Ro- from and if they were by chance abducted as children. mans (and not only them) to see the Punic tribes as Although he speaks many languages, he never reveals people lacking in loyalty, cunning and malicious.4 this fact, in order not to lose his advantage over the inter- Many times throughout the whole play it is said that locutor. This way, nothing can disconcert his plans. The this comedic Hanno’s main vice or virtue is cunning. second time, Hanno shows his cleverness when he finds He could, like a true Carthaginian, win anyone over his daughters. At first, he does not reveal his identity in (praestrigiator hic quidem Poenus probust, perduxit order to find out more about his children. When they omnis ad suam sententiam, Poen. 1125–1126).5 He also admits being able to use any kind of trick, if the situa- 3 Agorastocles comes from Carthage (Poen. 986–987, 1054– tion demands it (Potin tu fieri subdolus? Inimico pos- 1055), as do the two girls: Adelphasium and Anterastilis (Poen. sum, Poen. 1089–1090). 894–900, 961–963), their nurse Giddenis (Poen. 86–87, 1120– This view of Punic tribes or Phoenicians in general 1145) and their father Hanno, together with all of his slaves and servants (Poen. 930–1279). was typical of ancient Romans. Even Plautus himself, al- 4 6 Leigh (2004, 29–37) points to the passages in the text that though he seldom alludes to Carthage, uses for comical stress Punic cleverness. He even considers “whether the explo- effect the stereotypes mentioned above, the sum of sion of tricksterism in the Plautine version of the comic slave which is a stereotype implying that Carthaginians are a can be taken as a manifestation of the Hannibalic moment.” nation which cannot be trusted. This stereotype has also 5 Leo (1896, Poen. 1125–1126) puts these verses in brackets. been confirmed by later sources. Cicero writes: “All the Given that Poenulus has two alternative endings, we cannot ex- clude the possibility that other interpolations occur in the text. records and histories of the past ages have established 6 Apart from the comedy Poenulus, an explicit connection to for us the tradition that the Phoenicians are the most de- the wars with Carthage appears in the prologue in Cistellaria ceitful of nations. The Poeni, their offshoots, proved by spoken by the deity Auxilium, who addressing the audience, ex- the many warlike outbreaks of the Carthaginians, and by presses the wish that “the conquered Carthaginians feel your righteous wrath” (transl. P. Nixon; vobis victi Poeni poenas suf- their repeated violation and infringement of treaties, that ferant, Cist. 202). Plautus alludes to the twisted and sneaky na- they had not degenerated from their forefathers” (falla- ture of Carthaginians; e.g. in Casina (76), where in a quite cissimum genus esse Phoenicum omnia monumenta ve- funny way he describes the process of argumentation in an tustatis atque omnes historiae nobis prodiderunt. ab his argument between Carthaginians themselves (about being a orti Poeni multis Carthaginiensium rebellionibus, multis credible nation). MacCary & Willcock (1996, 108) interpret this verse: “this would cause a laugh, because certainly […] the violatis fractisque foederibus nihil se degenerasse docu- Carthaginians […] were notorious with the Romans for per- 7 erunt, Cic. Scaur. 42). fidy”. Therefore Plautus, when he assumes Hanno to be de- 7 Leigh 2004, 28–29. Cicero’s writings often give examples of ceitful merely on the strength of his descent, is counting the way in which Carthaginians have been perceived, see: Off. on the associations which this descent would evoke in 1.38; 1.108; Leg. agr. 2.95, and particularly Inv. rhet. 1.71— “Carthaginians have deceived us many times in the past. It is the audience, who would be ready to see in every therefore the height of folly to place confidence in the promises Carthaginian a cunning fox. The playwright, however, of those by whose treachery you have so often been deceived” does not stop at that. He is trying to suggest that Hanno (transl. H.M. Hubbell; Carthaginienses autem persaepe iam nos is not just a regular Carthaginian but is almost Hannibal fefellerunt. Summa igitur amentia est in eorum fide spem habere, quorum perfidia totiens deceptus sis). himself. In order to do that, he equips him with two qual- 8 Leigh 2004, 33. ities which were distinctive for this chief who put fear 9 Ussing (1972, 236) comments on the verse: “Poeni astuti et into Roman hearts. dissimulatores habebantur”. Hannibal Ante Oculos! 269 seem to be worthy of their father, he expresses his con- Costume as a comic means creating a tent with them, and with himself for having deceived commonwealth of people with belts them in such a wise manner (astu sum adgressus ad eas, Poen. 1223). Hanno’s clothing serves firstly to indicate and underline The term astutia,10 used throughout the text, is a word the fact that this character is present on stage as a pere- typical for archaic Latin. So the fact that Livy used the grinus and advena (Poen. 1031). Secondly, it proves to same term two centuries later, writing about Hannibal be a delightful and sublime comical agent that allows the “answering Scipio with Punic astuteness” (Punico astu transformation of the African from the enemy that he responsum, Livy 35.14.12) seems noteworthy. Maybe was just a second ago, into a great object of laughter and this precise word was exactly the term which best de- jokes. By means of costume, Plautus draws the line be- scribed Hannibal’s personality, and that is how it made tween “normally” dressed audience and the “strangely” its way into comedy, and afterwards into the works of dressed Carthaginian. Livy. One does not need to add that the costume of the Poe- Greek and Roman sources provide us with many nus is in all respects unusual. He wears no pallium (Poen. myths and stories concerning Hannibal and his cunning 976), but only a specific tunic (Poen. 975, 1121), and a nature (Nep. Hann. 5.9.10). Among them we can find a very strange one indeed—it is long (Poen. 1298), and he passage from Zonaras, the Byzantine epitomator of Cas- himself is bound by no girdle (tu qui zonam non habes, sius Dio, who describes the tactics employed by Hanni- Poen. 1008; tunicis demissiciis, Poen. 1303). He appears bal in order to check the attitudes of his polyglot forces. surrounded by his men, who are also clothed quite origi- 12 According to Zonaras’ words (8.24) “he trusted none nally and who wear rings in their ears (Poen. 978–981). easily, but changing his clothes and using a wig and We can only imagine that the costumes themselves varying the language he spoke from occasion to occasion were the object of ridicule for the audience in the theatre. (for he knew many, including that of the Latins), both by Plautus made sure that it would also be joked about by all night and by day he would spy on many things and hear the other characters of his play. The lack of pallium made very many things pretending not to be Hannibal and them wonder. Had it perhaps been stolen from Hanno by would address a man in the guise of someone else.” someone at the public baths? (numnam in balineis circum- This fondness of his for dressing up and his deliberate ductust pallio?, Poen. 976). The long tunic with no use of foreign languages to deceive the interlocutor are girdle—so probably blowing in the wind—made Hanno seem to the others similar to a bird that had suddenly ap- also described by Polybius (3.78.1–4), Livy (22.1.3; peared from nowhere (quae illaec avis est, Poen. 975).13 26.6.11), Appian (Hann. 6; 41) and Frontinus (Str. This loose clothing was also the reason why Hanno 3.2.3). This characteristic, according to Leigh, “points to was accused of being feminine (genus hoc mulierosumst, a significant intersection between the figure of Hannibal Poen. 1303). Romans on the other hand wore garments in Roman tradition and the assumptions about Carthag- fastened by girdles, very close to the body. Loose gar- inians which underpin the representation of Hanno in the ments were connected with loose manners and promis- Poenulus.”11 cuity.14 The earrings of the Punic slaves also deserved It has been said about the comedic Hanno that he can not only speak many foreign languages but, more impor- 10 Maurach (1988, 60) states that: “Astu ist in der späteren Poe- tantly, he can also do it undetected for nobody of his sie seit Vergil interessantes Verbum Vetus”. company ever suspects that he is multilingual. “He 11 Leigh 2004, 33–35. 12 Saunders 1966, 133–134. knows all languages, too, but, knowing, dissembles his 13 knowledge. A Carthaginian complete!” (transl. P. Ussing (1972, 276) cites Servius (ad Aen. 8.724), who writes: “Discinctos habitum eorum ostendit, qui usque in fluebat; Nixon; is omnis linguas scit, sed dissimulat sciens se quod Plautus ridet in Poenulo dicens: Quae est illa avis?”, and scire: Poenus plane est, Poen. 112–113). The audience then adds: “Avis dicitur homo peregrina facie, qui subito, quasi will be able to see and assess how his actions look like volando, apparuit”. It seems, however, that the comparison to a on stage in the later parts of the play. bird is a consequence of a loose garment that is floating in the wind; Maurach 1975, 325. One point, however, appears to differ in both charac- 14 The tunic without a belt was the typical dress of all funny- ters, the comedic Hanno and Hannibal, the costume. It is looking salesmen and foreigners; cf. Ov. Ars Am. 1.421; Prop. true that Hanno, as opposed to Hannibal, does not use 4.2.38. See Hollis 1977, 109. The Romans considered loose dressing up to deceive other characters. On the other garments to be a sign of moral or political instability and irregu- larity, e.g. Sulla warned against the loosely belted young man, hand, the clothes he is wearing on stage are perceived by thinking of Caesar (Suet. Iul. 45.3). See also Hor. Sat. 1.2.25; others and the audience as a deceiving costume. Cic. Cat. 2.22; Verr. 5.31; Cass. Dio 43.43.4. 270 Ewa Skwara mocking, because they might have made others assume as is only to be expected in a comedy, has no idea what- Punic slaves have no fingers, as they wear their rings in soever about the Punic language.20 So when the adules- their ears (digitos in manibus non habent [...] quia ince- cens, who does not speak it at all, asks about the mean- dunt cum anulatis auribus, Poen. 980–981). The ing of certain words, the slave tries to explain them using of all the jokes made about Hanno’s appearance is the their similarity in sound to his own language. This way, mocking of his facial features. It has been said he has a the author develops many jokes based on paronomasia very Punic face and its owner is described as a guggast and homonymy, which makes the Latin translation abso- homo (Poen. 977). The specific noun “gugga” is very lute nonsense. difficult to interpret. Commentators usually connect it to The introduction of a foreign language into the play 15 some kind of bird. Doubtless this type of description does not make understanding the whole scene any more was supposed to be some sort of mockery. difficult,21 because everything that is being said by the Presenting Hanno in such a comical and sometimes Carthaginian boils down to angry shouts of surprise or even cruel way certainly was not a direct means of creat- outrage, e.g.: “This is a mistake! You twisted my ing a national identity for the Roman people, but it cer- words!”, “Have you been told to translate falsely?” or “I tainly could indirectly create a cultural identity and a wish a cascade of rocks would crush you!” or “By the sense of belonging to the same group. This group shares gods, we’ve got to end this!”22 The translation done by not only the same dress-codes—cloaks, tunics and Milphio, of course, has nothing to do with the words girdles that imply steady character and morality—but spoken by Hanno, but gives quite a good idea of how a also a relatively similar sense of humour. Carthaginian would have been perceived by the Romans. Everything that Hanno says the slave connects with trade and explains that he: “wants to give mice from Africa to A false interpreter as a comic means of the for the circus parade” or “asks your help in creating a collectivity of Latin speakers selling some things” (Poen. 1011–1012, 1014–1015, 1019–1020).23 Another way to reduce the importance and significance Modern studies on comicality show that linguistic of a foreigner (in this case an enemy even—who not so jokes of this kind provide a magnificent illustration of long ago caused fear and terror) is to ridicule him. And 24 as long as one is doing so, one needs to ridicule whatever Hobbes’ and Bergson’s superiority theory. This theory is considered to be the main determinant of belonging to a certain ethnic group. It could be his clothes, facial fea- 15 Maurach 1975, 326–327; Maurach 1988, 145. 16 tures, jewellery. The factor that mostly helps identify Aristophanes introducing on stage a Scythian soldier (Thesm. with a certain culture is, of course, language. 1001–1007, 1083–1135, 1176–1201, 1210–1225), Persian Pseudartabas (Ach. 104) or Triballergottes (Av. 1678–1679) From the beginning, comedy showed foreigners on makes them mutilate the Attic dialect, which is the mother stage not only dressed in different clothes but also speak- tongue of the other characters. See Friedrich 1918, 274–303. ing a different language. Playwrights used all sorts of 17 Menander used this technique. He equipped a pseudo-doctor means to underline the differences of speech: they made (As. 428–458) with the Doric dialect; see Łanowski 1982, 64. 18 We can call Aristophanes the inventor of this technique. He the characters murder the language considered as the created a whole new language for his choir of frogs based on 16 mother tongue of the audience, made them speak a onomatopoeia: brekekekéks koáks koáks. Aristoph. Ran. 209– dialect17 or use outlandish words.18 268. 19 Plautus also used another method, for his character Soltau 1889, 3–27; Opelt 1966, 435–442; Sznycer 1967; really spoke the Punic language.19 By this device he not Gratwick 1971, 25–45. 20 See Skwara 2004, 69–77. only wanted to emphasize the fact of his being a for- 21 Gratwick (1971, 33) emphasizes that the meaning of Punic eigner, but also to create many more ways in which it is text could be communicated by appropriate acting, gesture, tone possible to trigger comic effect. For to mix completely of voice, mime and props. He concludes: “It is wrong to sup- different language systems gives scope for all sorts of pose that because the audience are not Phoenician scholars they cannot understand what is going on.” puns, quiddities, jokes based on homonyms and parono- 22 Maurach 1975, 323–326; Maurach 1988, 142–149. masia and, of course, qui pro quo. Furthermore, the deci- 23 Buck (1940, 93–94) associates these lines with the fact that in sion to include foreign speech into the play forces the au- 191 BC the Carthaginians offered to supply grain to the army thor to introduce another character—the translator, who, without charge, to supply ships to the fleet, and to pay several not necessarily knowing both languages, becomes the instalments of their war-debt in advance (Livy 36.4.5–9). So, the lines might very well have been interpreted as a joking ref- spiritus movens of the whole comical situation. This role erence to the prodigality of Carthaginians. Plautus gave to the slave of Agorastocles, Milphio, who, 24 Chłopicki 1995, 8–11. Hannibal Ante Oculos! 271 assumes that a person bursting out in laughter feels supe- Hubbell 1968 Cicero, De inventione, with English riority over the object of ridicule and that a joke seems translation by H.M. Hubbell (The Loeb far more funny when the addressee finds this object dis- Classical Library), London 1968. agreeable at the least. Leigh 2004 M. Leigh, Comedy and the rise of Rome, Oxford 2004. One does not need to know modern theories to notice Leo 1896 Plauti Comoediae, recensuit et emen- that in our case, even though the slave Milphio, by not davit Fridericus Leo, Berolini 1896. knowing Punic language and being a false interpreter, Łanowski 1982 J. Łanowski, Wstęp, in Menander, Wybór raises laughter, in truth he is only the tool, the middle- komedii i fragmentów (Biblioteka Naro- man, and the real butt of the joke is Hanno’s mother dowa II, 203), Wrocław 1982, III–CXIII. tongue. This way Plautus, for the second time, marks the MacCary & Willcock W.T. MacCary & M.M. Willcock, Plau- line between the Latin-speaking audience and the funny 1996 tus, Casina, Cambridge 1996. looking, funny talking Carthaginian. Plautus addresses Maurach 1975 Plauti Poenulus. Einleitung, Textherstel- the audience as a collective of Latin-speaking citizens. lung und Kommentar von G. Maurach, In this way Plautus employed the foreigner to generate Heidelberg 1975. Maurach 1988 G. Maurach, Der Poenulus des Plautus, in the audience a feeling of pride and superiority over the Heidelberg 1988. defeated foe. Through the character of Hanno the play- Opelt 1966 I. Opelt, ‘Die punisch-lateinische Bi- wright tried to create and define Roman identity, in op- lingue im plautinischen Poenulus’, position to “the alien”, mainly by recalling and referring Hermes 94, 1966, 435–442. to the common experience of the recent past. Saunders 1966 C. Saunders, Costume in Roman comedy, New York 1966. Ewa Skwara Sedgwick 1949 W.B. Sedgwick, ‘Plautine chronology’, Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań AJPh 70, 1949, 376–383. ul. Fredry 10 Skwara 2004 E. Skwara, ‘Cudzoziemiec na scenie, PL-61-701 POZNAŃ czyli o funkcji języka obcego w tekście [email protected] dramatycznym (Plautus, Poenulus, w. 992–1029)’, in Literatura i język (Bib- lioteka literacka Poznańskich Studiów Polonistycznych, 5), ed. K. Meller, Bibliography Poznań 2004, 69–77. Soltau 1889 F. Soltau, Zur Erklärung der in puni- Buck 1940 C.H. Buck, Jr., A chronology of the plays scher Sprache gehaltenen Reden des of Plautus, Baltimore 1940. Karthaginensers Hanno im 5. Akt der Chłopicki 1995 W. Chłopicki, O humorze poważnie, Komödie Poenulus von Plautus (Berliner Kraków 1995. Studien für Klassische Philologie und Friedrich 1918 J. Friedrich, ‘Das Attische im Munde von Archäologie, 10:3), Berlin 1889. Ausländern bei Aristophanes’, Philolo- Sznycer 1967 M. Sznycer, Les passages puniques en gus 75, 1918, 274–303. transcription latine dans le “Poenulus” Gratwick 1971 A.S. Gratwick, ‘Hanno’s Punic speech in de Plaute, Paris 1967. the Poenulus of Plautus’, Hermes 99, Ussing 1972 J.L. Ussing, Commentarius in Plauti co- 1971, 25–45. moedias. Denuo edendum curavit indici- Hollis 1977 Ovid, Ars Amatoria, Book I, edited with bus auxit Andreas Thierfelder, Hildes- an introduction and commentary by A.S. heim 1972. Hollis, Oxford 1977. Hannibal Ante Oculos! 272 THE IMAGE OF EMPEROR GALLIENUS IN ANCIENT HISTORIOGRAPHY— BETWEEN MANIPULATION AND NARRATIVE

BY MATEUSZ ŻMUDZIŃSKI

Abstract yet another charge brought against this emperor by When we compare written and archaeological sources on the writers of history: Eutropius (9.8.2), Rufus Festus (Brev. 3rd century AD evacuation of Roman Dacia, we notice striking 8.2) and Jordanes (Rom. 217) charge him with the re- contradictions. Finds of coins and archaeological data show us sponsibility of initiating the Roman evacuation from that the evacuation took place in 275 AD under Aurelian. The Dacia. Aurelius Victor (35.7) and Orosius (7.22.7) con- information that Gallienus was responsible for the loss of golden Dacia seems to be a manipulation by contemporary his- sidered that Dacia had been abandoned under Gallienus. toriographers. Most of them favoured Aurelian, the great war- The Historia Augusta alone (S.H.A. Aurelian 21.9) in- rior and emperor. He was held in high esteem by the Senate, so forms us in a remarkably short note that Danubian Dacia historiographers cleared his name, blaming Emperor Gallienus was abandoned under Aurelian. for this unpopular decision.* Contradictions between the written sources have led modern historians to put forward several interpretations The character of Emperor Gallienus is always repre- regarding the history of the last years and evacuation of sented in ancient historiography in negative terms. It is Roman Dacia. A. Mócsy considered that a partial evacu- not easy to find a positive opinion of one of the acts ation could have taken place earlier, in 250 AD.2 Other which were attributed to him. In the Historia Augusta, we find it suggested that he was negligent with regard to researchers, like C.C. Petolescu, D. Benea and N. Bărbulescu, believe that Rome could have partially or the successive territorial losses of the Empire. Here we 3 should note that ancient historiographers mostly focused even totally lost Dacia in about 267–268. Another Ro- on the acts of important persons like the emperors, and manian researcher, C. Opreanu, thinks that the Roman kept silent about the lives of thousands of anonymous state structures in Dacia began to disintegrate under Gal- people who were concerned with these decisions.1 lienus, but that the eventual evacuation took place under Aurelian.4 According to D. Ruscu, the army left the terri- There is no doubt that any territorial loss provoked per- tory after 260, but the civilian population was evacuated sonal tragedies for the people. Free men were kept in later, at the end of Aurelian’s reign.5 slavery, abandoned, murdered; women fell into the hands of soldiers, and the wealth of many generations was plun- As we can read in the Historia Augusta what an excel- dered. People who did not manage to evacuate soon lent, heroic and even extraordinary emperor Aurelian enough, or who believed that they could go on living in was, we can assume that none of Gallienus’ characteris- peace in their workshops and villae after the withdrawal tics or acts would be attributed to him. According to his- of the Roman army, could find themselves in a dreadful toriographers, it seems that Gallienus had only defects situation. The ones who managed to escape from regions and that all of his acts were exceptional failures. But, troubled with usurpations or invasions could tell others what they and their families had experienced. *The author would like to thank the organisers of the Confer- The duty of a good emperor was to defeat enemies, ence for their great hospitality and friendliness. achieve the conquest of lands and take care of citizens. 1 Janiszewski 1999, 141. This reseacher gives a closer presenta- An emperor who allowed lands to be lost was his oppo- tion of the historiographers mentioned here and their works, op. site. Gallienus, whatever he appeared to be on his coins, cit., 7–220. For more about sources to this period, see Cameron was a loser and bad one. Against this background, an 2007, 22–40. 2 emperor who would deliberately tolerate military and Mócsy 1974, 209. 3 Petolescu 1995, 124f.; Benea 1996, 18; Bărbulescu et al. territorial losses would certainly be considered as simply 1998, 61. the reverse of heroic. And this is how the Emperor Gal- 4 Opreanu 2000, 402. lienus is represented in the Historia Augusta. There is 5 Ruscu 2002, 253–262. 274 Mateusz Żmudziński surprisingly, the HA, which is full of deformations and ation was desperate. Dacia lay on the natural frontier of partial information, still presents Aurelian as the em- the Danube and was extremely difficult to maintain dur- peror who lost any hope that Rome would keep Dacia ing the barbarian invasions. The barbarians sometimes and finally decided to abandon the province. Here we recruited men among the so-called free Dacians, that is, must mention that Dacia had been the goose that laid the the inhabitants of Dacian territory which had not been golden egg for Rome for a century and a half. The Ro- conquered by Trajan. These people spoke the same lan- mans had opened up there many gold, silver, iron and guage as the inhabitants of the mountain villages and salt mines, they had exploited forests and quarries and therefore were probably not really considered as ene- they had benefited from many workshops and cultivated mies. The German tribes or Sarmates belonged to an- areas.6 Estimates show that Dacia yearly produced up to other culture but could also be considered as “cousins”. 5 tons of gold and twice as much of silver.7 Unfortu- It is difficult to believe that, in times of invasion, the lo- nately, its mineral and natural wealth was also well cal population of the Roman province, being descend- known on the other side of the limes. ants of the Dacian tribes conquered by Trajan, could When the Roman defences on the Danube began to support the Romans against the newcomers, especially weaken year after year, the province suffered of succes- when it became obvious that the Roman administration sive barbarian invasions. Each time, invasions brought was now limited to the small areas retained by the le- about the destruction of entire bands of territory, where gions. In such a situation, the central power could only the surviving population was then condemned to live in accept the facts with realism. The Romans considered precarious conditions. But we can believe that emperors that it was better to withdraw with honour than let their did not specially worry about the misfortune of some insignia be stamped upon. It was also better to care for farmers or workmen. The real problem for the Empire the Romanised population and transfer it to safer and was the economic cost of the invasions and the subse- older provinces. In this way, the displaced population quent maintenance of the province. Devastated territo- could still supply the army with soldiers, pay taxes and ries did not bring profits any more; instead, the armies plough fields for the Empire. quartered there had to be kept mainly on the strength of As mentioned above, in the Historia Augusta we find taxes from other provinces. Some remaining food for the the information that Aurelian took the decision to aban- armies could certainly be found on the looted territories, don Dacia. He was, of course, reckoned the only em- but no satisfactory taxes could be collected there. As a peror who could take such a just decision, and the least long-term menace for the interests of the Empire, barbar- of his acts was considered as praiseworthy. Many coin- ians also began to settle in Dacia. After their invasion, issues show as clearly as possible how victorious an em- 9 these were no longer interested in fighting, pillaging and peror he was. No one denies his military merits, but we burning cities, attacking tradesmen or gold-mining sites. can also sense that the glorious image of this emperor It seems, rather, that they simply occupied the conquered was artificially created: the image of a “Destroyer of the territories little by little. The same process took place in Enemy”. That is why he is presented as the one who the agri decumates, that is, in territories situated on the abandoned only “transdanubian” Dacia, and not all Da- Rhine, in Germania Superior. In this region too, after a cia. On the one hand, he made it possible that the part of series of invasions under Gallienus, the Alamans began Dacia created for settlers on the territories of Moesia re- to settle gradually, and this led to the final loss of the mained in the Empire, and, on the other hand, he man- province for Rome.8 aged to save the honour of the Empire and his dignity as 10 Archaeological work in Roman Dacia shows very emperor. clearly that, despite the presence of a whole network of Other historiographers mentioned above lay the blame Roman military units, a large number of barbarian new- for abandoning Dacia on Gallienus. It is very probable comers set up their villages there. It is even obvious that, that barbarian settlement on the Dacian territories in- in the final years of the province, Roman domination creased under Gallienus. But many archaeological exca- was limited to the immediate surroundings of fortified vations have showed that Roman military units remained camps, main roads, etc. The large mountainous areas were rather out of range and offered a convenient shelter 6 Żmudziński 2007, 59–210. 7 for people who had no intention of paying taxes to Cf. Wollmann 1996, 124–125; Dumitru 2005, 87. 8 Mrozewicz 1995, 105–110. Ibid. large bibliography on the Rome. In the 3rd century, Rome could no longer afford a evacuation of the agri decumates. large military operation such as had been undertaken in 9 Kluczek 2007, 305–326. the times of Trajan. Now, the Romans knew that the situ- 10 Cf. Orosius 7.23.4; Kotula 2006, 68f. The Image of Emperor Gallienus in Ancient Historiography 275 there during his reign. The soldiers certainly stayed in Gallienus then became a convenient scapegoat. In such Dacia until the moment when they were ordered to with- cases, where all the blame for an event was fastened on a draw. And it seems rather implausible that Gallienus or- particular person, historiographers did not aim to unveil dered them to withdraw, because archaeological dis- the real truth. They preferred, rather, to reshape it ac- coveries show with no possibility of doubt that Roman cording to their purpose. Their intentions are quite read- fortifications were still being repaired in Dacia in 274 able: they cleared the name of the great Aurelian and laid and even in 275 AD.11 The reason was probably to de- a disproportionate amount of blame on the already ill- fend the province and its soldiers up to the last moment. famed Gallienus. If the soldiers had received their withdrawal order some Another similar operation to glorify the character of years before, they would have destroyed their own forti- Emperor Aurelian was to attribute him an extraordinary fications instead of consolidating them, so that they origin. As T. Kotula noted, the emperor’s mother was a could not be of any use for the coming enemy. simple woman, but the historiographer made her a Taking into account the tendentious opinions of the priestess in order to make the emperor’s birth more pres- 17 ancient historiographers, we can assume that they tigious. In the same way, he was said to be born in Sir- blamed the difficult and unpopular decisions on the par- mium, the city where other emperors, like Decius and ticularly ill-famed Emperor Gallienus. If we consider Probus, were born too. This gave him more splendour. that the decision to withdraw from the region meant the All this series of little manipulations favoured the aris- definite loss of its gold-mines and of other highly profit- ing of a legend of the great warrior and Emperor Aure- able sources of income, the person who took this deci- lian. And it seems that the glorification of “divine” Au- sion, even if he had no other choice, certainly was con- relian also led to a tendency to charge Gallienus with all demned to be thought badly of for a time. Ancient histo- manner of wrongs. As he really was responsible for the riographers quite clearly made a distinction between loss of so many parts of the Empire, why not charge him good and bad emperors. Gallienus, in any case, was ac- in the sight of the Romanized population of Dacia and let tually responsible for some defeats and territorial losses. them believe that he was responsible for their misfortune and the evacuation? I think that this manipulation by the The weakness of the Roman central power certainly ancient historiographers was effective, as a question prompted surrounding populations to grab some part of mark on Gallienus’ responsibility for the loss of golden its territories, as they saw the victories of other enemies Dacia still remains so many centuries later. It seems, of the Empire. however, that in this case Gallienus, who neglected and The reign of Gallienus coincided with many tragic lost many other territories, should only be charged with events. But, in the light of archaeological research, it the fault of accepting that immigrants from the Barbari- seems that not all that was bad has to be attributed to this cum should slowly install themselves in Dacia. emperor. Even if he was the last Roman emperor who is supposed to have stood guard and defended the Roman Mateusz Żmudziński interests in Dacia, historiographers had no right to ac- Instytut Archeologii cuse him of the evacuation of the province. Archaeologi- Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego cal sources clearly show that the legionaries still re- ul. Szewska 48 ceived their pay in Dacia after his reign.12 Of course the PL - 50-139 WROCŁAV numismatic sources, even in large cities like Ulpia [email protected] Traiana Sarmizegetusa, show that the monetary market began to crack under Gallienus,13 but the archaeological discoveries on military sites from that time still bear wit- Bibliography ness to a permanent army presence in the province up to Bărbulescu et al. M. Bărbulescu, D. Delant, K. Hitchins, its evacuation. The border fort of Porolissum in Northern 1998 Ş. Papacostea. & P. Teodor, Istoria Dacia may serve as an example.14 României, Bucureşti 1998. In the Southern Danubian locality of Drobeta, where crowds of evacuated people passed through, many coins 11 Horedt 1982, 26. from later periods, up to the final evacuation of the prov- 12 Cf. Găzdac 2002, 78–80. 13 ince, have been found.15 Another testimony to the evacu- Găzdac & Cociş 2004, 17. 14 Găzdac et al. 2006, 25. ation under Aurelian is the DACIA FELIX coin-issue. It 15 Cf. Stînga 1998, 143–208. 16 dates from 271 AD, which means that the evacuation 16 Foss 1990, 238f. took place over a longer period. It seems that Emperor 17 Kotula 2006, 19. 276 Mateusz Żmudziński

Benea 1996 D. Benea, Dacia sud-vestică în secolele Kluczek 2007 A. Kluczek, ‘Wizerunek “obcego- III-IV, Timişoara 1996. wroga” w ikonografii monetarnej. Cameron 2007 A. Cameron, Późne cesarstwo rzymskie, Przykład mennictwa cesarza rzymskiego transl. M. Kwiecień, Warszawa 2007 (A. Aureliana (270-275)’, in Grecy, Rzymi- Cameron, The Later Roman Empire, anie i ich sąsiedzi, eds. K. Nawotka & M. Cambridge 1993). Pawlak, Wrocław 2007, 305–326. Dumitru 2005 F. Dumitru, Pagini din istoria mineritu- Kotula 2006 T. Kotula, Aurelian i Zenobia, Wrocław, lui, Deva 2005. Warszawa & Kraków 2006. Foss 1990 C. Foss, Roman historical coins, London Mócsy 1974 A. Mócsy, Pannonia and Upper Moesia, 1990. London & Boston 1974. Găzdac 2002 C. Găzdac, Monetary circulation in Da- Opreanu 2000 C. Opreanu, ‘Raetia, Pannonia şi Dacia cia and the provinces from the middle în vremea lui Gallienus’, Analele Bana- and lower Danube from Trajan to Con- tului (AB Timişoara) 7–8, 2000, 393– stantine I (AD 106–337), Cluj-Napoca 496. 2002. Mrozewicz 1995 L. Mrozewicz, ‘In suo. Agri decumates w Găzdac & Cociş C. Găzdac & S. Cociş, Vlpia Traiana przededniu załamania się rzymskiej 2004 Sarmizegetusa. Coins from Roman cities obrony limesowej’, Antiquitas 21 (Acta and collections of Roman coins from Ro- Universitatis Wratislaviensis, 1682), mania I, Cluj-Napoca 2004. 1995, 105–110. Găzdac et al. 2006 C. Găzdac, N. Gudea, B. István, C. Cos- Petolescu 1995 C.C. Petolescu, Scurtă istorie Daciei Ro- ma, A. Matei, E. Muscă & D. Tamba, mane, Bucureşti 1995. Porolissum. Coins from Roman sites and Ruscu 2002 D. Ruscu, Provincia Dacia în istoriogra- collections of Roman coins from Roma- fia antică, Cluj-Napoca 2002. nia II, Cluj-Napoca 2006. Stînga 1998 I. Stînga, Viaţa economică la Drobeta în Horedt 1982 K. Horedt, Siebenbürgen in spätrömi- secolele II–VI p.Ch., Bucureşti 1998. schen Zeit, Bukarest 1982. Wollmann 1996 V. Wollmann, Mineritul metalifer, ex- Janiszewski 1999 P. Janiszewski, ‘Historiografia późnego tragerea sării şi carierele de piatră în antyku (koniec III – połowa VII w.)’, in Dacia Romana, Cluj-Napoca 1996. Vademecum historyka starożytnej Grecji Żmudziński 2007 M. Żmudziński, Gospodarka w rzymskiej i Rzymu, vol. 3, ed. E. Wipszycka, War- prowincji Dacji Superior, Wrocław szawa 1999, 7–220. 2007. BEAUTY AND HEROIZATION: THE MEMORY OF THE DEAD IN THE GREEK FUNERARY EPIGRAMS OF THE HELLENISTIC AND ROMAN AGES

BY ANDRZEJ WYPUSTEK

Abstract funerary verse-inscriptions for a selected, small fraction In the funerary epigrams of the Hellenistic and Greco-Roman of the departed was related not only to their higher econ- era various forms of heroization of the dead are apparent. The omic and social status, but also to some specific circum- dead were presented as heroes, eternally youthful and immune stances. In the epigrams, their premature deaths and to old age and dying, like the stars shining with perpetual light in the sky, or like the favourites of the gods. The leitmotiv of youthfulness were frequently alluded to. The difficulty is such heroizations was the emphatic praise of the beauty of the that in such cases concrete biographical information is dead. Emphasis on beauty and youth not only preserved the usually lacking. It is only in Classical and later epigrams memory of the dead but made the loss seem even more dra- that we have access to more information of this sort. One matic. The dead who had lost their lives in their prime, escaping old age as they did, were given the privilege of perpetual should also take into account the fact that the youthful- beauty, after the example of valiant heroes of the past. Thus, the ness of the dead—no less than their beauty—constituted closely related categories of beauty and youth may be seen as a poetical construct, to some degree at least.2 Details the essential premises of the heroization of the dead. In this re- spect the funerary poetry of the post-Classical Greeks consti- tuted a continuum with the foundations set already in the Ar- * Abbreviations: chaic era. Taking this continuity into consideration is essential CEG I–II—P.A. Hansen, Carmina epigraphica Graeca saecu- for understanding different forms of heroization of the dead in lorum VIII–V a.Chr.n. [CEG 1] (Texte und Kommentare. Eine Greco-Roman funerary epigrams. altertumswissenschaftliche Reihe, 12), Berlin & New York, 1983; idem, Carmina epigraphica Graeca saeculi IV a.Chr.n. (CEG 2). Accedunt addenda et corrigenda ad CEG 1 (Texte Throughout Antiquity praise of the (physical) beauty of und Kommentare. Eine altertumswissenschaftliche Reihe, 15), the dead constituted an important element of Greek fu- Berlin & New York 1989. nerary poetry. In the Archaic age a particular and wide- IGUR—L. Moretti, Inscriptiones Graecae urbis Romae I–IV (Studi pubblicati dall’Istituto Italiano per la Storia Antica, 17, spread variation on the theme was the presentation of a 22, 28, 47), Romae 1968–1990. funerary monument’s beauty as the substitute of a dead SGO—R. Merkelbach & J. Stauber (eds.), Steinepigramme aus person’s beauty.1 In part, at least, this was due to the dem griechischen Osten I–V, Stuttgart, München & Leipzig context of funerary poetry typical of this period. A 1998–2004. verse-inscription formed only a part of a fine monument. 1 Ecker 1990, 138–144. Robertson (2003) stresses out the rela- Whereas in Classical times and later epigrams were in- tive rarity of the “beauty of the dead” theme in the early funer- scribed on modest tombs as well as grand ones, in the ary epigrams. Interestingly enough, however, in Archaic epi- Archaic era the large majority of epigrams adorned aris- grams we sometimes do find the word kalos used of the funeral tocratic, sumptuous monuments, which were also habitu- monuments, or the dead person himself; it was less frequently the case in Classical times, Lougovaya 2004, 48. For the term ally decorated with the images of the deceased in the aglaia, denoting a monument from Macedonia, 2nd century form of reliefs, statues, and paintings. Such is the con- AD, see Bousquet 1974. text of the numerous references to the beauty of the 2 Karusos (1961, 27–29) shows how the literary conventions monuments which embodied also that of the departed were employed to emphasize the tragic nature of an early death, see Homer, Il. 23.222. One should supplement his argument persons. with Eur., Hyps. 234–238 (ed. J. Diggle, Oxford 1998), where Another significant aspect of funerary poems of this the mortals bury their children, beget the new ones, and after age was the indirect indication of the beauty of the dead this, die themselves. See ad loc., Rohde 1925, 438; Collard et by evocation of their youthfulness, which was tanta- al. 2001, 213, and commentary 244; Bremmer 2002, 7–8. See also Ps.-Plut., Consolatio ad Apoll. 111 and ad loc. Hani 1972, mount to evocation of their youthful charm and loveli- 173 ad n. 9. Rahn (1986, 203–204, n. 53) comments on the epi- ness. One should bear in mind the fact that putting up the gram from Athens (4th century BC) dedicated to Hegilla,

278 Andrzej Wypustek were mentioned only occasionally, when deaths in a monuments were dedicated to several members of the battle, away from home, on a journey (especially at same family, whereas the funerary epigram was ad- sea), or during childbirth were concerned. We may pre- sume, however, that most of the dead praised by the daughter of Philagros. It was set up under the supervision of her epigrams had lost their lives in tragic or unusual father and mentioned his name only; from its contents one may circumstances; most of them were children, or young conclude, however, that her husband was still alive, Peek 1955, people who lost their lives without producing their own no. 1790; Peek 1960, no. 107; CEG II 590; Clairmont 1970, no. children, or adult sons and daughters of aged parents 56. The point was, in all probability, to stress her tragic death in 3 youth and the paradox of her being buried by her parent and not who unexpectedly passed away before them. In other vice versa. words, we are dealing here with parents who have 3 Interestingly enough, the epigrams dating to the Archaic age erected funerary monuments for their children, whereas very rarely mention the dead who passed away in their old age; in reality a reverse situation was the rule. For students proud proclamations of death in the happy old age, amongst children and grandchildren start to appear as late as in the Clas- of the Athenian monuments it comes as a surprise to sical age. Also, contemporary funerary art avoided any hints to see that tombs prepared for the parents by their off- the old age of the dead; such images do not start to appear in At- spring (according to the sacred duty of every child) tica before the late 6th century BC. See Lougovaya 2004, 30– were not the most numerous, as one would expect. One 31, 79, 144. 4 Gutscher 1890 I, 7–8; Gardner 1896, 111; Lougovaya 2004, likely explanation of the fact that the majority of monu- 30–31. ments were set up by parents for their offspring, is that 5 The fact that generally girls and women were less frequently the persons who died of natural causes were more often represented on epitaphs is also telling. Proportions are clearly buried without any special distinction, for example in out of balance here, and this probably reflects the lower status 4 of women and high cost of setting up an epitaph. This is a strik- family precincts. At all events, in the Archaic age po- ing phenomenon in a society which valued the proper funerary etic epitaphs for the most part addressed prematurely commemoration so highly. See Breuer 1995, 48–49 (who also dead persons; from Classical times onwards they ad- gives some specific data on the gender proportions among the dressed the dead of every age-group, with a significant epigrams). 6 The same goes for funerary gifts and sacrifices. Such an inten- gender-bias, in that they commemorate more males tion is clearly visible in the epigram from Troezen (6th century 5 than females. BC), dedicated to Damotimos by his mother, because he has All this gives us some important clues with regard died without having his own children. See CEG I 138; to the motif of the beauty of the dead. It indicates that McGowan 1995, 621–622; Byers 1998, 133–134. A parallel formulation is to be found in an epigram from Phrygia (4th cen- the motivation behind setting up an expensive poetic tury AD), where the dead 5-year-old boy declares that, because epitaph and monument was not simply a matter of a he did not have the chance to live his full life, he deserved an al- proper manifestation of one’s social status, prestige tar and his image on the grave, SGO III 16/33/02; SEG LI and wealth. Other factors must have been also in play. (2001), 1792. One should point out, however, the familiar fact that the tombs of the youngest dead (especially of newborn ba- It is likely that the most important of them was the bies) were, for the most part, very modest. idea the Greeks had of a premature death and its con- 7 This “compensation” theory is still a subject of the debate; it is sequences for the bereaved family and for the departed supported by Humphreys 1980, especially 104–105 and Him- himself, for the memory of him and his soul’s fate in melmann 1999, 12–19. See the remarks and critical comments the afterlife. Probably, the general opinion was that (from the point of view of the study of Athenian Archaic monu- ments) in Sourvinou-Inwood 1995, 140–297. According to those who died without producing children, who D’Onofrio 1998, anonymous monuments (a majority of which would keep their memory alive, needed some sort of a lacked epitaphs, anyway) were dedicated to fathers by their special commemoration. Their family also needed and sons; one cannot maintain that the majority of the Athenian fu- deserved special compassion and sympathy, favours nerary monuments dating to the Archaic era was dedicated to the prematurely dead youths. Similarly, according to Berge- typically asked from the passer-by and reader in funer- mann 1997, emotional factors or presentation of a specific sta- ary epigrams commemorating the young.6 Certainly, tus of a dead person (dying unmarried, in young age etc.) did great importance was attached to the lasting memory not matter a lot, as the choice of the monument (its type, form, of the dead among future generations. The poem cele- size, quality of relief etc.) was determined by particular social and family structures. The point was not to present an individ- brating a deceased one was by its own nature a work of ual profile of the dead, but to proclaim publicly the ideal of a art which was supposed to be admired and remem- family consisting of several generations and to praise relevant bered, in this way preserving the memory of its benefi- civic and political values. Funerary reliefs which portray young ciary. For his or her memory could not be preserved and older persons together refer to the proper fulfilment by the 7 young of the duty of taking care of the elderly parents and cov- directly, through his or her children. Good exemplifi- ering their funeral expenses, and not to the lamented, premature cation of this is the fact that occasionally the funerary extinction of one of the family members. Beauty and Heroization 279 dressed to only one of them, usually one who died at a los, kallosyne, hēbē, helikia, aglaia were also popular. young age.8 Sometimes the fact that this beauty exceeded bare physi- Not before the end of the Classical age did the motif cality was emphasized, as is perfectly illustrated by one of the (physical) beauty of the dead as such become one of the Athenian stelai (3rd–4th century AD).14 Often an of the distinctive motifs of Greek funerary poetry. In allusion to a woman’s beauty was incorporated into the Hellenistic and Greco-Roman epigrams we do find a enumeration of the whole series of her virtues, so as to number of direct references to the beauty of the dead,9 prevent its undue prominence.15 For example the dead quite frequent with regard to children, boys and girls,10 kalē Flavia Charis, whose name supposedly came from rather uncommon with regard to women.11 In the case of the themselves, was described as kalon hypo- women, moral values (sōphrosyne, aretē etc.) were em- deigma philandron.16 Beauty was also widely extolled phasized.12 It is true that in some epigrams, which verge by means of banal idealisation based on comparisons to on love poetry, purely physical qualities of the deceased goddesses, e.g. the Charites, to mythological figures, to women were put into the forefront and glorified,13 but flowers etc. (poetic devices of this kind become popular usually, if female beauty was to be praised, it was de- in later times, especially during the Imperial era).17 scribed in general terms like eidos (“form” and its equiv- The motif of the beauty of the dead was less frequent alents, morphē etc.), and occasionally qualified as full of with regard to adult men, usually being applied to those charm, lovely etc. The abstract terms, charis, kallos, ka- who died young.18 In this context the adjective kalos was

8 See CEG I 95; CEG II 473; 477 CEG II 483 (= Peek 1955, no. Christian instances are SGO III 16/06/02 and an epigram from 540); CEG II 485 (= Peek 1955, no. 697); see also an epigram Peloponnesus, where the dead woman is described as which was to accompany the depiction of a deceased husband p[othountes] eidos, see Desrousseaux 1886, 591. and wife, but in which the text expressed the feelings of the 12 A good example of such a standard catalogue of woman’s vir- mother mourning her dead daughter, Anth. Pal. 7.730; Peek tues, beauty included, is Peek 1955, no. 924. 1955, no. 1602. Epigrams dedicated to more than one person 13 Jax 1933, 141–143; Häusle 1980, 87–88, n. 189, 119–120, n. were rare. See, for example, Peek 1960, 281–285; Peek 1974, 267. See the epigram from Neapolis (1st century AD) where no. 17. Kleopatra appears as preeminent for her beauty, morphas, Peek 9 Sartre-Fauriat 2001 II, 165–166 and 217. 1955, no. 1925; Peek 1960, no. 448; an epigram from Rome, 10 A number of examples are collected by Vérilhac 1982 II, 35– mentioning the beauty, kallos, of Philoumene prematurely taken 42; among them the youngest of the children praised in this away (in prose, not included in IGUR), SEG XI.2 (1950), 865; way, to kalon brephos 6 months old (Athens, 2nd century AD), an epigram from Thessaly (4th century BC) in honour of the di- see Peek 1955, no. 1590; Peek 1960, no. 401; Vérilhac 1978 I, vine beauty of Lais, quoted by Athen., Deipn. 13.589b, see no. 151; von Moock 1998, no. 80; SEG LII (2002), 230. See Preger 1891, no. 24; Peek 1955, no. 896; an epigram from Her- also SEG XLIII (1993), 902; SGO II 10/04/01 (18-year-old aklion on Crete, where the loveliness of the statue of a dead Demarete, whom everybody praised for her beauty); Peek 1955, wife, Hellas, (kalon agalma korēs) is mentioned without refer- no. 2028a (kalos Herakleides, compared to Osiris, Adonis, ence to her other virtues, Bandy 1967; an epigram from Priene Endymion and Heracles); SGO I 04/12/09 (Hephaistion eidos (Hellenistic), proclaiming that the dead Hegeso’s beauty was ariston); SGO III 16/57/01 (epitaph dedicated to a 15-year-old bestowed on her by Eos herself, Peek 1955, no. 560; SGO I 03/ girl, Paule perikallei korē); Peek 1955, no. 1411; Peek 1960, 01/03. no. 263; Bernand 1969, no. 88 (Cyrilla similar to the gods in her 14 Peek 1955, no. 1282; Trombley 1993, 287–288; Sironen form); most of the instances date to Imperial time, e.g. Peek 1997, no. 99. In Anth. Pal. 7.695 (Peek 1955, no. 617) one is ad- 1955, no. 1554; SGO IV 20/03/06 (Antiocheia in Syria, 1st cen- vised not to speak of the beauty of the dead Kassia’s body, but tury AD); SGO III 16/08/04 (Phrygia, turn of the 2nd century of the beauty of her soul. AD); Peek 1955, no. 1933; SGO III 16/22/01 (Ancyra, 2nd cen- 15 See, for example, an epigram from Egypt for , prema- tury AD). turely dead, before marriage, Peek 1955, no. 912; Bernand 11 See Arrigoni 1981, 260, n. 16. In an epigram from Rheneia 1969, no. 91; also from Egypt comes the epigram for Procla, (2nd–1st century BC) the kallos kai morphan eraton of the de- Dobias-Lalou 1982; SEG XXXII (1982), 1608. ceased spouse are praised, Peek 1955, no. 702; Breuer 1995, 96. 16 Peek 1955, no. 1404; Sartre-Fauriat 2001 II, 217; SGO IV 22/ In an epigram from (3rd century AD), Polla, late wife 36/01 (Soada, 2–3rd century AD). of Victor, is glorified for her beauty as “golden Aphrodite”; her 17 Bernand 1969, 37–38; Pircher 1979, 46–47. beauty is stressed repeatedly, without mention of any of her 18 Pircher 1979, 48, n. 20. Some deceased persons boast of be- other qualities, SGO I 05/01/57; Le Bris 2001, 143–144 and ing beautiful, even though dead among the dead, in Peek 1955, 156–157. In an epigram from (Imperial era), the deceased no. 1013; SGO I 05/03/08 (Italy, 1st century AD). Even bold wife appears as blameless and beautiful like Aphrodite, Peek mention of the lovely “male limbs” of the dead was not re- 1955, no. 2032; SGO I 01/14/01. In an epigram from , frained from, Peek 1955, no. 1068; Peek 1960, no. 315; SEG Aphrodite herself has bestowed beauty upon a wife named XXVIII (1978), 275 (Athens, 2nd century AD). In an epigram Maiandrie, Peek 1955, no. 1585. Unambiguously erotic charm from Stratonikeia in Caria (1st–2nd century AD, not included in of a spouse is emphasized on a Christian monument from Gdan- Peek 1955) himself is tortured by envy of the beauty of maua in , SGO III 14/02/08. Other less pronounced the dead, SGO I 02/06/18; SEG LIV (2004), 435.

280 Andrzej Wypustek often used, which had reference to aristocratic as well as other words kalos was equivalent to harpasamenos, har- bodily qualities.19 A good deal of comparison to mytho- pastheis and vice versa.24 logical examples of beauty occurs. An interesting ex- It seems that the motif of the beauty of the dead in ample is the epigram from Miletoupolis or Cyzicus (late Greco-Roman funerary epigrams was a complex phe- Hellenistic),20 with its peculiar expression of a father’s nomenon, which cannot be seen as a banal idealization grief and his son’s unjust fate: beautiful like Homeric of the dead. In some exceptional cases the emphasis on , abducted by Hades and some brigands, he is be- physical qualities was prompted by special circum- ing kept as a “victim.”21 stances, for example the deceased person’s profession. In the Hellenistic and—primarily—in the Greco-Ro- One could recall the epitaph from Attaleia (Antalya) in man era there appears a new phenomenon in funerary Pamphylia (2nd century AD) for the gladiator Miletos, epitaphs and epigrams: various forms of heroization of who appears beautiful as Adonis in the hunt, and as Hya- the dead. These continue to cause puzzlement to many cinthus smitten by the discus.25 More pragmatically con- scholars. Conspicuous among the examples are epigrams sidered, the emphasis on the beauty was probably a which may be called “religious” or “eschatological,” be- natural consequence of a simple fact: in their short life- cause the heroization in them involves ideas of the after- time those prematurely dead were not able to achieve life which goes beyond standard “pious” formulae of any other title of honour; it was impossible to praise mainstream epitaphs. The dead are presented as heroes them for specific merits and achievements.26 Where chil- (the title heros appears on the epitaphs of this age as well), eternally youthful and immune to growing old and 19 dying, like the stars shining with perpetual light in the See Rife 1999, 122. Naturally kalos could have a neutral meaning in this sense, see, for example, the pious epitaph of a sky. We are told of catasterism and the ascent of souls to priestess from Neapolis in , SGO IV 21/12/02. fiery aither. Alternatively they are presented as the fa- 20 Peek 1955, no. 1728; SGO II 08/05/02. See also SEG XXXV vourites of the gods, abducted by them to heaven, or (1985), 1026 (Canusium). The dead were commonly compared given the privilege of uniting with/marrying the god in to “beautiful” heroes; they could be lovely as Hylas and in Peek 1955, no. 1732; Peek 1960, no. 360; SGO III 14/13/05 the afterlife. Mythological examples were also adduced: (Nea Isaura, 3rd–4th century AD, according to SGO editors Im- the abductions of Ganymede, Adonis, and Hylas, the perial); or Achilles and Hippolitos, Peek 1955, no. 1804; SGO I marriage of Hades and Persephone. Whatever differ- 02/14/11 (Laodicea in Phrygia, 1st century BC, according to ences there might be between their sources and contexts SGO later); or Bacchus, Achilles and Endymion, Peek 1955, no. 1280; Vérilhac 1982 II, 57–58; Zanker & Ewald 2004, 106 and their various eschatological backgrounds, their com- (Rome, 2nd–3rd century AD, not included in IGUR). mon denominator was high praise of the beauty of the 21 According to the Homeric catalogue of the ships, Nireus was dead. This praise seems even more emphatic when we second only to Achilles in beauty among the Greeks, Hom., Il. consider the contrast with the norm of open praise of the 2.672–674. 22 See Pfohl 1983, 484–485. dead for their achievements or advantages, and restraint 23 22 See Ferri 1938, nos. 123–148, citing Anth. Pal. 12.129 and with regard to the praise of their physical beauty. From Theophr. Char. 21.9 (Ferri assumes the funeral context of some this point of view, it is remarkable how much emphasis of the kaloi inscriptions). Usually they were in fact young, but is placed in the above-mentioned epigrams on the physi- Ferri points to the case of a 42-year-old woman described as cal, unambiguously erotic attraction of the dead, capable kalē (p. 122, no. 126). See the parallel “heroization” of the dead in Fayum portraits: the nudity of the dead that was hinted at by a of subduing the gods themselves, the result being some- bare chest or arm did not necessarily mean that the dead pre- times even abduction, verging on rape. Characteristic sented this way enjoyed higher, heroic status in the afterlife. also the phenomenon—with its origin back in the Classi- According to Montserrat 1993 such symbols (together with cal era, of the “rejuvenating” or “ephebizing” of the wreaths) referred to their social status rather and to the member- ship of the élite ephebeia, with the distinctive emphasis on dead, who were habitually described as kaloi. This ad- youth, aretē, physical beauty and the “erotic” character of the jective did not necessarily mean that the person was re- dead. ally beautiful while alive or that he or she has died 24 Ferri 1938, 122, 131–132 and 155. 25 young. All other categories of the dead might be desig- Peek 1955, no. 815. See the stele of Narcissus, who was prob- 23 ably an actor and is described as panta kalos, Sinope in nated by kalos as well. Because sudden and early death , 2nd century AD, Peek 1955, no. 1809; Peek 1960, was seen as the sign of divine abduction by a god who no. 364; SGO II 10/06/09. Bodily qualities of the female singer had fallen in love with the beautiful dead, or of marriage named Petronia Musa are detailed in the epigram from Rome, in heaven with a god, other, ordinary dead persons (who 2nd century AD, Peek 1955, no. 1938; Peek 1960, no. 449; Ritti 1973–1974, 330, no. 97; IGUR III 1305; Wrede 1981, 112. did not die young, or beautiful) were presented either as 26 We find a clear expression of this rule in the epigram for Par- young and lovely, or as being suddenly taken away. In thenis from (4th century BC): the dead girl passed away

Beauty and Heroization 281 dren or those who died young were concerned, mythical, despair, was praised as charming and full of life; it be- heroic stylization of the dead was a substitute for a suit- came an object of contemplation and admiration.37 Thus, able catalogue of virtues, such as was readily available, the closely related categories of beauty and youth may fictitious or not, for a person who had passed away in be seen as the essential premises of the heroization of the adulthood or old age.27 Furthermore, praise of the beauty dead. It was a deeply rooted tradition, of which the most of the dead constituted a measure parallel to monumen- famous example is the “heroic” nudity of funerary talizing their beauty on reliefs or in statues. This way, statues, reliefs and paintings of the Archaic and Classical not only was the memory of the dead bolstered, but the eras.38 Distinct from these silent and ambiguous testimo- greatness of loss on the part of the family was accentu- 28 ated as well. Similar significance should probably be before reaching the age when people start to accomplish hon- ascribed to the emphasis on the youth of the dead. The ourable deeds, see SEG XXXVIII (1988), 754; SEG XLIV designation artiphues (“just born”) could refer to 14- (1994), 667. 27 29 Wrede 1981, 52; Hoffmann 1992, 340. year-olds. In one instance a 25-year-old is qualified as 28 30 In the epigram from Attica (6th century BC) the beauty of the andros artiphuous. The term aōros appears on the dead son is not only the pride and joy of his father, but also bears grave of a woman who died at the age of 73.31 Reference witness to the magnitude of the loss and despair (hos kalos on to the “young age” of the dead functioned in a similar ethane), Peek 1955, no. 1223; Peek 1960, no. 45; CEG I 68. 29 way in the epigrams.32 Beauty and youth, immortalized Peek 1955, no. 936. 30 Peek 1955, no. 1917; SGO I 05/03/05. in the form of an image or by a piece of poetry, were in- 31 Byers 1998, 108. On the term aōros applied to the dead of tended to draw the attention of the passers-by. Mention different ages, even above the age of 30, see SEG LI (2001), of them provided a means of preserving a lasting mem- 2088, 12 and Horbury & Noy 1992, 106. ory of persons whose lack of offspring made other types 32 See Peek 1955, no. 768 and the remarks by Schmidt 1991, of commemoration impossible.33 Preserving the memory 142–144. 33 Hoffmann 1992, 344–346. of the beauty of the dead also had a more positive dimen- 34 Peek 1955, no. 735; Peek 1960, no. 400; IGUR III 1316; sion. Magnificent monuments and/or appropriate in- Walker 1990, 28–29, no. 26; see SEG XL (1990), 869bis. Some scriptions ensured comfort and consolation to their fami- parallels: Peek 1955, no. 1836 from Athens (2nd century AD); lies. In the epigram on a sarcophagus from Aquae Sex- Peek 1955, no. 1478; Peek 1960, no. 396; IGUR III 1273 from tiae (3rd century AD) an impressive tombstone is repre- Rome (1st–2nd century AD); possibly also the epigram from Iconium, SGO III 14/07/06 (not included in Peek 1955). For sented as a consolation to a mother who was keen to other examples of statues of the dead erected by the cities for remember her son’s features.34 The epigram on a marble consolatory purposes, see Strubbe 1998, 59–60, n. 46 and 63, n. plaque from Halicarnassus (2nd–3rd century AD) an- 53. On inscribed herms of the dead in their prime erected as a nounces that Salvius, Aristeides’ son, can still be seen in consolation for their parents, see Galdi 1930, 319, n. 1. Galdi refers to Kaibel 1878, no. 951 (from Athens, not included in the form of elaborately sculptured figure, untouched (ek- Peek 1955): πατρὸς καὶ μητρὸς Στρατόλας παραμύθιον εἶναι. tos eon) by tears and painful despair. His monument— According to Galdi such monuments constitute the simplest built with joy, to the sweet sound of the flutes—was form of decreta consolatoria. A newly discovered inscription made to show people once again his beautiful form in a suggests that such consolations were not confined to poetic epi- taphs. In a decree from Asia Minor written in prose, the honours stone portrayal. The intention of the family was clear: given to the dead woman were supposed to help her sons endure the pain and desperation were to be dispersed by the rec- the loss, Herrmann & Malay 2007, no. 96. On this kind of con- ollection of the beauty of the late beloved one, which solatory motifs in Roman culture, see Koortbojian 2005, 293– would serve as consolation.35 297; an interesting Byzantine example, in which the image of a father is a consolation for his son, who has erected the monu- As far as “eschatological” epigrams are concerned, ment, is commented on by Lauxtermann 2003, 220–221. however, their meaning was not only that of making the 35 Peek 1955, no. 616; Peek 1960, no. 386 (and commentary loss seem even more dramatic, and not only that of pre- 316); Brandenburg 1967, 221, n. 83 (the beauty of the dead as serving the memory of the dead by accentuating their consolation); SGO I 01/12/21. 36 beauty and youth. The dead who had lost their lives in Steiner 1999, 389, n. 39; Condello 2006. 37 Hoffmann 1992, 342. their prime, escaping old age, were given the privilege of 38 On the ideal beauty of the dead in funerary epigrams, con- perpetual beauty, after the example of valiant heroes of ceived as the reflection of divine or heroic beauty, youth and the past.36 The youth of the dead, presented this way in valour (aretē), see Himmelmann 1990, 35–36. Nudity as the funerary epigrams, did not seem a fragile, uncomfort- “heroic” attribute of the dead on Athenian tombs does not ap- pear before the 4th century BC; according to Himmelmann able, dependent stage of life, but a sort of merit, achieve- (1990, 115–116), one cannot talk about “heroization” in a reli- ment, the prime of beauty in opposition to old age, death gious sense here, as one can in other parts of the Greek world. and oblivion. The lamented body, a source of sorrow and Athenian epigrams are, in his view, purely “interhuman”. Only

282 Andrzej Wypustek nies “religious” or “eschatological” epigrams with their Greek grave stelai of women and their more explicit messages allow us to understand better the epitaphs, PhD California, 1998. diverse meanings that the beauty of the dead had in an- Clairmont 1970 Ch.W. Clairmont, Gravestone and epi- cient culture and mentality. They also make us realize gram. Greek memorials from the archaic that, in this respect, the funerary poetry of the Greeks and classical period, Mainz am Rhein 1970. constituted a continuum with its foundations set already Collard et al. 2001 Euripides, Selected fragmentary plays II, in the Archaic era. In order to understand the different edited with introductions, translations forms of heroization of the dead in Greco-Roman funer- and commentaries by C. Collard, M.J. ary epigrams, it is essential to take this continuity into Cropp & K.H. Lee, Warminster 2001. consideration. Condello 2006 F. Condello, ‘Giovinezza, morte, con- trappasso. Per l’analisi di un topos Andrzej Wypustek greco’, Griselda 5, 2006 = http:// University of Wrocław www.griseldaonline.it. Institute of History Desrousseaux 1886 A.M. Desrousseaux, ‘A propos d’une ul. Szewska 49 épitaphe grecque’, MEFR 6, 1886, 588– PL-50-139 WROCŁAW 594. [email protected] Dobias-Lalou 1982 C. Dobias-Lalou, ‘Une épigramme funé- raire de Cyrène’, REG 95, 1982, 37–53. D’Onofrio 1998 A.M. D’Onofrio, ‘Oikoi, généalogies et monuments. Réflexions sur le système de Bibliography dédicaces dans l’Attique archaïque’, Ktema 23, 1998, 103–123. Arrigoni 1981 G. Arrigoni, ‘Pentesilea e Marcia Elice. Ecker 1990 U. Ecker, Grabmal und Epigramm. Stu- La bellezza dell’Amazzone come ricordo dien zur frühgriechischen Sepulkraldich- d’amore’, ArchCl 33, 1981, 253–272. tung (Palingenesia, 29), Stuttgart 1990. Bandy 1967 A.C. Bandy, ‘A new metrical inscription Ferri 1938 S. Ferri, ‘Sui vasi greci con epigrafi “ac- from Crete’, Hesperia 36, 1967, 190– clamatorie”’, RendLinc, Ser. 6, 14, Fasc. 192. 1–2, 1938, 93–179. Bergemann 1997 J. Bergemann, Demos und . Un- Galdi 1930 M. Galdi, ‘Influssi letterarii sulla compo- tersuchungen zum Wertsystem der Polis sizione degli ψηφίσματα παραμυϑητικά’, im Spiegel der attischen Grabreliefs des in Mélanges Paul Thomas. Recueil de 4. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. und zur Funktion mémoires concernant la philologie clas- der gleichzeitigen Grabbauten, München sique dédié à Paul Thomas, Bruges 1930, 1997. 312–326. Bernand 1969 É. Bernand, Inscriptions métriques de Gardner 1896 P. Gardner, Sculptured tombs of Hellas, l’Égypte gréco-romaine. Recherches sur London 1896 (repr. Washington 1973). la poésie épigrammatique des Grecs en Égypte (Annales litteraires de l’Univer- Gutscher 1890 H. Gutscher, Die attischen Grabinschrif- sité de Besançon, 98), Paris 1969. ten, Leoben 1890. Bousquet 1974 J. Bousquet, ‘Une épigramme funéraire Hanfmann 1953 G.M.A. Hanfmann, ‘Review of E. van grecque de Dardanie’, ŽivaAnt 24, 1974, Hall, Over den oorsprong van de griek- 255–257. sche grafstele, Amsterdam 1942’, AJA Brandenburg 1967 H. Brandenburg, ‘Meerwesensarkophage 57, 1953, 230–233. und Clipeusmotiv. Beiträge zur Interpre- Hani 1972 Plutarque, Consolation à Apollonios, tation römischer Sarkophagreliefs’, JDI texte et traduction avec introduction et 82, 1967, 195–245. Bremmer 2002 J.N. Bremmer, The rise and fall of the af- a few of them mention the souls of the dead as ascending to the terlife. The 1995 Read-Tuckwell Lectures aither; there is no word about the dead as powerful, chthonic at the University of Bristol, London & spirits. Athenian monuments also lack symbolic references to underworld powers like snakes, eggs, and kantharoi, in contrast New York 2002. to those of and southern Italy. It seems that nudity as Breuer 1995 Ch. Breuer, Reliefs und Epigramme grie- the attribute of the dead was a matter of an idealizing, poetic chischer Privatgrabmäler. Zeugnisse convention. Yet, according to E. van Hall, one has to explain— bürgerlichen Selbstverständnisses vom 4. at least in part—the idealization of the dead on funerary stelai bis 2. Jahrhundert v. Chr., Köln, Weimar by their heroic cult. A truthful likeness of the given individual & Wien 1995. was even out of place when the dead person was seen as the Byers 1998 M. Byers, Fond farewells. A study on powerful demigod; see van Hall 1942, cited by Hanfmann 1953. Beauty and Heroization 283

commentaire par J. Hani (Études et com- period’, AJA 99, 1995, 615–632. mentaries, 78), Paris 1972. Montserrat 1993 D. Montserrat, ‘The representation of Herrmann & Malay P. Hermann & H. Malay, New documents young males in “Fayum portraits”’, JEA 2007 from Lydia (Österreichische Akademie 79, 1993, 215–225. der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-His- von Moock 1998 D.W. von Moock, Die figürlichen Grab- torische Klasse, Denkschriften, 340; stelen Attikas in der Kaiserzeit. Studien Tituli Asiae Minoris, Ergänzungsbände, zur Verbreitung, Chronologie, Typologie 24), Wien 2007. und Ikonographie (Beiträge zur Er- Himmelmann 1990 N. Himmelmann, Ideale Nacktheit in der schließung hellenistischer und kaiser- griechischen Kunst (JdI-EH, 26), Berlin zeitlicher Skulpturen und Architektur, & New York 1990. 19), Mainz 1998. Himmelmann 1999 N. Himmelmann, Attische Grabreliefs Peek 1955 W. Peek, Griechische Vers-Inschriften I. (Nordrhein-Westfälische Akademie der Grab-Epigramme, Berlin 1955 (reed. Wissenschaften, Geisteswissenschaften, Chicago 1988). Vorträge, G 357), Opladen & Wiesbaden Peek 1960 W. Peek, Griechische Grabgedichte. 1999. Griechisch und Deutsch (Schriften und Hoffmann 1992 G. Hoffmann, La jeune fille, le pouvoir et Quellen der Alten Welt, 7), Berlin 1960. la mort dans l’Athènes classique, Paris Peek 1974 W. Peek, Griechische Vers-Inschriften 1992. aus Thessalien (SBHeid 1974:3), Heidel- Horbury & Noy 1992 W. Horbury & D. Noy, Jewish inscrip- berg 1974. tions of Graeco-Roman Egypt. With an Pfohl 1983 G. Pfohl, ‘Grabinschrift I (griechisch)’, index of the Jewish inscriptions of Egypt RAC XII (1983), 467–514. and Cyrenaica, Cambridge 1992. Pircher 1979 J. Pircher, Das Lob der Frau im Häusle 1980 H. Häusle, Das Denkmal als Garant des vorchristlichen Grabepigramm der Nachruhms. Beiträge zur Geschichte und Griechen (Commentationes Aenipon- Thematik eines Motivs in lateinischen In- tanae, 26), Innsbruck 1979. schriften (Zetemata, 75), München 1980. Preger 1891 Th. Preger (ed.), Inscriptiones Graecae Humphreys 1980 S.C. Humphreys, ‘Family tombs and metricae ex scriptoribus praeter Antho- tomb cult in ancient Athens. Tradition or logiam collectae, Leipzig 1891 (reed. traditionalism?’, JHS 100, 1980, 96–126. Chicago 1977). Jax 1933 K. Jax, Die weibliche Schönheit in der Rahn 1986 P.J. Rahn, ‘Funeral memorials of the first griechischen Dichtung, Innsbruck 1933. priestess of Athena Nike’, BSA 81, 1986, Kaibel 1878 G. Kaibel, Epigrammata Graeca ex lapi- 195–207. dibus conlecta, Berlin 1878 (reed. Rife 1999 J. Rife, Death, ritual and memory in Hildesheim 1965). Greek society during the Early and Karusos 1961 Ch. Karusos, Aristodikos. Zur Geschichte Middle Roman Empire, PhD University der spätarchaisch-attischen Plastik und of Michigan, Ann Arbor 1999. der Grabstatue, Stuttgart 1961. Ritti 1973–1974 T. Ritti, ‘L’uso di “immagini onomas- Koortbojian 2005 M. Koortbojian, ‘Mimesis or phantasia? tiche” nei monumenti sepolcrali di età Two representational modes in Roman greca. Alcune testimonianze epigrafiche, commemorative art’, ClAnt 24, 2005, archeologiche e letterarie’, ArchCl 25– 285–306. 26, 1973–1974, 639–660. Lauxtermann 2003 M.D. Lauxtermann, Byzantine poetry Robertson 2003 G.I.C. Robertson, ‘The andreia of from Pisides to Geometres. Texts and Xenocles: kouros, kallos and kleos’, in contexts, I (Wiener byzantinistische Stu- Andreia. Studies in manliness and cour- dien, 24:1), Wien 2003. age in Classical Antiquity (Mnemosyne Le Bris 2001 A. Le Bris, La mort et les conceptions de Suppl., 238), eds. R.M. Rosen & I. l’au-delà en Grèce ancienne à travers les Sluiter, Leiden & Boston 2003, 59–75. épigrammes funéraires. Études d’épi- Rohde 1925 E. Rohde, Psyche. The cult of souls and grammes d’Asie mineure de l’époque belief in immortality among the Greeks, hellénistique et romaine, Paris 2001. London 1925. Lougovaya 2004 J. Lougovaya, An historical study of Sartre-Fauriat 2001 A. Sartre-Fauriat, Des tombeaux et des Athenian verse epitaphs from the sixth morts: monuments funéraires, société et through the fourth centuries BC, PhD culture en Syrie du Sud du 1er s. av. J.-C. University of Toronto 2004. au VIIe s. apr. J.-C., I–II (Bibliothèque McGowan 1995 E.P. McGowan, ‘Tomb marker and turn- archéologique et historique, 158), Bey- ing post: funerary columns in the Archaic routh 2001. 284 Andrzej Wypustek

Schmidt 1991 S. Schmidt, Hellenistische Grabreliefs. in the Graeco-Roman World, 115:1), Typologische und chronologische Beob- Leiden, New York & Köln 1993. achtungen, Köln & Wien 1991. van Hall 1942 E. van Hall, Over den oorsprong van de Sironen 1997 E. Sironen, The late Roman and early grieksche grafstele (Universiteit van Byzantine inscriptions of Athens and At- Amsterdam, Archaeologisch-historische tica. An edition with appendices on Bijdragen, 9), Amsterdam 1942. scripts, sepulchral formulae, and occu- Vérilhac 1978–1982 A.-M. Vérilhac, Παίδες αώρoι. Poésie pations, Helsinki 1997. funéraire, I–II (Πραγματείαι της Aκα- Sourvinou-Inwood Ch. Sourvinou-Inwood, ‘Reading’ Greek δημίας Aθηνών, 41), Athenai 1978–1982. 1995 death: to the end of the Classical period, Walker 1990 S. Walker, A catalogue of the Roman Oxford 1995. sarcophagi in the British Museum, Lon- Steiner 1999 D. Steiner, ‘To praise, not to bury: Simo- don 1990. nides fr. 531P’, CQ 49, 1999, 383–395. Wrede 1981 H. Wrede, Consecratio in formam deo- Strubbe 1998 J.H.M. Strubbe, ‘Epigrams and consola- rum. Vergöttlichte Privatpersonen in der tion decrees for deceased youths’, AntCl römischen Kaiserzeit, Mainz 1981. 67, 1998, 45–75. Zanker & Ewald P. Zanker & B.C. Ewald, Mit Mythen le- Trombley 1993 F.R. Trombley, Hellenic religion and 2004 ben. Die Bilderwelt der römischen Sar- Christianization c. 370–529, 1 (Religions kophage, München 2004. PRESENT AT THE CREATION: PLATO’S ‘HIPPOCRATES’ AND THE MAKING OF A MEDICAL IDEAL

BY JULIUS ROCCA

Abstract not be going too far to agree with the assertion that Hippocrates of Cos (c. 460–c. 370 BC), the approximate con- “We know nothing about Hippocrates, but that he temporary of , is regarded as Western medicine’s lived.”4 In spite of attempts to proclaim otherwise, all founding father and exemplar of its manifold practices. This portrait busts and numismatic representations of Hip- perception remains prevalent among the general public and the 5 medical profession. There is little information regarding the life pocrates are specimens of fantasy. They fulfil the cri- of Hippocrates, and his authorship of any of the works of the teria “classically attributed to Greek sages: maturity, Hippocratic Corpus is doubtful. The accounts of Hippocrates’s high forehead, baldness and beard.”6 Nor is there any life are examples of an established genre of creative writing. epigraphic evidence, although one could stretch an al- Yet even though there is virtually no biographical information regarding Hippocrates that is not the product of invention, it is lusive point to note that according to Strabo, Hip- nevertheless a persistent belief among scholars that Hippocrates pocrates’ dietetics were derived in large part from vo- was already “famous” in his own lifetime. This is the validating tive tablets (iamata) testifying to cures at the Asclepi- core of the Hippocratic tradition. I argue that this assertion is eion of Cos.7 However, this account of Hippocrates based on a very loose interpretation of the meagre evidence available, which comprises two citations from Plato. This chap- copying epigraphic testimony is implausible since the ter examines this key primal stage in the development of the Asclepieion was not begun until 300 BC at the earliest.8 Hippocratic identity, and outlines how, by the Hellenistic era, the elaboration of the Hippocratic foundation story began to co- here; although the final act of apotheosis would not be achieved * I wish to express my thanks to the organising committee for until the second century AD, when Hippocrates was selected as allowing me to participate in this conference, and to the Well- the personification of the ideal physician.* come Trust. I am grateful to Harold Tarrant for insightful com- ments. References to the Hippocratic Corpus follow the edition and convention of Littré (L); those of Galen that of Kühn (K).

1 Sigerist 1961, 260, whose account of Hippocrates and - Introduction cratic medicine, although dated, remains largely a judicious one, even though he too regarded Hippocrates as “a famous Henry Sigerist considered that “No physician’s fame physician and teacher of medicine.” 264. was ever greater than that of Hippocrates.”1 To Cohn- 2 Cohn-Haft 1956, 61 n. 27. Haft: “Much has been written about the problem of the 3 “The name of Hippocrates – the ‘father of medicine’ – is a historical Hippocrates, a great deal of it extravagant.”2 symbol of the first creative period of Greek medicine, and to a Both statements are correct. Hippocrates of Cos (c. certain extent his name has come to represent the beauty, value, and dignity of medicine of all times.” Ackerknecht 1982, 55. 460–c. 370 BC), an approximate contemporary of 4 Pohlenz 1938, 1. Cf. Sherwin-White 1978, 260. Socrates, is regarded as Western medicine’s founding 5 Richter 1965, 152, on a bust found near Ostia in the Isola father and exemplar of its manifold practices.3 This Sacra necropolis in 1940, and which dates from the end of the perception remains prevalent among the general public first century AD: “Though the clinching evidence of the in- and the medical profession; the latter regarding Hip- scribed name is lacking, the circumstantial evidence in this case is so strong, and the resemblance of the bust to the coin type is pocrates as representative of the continuity and vener- so marked that one can confidently, I think, accept it as a like- ability of their calling. Few, if any other professional ness of the great physician.” Richter (154) concludes from this bodies today either lay claim to an abiding relationship and other evidence that “we have in his real portraits an individ- to a figure from classical antiquity or attempt to make ualized representation which makes one understand his pioneer use of one. Yet whilst there is little information re- position in the history of medicine.” This, unfortunately, is pure wish-fulfilment. Cf. Barrow 1972, for a similar view. garding the life of Hippocrates, and his authorship of 6 Porter 2001, 129. any of the works of the Hippocratic Corpus is doubt- 7 Strabo 14.2.19. Cf. Pliny NH 29.2. ful, it does not detract from his enduring fame. It may 8 Sherwin-White 1978, 275–276, 340–346. 286 Julius Rocca

The earliest accounts of Hippocrates’s life commence pocrates’ death is conjectural; some sources have him several hundred years after his death and are examples expire at the age of 104.14 of a tradition of creative writing in order to embellish Yet even though there is virtually no biographical in- or reinforce aspects of a particular person’s character formation regarding Hippocrates that is not the product and accomplishments.9 A collection of speeches and of invention, it is nevertheless a persistent belief among letters, purporting to be from and to Hippocrates, are scholars that Hippocrates was already “famous” equally imaginary Hellenistic inventions. The story of (ἔνδοξος) in his own lifetime. This line of thought, Hippocrates curing the plague of Athens, something which goes directly against Temkin’s perceptive judge- which escaped the notice of Thucydides in his evoca- ment that the degree of Hippocrates’ prominence “is a tive description of the disaster and the inability of phy- moot question”,15 is tantamount to a form of hero wor- sicians to quell it,10 Hippocrates’ advice concerning ship which shows little sign of flagging.16 It may be the alleged madness of ,11 of acting the charitable to suggest that some are perhaps following patriot (φιλόπατρις) in refusing to sell his skill to the lines first sketched by Strabo (14.2.19), who stated Artaxerxes I of Persia,12 and of lecturing to students that Hippocrates “is one of the famous men from Cos” under the plane tree at Cos13 are elements of an in- (οὗτός τε δή ἐστι τῶν ἐνδόξων Κῶος ἀνὴρ). But the structive yet fictive discourse. Even the date of Hip- qualification which immediately follows, namely that

9 Yet as Pinault (1992, 3) rightly states, “these stories, although to “a teacher of medicine, a famous doctor training pupils to be- fictional, are worth studying – both in the way they were in- come doctors.” This view is augmented by Jouanna (1999, 6), vented and in the way they were developed. They provide an arguably the most enthusiastic proponent of the image of Hip- excellent opportunity to examine how ancient biographers put pocrates as famous in his lifetime, who interprets the Platonic together their reports about physicians, the uses to which these references to Hippocrates as meaning he was “already regarded reports were put, and what needs they fulfilled for ancient read- by his contemporaries as the paradigmatic representative of the ers.” art of medicine, in the same way that Polyclitus of Argos and 10 Thucydides seems to have read some of the works that would Phidias of Athens were taken to represent the art of sculpture. later be part of the Hippocratic Corpus, “and it is likely that at Hippocrates was therefore the most celebrated physician of the least some of them were in circulation in fifth-century Athens ... Periclean Age.” A shade more nuanced is Lloyd (1978, 11), That Thucydides had an extensive medical knowledge is clear. who uses the quotations from Plato, Aristotle and Menon’s ac- The ways in which he adapted the ideas of contemporary medi- count to state that they “prove that Hippocrates soon became fa- cine to serve his own literary and historiographical ends are mous as a doctor.” Latterly, Lloyd (2003, 41 n. 1) asserts that complex … [and] suggests that he had his own ‘take’ on this the two citations of Plato, “show that already in the 5th cent. material, but not that he distorted it.” Craik 2001b, 107–108. Hippocrates was a famous doctor …”. Nutton (2004, 55–56), in 11 Temkin 1985. Cf. idem 1991, 61–71. an otherwise exemplary account of Hippocrates and the Hippo- 12 Temkin 1991, 57–61. cratic tradition, speaks of Plato’s two citations as constituting 13 The plane tree ( orientalis) had known legendary and proof that Hippocrates “already enjoyed a great reputation for religious connotations. Xerxes, according to Herodotus (7.31), medicine”, and was of “paradigmatic status.” Wickkiser (2008, was apparently so awestruck by the beauty of a plane tree in 21) reiterates the commonplace notion that “Hippocrates was Kallatebos that he garlanded it with precious objects and set a known already by his contemporaries as a famous doctor … man to watch over it (cf. Stubbings 1946). Pausanias (8.23.4) even while alive he was considered a paradigmatic representa- was shown a specimen in Arcadia allegedly planted by Mene- tive of his profession.” Notable (and thus few) exceptions to laus before his departure for the Trojan War. Along the road this view include Hankinson (1991, 92), who, referring to Ga- from Troizenos to Hermione in the Argolis, Pausanias (2.34.6) len’s use of Hippocrates in On the therapeutic method (X. also records that there was a temple dedicated to Apollo Pla- 14K), notes that Galen’s “claim that Plato ‘particularly exalts tanistios, Apollo of the plane tree-grove. Pliny, in his history of Hippocrates’ goes beyond what is justified by the sources.” the plane tree (NH 12.3–5), speaks of a giant plane tree in Hankinson further states, correctly, that Plato, in Charmides Lycia. The Athenian possessed a of 156aff., referring to ‘eminent physicians’ “does not mention plane trees. And see Simoons 1998, 274. If a plane tree was as- Hippocrates by name.” For the discussion of the Charmides sociated with Hippocrates, it would more likely to have existed reference, see below. Schiefsky (2005, 70) correctly describes in the classical town of , on the other side of the is- Plato’s reference to Hippocrates in the Phaedrus as “oblique land. Cf. Sherwin-White 1978, 27–28. and allusive.” The fame of Hippocrates received a tremendous 14 The Suda, the account of Tzetzes and the Brussel’s Life all boost by the French physician-philologist Émile Littré, whose give this date. Soranus’ Life gives several ages: 85, 90, 104 and 10-volume edition of the works of the Hippocratic Corpus 109. (1839–1861), still used today, provided an essential reference 15 Temkin 1991, 5. point in establishing claims of Hippocratic greatness (cf. vol. 16 It would be wearisome to the reader to cite these profuse ref- I, 27–43). For Littré, Hippocrates was very much part of a liv- erences; a few may suffice. The New Pauly entry on Hippo- ing medical tradition which was by no means extinguished. crates states that: “Little is known with certainty about the per- On Littré’s legacy to the history of medicine, see Smith 1979, son apart from his early fame.” Craik (1980, 108) refers to the 31–44. mention of Hippocrates by Plato in the as referring

Plato’s ‘Hippocrates’ and the Making of a Medical Ideal 287

Simos the physician was similarly regarded, is con- Democritus of Abdera are also sometimes mentioned as veniently left out or ignored.17 The validating core of teachers. He was born in the first year of the 80th Olym- the Hippocratic tradition, and source of its great piad and flourished during the Peloponnesian Wars. Af- strength and longevity, lies then in this very notion, ter his training, he left Cos in order to further his educa- namely that the Coan doctor was already famous in his tion, but according to the malicious account of one An- own lifetime. In what follows, I will argue that this as- dreas, Hippocrates was compelled to flee because he sertion is based on a very loose and at times deliber- burnt the medical archive there. Hippocrates was then ately misleading interpretation of the meagre evidence informed in a dream to settle in Thessaly, where he available, which comprises two citations from Plato. ‘tended to all of Greece’ (σύμπασαν Ἑλλάσδα This chapter will focus on this key primal stage in the θεραπεύων). This led to his being summoned to the court development of the Hippocratic identity (insofar as it of of Macedonia, where he diagnosed and suc- was interpreted in antiquity), and will then outline how, cessfully treated the king of lovesickness. He also trav- by the Hellenistic era, the elaboration of the Hippo- elled to Abdera to treat Democritus of his supposed mad- cratic foundation story was beginning to cohere, al- ness and saved that city from the plague, and, later, At- though the act of apotheosis would not be achieved un- tica as well. His love of country (φιλέλλην), his dignified til the second century AD, when, thanks largely to the character (σεμνόν), his indifference to wealth efforts of Galen, Hippocrates was selected to personify (ἀφιλάργυρον), and his love of community (φιλοίκειον) medical authority and to allow its practitioners to speak was such that he refused the summons of Artaxerxes, with a single, convincing voice. even though lavish gifts were offered. Hippocrates also enlisted the help of the Thessalians to save Cos from Athenian invasion. Nevertheless, Athens later inducted I him into the Eleusinian Mysteries, being the second after Heracles, and granted him full citizenship. He died in This is he who opened the secret paths of medicine, the anywhere between the ages of 85, 90, 104, and divine healer of men, Hippocrates of Cos. 109 years, and was buried between Gyrton and Larissa. Greek Anthology18 Bees that dwelt in his grave produced for some time honey which healed infants suffering from thrush. Con- Aulus Gellius describes his reaction on reading a book cerning what Hippocrates wrote there is considerable given by a friend, who ostensibly wished to help in the disagreement and numerous opinions held. His two sons, composing of the Noctes Atticae. The former text, a Thessalus and Dracon, together with his students, con- ‘massive work’ (librum grandi volumine), was a literary tinued the master’s work.22 compendium whose author may have been Favorinus, That, in essence, is the standard vita.23 Some of the and was replete with ‘pure marvels’ (mera miracula). There were included questions such as “How many 17 Strabo’s list includes Philetas the poet and critic; Nicias the called were renowned (nobiles)? How many 19 tyrant; Ariston the Peripatetic, and Theomnestus the harpist. called Hippocrates?” The world of the Second Sophis- 18 16.269, tr. Paton. tic knew the name Hippocrates; it was also aware which 19 Noctes Atticae 14.6.1 and 14.6.3. For a discussion of this pas- were worthy of the appellation nobilitas. Gellius himself sage and its context, see Gunderson 2009, 238–241. 20 bracketed Hippocrates with , Euripides, Noctes Atticae 17.21.16–18. 21 Democritus and Socrates as nobiles celebresque.20 It was On this genealogy, see Thomas 1989, 159–161. 22 Vita Hippocratis secundum Soranum, 175–178 Ilberg; an understandable assumption of the intellectual world FGrHist IVA, 1062, F. 2, pp. 78–85. of the second century that this particular Hippocrates 23 One may add a tenth-century Arabic account, recorded in the must also have been famous in his own era. This, as shall Catalogue or Fihrist of Ibn al-Nadīm (d. c. 995 AD), which per- be noted below, is not surprising as it is during the Sec- fectly encapsulates the above: “Hippocrates was unique in his ond Sophistic that the definitive image of Hippocrates as time. He was so perfect, superior, and lucid in knowledge of the action of phenomena that he was proverbial as the ‘Physician- undisputed medical authority and founder of the art was Philosopher’. His authority reached the point where people promulgated. worshipped him. His life was a long one. He surpassed in the According to the Life of Hippocrates ascribed to Sora- practice of analogy and experimentation, having such remark- nus of Ephesus, Hippocrates was a Coan, the son of able ability that no criticism resulted. He was the first person to Heraclides and Phaenarete, and was twentieth in line of teach medicine to strangers, whom he treated as his own chil- 21 dren, fearing lest medicine might disappear from the world, as descent from Heracles and nineteenth from Asclepius. is recorded in the statement of his charge to the physicians who His teachers included his father Heraclides, then Herodi- were strangers and to whom he indicated what prompted him so cus. The rhetor of Leontinoi and the philosopher to act.” Dodge 1970, 677. 288 Julius Rocca material was quarried from the Hellenistic-era compila- these doctors travelled in order to study or to earn a liv- tion of letters and speeches, the so-called Hippocratic ing, and were sometimes summoned to various city- Pseudepigraphia.24 Later accounts, such as that of the states as a result of their reputation.33 One was the late Byzantine grammarian Johannes Tzetzes (c. 1150), sixth-century Democedes of Croton, whose career in drawn principally from the Life of Hippocrates, add some ways echoes the biographical accounts of Hippo- some refinements, such as Hippocrates instructing Prax- crates. According to Herodotus, Democedes’ fame and of Cos, and enumerate the number of books he skill was such that he was appointed physician to the composed (53).25 The twelfth century Latin Anonymous tyrant Polycrates of Samos, and was paid a salary as a of Brussels, derived from a lost Greek original, states public physician (ἰατρὸς δημοσιεύων) by Aegina and that Hippocrates had many pupils because he was the Athens.34 Like Hippocrates, Democedes came to the at- first medical writer (primus medicinae conscriptor), and tention of the Persians. For Democedes, this attention lists by title the number of books he wrote.26 The tenth- was equally as unwelcome, and his treatment of Darius century Suda lexicon remarks that not only is Hippo- made under compulsion. After his escape, he returned to crates known to all physicians, but they also honour him Croton where he married the daughter of Milo the ath- as if his words are from the mouth of a god (ὡς θεοῦ lete.35 Democedes’ example, together with epigraphic φωνὰς ἐκ στόματος).27 These encomia filled an import- evidence, attests to the fame that a physician may have ant need. The quest for an exemplar or role model for a attained in the sixth century.36 Doctors were being recog- specific set of beliefs or practices is a well-known phe- nomenon in antiquity, as it is in subsequent periods. In 24 See the texts in Smith 1990. this respect, these biographies are typical examples of 25 Tzetzes, Historiarum variarum chiliades, 7.968–973, p. 277 “the Greeks’ own desire to name an originator of all hu- Kiessling; 960–964; FGrHist IVA, 1062, F. 3, pp. 84–87. man activities, especially of all ‘technai’, crafts or skills: 26 Vita Hippocratis Bruxell., 15, 44–120, Schöne 1903, 57–61; traditionally, brought fire and associated FGrHist IVA, 1062, F. 4, pp. 88–93. 27 2.662, 32 Adler; FGrHist IVA, 1062, F.5, pp. 94–95. This no- technology, Palamedes invented writing, Triptolemos tion of Hippocratic divinity is also seen, for example, in the first initiated agriculture.”28 In the case of Hippocrates, these century BC Apollonius of Citium, the earliest commentator on a biographical inventions “gradually blurred the distinc- Hippocratic work, who held Hippocrates to be ‘most divine’ tion between the genuine and the false.”29 The problem (θειοτάτος), Kollesch & Kudlien 1965, 10. 28 Craik 1980, 107. is not which piece of the story to accept and which to re- 29 Nutton 2004, 53. ject from the varying Hippocratic Vitae and Pseud- 30 Smith 1990, 1. Mansfeld (1980b, 343), however, states that epigraphia, but to acknowledge that their fabrication these biographies “contain elements that it would be hypercriti- was necessary in order “to fill the place of literary and cal to doubt,” citing among these epigraphic material allegedly 30 from the tomb of Hippocrates. But this is in itself a weak infer- social commentary and historical analysis.” Further- ence, as such material cannot absolutely be held to have been more, these acts of fabrication were not haphazard; they free of biographic invention in the first place. took place in certain periods for specific reasons. As 31 Two of the speeches, the Epibomios and Presbeutikos, have shall be discussed in the final section below, the dating been dated to between 350–250 BC. Cf. Smith 1990, 7. 32 Smith 1990, Letter 2, 50.10–11; Littré IX, 314. of the Pseudepigraphia, to some time in the last part of 33 31 Cf. Cohn-Haft 1956, 21–22. Dean-Jones (2003, 116–120, and the third century BC, provides evidence that while Hip- 2007) argues that the notion of the itinerancy of the doctor may pocrates is by now a revered medical figure, ‘leader in well be exaggerated. the divine science’ and ‘father of health’,32 he is not yet 34 According to Cohn-Haft 1956, 10, this reference was the the undisputed founder of the profession. That is an Im- “earliest specific and indisputable allusion to a public physi- cian.” See also ibid, 56–72. perial construct. 35 Cf. Herodotus 3.129–138; Nutton 2004, 62–63, 87; Wick- Behind the legend a minute measure of reality can be kiser 2008, 16. Griffiths (1987) provides a comprehensive sur- approximately quantified. Beginning in the sixth century vey, and argues, rightly, that the “account of Democedes’ pica- BC, Magna Graecia witnessed a momentum develop in resque adventures given by Herodotus evinces too many char- acteristics of the popular hero-story to be taken seriously as his- which some healers began to regard themselves as part tory.”, ibid. 46. In other words, it bears more than a passing of an increasingly organised group, who, whilst still resemblance to the Hippocratic legends. largely part of a family-based association (koinon), be- 36 Wickkiser 2008, 16–19, lists the Basel Relief (BS 236), later gan to encourage outsiders to undertake a form of ap- sixth or early fifth century BC, showing a seated physician and prenticeship in their particular technê. As will be seen in his instruments, and a painted marble disk from Attica (Na- tional Archaeological Museum, Athens 93) c. 500 BC, depict- the following section, it is this last feature that com- ing one Aineas, described as ‘most excellent of doctors’ mends Hippocrates to the attention of Plato. Many of (ΙΑΤΡΟΑΡΙΣΤΟ). Plato’s ‘Hippocrates’ and the Making of a Medical Ideal 289 nised and rewarded for their technical accomplishments, Socrates: Tell me, Hippocrates, you are now prepar- for what would, in the following century be referred to ing to go to Protagoras and pay him for services. What as the “medical art” (technê iatrikê).37 The importance of sort of man is it that you are going to, and what sort of the concept of technê cannot be overestimated; a “con- man are you going to become as a result? Suppose you tinuous feature of Greek medicine from its earliest men- had been thinking of going to your namesake Hippo- tion in Homer to Galen and beyond is the idea of techne. crates of Cos, the Asclepiad,43 and giving him money This means first of all the manual skill and dexterity of in payment for services to yourself. If someone then the surgeon. It never quite loses this meaning; but it also had asked you for what service you are paying Hippo- acquires the more abstract one of rational procedure or crates, what would you have answered? method which can be justified by argument.”38 This wid- Hippocrates: I should have said for his services as a ening of meaning cuts in both directions. On the one doctor. hand, the doctor, by virtue of his exact technê, can attain Socrates: And what would you hope to become as a high financial reward and status. On the other, those self- result? same set of skills set him apart from “the Greek aristo- Hippocrates: A doctor. cratic value system”, where the possession of “wealth as Socrates: And suppose you had been thinking of go- a matter of birth, handed down from one’s ancestors, is ing to Polyclitus of Argos or Phidias of Athens and acceptable … but working to gain wealth by the labor of giving them money in payment of services to yourself. one’s hands is denigrated.”39 The position of the doctor If someone then asked you what is the service for who possesses a set of technical skills and specialities is which you are going to pay this money to them, what therefore an ambiguous one in Greek society of the Clas- would you have answered? sical period.40 It is this ambivalence, as the following Hippocrates: I should have said for their services as will discuss, that is reflected in Plato’s mention of Hip- sculptors. pocrates, and which takes place within Plato’s wider dis- Socrates: And what would you hope to become your- cussion of the ‘medical art’ (technê iatrikê). self? Hippocrates: A sculptor, obviously.44

Socrates then elicits the admission, from a now blushing II Hippocrates, that if the above is true then the outcome of a successful approach to Protagoras will result in Hippo- Soranus’ Life, citing Ischomachus of Bithynia’s On the crates’ becoming a . This sort of education, with Hippocratic Sect, states that Hippocrates “flourished its strong emphasis on the acquisition of a technical skill, during the times of the … [and] was is, as noted in the last section, not befitting a free (i.e. born in the first year of the 80th Olympiad”41 This date, aristocratic) man. The medical art is directly comparable 460 BC, is also, conveniently enough, the birth-date of to the sophistic one in that both lay claim to a form of the Pre-Socratic philosopher Democritus of Abdera. knowledge, but not of virtue, which lies within a philos- 45 This may be seen as a later exploitation of the interaction opher’s province. And Socrates exploits the medical of medicine with philosophy. However, another bio- graphical account states Democritus was one of Hippo- 37 Cf. Wickkiser 2008, 22–29. 38 crates’ teachers. Nevertheless, the citing of the Pelopon- Lonie 1983, 161. 39 Kosak 2004, 25. nesian War provides an approximate terminus post 40 On this see the judicious discussion in Chang 2008. quem, and one which perhaps gains something in credi- 41 Vita Hippocratis secundum Soranum, 175.9–12, Ilberg. bility when used in conjunction with the earliest known 42 Cf. Nails 2002, 169–170. unequivocal mention of Hippocrates, namely by Plato. 43 Jouanna (1999, 5) translates this phrase as “Hippocrates of Hippocrates is mentioned in the opening section of the Cos, the famous physician”. There is no basis whatsoever in the Greek text for the underlined phrase. It does, however, fit in Protagoras (311b–d), in which Socrates has just been well with Jouanna’s own Hippocratic agenda; see above n. 16. awakened by young Hippocrates, son of Apollodorus, Griffith renders it as “Hippocrates of Cos, of the medical frater- and no relation to the Asclepiad,42 who is eager to enlist nity” (Schofield & Griffith 2010, 145), which, while not en- Socrates’ help in questioning the great sophist Protago- tirely inaccurate, removes the essential significance of the As- clepiad link (similarly Taylor 1996, 6: “of the medical guild.”) ras, who has just arrived in Athens. Socrates asks if it is 44 Tr. Taylor 1996, 5–6; slightly modified. Hippocrates’s intention to offer Protagoras a fee for any 45 For a summary of this topic in the Protagoras, see Balaban wisdom obtained. The dialogue runs as follows: 1999, chapter 4. 290 Julius Rocca analogy by stating, a little later in the dialogue, that his omic and political influence in Kos and , and that whole method of questioning is in fact a therapeutic ex- the religious cult played a certain rôle in this organiza- amination, “designed to benefit his interlocutor, the per- tion.”51 It is further claimed that these Asclepiads, “must son rather than only the ideas being discussed.”46 have had some influence on the medical profession in The dramatic date and setting of the Protagoras is an Kos … In the family of Hippocrates … there were sev- Athens on the cusp of the Peloponnesian War (431–404 eral medical men, and the leadership (diadokhḗ) of the BC). Plato wrote the dialogue several years after the ‘school’ (whatever this may have been) in Kos was death of Socrates in 399. The above citation, from which handed down within this family.”52 The problem with so much of the legend has come to depend, tells us only the last part of this analysis is that it relies entirely on the that Hippocrates is an Asclepiad, and a doctor who later biographical tradition as proof for a supposed Hip- teaches medicine for a fee. That he is “of Cos”, is, prima pocratic link to a specific Coan clan of Asclepiads. And facie, ambiguous and cannot definitively be taken as according to epigraphic testimony, “control of the pro- proof that Hippocrates was a citizen of Cos.47 If the dra- fession by the Asclepiadae is nowhere evidenced. No matic date of the Protagoras is accepted, and if Hippo- physician is ever called an Asclepiad in an inscription.”53 crates’ birth date of circa 460 is granted, then the picture Nor did Asclepiads establish ‘schools’ of medicine. The presented by Plato is of a physician, in his early thirties, notion of a medical fraternity of Asclepiads, of whom whose reputation, which rests largely on the notion that Hippocrates is one, is therefore based on a reading back he provided a paid medical education to those outside a of later epigraphic and literary sources.54 Further, a state familial medical guild and was from a city of known Coan cult of Asclepius did not exist in the time of Hip- medical expertise, is sufficient for him to be remarked pocrates. In any case, the term “Asclepiads” does not re- upon in Athens, at least by Plato. Socrates, in mention- fer to the priests of the temple cult of Asclepius. Plato’s ing the name of Hippocrates, therefore does so in the reference to Hippocrates as an ‘Asclepiad’ implies that knowledge that his young friend would recognise the oc- the word, associated with the eponymous physician in cupation of his elder namesake. But is it permissible to the Iliad had become synonymous, albeit not exclu- infer that Hippocrates, as an Asclepiad, was a figure ex- sively, with that of a doctor.55 Plato is simply using con- ceptional enough to warrant mention in Athens, at this venient shorthand.56 particular time?48 Plato was well aware of Asclepius; the There is an implicit tension in Plato’s citing of Hippo- cult was established in Athens in 420. In Symposium (186e), Eryximachus the doctor states the medical art 46 McCoy 2008, 80. (technê) was founded by “our ancestor, Asclepius.” In 47 Although if not originally from Cos, this Hippocrates could Phaedo (118a), Asclepius is invoked at the emotional have been granted citizenship by the Coans because of his endpoint of the dialogue, when the dying Socrates, with medical accomplishments. I owe this observation to Harold Tarrant. his last words, tasks Crito with not forgetting to sacrifice 48 But as Pinault (1992, 1) points out, “There is not even enough a cock to Asclepius. Further, Plato describes Hippocrates contemporary fifth- and fourth-century evidence to establish not as a doctor simpliciter, but as an Asclepiad “of Cos.” without doubt that a physician named Hippocrates, identified as The city of Cos, which paid tribute to Athens, was loyal an Asclepiad, associated with Cos, was known in Athens.” My italics. immediately prior to the Peloponnesian war, and in 412 49 Cf. Sherwin-White 1978, 32–33, 36–37. had been sacked by Sparta. But by 411, when the Rhod- 50 Langholf 1990, 25–26. ians rose in revolt against Athenian control, this had 51 Langholf 1990, 26. 52 changed, and Cos was again sacked, but this time by Al- Langholf 1990, 27. The Delphi Decree, however, refers to 49 privileges to be claimed by descendents of Asclepius in the cibiades, who installed an archon there. Cos and its po- male line; doctors are not specifically mentioned. Langholf litical manoeuvrings would therefore have been well (1990, 27) misinterprets this to imply a medical affiliation. Cf. known to Athenians. This awareness would have ex- Nutton 2004, 70. 53 tended to the Asclepiads of Cos and neighbouring Cni- Smith (1990, 9), who also calls into question evidence for the ancient status of the koinon of Asclepiads, 10. dos, whose aristocratic members together formed a 54 “The evidence for the Coan state cult of Asclepius … is still single association (tó koinón), which “engaged in joint not earlier than the last quarter of the fourth century. … this cult religious (and political) activities …[and] traced their was not of central importance in Cos until the third century.” origin back to the healing hero or god Asklepios, [and Sherwin-White 1978, 74–75. 55 who] formed one clan and maintained far-flung relations Cf. Edelstein & Edelstein1998, 2, 55–58; Lonie 1978, 65, 87– 50 88; Temkin 1991, 80–81. within the Greek world.” These Asclepiads used the or- 56 Plato may also be alluding to Hippocrates’ aristocratic Coan acle of Delphi, which implied that they “had some econ- background. Plato’s ‘Hippocrates’ and the Making of a Medical Ideal 291 crates. If he is associated with an aristocratic Coan koine, exclude the possibility of his knowledge of medical then he is presented, like a sophist, as betraying his sta- works that would later be subsumed into the Hippocratic tus by charging for his services. A further key to under- Corpus, especially as some of these predated Hippo- standing Plato’s citation, therefore, lies not so much with crates.64 Hippocrates the Asclepiad as with Protagoras the Soph- The dramatic date of the Phaedrus is approximately ist. Plato’s depiction of sophistai and what it meant to be 411–404 BC, and its date of composition around 375– a sophistês is often, but not always, a pejorative one, and 365 BC. In a discussion concerning the nature of the this depreciatory qualification is usually absent in non- soul, Socrates asks if it possible to understand its nature Platonic usage.57 charged for the use of their without understanding that of the whole (τὸ ὅλον). skills; one went to them in order to further one’s legal or Phaedrus replies: “If we are to believe Hippocrates the political career or to become a sophist oneself. Sophists Asclepiad, we cannot understand even the body without were knowledgeable in a wide field, and could profess to just such a procedure” (270c). Hippocrates is again re- teach, and do so competently, subjects ranging from nat- ferred to as an Asclepiad. Moreover, here is apparently a ural philosophy to music. Plato’s depiction of Hippocrates contributing to a point of philosophy, and a reveals just such a man of letters, and Antiphon wrote on problematic one at that, given just what τὸ ὅλον is sup- geological as well as medical topics.58 Clearly, there posed to mean and to what it should refer.65 Hippocrates were “overlaps not just between ‘medical writers’ and also conveniently supplies a notion which Plato could re- ‘sophists’, but also between those loosely defined group- fer to and which could ultimately be traced back to the ings and those traditionally rated as ‘philosophers’.”59 Just as clearly, Plato was aware of these distinctions. 57 Cf. Lloyd 2006b, 4. And as Wallace (2007, 217–218) notes: Too, Plato valued medicine for what it could contribute “Until the end of the fifth century, sophists remained a tradi- as “a model for his own educational and epistemological tional, venerable epithet, often translated ‘expert’ or ‘one program.”60 But in the Protagoras, medicine’s technê is skilled in an art’, and used by many including poets, doctors, used as a tool directed against the wider claims of soph- musicians, diviners, generals, and athletes … Plato’s ‘sophists’ did not mark themselves off from their contemporaries. How- ists. Doctors were of course paid for services rendered, ever, Plato’s usage prevailed, narrowing, darkening, and distort- but Hippocrates is presented as offering something extra, ing a term that had earlier included quite different cultural and that additional factor is similar to that which a soph- types.” ist supplies, namely paid training in a skill.61 This is not 58 Frr. 22–29 Pendrick. 59 necessarily portraying medicine in a poor light; equally, Lloyd 2006b, 11. 60 Miller 1990, 19. it is not a picture that can be taken as especially flattering 61 Sophists were readily associated with the developing book to Hippocrates. culture of fifth-century Athens. Cf. O’Sullivan 1996, 115–127. The tension in Plato between the written word and the superior- ity of spoken discourse is well-known (cf. Phaedrus 274b– 279b). Whether Plato is reacting to Hippocrates as representa- tive of a body of medical writing is however by no means clear. III 62 For a comprehensive and well-referenced historical survey, see Solbakk 1993, 170–193. Among those who have used the The other mention of Hippocrates by Plato occurs in the Phaedrus citation to attempt to resolve at least part of the ‘Hip- Phaedrus, and has notoriously generated enormous in- pocratic Question’, Smith (1979, 44–60 and 1999) concludes terest from antiquity to the present, not least because it that the text referred to is that of On regimen. Mansfeld (1980b, has been used as a tool to try to resolve the so-called 356–362) deduces Plato to be referring to Airs, waters, places, and goes so far to assert that this shows that “Hippocrates’ real Hippocratic Question; that is, which, if any of the works originality as a theorist, I would suggest, lies in his critical in the Corpus that bears his name were written by Hippo- talent: his fusion and original development of selected ideas de- crates.62 The Hippocratic Question highlights a long- rived from both natural philosophy and from Sophistic and eth- standing problem in ancient medicine and philosophy, nographic thought, which resulted in a typology of environ- where influences in the one are too readily seen in the ments causally connected with a human typology … it is pre- cisely this theory that is described in Phaedrus as a division of other. They occur, but it is a mistake to make the as- the body not without the study of the whole.”, ibid. 361. For an sumption “that intellectual affinity implies intellectual analysis of the ‘Hippocratic Question’, see Lloyd 1975. influence, as though it were impossible for two thinkers 63 Schiefsky 2005, 3. 64 to adopt similar positions on similar questions without Cf. Craik 2001a, 109 n. 4, 114 n. 18. Steckerl (1945, 179– 63 180) goes too far in stating that “Plato surely knew the main one of them being familiar with the work of the other.” teachings of Hippocrates by heart.” It is wrong to regard Plato as possessing specific knowl- 65 Cf. the discussion and references in Solbakk 1993, 171–172, edge of Hippocratic ‘method’. This of course does not 177–187, 192–193. 292 Julius Rocca

Corpus itself, since: “It seemed obvious that a witness as of Phaedrus’ friend Eryximachus, and his father, Acu- early as Plato testifies to an authentic idea of the genuine menus. Both are mentioned in the Phaedrus as authori- Hippocrates.”66 But what idea is Hippocrates evincing? ties in their field, as are Sophocles and Euripides in Does ‘the whole’ refer to the cosmos, the soul-body rela- theirs (268a–c, 269a). Eryximachus is also encountered tionship, or the body in general terms? Is it a combina- in the Symposium, where he is sympathetically drawn, tion of some or all of these items? If the body, then “the and is clearly knowledgeable in matters beyond medi- recommendation ascribed to Hippocrates amounts, not cine, a notion picked up in the Protagoras, where his to a recommendation to do cosmology, nor one to study “interest in questions of natural philosophy and astron- the psychological, along with the physical, aspects of the omy is attested (315c). This too, in Plato’s opinion, will patient, but simply to study the whole of the patient’s have stood him in good stead.”75 Eryximachus, and other physical condition. That controversy means, in turn, that doctors like him, by their familiarity with such subjects, precisely how much we can ascribe, on the basis of this “were able to establish reputations in intellectual issues, testimony, to the historical Hippocrates of Cos, is ex- as well as in medicine, to make themselves peers of their 76 tremely unclear.”67 Moreover, Plato is writing “at the well-educated, upper-class associates.” Eryximachus very boundary at which a largely oral culture began to be fits Plato’s notion of an expert in the technê iatrikê argu- fully literate,”68 and the Hippocratic ‘notion’ that Plato ably as well as Hippocrates. Both are used by Plato to in- uses may not have been codified in a specific written body of work but rather circulated in a non-specific 66 Herter 1976, 22–23. sense as part of an “opinion courante.”69 In any case, 67 Lloyd 2006a, 258. That there is an analogy between the Hip- Plato is not invoking Hippocratic authority for his argu- pocratic text On ancient medicine (VM) and the above passage ment.70 Medicine is presented as no more than providing from the Phaedrus is clear, but to “conclude that Hippocrates was the author of VM would be rash. Plato’s reference to Hip- a general way of illustrating how to proceed regarding pocrates is oblique and allusive, and the parallel between the division and synthesis of an object under investigation method Socrates sets out and the method described in VM is not (whether it be cosmos, soul or body or a combination of exact.” Schiefsky 2005, 70. 68 any of these). What is important is to realize that the Lonie 1983, 146. 69 medical analogy is clearly subordinated to a philosophi- Herter 1976, 38. 70 Galen, however, turns this completely around, and in his first cal discourse. Hippocrates is not essential to such a dis- book of On the therapeutic method (MM), uses the citation to cussion.71 Indeed, there is a passage in the Charmides show that there is in fact complete accord between Plato and (156b–157c), which also makes use of a ‘part/whole’ Hippocrates on this as well as other important issues (X. 13– analogy regarding the body and soul, and this time it is 14K). Hippocrates, however, is portrayed here (as he must be) as the more authoritative of the two. Greek physicians in general who are noted as attempting 71 “What Plato says is more important for himself than for Hip- to effect a cure to a part without reference to the whole. pocrates; methodologically it is even correct to eliminate the The very generality of the alleged Hippocratic statement passage as a source when we are trying to determine the authen- in the Phaedrus makes its attribution to Hippocrates in tic views of Hippocrates.” Herter 1976, 39. 72 an absolute sense problematic.72 “Scholars have tried again and again to use Plato’s descrip- tion of the Hippocratic method as a touchstone to separate the Plato is not in the business of providing biographical true works of Hippocrates from the rest of the corpus. But they information, neither of himself, Socrates, nor anyone have failed—not only because they misinterpreted the passage else: “Plato is not concerned with the history of philoso- in Plato, but also because of the breadth and vagueness of his phy, but with philosophy itself.”73 All that may legit- description, which uses the name of Hippocrates to exemplify an attitude that was widely prevalent in scientific medicine in imately be concluded from Plato’s citing of the name of the late fifth and the fourth centuries.” Jaeger 1944, 23. Hippocrates in the Protagoras and the Phaedrus is that a 73 Mansfeld 1980a, 95. (named) physician is presented who was an Asclepiad 74 For an overview of technê and its relationship to medicine in that taught medicine to those outside the gentilitial line Plato together with his handling of the concept iatros, see for a fee, whose reputation, either in person or as one Cordes 1994, 138–139. Smith 1979, 83–87 provides a good general discussion. For Plato’s metaphorical use of medicine, whose technê, like that of sophists, was for sale, and who see Lidz 1995. See also Jaeger 1944, 21–26. was known in Athens primarily for this last fact. That 75 Edelstein 1967, 160. See also Chang 2008, 239–243. Schief- does not necessarily make Hippocrates famous in Athens sky (2005, 43) is too critical in asserting that Eryximachus’ in- or anywhere else. It is not possible to advance further. terest in medical theory is “of a rather superficial kind.” Craik (2001a, 110), in contrast, raises the possibility that some of And it should be added that Plato does not rely solely on Eryximachus’ ideas may have been picked up in the Hippo- 74 Hippocrates of Cos in discussing the concept of technê. cratic corpus or by others such as Aristotle. Plato offers us portraits of several other physicians, that 76 Chang 2008, 243. Plato’s ‘Hippocrates’ and the Making of a Medical Ideal 293 troduce or advance philosophical questions.77 But Eryxi- of teaching he represented, which was the most remark- machus’ portrayal is overall more positive and more able feature of his calling according to Plato, would have rounded than that of Hippocrates’. It is “Plato’s most de- been a target too tempting for Aristophanes to resist. veloped portrait of a healer.”78 Eryximachus’ Symposium Titles of lost works and extant fragments are likewise appearance has been dismissed by some as a caricature,79 mute. Hippocrates then, does not appear to have made an but it is made quite clear in the dialogue that he is ac- appearance in Old Comedy.86 This silence cannot be cepted at a private gathering of the elite, and as one construed as compelling evidence of Hippocrates’ lack whose knowledge of medical theories established his in- of fame, at least as far as the Athenian polis at that par- tellectual qualifications, and thereby his social status, to ticular time is concerned, but it is reasonable to conclude the elite.80 Hippocrates, in contrast, may (or may not) that Hippocrates’ reception in the intellectual life of have been considered in Athens a representative of Coan Athens may be considered problematic. aristocracy, but it is also plain that Plato sees him chiefly as a representative of a craft that was still regarded as fundamentally banausic. Plato thus presents Hippocrates as a doctor “with both positive and negative reso- IV nances.”81 If Hippocrates were truly renowned in Athens, then Hippocrates, in teaching the art of medicine to fee-pay- one would prefer to see more evidence from other ing students, was representative of the increasing im- sources. Hippocrates does not appear to have merited the portance placed on the concept of technê as understood attention of his approximate contemporary, Aris- to mean the acquisition of comprehensive knowledge in tophanes. For such a master of , the image of a doc- practical fields. However, this does not mean that he was tor apparently mentioned by his arch-foil Socrates, and famous or considered as a founder of medicine in the described as a fee-charging physician into the bargain, Classical period. The only other evidence concerning would surely have constituted an irresistible target. Aris- Hippocrates in the Classical era is a small reference near tophanes is not unaware of doctors. In Clouds 332, a ref- its very end. Aristotle, in discussing what makes a city erence is made to ‘medical theorists’ (ἰατροτέχνας), great, remarks in the Politics as follows, which shows a further recognition of the developing concept of the medical intellectual in the Classical pe- 77 Eryximachus is also used by Plato in the Symposium as an riod.81a Their value in satire is also noted. In , 406– erudite foil to Aristophanes. Cf. Rowe 1999. This also serves to enhance Eryximachus’ own social status. 408, Chremylus states that Plutus cannot be cured of his 78 Kosak 2004, 28. blindness as no doctor is available because there is no 79 Cf. Craik 2001a, 110 n. 7. money to pay his fee. In Birds, 582–584, Apollo himself 80 On the strategies of attaining social status among doctors, see is described as a physician (ἰατρός), and as one who, Horstmanshoff 1990; Pleket 1995. 81 moreover, receives payment for services rendered Kosak 2004, 27–28. The negative resonances predominate in the Attic orators’ use of doctors and medical references. Cf. De- (μισθοφορεῖ δέ). The name ‘Hippocrates’ does appear in mand 1996. two plays of Aristophanes. In Thesmophoriazousai 273, 81a On Aristophanes’ use of ἰατροτέχνης, see Bromberg 2012, Mnesilochus, the kinsman of Euripides exclaims to him 83 n. 12. that he may as well swear by the Apartment House of 82 Craik (1980, 108) mistakenly adduces this as not only a refer- Hippocrates (τί μᾶλλον ἢ τὴν Ἱπποκράτους ξυνοικίαν).82 ence to Hippocrates the Asclepiad, but also as a “comic parody of the doctors’ oath.” It is likely that this is a reference to Hippocrates the son 83 Cf. Nails 2002, 170. of Apollodorus, from the Protagoras passage discussed 84 Cf. Nails 2002, 170–171; Edmonds I, 351. above.83 In the Scholiast on Clouds 1001, a reference is 85 Aristophanes would know that his Athenian audience “might made to the “sons of Hippocrates”, the grand-nephews have found the mocking amusing, but they were also probably (ἐμβόλιμοί) of Pericles. This refers to Hippocrates of comfortable with Aristophanes’ caricature. That is, physicians, like many other craftsmen, were after money. They frequented Cholarges, son of Ariphron, the ill-fated general of the the , searching for employment opportunities.” Delium campaign (in which Socrates served as a hop- Chang 2008, 228. lite).84 Aristophanes used doctors in the same ruthlessly 86 In New Comedy, doctors were also subject to satirical attack, mocking way as he singles out others who profess a par- as indicated for example, by the fragments from Philemon the Elder and Philemon the Younger. Cf. Edmonds IIIA, 20–21, ticular technê.85 If Hippocrates the Asclepiad were fa- 250–253. Antiphanes, Aristophon and Theophilus also wrote mous in Athens, then it is hard not to conclude that a lost works entitled, ‘The Doctor.’ Cf. Edmonds II, 210–211, satire on Hippocrates and the fee-paying medical system 522–523, 570–571. 294 Julius Rocca

For a state like other things has a certain function (τι which would become the Corpus, were assembled there, ἔργον) to perform, so that it is the state most capable but how Hippocrates became associated with them is a of performing this function that is deemed to be the matter of speculation. One can speak only of contribu- greatest (μεγίστην), just as one would pronounce Hip- tory factors, the first of which, and the most important, is pocrates to be greater (μείζω), not as a human being the creation of the Mouseion and its Library.93 This re- but as a physician, than somebody who surpassed him search complex formed part of the strategy of Ptolemy I in bodily size (τὸ μέγεθος). 87 Soter and Ptolemy II Philadelphus designed to make Alexandria the leading centre for the arts and sciences. At first reading, Hippocrates could be seen as “great” Among its achievements was the systematic collection without qualification. However, Aristotle’s argument and codification of Greek literature.94 Medical texts concerns function. A state that performs its function to formed part of this grand and avaricious scheme of ac- the best of its capacities is one deemed to be the greatest. quisition. They were important not only as examples of Hippocrates too, is great, not so much for any physical practical and technical knowledge, but as constituting qualities such as size, but because of his competence as a some of the earliest examples of Greek prose.95 The ex- physician, as someone who correctly performs his func- act mechanism by which the name of Hippocrates en- tion, embodied, one should say, in the fullest exhibition tered the equation, and when this occurred, is unknown. of his technê.88 In this respect, Aristotle’s use of Hippo- It is possible that it was linked to the somewhat random crates is not entirely dissimilar to that of Plato’s. But way books were collated.96 And if Galen’s account, Aristotle’s knowledge of medicine, as the son of a doctor which records an early second century BC commentator and a landmark researcher in biology, was far more ex- on the Corpus is to be believed, many books were seized tensive. This is perhaps seen in a work by one of Aris- from travellers and stored by Ptolemy’s agents before totle’s pupils, Menon, whose Iatrike Synagoge (Medical being placed in the library. The names of the travellers collection or Menoneia), a doxographic collection of were allotted to those books placed in storage.97 And if, pre-Aristotelian medical theories, is partly preserved in as has been claimed, two of the Hippocratic Speeches the second century AD Anonymus Londinensis Papy- (forming part of the Pseudepigraphia) were included in rus.89 It is possible that this compilation may go back to a parcel of medical works, then it is “a compelling possi- Aristotle himself (the Anonymus physician refers only to bility that these tales of Hippocrates, when added to the Aristotle).90 In a discussion of those who maintain that anonymous medical works, had the effect of identifying diseases are due to the pathological remnants (perisso- the whole as the writings of Hippocrates.”98 Another mata) of digestion, Hippocrates is listed as the third phy- contributory factor was the rise of medical sects in the sician, after Euryphon and Herodicus, who allegedly Hellenistic period. The groundbreaking medical re- hold this opinion (IV–V).91 The Anonymus points out, in searches of Herophilus and Erasistratus, which took his commentary, that this is at variance with then main- place in Alexandria, and were only possible there, the stream Hippocratic theory, which maintains that disease formal codification of medical texts, the development of is due to humoural imbalance (VI, 43–47, 40). Hippo- crates, in this doxography of pre-Hellenistic physicians, 87 Politics 1326a14–15, tr. Ross. is but one among several, and if order of citation is also 88 Cf. Gracia 1978, 17–18; Manetti 1999. evidence of importance, is not even placed in the first 89 See now the critical edition by Manetti 2011, which entirely rank. However, the Hellenistic period in which Aris- surpasses the often unreliable text of Jones 1947. 90 Cf. Nutton 2004, 334 n. 20. totle’s pupil Menon worked is also when Hippocrates 91 See the discussion and references in Smith 1979, 93–96. became a distinguished, and distinguishable figure in the 92 Smith 1990, 8. history of medicine. This occurs due to the indissoluble 93 Cf. Fraser 1972, 312–335. linking of his name with that of the otherwise “stub- 94 For a referenced survey, see Rösler 2009. 95 bornly anonymous”92 collection of medical writings then Cf. Dean-Jones 2003, 112. 96 Cf. Fraser 1972, 326–329; Smith 1979, 201. in circulation. Their collation, and the ascription of Hip- 97 Cf. Smith 1990, 7–8. pocrates as their author, took place in the newly minted, 98 Smith 1990, 8. There were strong links between Cos and dynamic city of Alexandria. Ptolemaic Alexandria (cf. Sherwin-White 1978, 90–131). Yet The creation of the Hippocratic Corpus in Alexandria the notion that a Coan medical school library, assuming one ex- represents a problem that is likely to remain insoluble. isted, was transported to Alexandria, while attractive, cannot be sustained (cf. Smith 1979, 201). The patronage of Ptolemy All that is known, and it is not a great deal, is that these Philadelphus, in attracting Coans such as the doctor Philinus, is sixty or so medical texts, dating from 510–300 BC, and however, attested (cf. Sherwin-White 1978, 102–105). Plato’s ‘Hippocrates’ and the Making of a Medical Ideal 295 a vigorous philological tradition of commentary, exege- doctors should emulate, and whose words carried divine sis and glossography, all created a suitable nurturing en- authority.106 Such crafted veneration is also seen in the vironment for sectarian promulgation.99 Hippocrates, Pseudo-Galenic Introduction (Introductio sive medicus), and the Corpus of writing he was supposed to represent, likely composed in Galen’s time, which accords Hippo- were tailor-made for fruitful exploitation by these crates a semi-divine status.107Of course, Galen’s Hippo- groups.100 Such works were not only a richly diverse re- crates is one very much after his own image and inven- source of medical knowledge, but their embedded infor- tion.108 Yet it must be said that this came at a consider- mation, properly codified and systematized, could en- able price. Galen’s adoption of the mantle of Hippocratic dorse a medical sect’s own set of practices and enhance authority would eventually lead to the ceding of his own. its reputation at the expense of rival claims; “Power ex- Galen was so successful in his Hippocratic encomia that ercised over texts allows power to be exercised through it would be the former, not the latter, who would, from texts.”101 the Renaissance onward (the present Hippocratic Corpus The Hellenistic medical world thus began to view being essentially a Renaissance construct),109 represent Hippocrates as an authority figure in medicine, as Plato all that was laudable and worthy of emulation in the art and Aristotle were in philosophy, and in mathe- of medicine. matics. The name of Hippocrates began to act as a mag- net for other medical texts that became absorbed into the collection. At the same time, the Hippocratic Question was formulated, which fed into the commentary tradi- Conclusion tion, and which further augmented the authority of the Plato is the key to the subsequent fame of Hippocrates. texts and of Hippocrates.102 The more these works were Plato’s reputation meant that “what he said about medi- discussed, the stronger the reputation of Hippocrates be- cine was listened to … his authority told considerably in came. A critical momentum developed, with both text the later attempts to describe the evolution of medicine and designated author reinforcing the authority of the … Plato’s selection of Hippocrates himself as the puta- other. But Hippocrates was not yet medicine’s pater fa- tive model of scientific medical thought had great influ- milias; he stood rather as primus inter pares. But there ence on later writers who characterized the best medi- was a rhetorical shift apparent in the early Imperial pe- cine of the , whatever they selected as best, riod. This can be seen in the Roman military doctor Scri- as the medicine of Hippocrates.”110 The change in the bonius Largus (fl. c. 14–54), who describes Hippocrates identity of Hippocrates from a fee-charging physician to as the ‘founder of our profession’ (conditor nostrae pro- 103 chief representative of the art of medicine is, as has been fessionis). Celsus, writing during the time of Tiberius, noted, partly a reflection of the Greek need to provide an states that it was Hippocrates who first separated medi- originator for a variety of technical accomplishments. cine from philosophy (On medicine, pref. 8). Seneca Hippocrates became indissolubly linked not only with (Letters 95.20) describes Hippocrates as the ‘greatest physician’ (maximus ille medicorum) and founder of 99 medicine.104 The production of the first edition of the On Hippocratic exegesis, see von Staden 1989, 427–442. See also Smith 1979, 100–102. Hippocratic Corpus, by Dioscorides and Capiton, in the 100 Cf. Smith 1979, 204–215 on the role of the Empiricist sect in second century AD during the reign of Hadrian, cata- helping promulgate the Hippocratic tradition. lyzed this change in the relationship between Hippo- 101 Bowman & Woolf 1994, 8. 102 crates and his medical audience. The texts became fully This reached its apogee under Galen, who composed a num- ber of Hippocratic commentaries. Cf. Manetti & Roselli 1994; canonical, and they and Hippocrates became an immut- Flemming 2008. able part of a fixed Classical reference point in which 103 Compositiones, ep. ded. 5, Sconocchia 1983, 2. Cf. Baldwin, both represented a gold standard of theory and practice 1992, 78. See also Hamilton 1986. 104 that could be aspired to but never surpassed.105 It was left Cf. Temkin 1991, 40, 44; King 2006, 253–256. 105 Cf. Smith 1979, 108. to Galen of Pergamum (129–c. 216 AD), to take this de- 106 See the fundamental study by Smith 1979, 123–176. See also velopment to its logical conclusion, and who more than Lloyd 1991; Temkin 1991, 47–50; Nutton 2005. anyone else, by building on the new literary Corpus and 107 Cf. Petit 2010, 345-348. the exegetic work of his teachers, firmly established 108 Cf. Lloyd 1991, 416. 109 Hippocrates as physician without peer. Galen went far The first comprehensive Greek text of the Corpus was the Aldine edition, published in Venice in 1526. Cf. Nutton 2004, beyond his own considerable Hippocratic exegesis; for 60. him, Hippocrates was a model of moral authority that all 110 Smith 1979, 86–87. 296 Julius Rocca efforts to elaborate medicine into a fully recognised Baldwin 1992 B. Baldwin, ‘The career and work of technê grounded on a perceived rational basis of prac- Scribonius Largus’, RhM 135, 1992, 74– tice, but also and crucially with the assembly of a body 82. of written texts which sought to codify, extend and en- Barrow 1972 M.V. Barrow, ‘Portraits of Hippocrates’, hance the authority of medical practice and practitioner. Medical History 16:1, 1972, 85–88. Bowman & Woolf A.K. Bowman & G. Woolf, ‘Literacy The Hellenistic medical world made a choice, deliberate 1994 and power in the ancient world’, in Liter- or otherwise, to utilize the identity of a doctor mentioned acy and power in the ancient world, eds. positively by Plato and Aristotle, as an archetype and A.K. Bowman & G. Woolf, Cambridge template for the authority of the written medical word. 1994, 1–16. There may not have been an awareness of all the conse- Bromberg 2012 J.A. Bromberg, ‘Academic disciplines in quences of this choice, but by this stage it did not matter Aristophanes’ Clouds (200–3)’, CQ 62:1, whether, as far as the historical Hippocrates was con- 2012, 81–91. cerned, “lehrt sie nichts.”111 The essential characteristics Chang 2008 H.-H. Chang, ‘Rationalizing medicine of the legend would henceforward become self-sustain- and the social ambitions of physicians in ing. The definitive Hippocratic identity received its fur- Classical Greece’, Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 63:2, ther great and definitive enhancement in the second cen- 2008, 217–244. tury, with Galen’s virtual deification of Hippocrates. Cohn-Haft 1956 L. Cohn-Haft, The public physicians of Agathias, poet and historian at the court of Justinian, ancient Greece, Northampton 1956. lamenting the destruction of Cos in an earthquake, writes Cordes 1994 P. Cordes, Iatros. Das bild des Arztes in that, for Coans, the only consolation remaining is “the der griechischen Literatur von Homer high reputation of the Asclepiads and their pride in Hip- bis Aristoteles, Stuttgart 1994. pocrates.”112 Such pride lay, in essence, in a manufac- Craik 1980 E.M. Craik, The Dorian Aegean, London tured identity. True, Plato and Aristotle did not cite a fic- 1980. titious doctor; they were clearly aware of a physician Craik 2001a E.M. Craik, ‘Plato and medical texts: called Hippocrates of Cos. They also possessed some Symposium 185c–193d’, CQ 51:1, 2001, 109–114. measure of his reputation. It is arguable whether either Craik 2001b E.M. 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Simoons 1998 F.J. Simoons, Plants of life. Plants of Menon papyrus’, CP 40:3, 1945, 166– death, Madison 1998. 180. Smith 1979 W.D. Smith, The Hippocratic tradition, Stubbings 1946 F.H. Stubbings, ‘Xerxes and the plane- Ithaca & London 1979 (electronic edi- tree’, GaR 15, 1946, 63–67. tion, revised, 2002). Taylor 1996 Plato, Protagoras, transl. by C.C.W. Smith 1990 Hippocrates, Pseudepigraphic writings. Taylor, Oxford 1996 (2009). Letters, embassy, speech from the altar, Temkin 1985 O. Temkin, ‘Hippocrates as the physician decree, edited and translated with an in- of Democritus’, Gesnerus 42, 1985, 455– troduction by W.D. Smith (Studies in an- 464. cient medicine, 2), Leiden 1990. Temkin 1991 O. Temkin, Hippocrates in a world of pagans and Christians, Baltimore 1991. Smith 1999 W.D. Smith, ‘The genuine Hippocrates Thomas 1989 R. Thomas, Oral tradition and written and his theory of therapy’, in Aspetti record in Classical Athens (Cambridge della terapia nel Corpus Hippocraticum. studies in oral and literate culture, 18), Atti del IXe Colloque International Hip- Cambridge 1989. pocratique, Pisa 25–29 settembre 1996, Wallace 2007 R.W. Wallace, ‘Plato’s sophists. Intellec- eds. I. Garofalo, A. Lami, D. Manetti & tual history after 450, and Sokrates’, in A. Roselli, Firenze 1999, 107–118. The Cambridge companion to the age of Solbakk 1993 J.H. Solbakk, Forms and functions of Pericles, ed. L.J. Samons II, Cambridge medical knowledge in Plato, Oslo 1993. 2007, 215–237. von Staden 1989 H. von Staden, Herophilus. The art of Wickkiser 2008 B.L. Wickkiser, Asklepios, medicine, and medicine in early Alexandria, Cambridge the politics of healing in fifth-century 1989. Greece. Between craft and cult, Balti- Steckerl 1945 F. Steckerl, ‘Plato, Hippocrates, and the more 2008. 300 Julius Rocca IDEALISED PAST AND CONTESTED TRADITION: CLAUDIAN’S PANEGYRIC FOR THE SIXTH CONSULSHIP OF HONORIUS AND PRUDENTIUS’ CONTRA SYMMACHUM

BY BRUNO BUREAU

Abstract This paper focuses on the representation of Roman tradition in In the winter of 402, the old Roman senator Symmachus two poems published approximately during the same period, began a long and difficult journey to Honorius’ court. A.D. 403–404. Claudian’s pagan vision of the Roman past is an Even though he was already ill1 (he died a few weeks idealisation of Roman tradition, which he proposes that Hono- later), he wanted to submit to the emperor and his rius should imitate. Honorius is to become a new Trajan, and re- new for fourth-century Rome the tradition of the optimus and powerful adviser Stilicho what he claimed were “impor- 2 pius princeps. Prudentius, on the contrary, compiles a list of tant political questions”. A few weeks or few months past Roman vices and failures, and emphasises the moral, cul- later, the Christian poet Prudentius published the final tural and philosophical improvement that is brought by the version of a poem in two books against Symmachus.3 In Christian faith. Honorius becomes one of the models of chris- the first book he mocks and criticizes the odd and point- tianissimus princeps. By analysing these opposing propositions, I intend to demonstrate what was an increasingly large gulf be- less superstitions of the old Roman religion, while in the tween Roman pagan identities, of which Claudian is particu- second book he focuses his criticism on a text published larly aware, and the Christian empire, of which Prudentius is the by Symmachus eighteen years earlier, the famous Rela- self-proclaimed champion. In fact, the first concern of both tio, concerning the removal of the altar of Victory from poems is how to speak of Roman identity in the context of an the .4 Empire becoming ever less Roman, where traditional Roman civilization is more and more criticised and put in question by Many hypotheses have been propounded to explain new ways of building identities.* this strange correlation between what seems to be a

* I should like to thank Cecile and Andrew for their suggestions strongest defenders). Stilicho was in fact in Rhaetia, assembling and corrections. troops against Alaric. 3 Callu (1972, 11) speaks of an “oraison funèbre autant que ré- 1 Symm. 5.96 to Helpidius: Romam redisse me nuntio; Atque quisitoire”. In fact, there is no part in Prudentius’ poem for fu- utinam sanitatis quoque meae index esse potuissem, quam labe- neral praises, probably because, even dead, Symmachus re- factauit peregrinationis iniuria et hiemalis asperitas (I inform mained dangerous for the Christians as a symbol of pagan cul- you that I am back to Rome. I wish I could give you good news ture. about my health, which was shaken by the difficulties of the 4 It seems very likely that what we know today as a single poem journey and the roughness of the winter). in two books is in fact the last version of an earlier poem, or at 2 Symm. 4.9 (402) to Stilicho: Cum sublimi excellentia tua le- least the final edition of fragments written from 384 to 402. gationem mihi amplissimus ordo mandauit, ad quam suscipien- Barnes 1976 and Barnes & Westall 1991 (especially 59–60) dis- dam me et necessitas inpulit patriae et tui culminis prouocauit cuss the various opinions concerning the dates of different frag- auxilium (In accordance to your Grace’s will, the noblest Senate ments of the poem (see also Rohman 2003, 238 n. 21). Despite chose me for an embassy, that I decided to undertake because of of these complicated origins, the poem published in 402 or 403 the dangers of our country and of the support of Your Great- must be considered as one work and not two or more (Döpp ness). Callu (1982, 237) understands patriae as “our city” and 1986). My opinion is that Prudentius elaborated most part of his refutes all kind of religious content, but this interpretation is un- poem during the years 385–395, when relations between pagans convincing. According to Helpidius letter (quoted in Symm. and Christians were very difficult. But, perhaps because of 5.94), Callu considers that the senator’s main purpose was to Theodosius’ victory on Eugenius and the final triumph of a get supplies for the city of Rome, but this can be only a part of a Christian prince, the poem was not edited, though it could have more general request, concerning partly religious matters. See been diffused in private circles. When, in 402, the Christian also Symm. 7.13 (402) to his son: Spero etiam legationem breui party felt some alteration in the emperor’s determination against in notitiam diuini principis perferendam; siquidem uir cuncta , the poet completed and published his work. Barnes praecelsus, cui primas partes causae publicae noster ordo man- (1976, 386) gives rather convincing explanations for this late dauit mox cum praesidiis ualidissimis adfore nuntiatur (I hope but impressive publication: “it may be possible to detect a polit- that my report will be soon delivered to our divine emperor; for ical strengthening of the pagan cause at precisely this juncture. one announces that the most illustrious man to whom the Senate In the winter of 401/2 the prefect of the city was Macrobius gave the first place to defend our state will soon be here with Longinianus (CIL VI. 1188–90), a supporter of Stilicho and a

302 Bruno Bureau merely political affair (Symmachus’ mission -à-vis error (1.155), uetus with nugae (1.433), errores (1.507) Honorius) and the religious topics, which are the main and superstitio (1.39). Non pejorative uses of these terms subject of the poem.5 But none of these hypotheses is are rare and limited to Roman moral best achievements very convincing. It is very unlikely, for example, that (Catones 1.545) which are nevertheless discussed and Symmachus would have spoken of the purpose of his criticized in book 2.10 According to Prudentius, who journey in such terms if it had only been a new develop- makes much use of earlier apologists, the ancient Ro- ment of the Victory affair, or, as Prudentius seems to be- mans were stupid and rough savages who, because of lieve, if the conflict only concerned the removal of gladi- their lack of culture and civilization, were ready to be- ators from official festivals.6 Yet, how, then, can we ex- lieve the most incredible tales and, according to eu- plain the poem if Symmachus’ mission had no religious hemerist theories, to make gods from powerful or fa- content (see, for instance, 2.910, in which the word mous men (see 1.42–58, 102–115 etc.): “With such 7 legati (ambassador) obviously means Symmachus )? If power in those days did the ignorant, silly, stupid rabble we consider just these two elements, no convincing solu- accredit any king, that a ruler could pass with all his un- tion can be found. But, if we replace these events (both cleanness to an endless kingdom in the heights of journey and poem) in their immediate political context, there is perhaps a way of explaining them by enlarging correspondent of Augustine, who built a baptistery while pre- the view to one of a conflict between two opposite con- fect (ILCV 92). By 6 December 402 this Christian prefect had ceptions of Roman politics and Roman tradition, and, been replaced by Caecina Decius Albinus (CTh 7.13.15), whose hence, of Roman past and Roman identity. paganism stands documented in the pages of Macrobius (Sat. Another poem, written barely few months later, but by 1.1.7 ff.)”. Connections between Symmachus’ mission, the ap- pointment of a new and pagan prefect, and Prudentius’ poem a pagan writer, Claudian’s panegyric for Honorius sixth seem quite obvious. 8 consulate (404, poem written during the winter of 403 ) 5 Rohman 2003, 237. throws new light on this particular point. We may as- 6 Prud. C. Symm. 2.1110–1132. Concerning gladiators, see The- sume that the conflict during these months is not a reli- odoret, Hist. Eccles. 5.26: Ὀνώριος μὲν γὰρ ὁ τῆς Εὐρώπης τὴν gious but a political one and that religion is only a pre- βασιλείαν δεξάμενος τὰς ἐν Ῥώμῃ πάλαι γιγνομένας μονομαχίας κατέλυσεν, ἀφορμὴν τοιάνδε λαβών. (Honorius, text to incriminate Symmachus. who inherited the empire of Europe, put a stop to the gladiato- In the following paper, I will discuss first the concep- rial combats which had long been held at Rome). This measure tions of past in the poems, then I will focus on the figure probably took place in 404. About similar measures in the East- of the emperor Theodosius, and discuss his links to Ro- ern part, see CTh. 2.8.20 (392) and CTh. 2.8.23 (399). 7 Prud. C. Symm. 2.760–765: Nil te permoueat magni uox rheto- man traditions in both poems. I will conclude with a se- ris, oro, / qui sub legati specie sacra mortua plorans / ingenii ries of hypotheses about the reasons that led to a renewal telis et fandi uiribus audet, / heu, nostram temptare fidem, nec of the cultural, political and religious conflict between te uidet ac me / deuotos, Auguste, Deo cui sordida templa / pagans and Christians in 403–404. clausimus et madidas sanie deiecimus aras (Let not the voice of the great orator prevail on thee, I pray, when under the guise of a deputy he bemoans the fate of rites that are dead, and with all the weapons of his mind and powers of speech, dares, alas! to attack our faith, not seeing that thou and I, Augustus, are vowed to God, in whose honour we have closed the foul temples and 1. Contested tradition and idealised past, cast down the blood-soaked altars). For the translations of Pru- two opposite points of view dentius, see Thomson 1962. 8 The poem was probably recited on 1st January 404, in Rome. 1.1. Prudentius and the darkness of Roman past Claudian wrote it during the last months of 403. Even if Pruden- tius published his poem between the battle of Pollentia and the In his poem against Symmachus, Prudentius seems to go battle of Verona and not later (Barnes 1976), Claudian began back to the topoi used in the 2nd and 3rd centuries by the his own work less than eighteen months after Prudentius’ publi- earlier Christian apologists against Roman traditional re- cation and the poems might be quite contemporaneous. Barnes ligion.9 (1976) considers that Prudentius published his poem between the battles, because there is no reference to the battle of Verona, The place of the past in the poem is very important but the date of this late battle is unclear (perhaps during the and it is almost always described in a negative way. A summer of 403). Furthermore there are echoes of Claudian’s major proportion of the words used to describe the past Bellum Geticum (written just after Pollentia, during the spring is clearly connected with pejorative terms: for example and summer of 402) in Prudentius’ poem. 9 Especially and Arnobius. See Lavarenne 1963 and in book 1, antiquus qualifies morbus (1.2), luis and Rohman 2003, 249–250. squalor (1.7 squalere), priscum tempus is connected 10 For an analysis of Prudentius’ opinions towards pagan gods, with ineptia (1.145 illo tempore) and mos patrius with see now Rohman 2003, especially 248–253. Idealised Past and Contested Tradition 303 heaven. At that time men believed that kingly power, first book,14 and it is not surprising that in the second however small, possessed the strength of all majesty and book the poet makes adjustments and analyses Symma- the government of all the heaven, and leaders had hon- chus’ philosophical and political arguments more our paid to them with incense and a little shrine. Fear or calmly.15 At the same time, however, the number of the love or hope kept adding to it, and the inherited tradition senators who, according to Prudentius, enthusiastically went marching on among wretched men to distant ages, embraced the Christian faith is certainly overestimated; the false semblance of piety spreading through succeed- and the truth is that a great part (perhaps the majority) of ing generations whose ignorant minds were clouded in a the Roman Senate remained pagan at this time.16 mist of error”.11 Therefore, there is something strange and certainly Such stupid tales should have been removed when Ro- something unexpressed in this bias against the Roman mans became more refined and when they heard about past, especially if we remember how important the mos philosophy and science, but they were not, mostly be- maiorum, the ancestral tradition, was for the Romans. cause the Romans never seriously inquired into sciences This mos maiorum is systematically mocked by the poet and preferred the oddities of their religion to philosophi- as a proof of intellectual failure in front of the Christian cal and religious truth: “Happy had they been had they truth: “In such wise has the observance grown; starting known that all their successes were ordered by the gov- in an evil hour long ago from our forefathers it was then ernance of the God Christ, (...) But they made sacrifice handed on to the generations that followed and carried of their darkened, blinded souls in the sanctuaries of Ju- further by their remote descendants. Their unthinking piter and Augustus, the temples of the two Junos, the hearts dragged a lengthening chain, and the blind custom 17 shrines of Mars and Venus, and plunged them into the spread down to depraved ages.” and again from Theo- foul abyss of death, supposing supreme power to reside dosius’ mouth: “I shall not suffer thee, while I am thy in the gross parts of the world and to be established in leader, to hold to old idle notions, nor to worship de- the sunken depths of the universe”.12 cayed monstrosities of gods”. The reason why Pruden- Many centuries later, according to the poet, Christian 11 emperors forced them to give up their foolish supersti- Prud. C. Symm. 1.145–155: Tantum posse omnes illo sub tem- pore reges / indocilis fatui ducebat ineptia uulgi / ut transire tions and embrace the true religion. Most of them did so suis cum sordibus induperator / posset in aeternum caeli super enthusiastically, but a few, especially among the old ardua regnum. / Regia tunc omnis uim maiestatis et omnis, / pa- senatorial aristocracy, preferred the darkness of error to rua licet, caeli imperium retinere potestas / credita, ture etiam the light of truth. Thus the decayed paganism remains ducibus paruoque sacello / inpertitus honos, quem dum metus aut amor aut spes / adcumulant, longum miseris processit in only among these fool senators, and the progress of the aeuum / mos patrius. Coepit falsae pietatis imago / ire per igna- whole city towards truth and true science is slowed down ros nebuloso errore nepotes. only by the shame of past errors: “Taught by such proc- 12 Prud. C. Symm. 1.287–296: Felices, si cuncta Deo sua pros- lamations, Rome withdrew from her long-standing er- pera Christo / principe disposita scissent, ... / Sed caligantes rors and shook the murky clouds from her aged face, her animas et luce carentes / in Iouis Augustique adytis templisque duarum / Iunonum Martisque etiam Venerisque sacellis / mac- nobles ready now to essay the everlasting ways, to fol- tatas taetro leti inmersere baratro, / supremum regimen crassis low Christ at the call of their great-hearted leader, and in partibus orbis / esse rati, mersoque poli consistere fundo. cast their hopes into eternity. (...) Look at the illustrious 13 Prud. C. Symm. 1.506–510 and 573–577: Talibus edictis urbs chamber where sit the nation’s luminaries: hardly will informata refugit / errores ueteres, et turbida ab ore uieto / nu- you find a few minds still beset with pagan vanities and bila discussit, iam nobilitate parata / aeternas temptare uias, Christumque uocante / magnanimo ductore sequi et spem mit- clinging feebly to their suppressed worships, who would tere in aeuum ... Respice ad inlustrem, lux est ubi publica, cel- keep the darkness that has been banished and refuse to lam; / uix pauca inuenies gentilibus obsita nugis / ingenia obtri- see the noon-day brightness of the sun”.13 tos aegre retinentia cultus, / et quibus exactas placeat seruare Such a picture is obviously too caricatured to be con- tenebras / splendentemque die medio non cernere solem. 14 See, for example, Chuvin 1990 and Barnes & Westall 1991. sidered as other than mere provocation. Prudentius 15 The differences between book 1 and book 2 are, as we have knows, as we know, that Roman paganism, especially seen above, so important that many scholars have defended the among senatorial aristocracy, can be neither confounded idea of two separate books elaborated in one poem. But see with the stupid superstitions he describes, nor despised Döpp 1986. 16 as being contrary to real knowledge. Philosophers like Barnes & Westall 1991. 17 Prud. C. Symm. 1.240–244: Sic obseruatio creuit / ex atauis Marius Victorinus came from Platonism to the Christian quondam male coepta, deinde secutis / tradita temporibus faith and everything we know about late cultivated pa- serisque nepotibus aucta. / Traxerunt longam corda inconsulta ganism is inconsistent with Prudentius’ picture in his catenam, / mosque tenebrosus uitiosa in saecula fluxit. 304 Bruno Bureau tius so directly criticizes Roman tradition is that, for him, fiercer and inflames both senators and people, demand- the true Roman Empire can only be the Christian empire ing the visit so often denied; it was not with harmony that Constantine and his successors have created. The such as this, or so our ancestors relate, that the people’s number of Christian senators (obviously exaggerated by prayers grew fervent throughout the City, when Trajan, the poet who can only give very few names) is less im- mighty in war, had broken the armies of Dacia and portant than the fact itself: the last place where pagan aris- brought the indignant North beneath his sway, at that tocrats could interfere with Roman progress will certainly time when the rods of Roman power encircled Hypanis become within a few years a Christian place. Such an af- and when the land of Lake Maeotis gazed in wonder- firmation is obviously easier to confirm if Symmachus, ment at our laws and stood astounded by the sight of a the most powerful and influential member of the Roman Roman tribunal. etc”.22 So, the best Roman tradition re- Senate and a resolute pagan, is now dead. Symmachus’ quires a good emperor to accept the Romans’ praise and death (of which Prudentius does not say a word, though it to consider the old city as the place where he received probably occurred while he was finishing his poem) can his legitimacy and power: “Here dwelt those heroes thus be interpreted as a first sign of victory for Christian whom virtue, recognizing virtue, chose and by adoption progress in Rome.18 The gap between archaic supersti- giving them their name for the benefit of Rome con- tions and modern enlightenment created by Constantine tinued a noble dynasty through judgement and not and his Christian successors until Theodosius the Great through blood; here lived the Aelian clan that traced its and his devout sons is, in Prudentius’ conception of the ancestry back to Nerva, here too the peace-loving family past, the sign of a renewal of the Roman people who fi- of Pius and the warrior scions of Severus. Citizen as you nally got rid of the decayed traditions of its pagan past. are, deign to enter this company”.23

18 Such an analysis is strange for our modern taste, but there 1.2. Claudian, the old and the new: continuities was a Roman tradition that allowed and even encouraged such in Roman tradition critics on recently dead persons. The most famous example is Seneca’s Apocoloquintosis. comically confirms this What we read in Claudian’s panegyric is, on the con- fact when his violent but a bit cowardly satirist exclaims trary, much more consistent with Roman traditional con- (1.170–171): “I’ll try what can be said against those whose ceptions of the past. There are actually very few men- ashes the Flaminian and Latin roads cover” (experiar quid con- tions of the past in the panegyric, but this is not surpris- cedatur in illos quorum Flaminia tegitur cinis atque Latina). ing if we consider that, from Claudian’s point of view, See Delignon 2008, 451–452 with bibliography included in notes 28 and 29. there is no gap between past and present time, because 19 Concerning ceremony of adventus, see Dufraigne 1991. Mc- what the Romans can see with their own eyes when Cormick (1990, 35–64) points to a renewal of imperial cere- Honorius comes to Rome in January 404 is nothing else mony of triumph under Honorius. See in particular the pages than a perfect reproduction of the traditional ceremony about calcatio as a new part of the ceremony. These innovations of the adventus Augusti.19 Let us read the first lines of might have been included in a kind of restoration of traditional imperial ceremonies. the poem: “If the ancestors vowed golden temples to 20 Claud. 6 Honor. 1–5: Aurea Fortunae Reduci si templa home-bringing Fortune in honour of the return of their priores / Ob reditum vovere ducum, non dignius umquam / generals, never would the goddess more worthily claim Haec dea pro meritis amplas sibi posceret aedes, / Quam sua for her services a noble temple than when their proper cum pariter trabeis reparatur et urbi / Maiestas. 21 majesty is restored (reparatur) alike to the consulship In the panegyric for his third consulship (396), the boy Hono- 20 rius was praised for the deeds of his father and his future and to Rome”. achievements, in the panegyric for his fourth consulship (398), If we compare this text to Prudentius’ poem, the atti- Theodosius lectured the young prince about the rules of wise tude towards the past is exactly the opposite: for Pruden- government. tius, the past is (with few exceptions) nothing but a time 22 Claud. 6 Honor. 331–338: Acrior interea visendi principis ar- of errors and roughness, and the present is praised as dor / Accendit cum plebe patres et saepe negatum / Flagitat ad- ventum. nec tali publica vota / Consensu tradunt atavi caluisse Rome’s first step towards progress and truth. In Clau- per urbem, / Dacica bellipotens cum fregerat Vlpius arma / dian’s poem, by contrast, the Romans can find in their Atque indignantes in iura redegerat Arctos, / Cum fasces past a perfect pattern of what Roman rulers should now cinxere Hypanin mirataque leges / Romanum stupuit Maeotia do when they come to Rome. There is an organic link terra tribunal. I use M. Dewar’s translations (= Dewar 1996). 23 between best Roman politic achievements and the just Claud. 6 Honor. 417–422: Hic illi mansere viri, quos mutua 21 virtus / Legit et in nomen Romanis rebus adoptans / Iudicio pul- beginning reign of the young Honorius. Rome always chram seriem, non sanguine duxit; / Hic proles atavum dedu- welcome a good prince who efficiently protects and cens Aelia Nervam / Tranquillique Pii bellatoresque Severi. / serves her glory: “the desire to see their Prince burns Hunc civis dignare chorum. Idealised Past and Contested Tradition 305

However, since there ought to be no gap between past give an impartial account of their father’s government.25 and present times, Claudian severely condemns innova- Theodosius is cited as an example in both poems, but tions initiated by emperors during the 4th century as ty- the picture that the poets give is so different that we may rannical and non-Roman forms of government. To some assume that, at the outset of Arcadius’ and Honorius’ extent, this breach in Roman tradition is also sympto- principates,26 this emperor and his policies are in fact the matic of a failure of Roman government:24 “in all these central factor in Christian and pagan attitudes towards years, which I number at twice ten lustres, three times the past. There is at least one thing in common between have I seen an Emperor within my sacred boundary; the the pagan and the Christian poet: Theodosius’ moral times were different, but the reason for their victory was stature is for the young Honorius the reference-point on the same, and it was civil war. In their arrogance they which he has to base his own policy. However, as to came, no doubt, that I might see their chariots bespat- what this policy must actually be, the poets as expected tered with the blood of Romans. Could any man think completely disagree. Since Prudentius provides the most that for a loving mother the lamentations of her sons unsurprising picture of Theodosius’ reign, we will dis- were cause for joy? Usurpers they were who died, but cuss this representation first. Prudentius portrays Theo- when they died, still they were mine”. dosius as the emperor who, after Constantine’s decisive Claudian points to a decisive change in Roman ad- conversion, has worked hardest for the Christianization ministration that has caused trouble and broken a secular of the Roman Empire. Prudentius highlights his well- tradition. By the same token, renewing a tradition that known laws against pagan ceremonies and cults to draw produced the best emperors is the best way to restore Ro- the picture of a resolute anti-pagan emperor: “Did the il- man universal power. What was a progress towards truth lustrious father of his country and ruler of the world in Prudentius’ poem, is in Claudian the obvious sign of achieve nothing, then, when he forbade old error to be- decline of Roman ideals. lieve in shapes of gods (...)? He was the one man whose If we confine our discussion to these preliminary re- care it was that, while the wounds in the nation’s charac- marks, it is difficult to find any common point between ter showed outwardly a scar lightly healed on the skin, both poems or even to compare them. Yet, in fact, as dif- the union of surface should not, because of the surgeon’s ferent as they seem to be, they have so many common dishonesty, foster in secret a deep-seated wasting sore, themes that Claudian’s work can be cautiously described all eaten away with putrefaction”.27 The metaphor of sur- as an answer to Prudentius’ claims for Roman renewal by the Christian faith. The most important argument in 24 Claud. 6 Honor. 392–399: His annis, qui lustra mihi bis dena this discussion is the picture both poems give of Theodo- recensent, / Nostra ter Augustos intra pomeria vidi, / Tempori- sius, whom Christians regarded as the new Constantine bus variis; eadem sed causa tropaei / Civilis dissensus erat. Ve- and as the christianissimus princeps. nere superbi, / Scilicet ut Latio respersos sanguine currus / Ad- spicerem! Quisquamne piae laetanda parenti / Natorum lamenta putet? periere tyranni, / Sed nobis periere tamen. The last sentence is unclear. Dewar’s translation is probably right (“even they were my children” in Platnauer 1922). About politi- 2. Theodosius, a new Trajan or a new cal irony of the phrase uenere superbi, see the following part of this paper. Constantine? 25 See Jones 1990, 169. 26 Honorius was created Augustus in 393 and associated to his The exact valuation of Theodosius’ reign was apparently father, while Arcadius, who had been created Augustus ten as difficult for ancient historians as it is for modern years before, was also associated with Theodosius. It is hard to scholars. Depending on their religious faith or their po- believe that the emperor made such a decision for other reasons litical involvement, Theodosius is either regarded as a than dynastic continuity, expecting for himself a long reign. Un- saint who saved Rome from the pagan usurper, closed fortunately, he prematurely died at the age of 49, leaving the the temples of false gods and really transformed Rome Empire to a boy (Honorius was 10) and an elder son Arcadius whose lack of political ability and stupidity is recorded by al- into a Christian empire, or, alternatively, blamed for most all ancient sources. About the choice of dynastic con- having introduced into the Roman army more barbarians tinuity to ensure civil peace, see Jones 1990, 173–174. than had any other prince before him, as well as for his 27 Prud. C. Symm. 1.9–18: inclitus ergo parens patriae, mode- brutality towards his opponents and his leniency towards rator et orbis / nil egit prohibendo uagas ne pristinus error / a corrupt and inefficient administration. Furthermore crederet esse deum nigrante aëre formas, / … uir solus cui cura fuit ne publica morum / plaga cicatricem summa leuiter cute such praise and blame can occur within the same work, clausam / duceret, et latebram tabentis uulneris alte / inpres- showing how difficult it was for people who knew about sam penitusque putri de pure peresam / iuncta superficies me- the disastrous reigns of Theodosius’ incompetent sons to dico fallente foueret. 306 Bruno Bureau gery, though it implies a kind of violence done to the Ro- Rome as a fellow citizen, the past errors of who man body,28 impressively describes the care that was came to Rome as all-powerful rulers would have entered taken by the emperor to heal his city.29 Now Honorius a conquered city. Obviously, Claudian, when he wrote must show his devotion to God and to his father by re- these lines, was thinking of such events as Constantius’ moving gladiators’ exhibitions and confirming the with- adventus satirized by Ammianus.36 According to Claud- drawal of any public support to the Vestals:30 “See, has not your father’s merit left this space unoccupied, and 28 Theodosius was perhaps a little too zealous even from a God and your sire’s kindly affection kept it for you to fill Christian point of view. Many acts of violence against pagans up?” If we relate these piece of advice to Prudentius’ at- committed by Christian fanatics remained unpunished, while the emperor was more and more implacable against heretics. titude towards the past, Honorius must be as great a re- Many moderate and tolerant Christians may have disagreed former as his father has been, and he must go on renew- with this policy, but Prudentius in accordance with the most ing the Empire and suppressing shameful remains of the radical bishops gave an enthusiastic support to the emperor. 29 pagan past. Prudentius aims to draw continuity from Prudentius has probably in mind Jesus’ words as recorded by Mark (9.43–49): “if your hand causes you to sin, cut it off. It is Constantine’s innovations to Honorius, but this continu- better for you to enter life crippled than with two hands to go to ity is based on a complete rejection of previous Roman hell, to the unquenchable fire. And if your foot causes you to history. By attacking the Vestals, one of the most ancient sin, cut it off. It is better for you to enter life lame than with two and venerable cults of Rome, Prudentius strikes a direct feet to be thrown into hell. And if your eye causes you to sin, blow at the heart of Roman religion, because the sacred tear it out. It is better for you to enter the kingdom of God with one eye than with two eyes to be thrown into hell, where their fire of which the Vestals took care, represented the be- worm does not die and the fire is not quenched”, but cross- ginning of Roman history and religious tradition.31 Near references to Stoic passages about treatment of the diseases of the end of his treatise, Prudentius closes his attacks by the soul cannot be excluded (see Sen. De ira 6.2). 30 reminding Honorius of what exactly his father’s purpose Prud. C. Symm. 2.1117–1120: Perspice nonne uacat meriti locus iste paterni, / quem tibi supplendum Deus et genitoris was: the complete and final destruction of Roman pagan amica / seruauit pietas. 32 past and identity. 31 Concerning political views of the senatorial aristocracy, see Claudian’s attitude is the exact opposite: if Theodo- Salzman 1989. 32 sius is a model for Honorius, it is only because he was Prudentius’ emphasis on the destruction of old Roman iden- tity can be linked to a radical reading of Eph. 4.17–24: “Now the first emperor of modern times who behaved, both in this I say and testify in the Lord, that you must no longer walk political and religious affairs, as a man of the ancient as the Gentiles do, in the futility of their minds. They are dark- time. He restored the rule of a single emperor over the ened in their understanding, alienated from the life of God be- whole Roman world, yet nevertheless behaved as a cause of the ignorance that is in them, due to their hardness of simple citizen; he granted the Senate a role in his gov- heart. They have become callous and have given themselves up to sensuality, greedy to practice every kind of impurity. But that ernment; he visited the temples and sacred places in is not the way you learned Christ!—assuming that you have Rome;33 and he restored an ancient form of government, heard about him and were taught in him, as the truth is in Jesus, whose antiquity is the best guarantee of the eternity of to put off your old self, which belongs to your former manner of

Roman Empire: “Best as he was of all the gods, he never life and is corrupt through deceitful desires, and to be renewed in the spirit of your minds, and to put on the new self, created achieved anything more felicitous in all his life than that after the likeness of God in true righteousness and holiness”. he spent his time as victor under the walls of Romulus 33 About the importance of such a visit, Salzman 1989, 350 (the with you at his side, when, adding his name to the roll- idea of tradition) and 351, about Roman conceptions of cult: call of the nobler princes, he played the part of citizen, “the argument for the continuation of state funding which Sym- machus advances is based on the belief that for a religious rite all terror far removed, enduring the exchange of jests to be valid, it must have the support of the state”. with the people and the raillery that they love, enduring 34 Claud. 6 Honor. 55–62: nil optimus ille / Divorum toto meruit too to lay aside the haughtiness of rank and deign to visit felicius aevo / Quam quod Romuleis victor sub moenibus egit / in every quarter the houses of senators and the doors of Te consorte dies, cum se melioribus addens / Exemplis civem ordinary subjects”34 and: “now Tiber in a single man gereret terrore remoto / Alternos cum plebe iocos dilectaque passus / Iurgia patriciasque domos privataque passim / Visere sees united both Brutus’ consular robe and ’ deposito dignatus limina fastu. sceptre. The Pallantean hill rejoices in the sight, after so 35 Claud. 6 Honor. 641–646: iam Thybris in uno / Et Bruti cer- many ages gone, of a consul; the rostra recognize the nit trabeas et sceptra Quirini. / Consule laetatur post plurima curule chair our forefathers heard of so long ago, and, saecula viso / Pallanteus apex; agnoscunt rostra curules / Au- ditas quondam proavis, desuetaque cingit / Regius auratis fora though this is a spectacle grown unfamiliar, the royal lic- fascibus Vlpia lictor. tors with their gilded rods of office now surround the Fo- 36 Ammian. 16.10. Ammianus’ account seems to be only partly rum of Trajan”.35 Honorius erases, when he comes to malicious. If he presents Constantius’adventus as one of a con-

Idealised Past and Contested Tradition 307 ian, the consequences of Theodosius’ and Honorius’ pie- However, a question remains unsolved: why did two tas are obvious: a few years after Theodosius’ visit to major Roman poets deal with these crucial political and Rome, Gildo’s secession has found its punishment; a religious questions at precisely the same time? As we few months before Honorius’ visit, Roman troops have said in the beginning of this paper, what is generally in- halted Alaric’s invasion. The inference is very clear: as voked to explain this fact is a renewed crisis between pa- long as Roman emperors show the traditional pietas to gans and Christians about pagan cults. This is probably Rome, the Senate, the people and the gods, the Roman true, but is it sufficient to explain either Prudentius’ vio- Empire will be quiet and enjoy peace and prosperity. lence against a senator who is probably dead, or Clau- In this praise of Roman pagan tradition, there is a dian’s insistence on traditional Roman rule and tradi- point that is worth stressing: Claudian seems to condemn tional pietas? I would like to propose other explanations (though obviously only implicitly) the dynastic succes- in which religion is only a part of a wider debate about sion of emperors, when he praises the best emperors of imperial policies and in which Roman/Christian identi- the past: “Here dwelt those heroes whom virtue, recog- ties are bound up intimately with the events of the years nizing virtue, chose and by adoption giving them their 402–403. If these hypotheses are right, Prudentius’ trea- name for the benefit of Rome continued a noble dynasty tise and Claudian’s poem could show us what we can through judgement and not through blood;37 here lived usually only perceive dimly in Late Antiquity because of the Aelian clan that traced its ancestry back to Nerva, the lack of information: detailed traces of a true and vio- here too the peace-loving family of Pius and the warrior lent political debate inside the Court. scions of Severus”. In Claudian’s mind, there seems to be a link between automatic dynastic succession and cor- ruption of power. It implies that Honorius will not be a good emperor simply because he is the son of an em- 3. Few hypotheses about pagan–Christian peror, but rather because he will be able to imitate the controversy about tradition and its politi- best examples of the past. Emperors of the 4th century cal background40 who attained power only by dynastic succession are once more put aside.38 And Claudian concludes his panegyric In the conclusion of the first book against Symmachus, in the most provocative way, alluding unmistakably to Prudentius praises Theodosius for not having removed Prudentius’ refutation of Symmachus’ report: Honorius pagans from the Roman Senate after his victory on Eu- is the emperor “whose cradle the Senate House has cher- ished, one, at last, that the citizens of Rome were first to queror in a captive city, he points out that the prince, as Theodo- see, one born of auspicious Victory now that Wars are sius and Honorius, showed certain respect to the Senate and was vanquished!”.39 quite indulgent to the people’s jokes. Yet Ammianus’ attitude towards Constantius (see 21.16) is rather negative, especially Let us summarize this second part of our discussion: compared to Julian’s virtues. two opposite models of imperial rule clearly appear, in 37 This translation is not as clear and direct as the Latin verse: which religious matters are only a part of a global con- the meaning is “virtue chose new emperors not according to fa- ception of history. In the pagan view, Roman traditions, milial ties but according to moral virtue”. 38 In accordance with this special part of Claudian’s political because they maintain the link with the glorious past of philosophy, see the panegyric for Honorius’ 4th consulship. In Rome and the virtues of old Romans, are the best way to the long speech delivered by Theodosius’ ghost to his son, there protect the Empire and ensure its eternity: time is in a are allusions to tyrants who reign in the East but cannot be ac- way abolished by a circular conception in which the cepted by true Romans (306–320). Emperors who, like Nero, tried to reign like Eastern kings were either destroyed by the idealized past must be reproduced. In the Christian view, people or condemned to an eternal shame (313–314). Claudian by contrast, history is linear, as it is in the Biblical seems to support a succession of emperors in which dynastic scheme, proceeding from the darkness of the beginnings elements could be counterbalanced by a deep examination of to an enlightened future. The progress from the city of the candidate’s moral virtues. This could be possible if the future emperor had already been associated to his predecessor’s men to the city of God is transposed onto Roman history. power. It is the reason why Claudian warmly supports adoption In this context, Prudentius historical and political mani- and seems to consider that the house of Constantine used the festo is only a part of a wider project including in other principle of dynastic succession without regarding either ability poems the story of sinful humanity liberated by God or virtue of the candidates. 39 Claud. 6 Honor. 651–653: cuius cunabula fovit / Curia, quem (Hamartigeneia and Apotheosis) and the story of each primi tandem videre Quirites, / Quem domitis auspex peperit soul fighting against vices in order to reach Christian vir- Victoria bellis! tues (The Pscyhomachy). 40 There has been many attempts to reduce Symmachus’ contro-

308 Bruno Bureau genius, and for even having promoted pagans like Sym- ceremonies whose pagan character he intended to save machus to the highest ranks: “And our good leader, re- or restore. This point is very important for a fair valua- quiting earthly services with equal rewards, gives to the tion of Stilicho’s policy during these years. The regent worshippers of idols a share of the highest dignities, al- was probably aware that Roman conceptions of imperial lows them to vie with the repute of their families, and power as a sacred rule were almost incompatible with forbids not to men who are still in the coils of paganism Christian faith and that the idea of a Christianissimus a career in the topmost worldly ranks when they have de- princeps promoted by Constantine and his successors served them, since the things of heaven never prevent (excepting Julian) could be (as Romans have seen during men of earth to pass along the accustomed ways. It is he Eugenius’ usurpation) a danger for the concordia civi- that conferred on thee the office of consul and the judg- lis.46 Even though Stilicho and Honorius were personally ment-seat, and gave thee the gold-wrought toga to wear, devout Christians, they had to take into account the par- he whose religion does not win thy favour”.41 This pol- ticular forms and the origins of Roman imperial power, icy has been analysed by many recent studies, and there which were undoubtedly related to paganism. is no doubt that Theodosius tried to win over pagan If this hypothesis is right, we can understand why re- senators’ support by granting them political favours.42 opening the old contest was so urgent for Prudentius. This attempt to recreate concordia civilis must not be overestimated, especially if we keep in mind that the versy to a financial one (see Paschoud 1965 but with the retrac- first consuls appointed by Theodosius himself after his tatio in Paschoud 1983). Against these explanations, see Salz- victory over Eugenius, Olybrius and Probinus, were both man 1989, 352. In the following, though I shall take financial Christian. In fact, Theodosius did not purge the Senate problems into account, I do not intend to reduce the conflict to financial and even economic issues, but, on the contrary to and the administration of pagans, rather than he granted show how financial questions reactivated the most important is- pagans with special honours. When Prudentius reminds sue for both pagans and Christians: what is exactly the best Symmachus of these favours eight years later, it sounds model for imperial power? 41 like a reminder of a deal. The favours that Theodosius Prud. C. Symm. 1.616–624: Denique, pro meritis terrestribus aequa rependens / munera, sacricolis summos inpertit honores / gave to pagans implied they will support, not undermine, dux bonus et certare sinit cum laude suorum, / nec pago inplici- the Christian way of ruling the Empire, but many ele- tos per debita culmina mundi / ire uiros prohibit, quoniam cae- ments show that Stilicho, who needed the financial and lestia nunquam / terrenis solitum per iter gradientibus obstant. / economical support of the great pagan families, had tried Ipse magistratum tibi consulis, ipse tribunal / contulit, aura- tumque togae donauit amictum, / cuius religio tibi displicet. to secure a renewed support from pagans by promoting a 42 About this period and Theodosius’ administration, see for ex- conservative political line in accordance with the ideal of ample Cameron 1969, and especially Matthews 1971. Useful past Roman emperors.43 Not later than in 398, in his pan- notes in Charlet 2000, ix–xi. 43 egyric for Honorius’ fourth consulate Theodosius’ Barnes (1976) suggests that the purpose of the journey is the return of the altar of Victory in the Senate’s house but my opin- words, inspired by Seneca’s treatise on Clemency, were ion is that, in exchange for a loyal participation to Stilicho’s war a clear manifesto of traditional Roman rule, based on achievements, the Senate asked Honorius to come to Rome and pietas (without any Christian meaning here), perhaps to stay for a long time in the old capital, and that Stili- and libertas.44 Two years later, in 400, Stilicho himself cho (either for political interests or according to personal con- victions) favoured a demand including a more traditional came to Rome to inaugurate his consulship, and Claud- policy. ian in the opening lines of his third book on Stilicho’s 44 Charlet (2000, 23–25) provides parallels between 4 Honor. consulship portrayed the generalissimo as a new Scipio, 270–301 and Clem. 1.8.1; 1.5.7; 1.19.6 etc. Seneca’s treatise is triumphant over the new Hannibal and told Rome to the model of Theodosius’ speech, including as complements topoi coming from late panegyrics. “honour ... the consul who has restored its dignity to the 45 Stilic. 3.6–7: uenerare curulem / quae tibi restituit fasces. 45 consulship”. Inaugurating the consulship in Rome was 46 Stilicho needed no special political ability to understand this quite an unexpected return to tradition. Since the impe- danger. The conflict about the altar of Victory showed that pa- rial court no longer resides in Rome, new consuls used to gans would not easily abdicate what they held for essential, and go to the court and inaugurate their consulship in front of Eugenius’ short but dangerous usurpation had found support amongst pagans and made clear that desperate pagans could be the emperor and a delegation of Roman senators. All a danger for the Church. Arbogast, Eugenius’ magister militum, these elements are in my opinion proofs that Stilicho and Flavianus, his pretorian prefect, were zealous tried to promote a Roman traditional conception of im- pagans. Some rumours, pretending that after their victory on perial rule and, in order to win the support of pagan Theodosius they would stable their horses in the churches and conscript the clergy, are undoubtedly echoes of the fear pro- senators and perhaps of the numerous Italian pagans, voked among Christians by such a pagan reaction. See Jones tried to separate Honorius’ personal faith from official 1990, 169. Idealised Past and Contested Tradition 309

The Christian aristocracy favoured by Theodosius and plex. There are in fact three ways of reading Prudentius’ Honorius might lose some of the prominent position it poem and Claudian’s panegyric together, and conse- had received, not only because Stilicho wanted to use the quently three conceptions of Roman identities. Accord- large resources of the pagan aristocracy for his own ing to a mere religious point of view, Prudentius and policy, but also because the regent had perceived a fail- Claudian documented one of the last phases of the fight ure in the Christian conception of Roman power and between a more and more radical anti-pagan Christian tried to find a solution that was unacceptable for radical elite and the last supports of late philosophical pagan- Christians. We know from later writers that Stilicho had ism. Even more than a theological one, this fight seems many enemies both among Christians and among pagans to have been philosophical and political. As Symmachus who were criticizing his expensive policy, but we also suggested in 384, pagans and Christian could live in a know that later historians blamed Stilicho and his family mutual tolerance, and be something like two bases of im- for religious reasons. One text can be quoted as an ele- perial power. Prudentius refutes this collaboration, ment of proof. In his history against pagans, Orosius pointing out that Roman identity, such as it has been de- (7.38), few years later, declared that: “Count Stilicho, fined by traditional Roman paganism, is incompatible sprung from the Vandals, an unwarlike, greedy, treach- with Christian faith. To become a Christian Roman erous, and crafty race, thinking it of little consequence means not only to change one’s mind but also to change that he ruled under the emperor, struggled in every way, one’s old identity to a new one. Claudian’s answer re- as it is generally reported, to place in power his son, Eu- futes this statement by invoking the ethnical and histori- cherius, who, already from boyhood and in private life, cal nature of Roman identity: being a Roman is not a had been planning the persecution of Christians”.47 As matter of religious faith. Romans are really Roman when inconsistent as the mention of Eucherius’ ambition may they are aware of a tradition coming from the origins of be, everything in this account seems to be an of the city and making them members of a collectivity that anti-Stilichonian Christian propaganda and an echo of transcends history. Bad emperors’ military and political how radical Christians perceived Stilicho’s policies. The failures cannot be used as proofs of Roman religious er- fact that Stilicho himself was a Christian and that his rors; they are evidence that when Romans lose their link wife Serena was fairly devout must lead us to consider to this moral and civic tradition they become weak and these religious attacks as a way of hiding the true divi- evil. In the political context of the beginning 5th century, sion between Christians and Stilicho and confounding there was a place for such a debate, because the western two readings of Stilichonian policy, one based on the de- Christian emperor was too weak to impose a personal mands made by the regent to support his wars and the political line, as Theodosius had done sometimes with other based on the suspicion Stilicho had raised among brutality. Stilicho, who ruled the West in the name of Christians concerning imperial rule. Concerning the first Honorius and apparently according to Theodosius’ will, reading, Stilicho’s policy against barbarians involved was in fact the centre of this polemic, not merely be- few battles but many financial agreements. This was cause he was a Christian who had won important victo- very expansive and senators were the first ones invited to ries against barbarians, but also because in order to keep contribute thereto. That is probably the real reason why his power he needed the support of all the Roman forces. Symmachus came to Rome: to cut a new deal with Stili- To win this support, he had to cooperate with pagans, cho, part of which could be a more tolerant religious pol- and hence to question the change of identity that Pruden- icy. To such a radical Christian as Prudentius (and that tius considered as the most important element of pro- was the second possible reading of the regent’s policies), gress towards a Christian Rome. There is no doubt that this was undoubtedly a political mistake, a breach in Ro- the answer given in 404 by Claudian’s last imperial man progress towards Christianity, and, incidentally, a panegyric helped to alienate more Christians, and to sin. Claudian, who is both an unconditional supporter of weaken Stilicho’s political position, as we can see in Stilicho’s policy and a sincere pagan, cannot let Pruden- Orosius’ account: for Christians, Stilicho was now a bar- tius’ attacks go unanswered. On the occasion of Hono- barian who tried to rule the Empire by gaining the fa- rius consulship in 404 (obviously a political choice com- ing from Stilicho), he answered with a manifesto con- 47 Oros. 7.38: comes Stilico, Vandalorum inbellis auarae perfi- taining the most traditional Roman conception of power. dae et dolosae gentis genere editus, parui pendens quod sub im- peratore imperabat, Eucherium filium suum, sicut a plerisque traditur, iam inde Christianorum persecutionem a puero priua- To conclude these remarks, the links between the past toque meditantem, in imperium quoquo modo substituere nite- and Roman identities in these texts are extremely com- batur. 310 Bruno Bureau vours of pagans and so the true supports of the emperor in Commencer et finir. Débuts et fins could only be loyal Christians who tirelessly worked to dans les littératures grecque, latine et undermine Stilicho’s evil influence on Honorius. It néolatine, eds. B. Bureau & C. Nicolas, would only take four years before Honorius granted Lyon 2008, 445–464. them what they wanted: the head of Stilicho, who was, Dewar 1996 Claudian, Panegyricus de sexto consu- latu Honorii Augusti, edited with intro- according to various points of view that historians gave duction, translation, and literary com- soon after his death, the last of the Romans or the first of mentary by M.J. Dewar, Oxford 1996. a long series of barbarian adventurers trying to rule the Döpp 1986 S. Döpp, ‘Prudentius’ Contra Symma- Roman Empire. chum eine Einheit?’, Vigiliae Christi- anae 40:1, 1986, 66–82. Bruno Bureau Dufraigne 1991 P. Dufraigne, Adventus Augusti, adven- Université de Lyon (Jean Moulin-Lyon 3) tus Christi. Recherche sur l’exploitation HiSoMA (UMR 5189) idéologique et littéraire d’un cérémonial 18 rue Chevreul dans l’Antiquité tardive, Paris 1991. F-69362 LYON 07 Jones 1990 A.H.M. Jones, The Later Roman Empire. [email protected] A social, economic and administrative survey, Oxford 1990². Lavarenne 1963 Prudence, Psychomachie. Contre Sym- maque, texte établi et traduit par M. La- Bibliography varenne, Paris 19632. McCormick 1990 M. McCormick, Eternal victory. Trium- Barnes 1976 T.D. Barnes, ‘The historical setting of phal rulership in Late Antiquity, Byzan- Prudentius’ Contra Symmachum’, AJP tium and the Early Medieval West, Cam- 97:4, 1976, 373–386. bridge & Paris 1990. Barnes & Westall T.D. Barnes & R.W. Westall, ‘The con- Matthews 1971 J.F. Matthews, ‘Gallic supporters of 1991 version of the Roman aristocracy in Pru- Theodosius’, Latomus 30, 1971, 1084– dentius’ Contra Symmachum’, Phoenix 1087. 45:1, 1991, 50–61. Paschoud 1965 F. Paschoud, ‘Reflexions sur l’idéal reli- Callu 1972 J.-P. Callu, Symmaque. Correspondance, gieux de Symmaque’, Historia 14:2, Livres 1–2, Paris 1972. 1965, 215–235. Callu 1982 J.-P. Callu, Symmaque. Correspondance, Paschoud 1983 F. Paschoud, ‘Le rôle du providentia- Livres 3–5, Paris 1982. lisme dans le conflit de 384 sur l’autel de Callu 2009 J.-P. Callu, Symmaque. Discours et rap- la Victoire’, MusHelv 40:3, 1983, 197– ports, Paris 2009. 206. Cameron 1969 A. Cameron, ‘Theodosius the Great and Platnauer 1922 M. Platnauer, Claudian (Loeb), London the regency of Stilico’, HSCP 73, 1969, & Cambridge, Mass. 1922. 247–280. Rohman 2003 D. Rohman, ‘Das langsame Sterben der Charlet 2000 Claudien, Œuvres, 2:1–2. Poèmes poli- Veterum Cultura Deorum: pagane Kulte tiques (395–398), texte établi et traduit bei Prudentius’, Hermes 131:2, 2003, par J.-L. Charlet, Paris 2000. 235–253. Chuvin 1990 P. Chuvin, Chronique des derniers païens, Salzman 1989 M.R. Salzman, ‘Reflections on Symma- Paris 1990. chus’ idea of tradition’, Historia 38:3, Delignon 2008 B. Delignon, ‘Pourquoi commencer et 1989, 348–364. comment finir? Contraintes et libertés Thomson 1962 H.J. Thomson, Prudentius (Loeb), Lon- poétiques et politiques dans la satire de don & Cambridge, Mass. 1962². Juvénal et dans l’épigramme de Martial’, FROM THE ELOGIA OF DAMASUS TO THE ACTA OF THE GESTA MARTYRUM: RE-STAGING ROMAN HISTORY

BY DENNIS TROUT

Abstract gious politics and civic discourse of late imperial and One measure of the evolution of public memory and civic iden- Ostrogothic Rome. Like the social knowledge embedded tity in late ancient Rome can be taken by reading the acta and in “intentional history” in other times and places, that is, passiones of the anonymous gesta martyrum Romanorum the reconstructed biographies of the Liber and the fanci- against the background of the monumental elogia of the mid- ful passiones of the gesta simultaneously underwrote fourth-century Roman bishop Damasus. If Damasus’ brief elo- gia celebrating the Roman martyrs laid the foundations for a collective identity and advanced discrete competitive revised schema of Roman history, the narrative elaborations claims by appealing to “mythico-historical tradition.”3 manifest in the later tales of the gesta represent a much fuller re- Classicists and ancient historians may better appreci- staging of the Roman past for contemporary ends. At the same ate the benefits of taking seriously the ideological func- time, however, that the gesta offered late fifth- and sixth-cen- tury Romans more complex and compelling stories of their ori- tion of the romances of the gesta martyrum by recalling gins, they anchored their dramatic tales of heroic action to vital how the self-inflicted moral and political wounds that tombs and memoriae that had often been first monumentalized unraveled the Republican system in the days of Pompey, in the age of Damasus. Thus no less insistently than the Caesar, and Cicero were gradually healed (or obscured) bishop’s elogia, the gesta sought to reconstitute Roman history by appealing to a topography deemed to have been hallowed by by the media of the Augustan restoration. Livy’s history, the res gestae of the community’s earliest generations. Thus the Vergil’s epic, and, for example, the sculptural program composition of the gesta can be understood as a further and cru- of the Forum Augustum re-presented the Roman past, re- cial moment in the late antique generation of Roma christiana. cent and distant, in ways that seamlessly linked Rome’s origins and early legends to the refurbished city’s impe- During the six centuries that separate the principate of rial mission and its embryonic ruling house. Historiogra- Augustus from the papacy of Gregory the Great (590– phy, poetry, and public monuments promoted a caval- 1 604) Romans re-invented themselves several times. cade of founding fathers, who—led by Aeneas, Romu- Modern observers have long recognized that the Augus- lus, and M. Furius Camillus—prepared the way for the tan settlement was accompanied by renegotiations of dispensations and deeds of the current pater patriae, as Roman self-understanding that were to a significant de- Augustus was styled beneath a bronze quadriga in his gree conducted in dialogue with the myths and legends new forum. In perfect counterpoint, the procession of 2 of early and Republican Rome. Only more recently, contemporary sacerdotes and senatores carved on the however, have scholars begun to see the late fifth and long sides of the Ara pacis Augustae and the carefully early sixth centuries as an era of identity re-formation modulated assertions of the Res gestae divi Augusti in- also partially effected by recalling and recasting the fig- scribed on bronze tablets before the princeps’ mauso- ures and events of an earlier heroic age. To be sure, the full complexity of the processes by which late ancient The following abbreviations are used throughout: Romans drew upon, invented, and re-presented for their AASS = Acta Sanctorum own ends the stories of their pre-Constantinian heritage LTUR Sub = Lexicon topographicum urbis Romae. Suburbium, remains to be fully explored, obscured as it is by the 5 vols., ed. A. La Regina, Roma 2001–2008. challenges of lagging textual criticism and the halting 1 development of late antique archaeology. Nevertheless, On the instability of public memory and the invention of tradi- tion begin with, e.g., Hobsbawm & Ranger 1983, Halbwachs much recent work on the Liber Pontificalis and the gesta 1992, Lowenthal 1998 and Gehrke 2001. martyrum Romanorum reveals the centrality of these 2 Edwards 1996; Wiseman 2004. fifth- and sixth-century “historical” works to the reli- 3 Gehrke 2001, 286–287. 312 Dennis Trout leum reaffirmed the ancient and Republican foundations class—and Theodoric’s Roman building program sug- of the new imperial age.4 The resiliency and appeal of gest how deeply entrenched was the ancient vision of such texts and monuments meant these memoriae would Roman mores and civic grandeur.9 In such an atmos- long continue to remind Romans who they had always phere a contemporary poet would naturally display both been. his wit and his seriousness by alluding to Augustan-age By the late sixth century, however, much of the ver- elegists while echoing his high-minded contemporar- sion of Roman identity embodied in the texts and monu- ies.10 ments of the Augustan age, steeped in out-of-date gods Other documents, however, reveal how slight was the and manners, was no longer serviceable. Yet the histori- purchase of such hoary versions of the Roman past upon cal amnesia that had settled over many Romans by the the minds of some of Cassiodorus’ contemporaries. The days of Pope Gregory began to drift over the city much redaction in the 530s and 540s of the first and second earlier, certainly by the mid-fourth century. Then, in the editions of the Liber Pontificalis is a telling case in decades after Constantine, texts and monuments were point.11 Undoubtedly the Liber, with its serial resumes of once again the media of imagineering. A new Christian the lives and deeds of half a millennium’s worth of Ro- topography, fashioned first on the outskirts of the city in man bishops, illustrates the desire of certain sixth-cen- funerary basilicae, imperial mausolea, and monumental- tury popes to control for their own purposes how contro- ized martyria, together with an alternate calendar of me- versies of the past were to be written and remembered. 5 morial festivals and civic holidays, were the first steps. As several recent studies have shown, far from being po- Though Constantine and various members of his family litically neutral, the Liber Pontificalis was deeply impli- did much as builders to direct these changes, among the cated in the fractious lay and clerical struggles of its more successful and better-known Roman impresarios of age.12 Yet the Liber’s particular exercises in self-inter- this fourth-century reformation was Damasus, bishop of ested historical reconstruction are also concentrated mo- the city from 366 to 384. His grand elogia memorializ- ments within a grand and sweeping pageant of Roman ing the early Roman martyrs (which are the best remain- civic history that commences with the missions of Peter ing evidence of his impact), inscribed on marble tablets and Paul and offers few roles (other than adversarial) to in elegant script and installed in martyria and shrines the emperors, senators, and officials who had made Ro- throughout the Roman suburbs, set in place the corner- man history during the generations of those same five 6 stones of a revised Roman identity. Read collectively centuries. By the 540s, in other words, it was possible to Damasus’ brief carmina epigraphica announce the out- imagine a past in which only the res gestae of Rome’s lines of a history of Rome founded upon a myth of origin bishops—ostensibly their martyrdoms and their fidelity set in the age of apostles and martyrs rather than in the to the canones apostolorum but no less their administra- trials of Aeneas and Romulus. Viewed in aggregate tive acta and church foundations—truly mattered.13 Damasus’ elogia offer an early but reasonably clear prospect upon the complex processes by which some late ancient Romans began to recover and invent a past that 4 The bibliography is vast. Useful as checks on my generaliza- could make sense of Christianity’s triumph. Inevitably, tions are Zanker 1988 and Galinsky 1996. this new Roman past marginalized (or severely trans- 5 Salzman 1999; MacMullen 2009, 69–89. formed) the city’s former founders, heroes, and guard- 6 Trout 2005a; Diefenbach 2007, 289–324; Reutter 2009, 57– ians—not a few of whom, of course, such as Romulus 98. 7 and Camillus, had played leading roles in the pages of Geiger 2008 with Romulus at 137–138 and Camillus at 140– 141. Livy and Vergil as well as in the Forum Augustum’s stat- 8 McLynn 2008, quote 175; for the coins, see, e.g., Wroth 1911, uary program.7 104–105. To be sure, civic and religious traditions may be as re- 9 The Variae: Barnish 2008; Bjornlie 2009. Building program: silient as they are venerable. As the fifth century turned Johnson 1988. 10 Barnish 1990. to the sixth some Roman nobles, continuing to invest in 11 Duchense 1955, xxxiii–xlviii; Davis 2000, xii–xvi. the city’s “heritage industry,” still celebrated the Luper- 12 Blair-Dixon 2007 and for the persistence of such revisionism, calia and impressed images of Romulus, Remus, and the see Sotinel 2008. lupa on their bronze coins.8 In the same decades both 13 Note the somewhat misleading topics (martyrdom and trans- Cassiodorus’ Variae—written on behalf of Italy’s Ostro- gression of the Apostolic canons) advertised by the introductory “letters” to the Liber Pontificalis with the cautionary discussion gothic rulers but repackaged to stress (among other of Cuppo 2008. The Liber’s persistent interest in “material cul- claims) the reverentia antiquitatis of Italy’s bureaucratic ture” is well documented by Geertman 2003. From the Elogia of Damasus to the Acta of the Gesta Martyrum 313

Elogia and gesta recting attention to those loca sacra where the amazing events of the community’s (newest) history had un- It is, in fact, the representation of martyrdom, and es- folded and by reaffirming the days devoted to the recall pecially its lineaments as drawn in the assembly of of those same events.17 passiones and acta now known as the gesta martyrum The relatively tidy case of Felix and Adauctus illust- Romanorum, that is of interest here. Notoriously diffi- rates well both the narrative strategies and the locative cult to date precisely, though generally believed to priorities of the Roman gesta. The earliest attestation of have been redacted individually and at various mo- these two martyrs is provided by the metrical elogium ments in the late fifth and early sixth centuries—and that Damasus composed between 366 and 384 and in- thus never forming in antiquity a unified collection or stalled at their memoria in the Catacomb of Commodilla fixed corpus—this body of “hagiographic romances” 18 14 not far from the Ostian Way. Like most Damasan elo- relates the tales of Rome’s early martyrs. Subsequent gia, as Hippolyte Delehaye observed more than a cen- to Albert Dufourcqs’ landmark early twentieth-century tury ago, the seven-line inscription is sparing in detail.19 study of the gesta, most scholars have shied away from Its information amounts to this: Felix was martyred first, attempts to isolate nuggets of truth about pre-Constan- Adauctus his brother second. The former thereby tinian Rome in these much later texts.15 Instead recent reached the caelestia regna and the latter hastened on to work has been concerned to show how the gesta can heaven (ad caelum . . . properavit).20 A century or more contribute to our understanding of the late fifth- and later, however, the gesta’s tale of the two saints served sixth-century society that produced them. The ten- up a well-appointed feast.21 The urgency of its opening dency now is to isolate the emphases, subtle or pro- line is characteristic of other texts we will meet below: nounced, of individual gesta and link these to other- “At Rome on the Via Ostiensis at the second mile stone wise known conflicts, tensions, and debates of the pe- from the city under the emperors Diocletian and Maxim- riod. The approach has been fruitful, throwing into ian, when Dracus was prefect and iudex, there were two high relief the polemical and didactic qualities of these brothers, Felix in name as well as exploit [a pun already works and aligning their manipulations of the past present in Damasus’ elogium], both priests.”22 In part with such similarly inspired maneuvers as those still this claim arises from a (mis)reading of the Damasan discernible, for example, in the roughly contemporary Liber Pontificalis.16 14 But underlying the gesta’s particular impulses to re- Cooper 1999, 305–308, quote at 306; Pilsworth 2000. Below I rely primarily upon the texts as they appear in Mombritius cast the past in order to speak to contemporary issues 1978, originally compiled in the fifteenth century then re-pub- are fundamental assumptions about the Roman story no lished in Paris in 1910, and the editions of the AASS. less deeply embedded there than the master narrative 15 Dufourcq 1988 with observations of Cooper 1999, 299. that sustains the Liber Pontificalis’ series of papal 16 E.g., Cooper 1999; Sessa 2007a; and the essays in Cooper & biographies. Truncating Roman history, the tales of the Hillner 2007. For a similarly nuanced reading of Gregory the Great’s homilies delivered at the city’s martyr shrines, see Ley- gesta flatten the contours of the imperial past by re- ser 2000, 303–306. ducing it to a series of brutal but insipid persecuting 17 E.g., Aen. 8.184–279 (the ara maxima); Livy 1.12.6 (the emperors and officials. In place of the res publica’s temple of Jupiter Stator), 1.26.10 (the pila Horatii), and 1.26.13 former foundational myths the gesta offer alternative (the sororium tigillum). 18 tales of personal valor and self-sacrifice on behalf of a Ferrua 1942, 98–101, no. 7. On the site see Pergola and Barbini 1998, 218–221; Carletti 2004, 134–140. civic ideal, though often transposing quite traditional 19 Delehaye 1897, 20; similarly noted by Dufourcq 1988, vol. 1, constellations of Roman mores into their new settings. 24–28. See also Franchi de’ Cavalieri 1912, 41–53; Amore They are, moreover, characterized by a narrative inven- 1975, 207–208. tiveness that emerges with special clarity when their 20 Ferrua 1942, 98–101, no. 7: O semel adque iterum vero de passiones are read alongside the elogia of Damasus, nomine Felix, / qui intemerata fide, contempto principe mundi, / confessus Christum caelestia regna petisti. / O vere pretiosa the fullest previous corpus of Roman hagiographic fides, cognoscite, fratris, / qua ad caelum victor pariter prope- texts. Yet the gesta’s creative elaborations are also ravit Adauctus. / Presbyter his Verus, Damaso rectore iubente, / (like the Damasan elogia) tightly anchored to concrete conposuit tumulum sanctorum limina adornans. places of memory within the Roman cityscape and 21 Mombritius 1978, 1.551; see also AASS Aug. VI (1868) 546– bound to specific moments in the annual round of civic 547. 22 Mombritius 1978, 1.551: Romae via Ostiensi milliario se- festivals and holidays. Like Vergil’s Aeneid and the cundo ab urbe sub Dioclitiano et Maximiano imperatoribus early books of Livy’s history, that is, the gesta mar- praefecto et iudice Draco fuerunt duo fratres nomine et opere tyrum affirmed contemporary Roman identity by di- Felices ambo praesbyteri. 314 Dennis Trout text,23 but the rest of the passio must spring from a com- passio of Felix and Adauctus brilliantly bridged the bination of tradition and invention: hauled to the pre- space between a potentially mute civic monument and fect’s chamber near a temple of Serapis, the elder Felix the “mythico-historical tradition” that could keep it was ordered to sacrifice. Instead he blew upon the god’s alive. golden statue, which fell to the ground—an act Felix re- The potential for weaving more sweeping panoramas peated when brought before statues of and of national history out of such marriages of story and Diana. He was then tortured but confessed only his alle- place is neatly exemplified by the more complex acta of giance to “all powerful god” before being taken, at the and Achilles. Like Felix and Adauctus, Nereus prefect’s order, out the Via Ostiensis to a sacred tree, and Achilles first appear in a Damasan elogium, this one which crashed down uprooted at his command, crushing installed at their suburban shrine in the Catacomb of the temple and the idol located beside it. Finally, again at Domitilla near the Via Ardeatina.25 Damasus’ eight in- the prefect’s order, he was beheaded and left for the scribed hexameters advertised the pair as soldiers reluc- wolves and dogs. In the course of these events, however, tantly performing their cruel duties until, suddenly con- another man, one who had privately guarded his Chris- verted, they tossed aside their shields and bloody weap- tian faith, publicly confessed his allegiance to the same ons, joyously preferring to carry the “triumphs of law and master as Felix and was also executed. Because Christ.” By the time their acta and passio were com- this man was unknown, the Christians called him Adauc- posed, however, Nereus and Achilles had assumed a tus, for he had been “added” to Felix’s crown (auctus sit radically different guise, partially in response to the ad coronam). Both martyrs were then buried in the hol- pressures exerted by other holy tombs in the vicinity of low left by the uprooted tree. Eventually, in peaceful their own. The accounts of the gesta presented them as times, the reader learns, a basilica was built on the same two chamberlain eunuchs who dissuaded the emperor spot. The text concluded with a record of the day of the Domitian’s niece, Flavia Domitilla, from marriage with martyrdom of Felix and Adauctus: tertio calendas sep- her fiancé only to earn imprisonment with her on the is- tembres, August 30. land of Pontiana. 26 There the two confessors continued The passio of Felix and Adauctus is a vivid reminder that Damasus’ elogia, for all they contributed to the 23 In particular the doubling of Felix into two brothers of the fourth-century foundations of a new Roman identity, same name: see Delehaye 1897, 22 and 43, who also suggested lacked the kind of narrative superstructure essential to (22–24) that the passio was composed by an author who knew the re-staging of national history. Like commemorative Damasus’ poem in a copy but was unfamiliar with their actual monuments on a battlefield, Damasus’ allusive poems martyrium, though this hardly need be so. 24 plotted a topography of holy actions fought on Roman Valentini & Zucchetti 1942, 110: Et non longe inde ecclesia sancti Felicis est, ubi ipse dormit, cum quo, quando ad caelum soil, but they would require other media to broadcast migravit, pariter properabat Adauctus, et ambo requiescunt in their stories in more consumable forms. To some extent, uno loco. the itineraria of the seventh century might have met 25 Ferrua 1942, 101–104, no. 8: Nereus et Achilleus martyres. / such a need: when the De locis sanctis martyrum, for ex- Militiae nomen dederant savumq(ue) gerebant / officium, pariter spectantes iussa tyranni, / praeceptis pulsante metu ser- ample, reached the Via Ostiensis, it announced (echoing vire parati. / Mira fides rerum: subito posuere furore(m), / con- Damasus): “And not far from [the church of Saint versi fugiunt, ducis inpia castra relinquunt, / proiciunt clipeos, Thecla] is the church of Saint Felix, where he sleeps. faleras telaq(ue) cruenta, / confesssi gaudent Christi portare And when he passed to heaven (ad caelum), ‘Adauctus triumfos. / credite per Damasum possit quid gloria Christi. On likewise rushed on (properabat)’ with him. And both the difficulty of assigning details of time and place to Damasus’ 24 account see Franchi de’ Cavalieri 1909, 41–55; Amore 1975, rest in one place.” But the itineraria, guidebooks of a 200. On the catacomb see Pergola & Barbini 1998, 211–216; sort to the city’s churches and shrines, are hardly less Pergola 2004, 203–207. anemic than Damasus’ elogia, taking on color, perhaps, 26 The acta are divided in Mombritius’ edition between two ac- only when read in proximity to the sites and monuments counts. Mombritius 1978, 1.425– 428 relates their “preaching” to Domitilla and their exile together with her to Pontiana; they glossed. But by framing its romance of toppled stat- 2.292–293 tells of their martyrdom and burial. More fully at ues, destroyed temples, a frustrated prefect (whose name AASS III (1866) 6–13. Despite the radical remake, how- is pure fiction), poetic justice (in the beheading of a saint ever, it does appear that the author(s) of the relatio exilii sanc- whose breath and voice threatened the system), and fan- tae Domitille virginis praedicati a Nereo et Achileo martyribus, ciful etymology with the hard data of place and time— did know the Damasan text. Compare the latter with Mombri- tius 1978, 1.425, lines 48 to 50: sciant [populi] quod studio on the Via Ostiensis at the second mile stone from the belli victoriarum triumphos portantes : ad regem suum ovantes city, three days before the kalends of September—the atque laetantes pervenire meruerunt. From the Elogia of Damasus to the Acta of the Gesta Martyrum 315 their defense of the faith, vanquishing in debate two dis- polytus, for his martyrdom was also the subject of an ciples of Simon Magus, until they were returned to the intermediary poetic treatment by Prudentius. Damasus’ mainland and abruptly beheaded at Tarracina. Their dis- verses, installed in Hippolytus’ shrine on the Via ciples recovered their bodies, returned them to Rome, Tiburtina and more precise than many of the bishop’s and buried them at the suburban estate of Domitilla, next elogia, stressed Hippolytus’ status as a presbyter and to Petronilla, the daughter of St. Peter. his alleged return to orthodoxy from scisma just prior The acta and passio of Nereus and Achilles are a ram- to his martyrdom. Damasus, however, who acknowl- bling affair that serves, in part, as the narrative frame- edged the legendary nature of his information, pro- work for a mini-treatise de virginitate. These texts were vided no details of Hippolytus’ execution.32 Several also shaped, however, by a desire to integrate the tale of decades later Prudentius could (or would) say much the two martyrs with the popular legends of Domitilla more about Hippolytus’ horrific end. Prudentius had and Petronilla, whose memoriae were located nearby in clearly seen and read the Damasan elogium in the Via the same cemetery complex. Indeed, it appears that the Tiburtina shrine and his poem dedicated to Hippolytus funerary shrines of all three benefitted materially from in the Peristephanon similarly stressed the martyr’s re- papal attention in roughly the same period as the compo- jection of his schismatic sympathies.33 But Prudentius sition of the acta and passio, for according to the Liber also described at length a painting that in his day Pontificalis the cymiterium beatorum martyrum Nerei et adorned the saint’s martyrium. His ecphrastic tour de Achellei was refurbished by Pope John I (523-526).27 force painted its own gruesome picture of Hippolytus Perhaps it is not surprising, then, that the passio of dragged to death at Portus by wild horses (fulfilling the Nereus and Achilles displays the same acute concern for destiny of his name), his scattered limbs and flesh topographic detail that marks the passio of Felix and painstakingly recovered by the faithful, and his subse- Adauctus (whose “cemetery,” the Liber records, John quent burial in a dark crypt just outside Rome.34 Having also renovated).28 Thus the passio of Nereus and Achil- les assured its audience that the martyrs’ burial took 27 See Duchesne 1955, 276 (John I, 523–526): refecit cymite- place “at the estate of Domitilla in a quarry crypt . . . on rium beatorum martyrum Nerei et Achellei, via Ardetina. On the Via Ardeatina one and a half miles from the wall of the connections to the legends of Flavia Domitilla and Petro- nilla, see Dufourcq 1988, vol. 1, 251–255, 305; Amore 1975, the city, near the tomb in which had been buried Petro- 201; and Pergola 2004, 206. nilla, daughter of the Apostle Peter,” while their dies na- 28 Duchesne 1955, 276 (John I, 523–526): item renovavit cymi- talis was carefully noted, four days before the ides of terium sanctorum Felicis et Audacti [i.e., the coemeterium 29 Commodillae]. May. Moreover, to bolster confidence this information 29 was embedded in a “letter” sent by three Christians, AASS Maius III (1866) 11E: et in praedio Domitillae in crypta arenaria sepelivit, in via Ardeatinea, a muro Urbis mil- named Eutices, Victorinus, and Maro, to a certain Mar- liario uno semis, juxta sepulcrum in quo sepulta fuerat Petro- cellus, a fellow Christian and a son of the prefect of the nilla, Apostoli Petri filia. . . . Dies natalis eorum quarto Idus city. Some of the facts reported to Marcellus, are Maias. 30 claimed as first-hand knowledge, while the news of Mombritius 1978, 2.292–293; AASS Maius III (1866) 11D– 12A. Nereus and Achilles’ execution at Tarracina and burial at 31 Valentini & Zucchetti 1942, 110. Rome depends (readers learn) upon a report received 32 Ferrua 1942, 169–173, no. 35: Hippolytus fertur premerent from the martyrs’ own disciple Auspicius, who had cum iussa tyranni / presbyter in scisma semper mansisse No- overseen their burial next to Petronilla.30 This documen- vati. / tempore quo gladius secuit pia viscera matris, / devotus tary “evidence” surely aimed both to enhance the weight Christo peteret cum regna piorum, / quaesisset populus ubinam procedere posset, / catholicam dixisse fidem sequerentur ut of the passio’s exhortation to chastity and to validate the omnes. / sic noster meruit confessus martyr ut esset. / haec au- legitimacy of the tomb that housed the martyrs’ re- dita refert Damasus probat omnia Christus. A Roman martyr mains—and which became one stop on a tour of Domi- Hippolytus does appear in pre-Damasan texts but the historical tilla’s cemetery that might also include a visit to the Hippolytus is a much-debated figure. Damasus’ assignment of 31 Hippolytus to a scisma Novati (repeated by Prudentius), if by tomb of Petronilla. Again, the gesta and a shrine first this he intends Novatian, apparently arises from an already con- monumentalized by Damasus collaborated in the recon- fused tradition. See Amore 1975, 98–101; and on the “writer” stitution of Roman history. Hippolytus see the overview at Drobner 2007, 122–126. On the The of social memory lurking in the catacomb of Hippolytus see Pergola & Barbini 1998, 153–157; Nuzzo 2005, 68–75. gap between Damasus’ elogia and the gesta mar- 33 Prud. Perist. 11.19–24 (scisma Novati). Cf. Ferrua 1942, tyrum’s accounts of Felix and Adauctus and Nereus 171–172. and Achilles are better illuminated in the case of Hip- 34 Prud. Perist. 11.77–152. 316 Dennis Trout himself visited Hippolytus’ shrine as a suppliant pil- Story and place grim, Prudentius described for his correspondent Vale- rian the annual festival that now brought crowds to the Writing his Dialogues in 593 and 594, Pope Gregory the saint’s tomb on his dies natalis.35 Fittingly he closed Great cast his eye around his city: “We see walls crum- his poem by recalling the date of Hippolytus’ martyr- bling, houses demolished, churches destroyed by a whirlwind, and its buildings, weakened by great age, ly- dom, the Ides of August (Augustus 13), and requesting ing on the ground in spreading ruins.”41 Any attempt to that henceforth Valerian remember it too.36 make sense of the attitudes toward the past harbored by Within a century or so of Prudentius’ Peristephanon, Gregory and the several generations of Romans before however, Hippolytus of the Via Tiburtina had fully en- him would need to take full account of the devastation tered the force field of the popular Lawrence cycle, wrought in Italy and Rome by the calamitous wars of the captured by the gravity of the latter’s nearby cult site.37 post-Ostrogothic sixth century. The city of Gregory was Accordingly, Hippolytus’ passio ignored the schis- no longer that of Augustus or even Constantine. Despite matic association whose rejection figures so promi- late antique lay, clerical, and imperial patronage, its fab- nently in his earlier representations by Damasus and ric had deteriorated, its population shrunk—perhaps Prudentius. No longer a dissident presbyter but now from hundreds to tens of thousands.42 Moreover by (ironically) sanitized as a pagan vicarius of the emperor Gregory’s day the Roman Campagna was increasingly Decius, Hippolytus was converted to Christianity by an island surrounded and threatened by independent Lawrence and, together with the presbyter Iustinus, Lombard principalities. It may be enough here, however, 38 buried Lawrence after the latter’s martyrdom. Hippo- simply to remark that Gregory’s Dialogues are them- lytus’ own martyrdom, which took place three days selves a crucial witness to his own historical sensibility, later, was portrayed as a family drama of alternating for it is likely that Gregory’s advertisements of holy men verbal exchanges and physical assaults until at last the of living memory—such as Benedict of Nursia, whose prefect Valerianus ordered Hippolytus and his familia eschatological prophecy of a generation before provoked to be led out outside the city walls beyond the Porta Gregory’s lament on his city—represent his desire to Tiburtina. There his family and servants were mas- complement (if not challenge) the hold upon the popular sacred while Hippolytus himself, tied by his feet to the imagination of the gesta martyrum’s tales of Christian necks of wild horses, was dragged to death through Rome’s heroic age by advertising the continuing favor of thickets of thistles and thorns. That night all were God on display in the miracles performed by more recent buried “in an open area near a fountain beside the Ager figures of surpassing moral and spiritual accomplish- Veranus on the Ides of August.”39 The burial of other ment.43 martyrs of the same persecution piled up around them.40 By the sixth century, Hippolytus of the passio 35 Prud. Perist. 11.177–182 and 195– 230. 36 had been normalized within the parameters of the new Prud. Perist. 11.231–234. 37 Serra 2005, 203–211. national history—his schismatic past elided, his hor- 38 The passio of Hippolytus appears at Mombritius 1978, 2.29– rific death codified, his tomb certified. 31 but is cited here from Delehaye 1933, 93–95, where it forms Of Damasus’ twenty-eight better-preserved elogia chapters 30–31 of the larger Passio Polychronii Parmenii Ab- celebrating Roman martyrs at least two-thirds of his don et Sennes Xysti Felicissimi et Agapiti et Laurentii et alio- rum sanctorum mense augusto die X. At chapter 21 Lawrence cast of characters have their stories told anew by acta converts and baptizes Hippolytus, the vicarius to whom Decius’ and passiones in the collection of the gesta martyrum. prefect Valerianus had entrusted Lawrence upon his arrest. The subtle mechanics of public memory—selective re- 39 Mombritius 1978, 2.30 = Delehaye 1933, 95: in campo, iuxta call, amnesia, and invention—that characterize the evo- nimpham ad latus agri, Verani idibus Augusti. 40 Mombritius 1978, 2.30–31= Delehaye 1933, 95–98. lution of the examples just considered are typical of the 41 Greg. Dial. 2.15.3 (de Vogüé): qui in hac urbe dissoluta moe- relationships that link these later texts to their Damasan nia, eversas domus, destructas ecclesias turbine cernimus, predecessors. Yet no less insistently, topographical de- eiusque aedificia, longo senio lassata, quia ruinis crebrescenti- bus prosternantur videmus. tails buttress narrative elaboration and events are 42 See, e.g., the bleak image at Krautheimer 2000, 62–69 (an pinned to specific dates. Remembrance and re-enact- “estimated 90,00” in Gregory’s day but that up from “no more ment are assured (or encouraged) at the appropriate than 30,000 . . . and possibly fewer” only decades earlier), but places and on the appropriate days. Identity is gener- note also Coates-Stephens 1996 for source problems and im- plicitly more optimism. ated in the charges that flash between words and monu- 43 Dufourcq 1988, vol. 3, 281–296, esp. 294–295 (complemen- ments. tary); Boesch Gajano 1980, 655–661 and Markus 1997, 62 (al-

From the Elogia of Damasus to the Acta of the Gesta Martyrum 317

Nevertheless, Gregory concluded his “life” of Bene- In the agenda of the last two, in particular, modern schol- dict, who died at Monte Cassino less than a decade after ars have easily detected the intentions of the ascetic Gregory’s birth at Rome, by emphasizing that miracles bishop and the classicizing poet to saturate Agnes’ tale were now bursting forth in dazzling array at such new in the “eroticized rhetoric of gender” characteristic of the holy sites as the cave at Subiaco that had once served as sexualized religious politics of the later fourth century.53 Benedict’s hermitage.44 Even for Gregory stories would In fact, it is especially when the sixth-century passio of eventually be bound to place. The promotion of Subiaco Agnes is set against this late fourth-century background as a new locus sanctus neatly parallels Gregory’s ap- that its own aura of intentionality stands out most proach to martyr piety in his own city, where he operated sharply. Hannah Jones has recently exposed the passio’s as a diligent impresario of Rome’s ancient martyr cults, conscious redirection of the “social meaning” of Agnes’ now so well established in the city’s memorial shrines. eroticized martyrdom away from its previous imperial Indeed, Gregory’s observations about contemporary and episcopal registers and towards a more conservative Subiaco are immediately followed in his dialogue on model of “civic unity” and “traditional Roman values.” Benedict by an explanation of why the Roman martyrs The paramount aim of the passio’s social agenda, in not only perform miracles at their tombs but also at a dis- Jones’ estimation, is to tame Agnes’ potentially sub- tance through their relics.45 Their relics allowed the mar- versive virginity by asserting familial integrity and tyrs to display their virtutes far from the city, a sure championing the lay patronage of martyr cult at her me- proof of their potency, and thus Gregory carefully man- morial shrine, issues deemed prominent in late fifth- and aged their distribution while conserving their source.46 early sixth-century Roman aristocratic circles.54 In this But at Rome the ancient tombs of the martyrs, as regard, Jones draws attention not only to the rhetorical Gregory understood, remained paramount. To bolster ploys by which the passio transforms desire into devo- morale Gregory organized extra-mural liturgical proces- tion but also to the text’s opening appeal for all people to sions that drew upon the spiritual resources concentrated celebrate the “festal day of the most holy virgin” and its at the martyrs’ tombs, in sermons he sought to re-chan- epilogue recounting episodes of family solidarity played nel the prayers his congregants brought to the city’s mar- out around her tomb. tyria, and he sponsored renovations at the Vatican and For present purposes it may be enough to underscore other suburban shrines—all both to acknowledge and to control the power inherent in the cult of the Roman mar- ternative and competitive). For a summary of the debate on the tyrs.47 Although the extent of Gregory’s direct access to aims of the Dialogues, see Leyser 2000, 291–292. specific texts of the gesta martyrum is unclear,48 his fa- 44 Greg. Dial. 2.38.1 (de Vogüé). 45 miliarity with the legends and romances associated with Greg. Dial. 2.38.3 (de Vogüé). Gregory’s “theology of mir- acles” apparently recognized no distinction between miracles the tombs of the Roman martyrs can hardly be in doubt. performed by living holy men and those accomplished at their Indeed, the suggestion, several times made though im- tombs or by their relics: see the recent treatment by Dal Santo possible to confirm, that versions of the gesta may have 2009, esp. 454, with Boesch Gajano 1980, 651–653, on martyr- been read or recalled in liturgical settings and on the ial bodies and relics in the Dialogues. 46 saints’ feast days,49 provides one avenue of approach to McCulloh 1976. 47 Evidence, bibliography, and discussion at Leyser 2000 and the intersection of these texts with pathways of public Trout 2005b. memory and social identity quite well worn by the time 48 Leyser 2000, 294–296. Gregory trod them. 49 See, e.g., Jones 2007, 126–127. For the likely situation in It was probably in the autumn of 600 that Gregory later Carolingian Europe (lectio divina as well as homiletic and festal use), see Pilsworth 2000, 317–318. sent to the illustris femina Adeodata relics (reliquiae) of 50 Greg. ep. 11.5 with epp. 8.34 and 9.233 (to Decius, bishop of the Roman martyr Agnes, intended for installation to- Lilybaeum: monasterium ancillarum Dei). See further Pietri & gether with the relics of other Roman saints in the Pietri 1999–2000, “Adeodata 2.” 51 Grig 2004, 79–85. monasterium for women Adeodata was then founding at 52 50 Damasus: Ferrua 1942, 175–178, no. 37; Ambrose, De vir- Sicilian Lilybaeum. Agnes was much celebrated in late ginibus 1.2; Prudentius, Perist. 14; Passio gloriosae virginis ancient Rome—and versions of her story were surely fa- Agnetis: Mombritius 1978, 1.40–44. On the date of the passio miliar to Gregory.51 She appears in gold glass medallions see Jones 2007, 124–125. Agnes first appeared in the Depositio of the fourth century and her late fifth- or early sixth- martyrum on 21 January; see Valentini & Zucchetti 1942, 17: “Agnetis, in Nomentana.” See, also, Amore 1975, 78–80. century passio is the successor to several earlier render- 53 Burrus 1995, quote 35. For context, see Brown 1988, esp. ings of her story, including a Damasan elogium and re- 341–427. tellings of her martyrdom by Ambrose and Prudentius.52 54 Jones 2007, quotes 116 and 135. 318 Dennis Trout how the passio’s domestication of Agnes’ virginal mar- reformation texts and monuments of the Augustan and tyrdom created a historical continuum that provided the early imperial age. By the sixth century these fourth-cen- sixth-century Roman familia with a viable model of the tury places of memory had accumulated sufficient cul- (idealized) Christian family of the age of persecution. In- tural capital to move them from the margins toward the deed, the passio secured its seamless connection to the center of Roman self-understanding. That self-under- landscape of the city’s heroic age with a novel appeal to standing was both further encouraged and affirmed by the site of Agnes’ ancient burial and her contemporary the composition and proliferation of gesta martyrum Ro- cult. After her martyrdom, the passio asserts, Agnes’ manorum that both elaborated and localized the founda- parents “carried away her body and placed it on their es- tional myths of Roma Christiana. To be sure, such ef- tate not far from the city on the road that is called the forts often had polemical aims keyed to an agonistic cli- Nomentana.”55 There they themselves later received a mate still vaguely discernible in the gesta, but it was also vision in which a host of virgins, gold clad and bathed in part of the ideological function of these romances to light, Agnes among them, urged them not to mourn but validate themselves and their readers’ identity by an- to rejoice for one who now enjoyed a luminous home choring their legitimacy to a calendar and a topography and a heavenly marriage. News of the vision spread and that could be believed to have been set down “in the be- in time an ailing empress, “,” a royal virgin ginning.” and daughter of Constantine, sought her own curative vi- sion at Agnes’ tomb. Healed of her disease Constantia Dennis Trout asked her father and brothers to build a basilica on the Department of Classical Studies University of Missouri-Columbia site where she herself eventually constructed her own 405 Strickland Hall mausoleum.56 Even to this day, the passio concluded, Columbia, MO 65211-4150 many Roman virgines still served the most blessed Ag- USA [email protected] nes “as if she remained in her body” and the miracles of healing continued to unfold.57 The date of her passion was twelve days before the calends of February.58 This closing vignette, binding the passio’s celebratory Works Cited present to its legendary past at a specific holy tomb epit- omizes the themes traced in this paper. In a tumultuous Amore 1975 A. Amore, I martiri di Roma, Roma sixth-century world populated by figures as diverse as 1975. Cassiodorus, , and Gregory there could hardly Barnish 1990 S.J.B. Barnish, ‘Maximian, Cassiodorus, Boethius, Theodahad: literature, philoso- have been a unified stance before the past. To be sure, phy and politics in Ostrogothic Italy’, within the elite circles of the earlier decades of that cen- Nottingham medieval studies 34, 1990, tury the reading of classical texts still provided ready ac- 16–32. cess to non- or pre-Christian versions of “Roman his- Barnish 2008 S.J.B. Barnish, ‘Roman responses to an tory,”59 but as those circles shrank and the opportunities unstable world: Cassiodorus’ Variae in for education in literature and rhetoric dwindled so must context’, in S.J.B. Barnish et al., Viva- have the impact of such texts. Public memory, however, rium in context, Vicenza 2008, 7–22. also harbors attitudes toward the past. However ill Bjornlie 2009 S. Bjornlie, ‘What have elephants to do formed and elusive even in better-documented periods, 55 some of public memory’s late ancient outlines remain Mombritius 1978, 1.43.30–32: Parentes . . . abstulerunt cor- pus eius et posuerunt illud in praediolo suo non longe ab urbe discernible in the gulf that separates Damasus’ fourth- in via quae dicitur nomentana. century elogia, installed at the tombs of the martyrs, 56 Mombritius 1978, 1.43–44. On the real Constantina and her from the dramatic passiones of the gesta martyrum, so benefaction, see Trout forthcoming. 57 consistently determined to valorize those same holy Mombritius 1978, 1.44.18–19: usque hodie multae virgines romanae Agnetem beatissimam quasi in corpore manentem at- graves—and for good reason. tendunt. During the fourth century imperial, episcopal, and lay 58 Mombritius 1978, 1.44.26–27: Passa est beatissima martyr patrons had set in place the cornerstones of a new sense Agnes die duodecimo calendas februarias. of Roman identity. Cemetery churches, imperial mauso- 59 Momigliano 1966, Matthews 1981, and Moorhead 2009. On lea adjacent to martyrs’ tombs, and monumental inscrip- the (lost) seven-book Roman history penned by Boethius’ fa- ther-in-law, Q. Aurelius Memmius Symmachus, see Cassio- tions celebrating those martyrs provided an alternative to dorus, Libellus (ordo generis Cassiodororum) at Mommsen, the version of Roman identity once embodied in the MGH AA 12 (1894) vi. From the Elogia of Damasus to the Acta of the Gesta Martyrum 319

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As countries and political coalitions have been dissolved within a family or gens, thus undermining the individual or created in modern times we are sometimes at a loss as identity of any one person. Likewise, when we read to how to identify groups of individuals, whether recog- about peoples or groups of peoples in ancient cultures nized by language, culture, race, habitat or political sys- that were identified by their location (such as Romans, tems. Applied to ancient times the issue of identity is Spartans, Egyptians) or by their language (such as Etrus- even more complex because of the random preservation cans, Latins, Greeks), their identities are tied to one as- of sources, whether texts, monuments, or artifacts. pect of their history and the time period in which they The papers presented at this conference have ad- existed, but not to any recognition of their culture or life dressed many different approaches to the issue of creat- style. ing (and preserving) identities spanning over many cen- As discussed in the following papers, there were many turies and large areas of land and water. As indicated in ways in which individuals as well as groups of people the program, the papers were grouped according to could be identified, some by actual individual names, chronology and place (Early Greece, Etruscan Pasts, and others by group names, and again others by their actions Roman Pasts), as well as thematically (Displaying the as recorded in the written sources and through archaeo- Past, Mythology, Material Culture, and Religious Set- logical remains, ranging from Crete to Britain, from las- tings). But, as often happens, as the papers were pre- civious Etruscans to Roman church fathers. sented, other connecting links appeared, and as a partici- pant and discussant I noted that there were some distinct The significance of individual names was highlighted in themes that seemed to center around the importance of two papers, one dealing with the shifty Hanno, a charac- Individual names and collective identities, Memory, and ter in Plautus’ play Poenulus, and the other the wealthy Tradition, continuity or change. While there is no abso- C. Caecilius Iucundus from Pompeii. Ewa Skwara used lute separation between these themes or an external hier- the identity of Hanno as a mirror image of the great archy among them, the variety of topics covered showed Carthaginian general Hannibal, at the same time as rep- very clearly the universality of the questions introduced, resenting the Roman stereotype of the Carthaginians as regardless of time period or place. To have participated unreliable, yet cunning. By his knowledge of many lan- in the conference provided a valuable learning experi- guages, and his ability to hide it, and by his unusual ence at the time, and one that I now wish to share with dress, Hanno is characterized by Plautus in such a way the readers of the published papers in the summary pre- that the Carthaginians as a whole, a people defeated by sented below. Rome, are set in contrast to the audience, the Latin- speaking Romans, the conquerors. In contrast, Arja Ka- rivieri illustrated the means by which a wealthy Pom- peian, L. Caecilius Jucundus, used his domestic space to I. Individual names and collective establish his identity, not so much by his name as by the identities artistic program in his house. Throughout the house, the choice of myths clearly divide the public and private For students of Roman history or Latin, one of the first spheres of the roles the owner wanted to portray, very things to learn is how to distinguish between first names, much in the tradition of other Pompeians. family names, and nicknames, and at the same time to The notion that individual names could also represent recognize family ties by the use of nomina and cogno- collective identities was introduced by Bruno Bureau mina. At the same time as a person had a given name, who wove together a complex period in Roman history the same name could reappear in different generations with the appearance and disappearance of strong leaders 322 Ingrid Edlund-Berry and the conflict between pagan and Christian religion. language from the first century A.D. Because of the con- The individual identities of poets such as Claudian and text, funerary inscriptions, it seems likely that the Phry- Prudentius and rulers such as Symmachus, Honorius, gians were intentionally protecting their heritage, cultural and Stilicho reflect hidden and revealed agenda that ap- and religious, by appealing to their own Phrygian deities plied to the collective identities of pagans and Chris- and in this way honoring their collective identity, much tians, Romans and barbarians. In a more limited scale, threatened by the surrounding communities in the area. the contrast between individuals and groups was repre- While in most cases we tend to evaluate individuals or sented in areas as far afield as the Flavian emperors, the groups based on local historical or literary evidence, for inhabitants of Britain, and the Lombards. Thus Sarah the Etruscans we are limited to the appreciation or criti- Cox discussed the use of coinage to present imperial ef- cism presented by their neighbors. Thus Charlotte Schef- forts to connect the past with the present. Coins are fer introduced the collective identity of the Etruscans, easily distributed, and the images can be understood by much feared as pirates, according to the ancient sources, anyone who picks them up. The emperors Vespasian and but at the same time scorned for their lascivious life Titus intentionally selected images that link them to their style. While both Greek and Latin authors tend to malign illustrious predecessors, the Julio-Claudian emperors, many aspects of the , nobody could and it was by combining their individual names with par- deny the wealth exhibited in their cities and as a people ticularly meaningful symbols such as a laurel tree that they were indeed a formidable opponent to the Romans. the Flavians hoped to instill the public’s faith in their That they are presented in such a negative way may well right to rule. Away from Rome, Tatiana Ivleva ad- reflect the uneasiness on the part of their conquerors in dressed the different ways in which individuals indicate the way they lived and because they seemed to really en- their origin as stemming from Britain. The sources con- joy life. sist of inscriptions that refer to various forms of words derived from Britannia, including Britannus, or Brito. Depending on the time period, these inscriptions empha- size a connection with Britain, with a reference to an II. Memory in words and images original tribe in the first century A.D., whereas later in- As Grizabella sings wistfully in the musical Cats, mem- scriptions focus on a communal identity, with the Ro- ory is an important part of everyone’s life, and we can man province of Britain as origin. Related to the reason spend much time reminiscing about the past, regretting why someone was referred to as coming from Britain, failures, and recreating happy moments. For many, the name would apply to individuals as well as groups of memory is a feeling created by viewing an object, seeing people. an old friend, or thinking or reading about things past, The importance of place and continuity was brought and whether or not the memory is verifiably correct is of forth in papers discussing examples from Crete and less importance. In an historical or archaeological con- Phrygia in the Roman period. Anna Kouremenos com- text, on the other hand, it is the text or the object that still bined two sets of identities, one geographical and one exists, and it is our task to identify the memory that ini- political, in her discussion of three cities in western tially caused the text to be written or the object to be Crete, Phalasarna, the harbor town for Polyrrhenia, and a made. And, as shown in the following group of papers, second harbor town, Kissamos. In addition to establish- there are many challenges in assuming that we can read ing the population patterns and movements between the minds of the ancient individuals or groups and pro- these three communities, the archaeological evidence vide an accurate context for the recorded or visualized also reveals that the more recent of the three cities, memory. It is only too easy to apply our own values onto Kissamos, founded at the end of the first century B.C., images in Etruscan reliefs or the use of crowns in Athen- reflects a strong Roman influence in terms of domestic ian statues, not recognizing the difference between what architecture and decoration. In all likelihood, the inhabit- objects may seem to express and what rituals may form ants maintained a dual identity, that of native Cretans, the background for the choice of locations and types of with a considerable influx of Roman merchants and monuments. As suggested in the paper by Catherine other residents. Lynn Roller addressed the history of the Morgan, it is important to make a distinction between Phrygians in Asia Minor and their cultural identity that ‘objectified memory’ and the ‘practice of ritual.’ Espe- seems to follow an uneven path. Well-known among the cially when written evidence is lacking, it is difficult to pre-Greek inhabitants in Anatolia, they later faded away interpret the meaning of objects that may range from until there is a surge of inscriptions in the neo-Phrygian purely practical to highly symbolic. A careful analysis of Attitudes Towards the Past in Antiquity 323 how rituals were practiced may instead provide answers with traditions from the past, revived in the Archaic pe- to questions relating to obvious change such as the crea- riod. Andrzej Wypustek discussed the use of Archaic tion of temple buildings in Greek sanctuaries in the 8th Greek funerary inscriptions to ensure the memory of the and 7th centuries B.C. dead, but in particular the young men, and less com- monly women, who died prematurely. In addition to pro- Examples of Memory expressed in words describing viding an outlet for grief and loss for the parents, the traditions were presented in papers that reflect impor- texts convey references to the beauty of the departed, tant events such as the Fall of Troy and the Lupercalia and in the Hellenistic and Greco-Roman periods, the festival in Rome. David Pollio examined the perceived dead are presented as heroes, youthful and immune to change in the attitude of Troy’s enemies in Vergil’s old age and dying. Aeneid. No longer eager to pursue animosity, they Marjatta Nielsen discussed the choice of subject adopted a tradition of appreciation and understanding, matter in relief scenes on Etruscan funerary urns, using important for Rome’s close connection with its Trojan the Purni Tomb at Città della Pieve as an example. heritage. Rasmus Brandt introduced two case studies to Three of the urns from this wealthy tomb illustrate dif- illustrate the concept of identity and memory. Both per- ferent subjects, all connected to each other: the Greek tain specifically to the Palatine hill in Rome and to the Oresteia story focusing on Orestes at his father’s grave, age-old celebration of the Lupercalia festival on Febru- the Etruscan story of the seer Cacu and the Vibenna ary 15 and to the creation of Augustus’ house and brothers, and a battle scene with the defeat of the temple of Apollo. Both Julius Caesar and his adopted Gauls. These scenes, together with others from the son Octavian/Augustus were well versed in Roman tra- same tomb, connect the distant past with the immediate ditions and used the memory of times past to create past and the present, but also look towards the future. identities for themselves, Caesar as the Protector of Marietta Horster and Thoralf Schröder described the Rome, and Augustus as the rightful heir with connec- way in which religious traditions from the past were tions back to king Evander and the traditional founder conveyed in new forms during the time of Augustus of Rome, Romulus. and Hadrian in ancient Athens. While priests/priest- Memory expressed through objects spanned a variety esses had often been honored with public monuments, of places and topics, ranging from forgeries connected there was an increase in erecting bronze statues placed on inscribed bases documenting the ancestry or priestly with the Trojan War, a terracotta statue from Cyprus, genealogy rather than individual religious qualifica- Greek inscriptions, Etruscan funerary urns, statues in an- tions. An important distinction between priests/priest- cient Athens, and martyrs’ tombs in Rome. Carolyn Hig- esses and other important members of society is made bie investigated the kind of memory that is created by in- in the depiction of the crowns or wreaths worn by dif- tentionally forging documents and artifacts in the Greek ferent groups, suggesting both a religious and a civic world. Her examples included two ancient texts, one a use. Dennis Trout explained the significance of the letter of Sarpedon, king of Lycia, and the other a journal lives of Roman martyrs recorded in the Elogia by of Dictys of Crete, and one artifact, a scepter that had be- Damasus, and the anonymous Gesta martyrum Ro- longed to king Agamemnon. Her definition of a good manorum. With time, the stories of martyrdom of, for forger is someone who has considerable skills in recog- example, Felix and Adauctus, Nereus and Achilles, and nizing what features would suggest an object to be genu- Hippolytus became linked to specific places in Rome, ine within a given historical context, including the cir- and Pope Gregory was keen to highlight martyrs’ cumstances of its discovery. Items that in any way re- tombs as monuments of tradition and continued mem- lated to the Trojan War and to the Homeric poems were ory. particularly attractive as forgeries because they appealed to the pride of later Greeks. Lone Wriedt Sørensen used an Archaic terracotta sculpture from Cyprus to explore the use of iconography (in this case snakes, and bovine horns, restored, as part of the statue) as a way to convey III. Tradition, continuity and change memory of past religious practices while also alluding to Respect for Mos maiorum, the tradition of the ancestors, a continuity of cult. While the presence of both horns and scorn for the new (novus) are familiar topics in Ro- and snakes would lead back to the Late Bronze Age, it is man historical and literary accounts. That traditions were also possible that snakes by themselves suggest a depic- honored throughout the ancient world is clear, but how tion of a snake charmer, seen as a deity or as a priest, do we explain the impact of inevitable changes, some 324 Ingrid Edlund-Berry due to intentional human efforts, others due to chance or temple of Apollo at Sikyon, ranging from the early Ar- outside circumstances? In interpreting the texts and chaic, Archaic, and Hellenistic periods. The analysis of monuments that seem to illustrate the value of traditions the plan and elements of each phase illustrated the appre- and continuity we are often limited by distance of time ciation of tradition while at the same time making archi- and culture; it is not immediately transparent why an tectural adjustments that were deemed preferential to Etruscan wealthy family chose certain themes for the highlight the importance of each temple. Nassos Papa- tomb paintings or why tripod-cauldrons were regarded lexandrou illustrated the use of the tripod-cauldron as an as such important symbols within their local environ- important symbol for the historical tradition of Messene. ment. Likewise, what we perceive as sudden and impor- Throughout history, the tripod-cauldron played an im- tant changes in life style or beliefs may need to be care- portant role in the sanctuary of Zeus on Mt. Ithome and fully calibrated within the setting of a historical or liter- appeared on coins, indicating a connection with Boeotia, ary framework, as in the creation of the life and work of the home of its founder Epaminondas. Hippocrates, the Father of Medicine. Examples of continuity emphasize the awareness of traditions that can be expressed in many different ways. That tradition could take different forms was exempli- Annette Rathje addressed the complexity of understand- fied through many of the papers, ranging from analysis ing the plan and iconography of the François tomb at of texts to interpretation of archaeological remains. Jo- Vulci. In addition to its enormous size, the execution of hannes Engels analyzed a speech by Lykurgos against the tomb paintings with a mixture of Greek and Etruscan Leokrates as an example of using a prosecutor’s forum motifs suggests that Vel Saties and his family used his- to illustrate the long and important . It tory and myth to create continuity by linking his own is by quoting Greek authors such as Homer and Euripi- time to that of the past. Hadwiga Schörner reflected on des and thereby evoking the traditions of the past that he the continuity of intra-urban burials in Greek cities that addresses the Athenians rather than the otherwise insig- began in the 8th century B.C. and continued into Roman nificant defendant, Leokrates. Julius Rocca examined times. Whereas, initially, this location of burials was re- the evidence and creation of the tradition of Hippocrates served for the founders of cities, the same sites became as the Father of Medicine. There are several accounts of important as evidence of a city’s long history, honored his life, including references in Plato, all of which have and respected in Late Antiquity. Rabun Taylor presented been used to build up the fame of Hippocrates, aug- the worship of Sirens in the bay of Naples, where the tra- mented by the tradition that connected his name with the dition arose of their burial places at which cults were es- body of medical texts, known as the Hippocratic corpus, tablished. Here they were transformed from the evil assembled in Alexandria in Egypt. Peter Scherrer fol- monsters threatening Odysseus to a sort of heroes, con- lowed the tradition of the boar hunt as an important ele- nected with the foundation of Naples and other cities. ment in foundation myths of Greek cities. Using the per- While change is inevitable and often necessary, the sona of the hunter, including Herakles who captured the political or religious consequences may be difficult to Erymanthian boar, cities such as Ephesus and Prusa in evaluate. Thus Ingrid Edlund-Berry introduced the topic Asia Minor and Virunum in Italy were proud to desig- of the Capitolium temple as an example of change within nate a founder, real or mythical, whose success in a boar communities in ancient Italy and ultimately throughout hunt guaranteed the future of their city. Mateusz the Mediterranean. While the Roman historians tend to Żmudziński outlined the historical evidence for the Ro- present a straightforward view of the political and cul- man departure from Dacia in A.D. 275 under the em- tural expansion of Rome, the evidence for change is ac- peror Aurelian, but in some sources attributed to one of tually more complex. As examples of this phenomenon, his predecessors, emperor Gallienus. By comparing his- the construction of temples built to emulate the Capi- torical sources and archaeological evidence, coins in toline temple in Rome in newly founded Roman and particular, we can follow a conscious creation of a tradi- Latin colonies is the result of long periods of time after tion that served to portray Gallienus in the worst light the official founding date of such colonies, and we possible, while at the same time exonerating Aurelian should be wary of assigning the term Romanization to from any action that could damage the image of the Ro- any feature that may or may not have originated as the man Empire. result of political or military events. Ida Östenberg sug- Archaeological traditions are reflected in ancient ar- gested that throughout Roman history, the Romans ex- chitecture as well as in artifacts. Thus Kalliopi Krystalli- pressed an un-written military code of ‘Win or die!’ in Votsi and Erik Østby discussed the three phases of the the way in which they handled defeats in war. Ranging Attitudes Towards the Past in Antiquity 325 from the defeat at Allia near Rome to Cannae and the odology of examining primary historical texts such as in- Teutoburg forest, traditions were created to deal with the scriptions and of identifying and interpreting archaeo- obviously embarrassing events where Roman generals logical remains in the landscape such as temples and ar- did not return to the city victorious but either died in tifacts such as pottery and bronzes. Many of the papers battle or came back in shame. To celebrate victories, tri- included words of caution in attempts to read the minds umphal processions were held and buildings and monu- of the ancients to get to their views of individual or col- ments erected, but to incorporate the painful truth of de- lective identity or their understanding of memory or tra- feat, such as that at Allia on the 18th of July, steps were dition. While accepting our limitations with humility, the taken to use such events as exempla, and to see them as participants have all the same shown in their papers that unpleasant, but necessary, stepping stones to success. it is possible, and perhaps necessary or at least advisable, to take on difficult topics and to share with others the re- As defined in the focus of the conference, the presenters sults of our efforts in attempting to understand different aspects of the ancient world. offered a rather unique variety of topics, ranging in time from the Prehistoric periods to the Late Antiquity and in Ingrid Edlund-Berry place from Britain to Greece and Italy and to Asia Minor Department of Classics and Cyprus. Although the sources vary a great deal de- The University of Texas at Austin pending on the topics discussed, there is a shared meth- [email protected] 326 Ingrid Edlund-Berry Attitudes Towards the Past in Antiquity 327

ACTA UNIVERSITATIS STOCKHOLMIENSIS Stockholm Studies in Classical Archaeology Editor: Arja Karivieri

1. ULLA WESTERMARK, Das Bildnis des Philetairos von Pergamon. Corpus der Münzprägung. Stockholm 1960-61. 83 pp., 24 pls. Out of print.

2. BIRGITTA TAMM, Auditorium and Palatium. A study of assembly-rooms in Roman palaces during the 1st century B.C. and the 1st century A.D. Stockholm 1963. 229 pp., 1 plan, 113 figs. in the text. Out of print.

3. GÖSTA SÄFLUND, Aphrodite Kallipygos. Stockholm 1963. 90 pp., 53 figs. in the text. Out of print.

4. GÖSTA SÄFLUND, Excavations at Berbati 1936-1937. Stockholm 1965. 162 pp., 1 plan, 129 figs. in the text. Out of print.

5. GÖSTA SÄFLUND (ed.), Opuscula Carolo Kerényi Dedicata. Stockholm 1968. 243 pp., 91 figs. in the text.

6. SOLVEIG NORDSTRÖM, La céramique peinte ibérique de la province d’ I. Stockholm 1969. 96 pp., 11 figs. in the text.

7. BIRGITTA TAMM, Neros Gymnasium in Rom. Stockholm 1970. 42 pp., 8 figs.

8. SOLVEIG NORDSTRÖM, La céramique peinte ibérique de la province d’Alicante II. Stockholm 1973. 130 pp., 45 figs., 23 pls., 2 tables.

9. GÖSTA SÄFLUND, The Polyphemus and groups at Sperlonga. Stockholm 1972. 116 pp., 70 figs. in the text.

10. ERLAND BILLIG, Spätantike Architekturdarstellungen, 1. Stockholm 1977. 101 pp., 65 figs. in the text.

11. LENNART LIND, Roman denarii found in Sweden, 1. Analysis. In preparation. 2. Catalogue. Text. Stockholm 1981. 164 pp., 3 maps.

12. CHARLOTTE SCHEFFER (ed.), Ceramics in context. Proceedings of the Internordic Colloquium on Ancient Pottery held at Stockholm, 13–15 June 1997. Stockholm 2000. 170 pp., 64 figs. and 8 tables in the text.

13. SVEN VON HOFSTEN, The feline-prey theme in Archaic Greek art. Classification – distribution – origin – iconographical context. Stockholm 2007. 103 pp., 32 pls.

14. BRITA ALROTH & CHARLOTTE SCHEFFER (eds.), Attitudes towards the past in Antiquity. Creating iden- tities. Proceedings of an International Conference held at Stockholm University, 15–17 May 2009. Stockholm 2014. 325 pp., 129 figs. and 6 tables in the text.

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