Leo Valiani and Arthur Koestler - a Friendship for Life

ČASOPIS ZA POVIJEST ZAPADNE HRVATSKE WEST CROATIAN HISTORY JOURNAL

Monografski broj / Special issue

LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian

Uredio / Edited by Vanni D’Alessio

ISSN 1846 – 3223 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske / West Croatian History Journal UDK 32-05Valiani, L. ISSN 1846-3223 Izdavač / Publisher: Odsjek za povijest Filozofskog fakulteta Sveučilišta u Rijeci Department of History, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Rijeka Sveučilišna avenija 4, 51 000 Rijeka, Hrvatska Za izdavača / On behalf of the publisher: Ines SRDOČ KONESTRA, Filozofski fakultet Sveučilišta u Rijeci Uredništvo / Editorial board: Vanni D’ALESSIO (glavni urednik / editor in chief), Mila ORLIĆ (zamjenica glavnog urednika / vice editor in chief), Kosana JOVANOVIĆ (tajnica – urednica prikaza / secretary – book review editor) Međunarodni urednički kolegij / International editorial board: John ASHBROOK (Sweet Briar College, VA), Pamela BALLINGER (University of Michigan), Daniel BARIC (Université François-Rabelais, Tours), Vesna BAUER MUNIĆ (Sveučilište u Rijeci), Emilio COCCO (Università di Teramo), Maja ĆUTIĆ GORUP (Sveučilište u Rijeci), Vanni D’ALESSIO (Sveučilište u Rijeci / Università di Napoli Federico II), Diego D’AMELIO (Trst), Darko DAROVEC (Inštitut Nove Revije, Ljubljana), Franko DOTA (Sveučilište u Zagrebu), Mila WEST CROATIAN DRAGOJEVIĆ (The University of the South, TN), Igor DUDA (Sveučilište Jurja Dobrile u Puli), Darko DUKOVSKI (Sveučilište u Rijeci), Guido FRANZINETTI (Università del Piemonte orientale), HISTORY JOURNAL Kosana JOVANOVIĆ (Sveučilište u Rijeci), Aleksej KALC (Inštitut za slovensko izseljenstvo in migracije ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana), Heike KARGE (Universität Regensburg), Borut KLABJAN (Univerza na Primorskem, Koper, European University Institute, Fiesole), Marino MANIN (Institut za povijest, Zagreb), Mila ORLIĆ (Sveučilište u Rijeci), Gherardo ORTALLI (Università di Venezia), Vjeran PAVLAKOVIĆ (Sveučilište u Rijeci), Tea PERINČIĆ (Pomorski i povijesni muzej Hrvatskog primorja Rijeka), Maja POLIĆ (Zavod za povijesne i društvene znanosti HAZU, Rijeka), Dominique REILL (University of Miami), Sabine RUTAR (Institut für Ost- und Südosteuropaforschung, Regensburg), Ludwig STEINDORFF (Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel), Franjo ŠANJEK (Hrvatska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti), Lucijana ŠEŠELJ (Sveučilište u Rijeci), Fabio TODERO (Istituto regionale per Monografski broj / Special issue: la storia del movimento di liberazione in Friuli Venezia Giulia, Trieste) Jezična redakcija / Text revision: LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Autorska Grafička priprema / Graphic design: Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Lea ČEČ Klasifikacija znanstvenih članaka (UDK): Knjižnica Filozofskog fakulteta u Rijeci, Sveučilišna avenija 4, Rijeka Tisak / Print: Tiskara Pro print, Rijeka 2016. Naklada / Copies: 150 primjeraka Kontakti / Contacts: Tajnica/Secretary: Kosana JOVANOVIĆ (e-mail: [email protected] / tel: +385 (0)51 265-728) Copyright © Filozofski fakultet Sveučilišta u Rijeci, Odsjek za povijest, Sveučilišna avenija 4, Rijeka Sva prava pridržana GODINA X. RIJEKA, 2015. SVEZAK 10. Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015.

Sadržaj / Contents

Proslov 6 Laurence COLE Prefazione 7 Leo Valiani’s La Dissoluzione dell’Austria-Ungheria Foreward 8 in Historiographical Context 145

Guido FRANZINETTI Vanni D’ALESSIO Comments on Laurence Cole’s article 157 Leo Weiczen Valiani and his Multilayered Identities: An Introduction 11 C. Prikazi i izvještaji / Reviews and Notes:

A. Znanstveni radovi / Scholarly articles: Marko MEDVED, Riječka crkva u razdoblju fašizma. Ivan JELIČIĆ Nastanak biskupije i prvi talijanski upravitelji The Waizen Family and Young Leo Valiani in Fiume 25 (Andrea ROKNIĆ BEŽANIĆ) 162

Guido FRANZINETTI Slaven BERTOŠA, Leo Weiczen: Barban i mletački Loredani: život u pokretu, ljudi i događaji Communist, Democratic Communist, Revolutionary Democrat 45 (Maja ĆUTIĆ GORUP) 169

Marco BRESCIANI Nevenko BARTULIN, The Search for a New Revolution: The Racial Idea in the Independent State of Croatia: Origins and Theory Leo Valiani and the Legacy of “Giustizia e Libertà” 63 (Lovro KRALJ) 175

Andrea RICCIARDI Luca G. MANENTI, Leo Valiani 1953-1956. Dalla speranza alla delusione 77 Massoneria e irredentismo. Geografia dell’associazionismo patriottico in Italia tra Otto e Novecento (Carla KONTA) 181 B. Dodatni i stručni tekstovi / Additional Writings and Contributions: Projekt „Tragovi prošlosti vidljivi u sadašnjosti”, Ekonomska škola Mije Mirkovića Rijeka Ivan JELIČIĆ – Lea ČEČ (Ivana KOLIĆ, Katarina KRUŽIĆ, Dejan TROHA, Bruno Katalog izložbe Od Lea Weiczena do Lea Valianija VIGNJEVIĆ) 183 Il catalogo della mostra Da Leo Weiczen a Leo Valiani 99 Treća medievistička znanstvena radionica u Rijeci Ervin DUBROVIĆ (Lea HRLEC, Ivana JEROLIMOV, Elena SALAJ, Intelektualci, fašisti i antifašisti 123 Paola SAMARŽIJA, Matija VURUŠIĆ) 188

Ilona FRIED Leo Valiani and Arthur Koestler - A Friendship for Life. Upute budućim autorima 194 Letters Between 1942 and 1953 131 Guidelines for future submissions 195 4 5 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015.

Proslov Prefazione

Na Filozofskom fakultetu Sveučilišta u Rijeci održan je 2015. La Facoltà di Lettere e Filosofia di Fiume ospitò nel 2015 il convegno međunarodni znanstveni skup Od Lea Weiczena do Lea Valianija. Cilj je scientifico internazionale Da Leo Weiczen a Leo Valiani. Si trattò di un simposio skupa bio predstaviti javnosti djelovanje intelektualca židovskoga podrijetla, dedicato a un intellettuale di estrazione e di spessore europei, nato a Fiume europskih razmjera, rođenog i obrazovanog u Rijeci gdje se politički angažirao, e qui formatosi anche nel suo impegno rivoluzionario antifascista, proseguito a svoj antifašistički aktivizam nastavio je razvijati u talijanskim zatvorima i nelle galere e nel confino fascisti e nell’emigrazione in Francia, Spagna e internaciji te u emigraciji u Francuskoj, Španjolskoj i Meksiku. Tijekom rata Messico. In guerra fu uno dei maggiori leader della Resistenza partigiana in bio je među vođama pokreta otpora protiv fašizma u Italiji, a poslje rata član Italia, quindi membro della Costituente della Repubblica italiana, e ritirato a Ustavne skupštine Talijanske Republike, da bi potom nastavio rad kao plodan vita privata prolifico storico e opinionista sulla stampa. Il Presidente Sandro povjesničar i novinski komentator. Predsjednik Sandro Pertini dodijelio mu je Pertini lo nominò Senatore a vita della Repubblica italiana. Fu anche Presidente status doživotnog senatora Talijanske Republike. Bio je i počasni predsjednik onorario della Società di studi fiumani a Roma. Società di studi fiumaniu Rimu. L’iniziativa della conferenza partì nel 2014. Il Dipartimento di storia Ideja o ovom znanstvenom skupu potaknuta je već 2014., a u realizaciji e il Dipartimento di italianistica si impegnarono ad organizzare l’evento, su sudjelovali Odsjek za povijest i Odsjek za talijanistiku uz podršku dviju che ottenne il sostegno della presidenza uscente e della nuova presidenza uprava Filozofskoga fakulteta i Grada Rijeke. Usto skup je promoviran na della Facoltà, cui si associò la Città di Fiume. L’evento fu anche inserito nelle manifestaciji Settimane della cultura italiana Talijanskog konzulata u Rijeci. Settimane della cultura italiana del Consolato italiano a Fiume. All’interno U sklopu skupa predstavljena je i izložba neobjavljenih materijala o Valianiju/ del convegno fu presentata una mostra su Valiani/Weiczen e la sua famiglia Weiczenu, te o njegovoj obitelji kao članici židovske zajednice u Rijeci, kojeg inserita nella rete ebraica fiumana, con materiale inedito fornito dall’Archivio je omogućio Državni arhiv Rijeka. Izložbu su postavili Ivan Jeličić i Lea Čeč, di Stato di Fiume. I pannelli della mostra, allestita da Ivan Jeličić e Lea Čeč uz pomoć učenica Talijanske srednje škole u Rijeci (“Licea”), te je ona bila con l’aiuto di alcune studentesse del “Liceo” italiano di Fiume (Scuola superiore dostupna javnosti po završetku skupa u prostorima Filozofskog fakulteta. italiana di Fiume), rimasero in esibizione più di un mese nei locali della Facoltà. Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske Odsjeka za povijest Filozofskoga Oggi la Facoltà di Filosofia pubblica un numero speciale della rivista fakulteta u Rijeci objavljuje tekstove izabranih izlaganja sa skupa koji su del Dipartimento di storia (Časopis za povijest zapadne Hrvatske / West Croatian prošli recenzentski postupak. U drugom dijelu publikacije predstavljeni su History Journal), in cui alcuni degli interventi al convegno sono stati selezionati i dodatni, stručni radovi, uključujući katalog izložbe, kojima se zaokružuje i e adattati per la pubblicazione e dopo essere stati valutati da revisori anonimi ostvaruje uvid u razne aspekte lika i djela Lea Weiczena/Valianija, od Fjumana hanno trovato spazio come saggi scientifici nella prima sezione della rivista. i europskog intelektualca i revolucionara do proslavljenog austro-ugarskog Nella seconda sezione del numero speciale hanno trovato spazio il catalogo povjesničara. della mostra e altri interventi che contribuiscono a completare e arricchire i vari aspetti della figura di Leo Weiczen/Valiani, da fiumano a intellettuale Predrag Šustar, europeo e revoluzionario, a storico di fama dell’Austro-Ungheria. Dekan Filozofskog fakulteta u Rijeci od 2009. do 2015. godine. Ines Srdoč Konestra, Predrag Šustar, aktualna Dekanica Filozofskog fakulteta u Rijeci. Preside della Facoltà di Lettere e Filosofia di Fiume dal 2009 al 2015. Ines Srdoč Konestra, Preside in carica della Facoltà di Lettere e Filosofia di Fiume.

6 7 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015.

Foreward

In 2015 the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences of the University of Rijeka hosted the international conference From Leo Weiczen to Leo Valiani. The aim of the conference was to present and discuss the work and life of an intellectual of European calibre, born and raised in Rijeka, where he started his antifascist activism. Weiczen/Valiani continued his revolutionary activism in the following years of internment and imprisonment in Italy, and as political émigré in France, Spain and Mexico. During World War II he became a prominent leader of the partisan movement in Italy, therefore a member of the Constituent Assembly of Italian Republic. Having abandoned his political career, he became a proficient historian and newspaper commentator. President Sandro Pertini proclaimed him senator for life of the Italian Republic. He was also honorary President of the Società di studi fiumaniin Rome The idea of this conference dates 2014. The Departments of History and Italian Studies of the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences shared the organization of this conference, wholeheartedly supported by two faculty managements. The City of Rijeka also promoted this event, which was inserted by the Italian Consulate in the manifestation Weeks of Italian Culture in Rijeka. The conference hosted an exhibition on Leo Valiani/Weiczen and his family imbedded in the Rijeka Jewish network with documentation from the State Archive in Rijeka. The curators of the exhibition were Ivan Jeličić and Lea Čeč, who were helped by the students of the “Liceo” (Rijeka’s Italian high school). The exhibition was open to the public after the conference in the hall of the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences. This special issue of the journal of the Department of History (the West Croatian History Journal) selected some of the papers of the conference, modified by authors into scholarly articles and peer reviewed before being accepted. In the second part of this publication you will find some additional works, including the catalogue of the exhibition, which will hep the reader to get a more comprehensive picture of the various aspects of the life and work of Leo Weiczen/Valiani, from his “fiuman” environment, to his experiences as European intellectual and revolutionary, and as respected historian of Austria- Hungary.

Predrag Šustar, Dean of the Faculty of Humanities and Social Science from 2009 to 2015. Ines Srdoč Konestra, current Dean of the Faculty of Humanities and Social Science.

8 Vanni D’ALESSIO Leo Weiczen Valiani and his Multiayered Identities: An Introduction

Leo Weiczen Valiani and his Multilayered Identities: An Introduction

Vanni D’ALESSIO University of Rijeka, Croatia University of Naples, Italy

UDK: 929Valiani, L. 32-05Valiani, L.

This volume “Leo Weiczen Valiani: Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian”, appears as a special thematic issue of the West Croatian History Journal. In September 2015 the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences of the University of Rijeka hosted the international conference “From Leo Weiczen to Leo Valiani”, to present the life and activities of this prominent European intellectual originally from Rijeka for the first time to a Croatian audience and in a Croatian institution. Born in Habsburg Hungarian “Fiume”, Valiani spent the World War I years as a schoolchild in Budapest, was raised in a German-speaking family and in the Italian-speaking environment of Rijeka’s turbulent postwar. In Rijeka he became an antifascist subversive, and in World War II a leader in the Italian resistance movement, and subsequently member of Italian Constitutional Assembly. As a prolific historian and newspapers commentator, he was also appointed Senator for life. Our aim is to discuss this multifaceted prominent intellectual as Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, and Historian.

Keywords: Leo Weiczen/Valiani, Multilayered identities, Rijeka/ Fiume, Anti-fascism, Revolution.

Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, and Historian are the qualities of Leo Weiczen Valiani we presented and examined at the conference From Leo Weiczen to Leo Valiani and that was the basis for further discussion in the pages of this volume. This edited volume, published as a special edition of the West Croatian History Journal, offers various kinds of contributions: in the first section you will find scholarly (double-blind peer reviewed) articles, of which three were developed from the selected presentations offered at the conference and one that is a completely original paper; in the second section you will find an outline of Rijeka’s interwar milieu, a commented paper on Valiani as historian of Austria-Hungary, a text with the correspondence between Valiani and the writer Arthur Koestler, and a reproduction of unreleased archival

11 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Vanni D’ALESSIO LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Leo Weiczen Valiani and his Multiayered Identities: An Introduction

documents on Leo Weiczen and his family in Rijeka. These documents, from member of the Italian constitutional Assembly, did not support the 1947 the Rijeka State Archive were displayed at the special exhibition on Weiczen/ Peace Treaty and the annexation of Rijeka to Yugoslavia. In 1954, though, Valiani opened during the conference, and are here presented as a catalogue Valiani approved the Memorandum that settled the Italo-Yugoslav dispute with a new commentary by the curators. This commentary includes some and followed closely the events in Yugoslavia, establishing important contacts basic biographical information in Italian and in Croatian on Valiani, someone with the political and intellectual elite of that country. Valiani organized and still unfamiliar to the present day inhabitants of his birthplace, Rijeka. edited the special issue on Yugoslavia for the Italian political magazine Il Ponte It is not always true that Nemo propheta in patria. Very often the in 1955, with Yugoslav politicians and intellectuals, among them? Edvard people who accomplished great things far from home are sooner or later Kardelj, Rodoljub Čolaković, Miloš Žanko, Đuro Lončarević, Jaša Davičo celebrated in the place from which they came. In Valiani’s case this has not and Ivo Andrić, but this did not bring him closer to the Yugoslav Rijeka quite happened yet, among other reasons because he became a prominent milieu.1 After leaving Rijeka for Italian prisons in 1931 he never returned to his European political and intellectual figure outside Rijeka, although he had birthplace, and was never celebrated afterwards. In the late 1970s the Italian been already actively engaged in his hometown, and had been recognized as a communist leader Palmiro Togliatti got recognized with a central square in prominent and dangerous political leader by the Italian Fascist authorities. Leo town dedicated to him, and in the immediate postwar the local administration Weiczen was a socialist and then a communist antifascist in the late 1920s and had named another square in honor of the Italian socialist martyr Giacomo early 1930s Rijeka, at that time part of the Italian state ruled by Mussolini’s Matteotti, though the former square had its name changed again in the post- fascist dictatorship. As a socialist he was arrested in Rijeka and confined to the socialist transition, and the latter square simply vanished with the erection island of Ponza, where he joined the Italian communist party, and resumed of a new building, leaving no trace of Matteotti. Local Italian anti-fascists his political agitation in Rijeka where the police recognized in him the new still appear in the names of some streets in Rijeka, but Valiani has not even leader of the local communists and again arrested him, sentencing him to received a plaque on his Rijeka address, in Pomerio 9. more than twelve years of prison, a sentence later reduced to five years. An Ignored in Rijeka, Valiani became a relevant personality in Italian engaged journalist in the Spanish Civil War, he followed the destiny of other culture and politics, in which he became engaged, albeit as a commentator and former fighters of the International Brigades in the French prison of Le Vernet. analyst and not as a consequence of a political career, after the disbandment Later he had a leading role in the World War II Italian partisan fight: as a of the Partito d’Azione. From the 1950s to the 1960s he wrote much on member of the leading insurrectional board of the Liberation Committee for the history of socialist movements and ideology, on the Resistance, and on Northern Italy (Comitato di Liberazione Nazionale Alta Italia), along with Austria-Hungary.2 He was further an authoritative, consistent, and critical Sandro Pertini, Emilio Sereni and Luigi Longo, he formally launched the final presence in the Italian printed press, and distinguished himself in the dark uprising against the Nazi forces, and sentenced Mussolini to death. In this years of the 1970s terrorism, “defending the democracy”3 from the violent and board, with socialist Pertini and communists Sereni and Longo, Valiani acted self-deluded wannabe sons of WW2 partisans. Sandro Pertini appointed him on behalf of the democratic and liberal-socialist Partito d’Azione, a party based Senator for life in 1980, and for two decades he dynamically participated in on “strong ideas” rather than “on interests”, as often claimed by its adherents. the politics of the Italian Senate. In the Italian partisan fight he was no longer a communist, and therefore, Although Valiani did not fit in the commemorative spaces of Yugoslav in the immediate postwar, he did not fit into the Yugoslav communist narrative or post-Yugoslav Rijeka, he appeared in a 1970s collection of war memoirs by on the history of antifascism in Rijeka. Among those in the Italian speaking the Center of Historical Research (Centro di ricerche storiche), established in community who after the war were locally either celebrated as martyrs, as Istria by and for the Italian minority in Yugoslavia,4 and more recently in a Mario Gennari, Corrado Illiasich or the Duiz brothers, or were recognized couple of texts in Croatian language, as Ivan Jeličić noted in the introduction for their efforts against fascism, had been fighters or agitators during the war, along side the Yugoslav partisans. Those who had survived accepted and 1 „La Jugoslava d’oggi”, Il Ponte - Rivista mensile di politica e letteratura, XI/8-9 (1955). joined the Yugoslav socialist revolution. Valiani had chosen to commit himself 2 Among his many books of that period I mention just a few: Questioni di storia del socialismo, Torino: to the Italian liberation and reconstruction, and to join the free democratic Einaudi, 1958; Dall’antifascismo alla Resistenza, Milano: Feltrinelli, 1959; Il partito socialista italiano nel periodo della neutralità 1914-1915, Milano: Feltrinelli, 1963; La dissoluzione dell’Austria-Ungheria, Milano: electoral competition and as a prominent member of the Partito d’Azione, he Il Saggiatore, 1966. was elected to the Italian Constitutional Assembly. 3 Leo VALIANI, Sessant’anni di avventure e battaglie. Riflessioni e ricordi raccolti da Massimo Pini, Milano: In the eyes of the new rulers in Rijeka there was hardly any reason to Rizzoli Editore, 1983, 103. recognize or establish contacts with a former communist of the long disbanded, 4 Parlano i protagonisti, Memorie e documenti raccolti per una storia di Fiume nella Lotta popolare di liberazione fino al 1943, Il „Battaglione Fiumano“ e il „Battaglione garibaldi“, (ed.) Lucifero MARTINI, and therefore unsuccessful, Italian party in town. Moreover Valiani, as a Rovigno: Centro di ricerche storiche, 1976, 165-169. 12 13 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Vanni D’ALESSIO LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Leo Weiczen Valiani and his Multiayered Identities: An Introduction

to the catalogue of the exhibition he prepared with Lea Čeč.5 Nevertheless, pushed the discussion into a wider European context, raising ideological Valiani is still basically unknown in his hometown, which was not merely his issues and problems, reviving the interwar situations and places, but also the birthplace, as was the case for Ödön von Horváth or János Kádár. In Rijeka actors around Valiani. Among the latter there is primarily Arthur Koestler, he finished his schooling, started his profession in a bank (which he revived whose correspondence with his “Mario” from the novel Scum of the Earth is after abandoning his political career), became politically aware and engaged presented here in this volume by Fried, who had met and interviewed Valiani in antifascist activities, and in this town he became an insurrectional leader. on several occasions.9 He did not forget Rijeka, or rather Fiume, and accepted with enthusiasm the In this volume Bresciani and Franzinetti focus on the European honorary presidency of the Società di studi fiumaniin Rome.6 Valiani, émigré and journalist between Spain and France, and on his personal To make up for the lack of recognition of this eminent figure in and ideological journey from communism to democratic revolution and his hometown, the former Dean of the Faculty of Humanities and Social liberal socialism. Both Bresciani and Franzinetti discuss his abandonment of Sciences in Rijeka, Predrag Šustar, suggested we organize a conference the communist camp. The refusal of the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact was indeed in honor of Leo Valiani. From the start we already knew that some of his a crucial element in this. Franzinetti stresses the importance that played in qualities and features were going to be emphasized and discussed, including Valiani’s ideological and political evolution the relationship he established with his biographical connections to Rijeka, although we were cautious about the Arthur Koestler in the French prison of Le Vernet. Valiani was expelled from real possibilities of producing an original and fruitful discussion on this issue. the Italian communist party while, still in the French prison, he condemned This was accomplished thanks to the presence of Andrea Ricciardi - author not only the USSR’s international, but also the domestic policies and the of an important monography on Valiani’s early life and engagement until repression. Afterwards he gained again some respect by the four thousand the beginning of World War II,7 but also thanks to the original research of imprisoned communists by not seeking liberation, which he could have, had Ivan Jeličić, who placed Leo and the Weiczens in Rijeka’s Central European he made public his condemnation or the expulsion from the party.10 Valiani’s framework and networks. Jeličić collected and organized the archival material political engagement was consistent. After prison he fought fascism until the of Leo Weiczen and his family that was framed and exhibited by Lea Čeč, end of the war and he further pursued his research for a new democratic and and appear here in the catalogue. To me, as an historian of the Adriatic and, liberal way for socialism. In 1956 he eventually wrote to Gaetano Salvenini: at large, of the Central and Southern Eastern European areas, the conference “my ‘ideology’ remains that of liberal socialism. I acquired gradually, was also a fantastic occasion to discuss an internationally acclaimed historian painstakingly”, as quoted in this volume by Ricciardi,11 whose article in this of the Austro-Hungary Empire.8 I have to thank primarily Laurence Cole, but volume focuses on a period that appears to be the final stage of his intellectual also Rok Stergar, Tamara Scheer and Guido Franzinetti for analyzing at the evolution and journey as a revolutionary. conference the work of Valiani as an historian. Cole’s presentation on Valiani’s After his return to Italy he was still connected to a large European and book appears in this volume as well. global framework, but his interests and motivations became predominantly Other features of Weiczen - Valiani acquired a central place in the directed towards the Italian case and cause. The question of the International presentations and discussions at the conference, and I consider them highly revolution in the European dimension was still an important question to debate, relevant in depicting him, his European dimension and his revolutionary but the Italian problems often surfaced in these discussions, as is shown in the attitude. In preparing the conference, during the event, and eventually in letters that Valiani exchanged with Franco Venturi and that Ricciardi presents gathering and discussing the material for this publication, Valiani revealed and analyzes here. Ricciardi focuses on the years from 1953 to 1956, i.e. from himself more and more as an intellectual of wide European culture and the death of Stalin to the Hungarian crisis and its consequences, discussing connections. Jelčić had already placed Valiani’s Rijeka in a larger Central what revolution meant to Valiani in that precise moment in European history European framework. Marco Bresciani, Guido Franzinetti, and Ilona Fried and in his individual intellectual stance and trajectory. This was the period 5 See Ivan JELIČIĆ – Lea ČEČ, “Katalog izložbe Od Lea Weiczena do Lea Valianija, Catalogo della mostra da in which the USSR’s revolutionary drive appeared eventually at its end, also Leo weiczen a Leo valiani” (in this volume) for a detailed account on these publications and for an introduction in the eyes of large sectors of the European left which had once supported to Valiani in Croatian and Italian languages. international communism. 6 For an interestig interview with Valiani and on his stances and views on Rijeka, especially in the post- war transitions after World War I and World War II, see Guglielmo SALOTTI, “L’esodo dall’Istria e dalla 9 Ilona FRIED, Colloqui milanesi con il senatore Leo Valiani (1993-1997), Udine: Designgraf-Artestampa, Dalmazia quarant’anni dopo, A colloquio con Leo Valiani”, Tempo Presente, 82-83 (1987), 53-62. 1999. Fried published also a monograph on Rijeka (Emlékek városa: Fiume, Budapest: Ponte Alapítvány, 2001), 7 Andrea RICCIARDI, Leo Valiani. Gli anni della formazione. Tra socialismo, comunismo e rivoluzione translated into Italian as Fiume città della memoria, 1868-1945, Udine: Del Bianco, 2005. democratica, Milano: FrancoAngeli, 2007. 10 VALIANI, Sessant’anni di avventure e battaglie, 62-63. 8 The aforementioned book was translated into English as Leo VALIANI, The end of Austria-Hungary, New 11 “La mia ‘ideologia’ rimane quella del socialismo liberale. L’ho acquisita gradualmente, faticosamente”. York: Knopf, 1973 [c1972]. Andrea RICCIARDI, Leo Valiani 1953-1956. Dalla speranza alla delusione (in this volume). 14 15 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Vanni D’ALESSIO LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Leo Weiczen Valiani and his Multiayered Identities: An Introduction

From the end of 1943 Valiani had made his home in Italy, was and after Tito, Rijeka was always an urban area in which both sides of the river granted Italian citizenship and maybe also for practical reasons Italianized his constituted a single Croatian town. For the local population that identified surname from Weiczen to Valiani as his sister had already done many years “Fiume” as an Italian town, and Leo Weiczen/Valiani was one of them, Sušak before. Valiani’s engagement in Italy and his political stances in the Italian was not Rijeka. Moreover, precisely because Rijeka was a highly contested debates are beyond the scope of this volume, as they are also far from the city, with Croatian and Italian historians still challenging the Other’s national usual angle of purview of our journal. The result is that the book enhances his perception and mental map of the city, the idea of Valiani as Riječanin or, to broad views on the European scale and focuses on his interest in and concerns give an example, Drago Gervais as Fiumano, sounds odd and misplaced, as for, but also personal commitment to, a revolutionary transformation of much as national historiographies have inclined to categorize Budweisers into society. The discussion on his European identity, network and perspective, Czech or Germans.13 of his revolutionary attitudes, and of his contribution as historian, all explain Leo Valiani did not speak much of Leo Weiczen and of Rijeka. We the title of this volume. Last but not least, there is the issue of Rijeka, for know that he maintained his Hungarian citizenship while in Rijeka and when us a particularly relevant one that was also discussed during and after the he was arrested. After his Spanish, French and Mexican emigration he returned conferences and that deserves to be elaborated on, as the role of Rijeka for to Italy as an Italian, and already in 1944 started to use his new surname Waiczen/Valiani was more than simply a biographical data point. Valiani, Valiani, following the example of his sister, who already had Italianized her who lived very close to the Governor’s palace, from where D’Annunzio made surname.14 His Italianness was also a matter of cultural, social and political famous speeches, said that as a child he was incredibly moved and impressed immersion in the new framework, and he cultivated it in the following years, by the orator. Maybe he was also positively impressed by his radicalism. Later but not as a crucial aspect of his personality, beliefs, and identity, which were he started to develop his antifascism witnessing the fascists’ violent behavior connected to his ideological positions. He felt like an Italian from Rijeka, but in town and the putsch against the elected government of Zanella, and this specific research should be dedicated to discussing his fiumanità, in many was indeed a crucial formative experience for Weiczen’s political stance?, but terms, as this term in itself connotes different things in different periods also for his readiness to act according to what he believed in. In which other and social circumstances. Moreover, the number of meanings attached to ways was Rijeka important for him? And in what sense was Weiczen and/or the categories of Fiumano and Riječanin are so invasive, as much as the term Valiani a “Fiuman”? Istrian seems to be now imbedded with hybridity, although it is not so easy Fiumano and Riječanin are not mere words that simply express in two to find multinational Istrian historical figures, as Dominique Reill managed different languages people’s belonging to the city of Rijeka. The reason for this, to find them in Dalmatia, at least in the mid 19th century.15 Classifications for a start, is that already Fiume and Rijeka did not always refer to exactly the are peculiar aspects of historical narrations, as much as generalizations are. same place. Rijeka and Fiume could be concretely identified with one another Not only phenomena to be linked in social, economic, political and cultural after the 1948 unification of the city. As Tito solemnly announced right after processes are forced into categories by historians, but also human beings. In the Peace Treaty that handed Rijeka to Yugoslavia, the “artificial border” had multilingual areas the classification of human beings into national categories finally disappeared. His words are in evidence on the stone plaque on Titov meant that in historical narrations ethnicities often prevailed, oversimplifying Trg, Tito’s square, which physically and symbolically unites the two banks the multifold human identities. This is a reason for the huge success of of the river in place of the former Italo-Yugoslav border. Tito’s words were Tahra Zara’s and Pieter Judson’s literature on national indifference.16 Valiani pronounced at the time when the Croatian Communist Party was effectively 13 On Germans and Czechs in Bohemia, see Jeremy KING, Budweiseirs into Czechs: A Local History of recognizing and promoting Italian language and culture in town, along with Bohemian Politics, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002. On contested cities in Europe see Anthony C. 12 HEPBURN, Contested Cities in the Modern West, Basingstoke: Palgrave-Macmillan 2004; James ANDERSON, the Croatian language. Though, the plaque was written only in Croatian “From Empires to Ethno-National Conflicts: A Framework for Studying Divided Cities in Contested States”, language. The reunification was not between Croatian Sušak and Italian, Divided Cities, Contested States Working Paper, 1 (2008); Vanni D’ALESSIO, “Divided and Contested Cities in mixed or predominantly Italian “Fiume”, but between two sides of a Croatian Modern European History. The Example of Mostar, Bosnia-Herzegovina”, in Beyond the Balkans: Towards an Inclusive History of Southeastern Europe, (ed.) Sabine RUTAR, Münster: LIT Verlag, 2013. city. From this perspective, generally shared by Yugoslavs and Croats before 14 On this see the article in this volume by Ivan JELIČIĆ, The Waizen Family and Young Leo Valiani in Fiume. 12 On these aspects see the research by Andrea ROKNIĆ BEŽANIĆ, “Rijeka od oslobođenja 1945. do 15 Dominique REILL, Nationalists Who Feared the Nation: Adriatic Multi-Nationalism in Habsburg Pariškog mirovnog ugovora 1947. godine”, doktorska disertacija, Sveučilište u Zagrebu, 2012.; and the article Dalmatia, Trieste, and Venice, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2012. by Marco ABRAM “Integrating Rijeka into Socialist Yugoslavia: the Politics of National Identity and the New 16 On national indifference see: Tara ZAHRA, “Imagined Noncommunities: National Indifference as a City’s Image, 1947-1955”, Nationality Papers (in press). See also: Antonella ERCOLANI, Da Fiume a Rijeka. Category of Analysis.” Slavic Review 69, 1 (April 1, 2010), 93–119. Pieter M. JUDSON, Guardians of the Nation: Profilo storico-politico dal 1918 al 1947, Soveria Mannelli: Rubbettino, 2009, 289-358; Vinko ANTIĆ, Zdenko Activists on the Language Frontiers of Imperial Austria, Cambridge, Mass: Harvard Univ. Press, 2006; Tara BEKER et al., Povijest Rijeke, Rijeka: Skupština općina Rijeka – Izdavački centar Rijeka, 1988, 395-403, 431, 433, ZAHRA, Kidnapped Souls. National Indifference and the Battle for Children in the Bohemian Lands, 1900- 446-448; Luciano GIURICIN e Giacomo SCOTTI, “Una storia tormentata (1946-1991)”, in Italiani a Fiume. Nel 1948, Ithaca: Conell University Press, 2008. See also James E. BJORK, Neither German nor Pole Catholicism Sessantesimo del Circolo Italiano di Cultura / Comunità degli Italiani, 1946-2006, Fiume: EDIT, 2006, 15-102. and National Indifference in a Central European Borderland. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2008. 16 17 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Vanni D’ALESSIO LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Leo Weiczen Valiani and his Multiayered Identities: An Introduction

reaffirmation of his italianità is clear, but it seems that for many years this when he was eighteen years old. Young Leo Weiczen was a socialist from a element was not as relevant as other aspects he cultivated. very young age and never professed any religion, but his family was Jewish, In the discussion about the Italian character of the city, Valiani and his mother, as Ivan Jeličić illustrates in this volume, kept her connections was eloquent. When he did not vote in favor of the 1947 Peace Treaty at to the the rich Jewish network of interwar Rijeka alive. Antonello Venturi has the Italian Constitutional Assembly, he knew that Rijeka was bound to stay stressed in an interview to Ricciardi, that Valiani was an atheist and his “Jewish in Yugoslavia and that vote would not change much.17 In his 1983 memoirs condition” was not a “central component of his culture”, but he believes that Valiani stressed that “the population of Rijeka (“Fiume”) was in great majority it influenced his life and that his internationalism was also connected to his of Italian mother tongue: there was a Croatian minority, but also German was Austro-Hungarian origins.19 spoken because we were in the Mitteleuropean area”.18 Valiani was evidently Austria-Hungary is brought back into the picture, and not only for speaking about the historical Fiume, annexed by Italy in 1924, and of the historical interest. Valiani was a European coming from that mixed Middle historical Hungarian Corpus Separatum. In fact, after World War Two Rijeka Europe spanning from Germany to Russia and also his polyglotism, although became a single unit not only with Sušak, but also with the parts of Zamet remarkable, was not so special in that area. Already in Rijeka Leo Weiczen which had been previously in the Yugoslav state: a much larger city with a spoke German, Italian, Hungarian and French, to which he added Spanish much larger Croatian component, let aside the fact that Italians had already and English in emigration, and could read Russian “Serbo-Croatian”.20 On started to flee the old city and Croats had already started to populate it. The his obituary the “Economist” wrote: “Leo Valiani was an old European, using perceptions of the city as Croatian or Italian would still be at the center of the term in a respectful and slightly awed sense”.21 Leo Valiani died in 1999 disputed narratives. The idea to dub Valiani as Fiuman depends in part on the and was of another century, specifically in the combination of a consistent and fact that Rijeka, or the Valiani’s old town of Fiume, appears here in the works radical political engagement and his wide-open Central European cultural by Jeličić and by Ervin Dubrović, but also serves as a provocative category, background, enriched by multilingual skills and attitude. counter balanced by the epithet “European”. Valiani, born Weiczen son of Laurence Cole, in his precious overview and discussion on Valiani’s German speaking Hungarian Jew coming from Bosnia, did not share any “lucid, objective evaluation” of the collapse of Austria-Hungary, a “classic apparent elements of Croatian identity and culture, as many other Fiumani of the scholarly literature on the Habsburg Monarchy”, stresses also its did, and today necessarily do. He was definitely not simply an “Italian” from “international” form, attitude and perspective, transcending the national Fiume, or being Fiumano should be understood in many more complex and historical narratives and borders.22 multifaceted ways. His multilayered identifications are also due to his political In conclusion, I have to express my gratitude to many people for their and cultural orientations in which religion played a negative role and some contributions and help in the conference and/or in this volume. I thank the languages were eventually abandoned or less cultivated. Nevertheless, there is participants of the conference, hence the anonymous reviewers and the authors no definitive or even “real” identity that we historians are bound to uncover. of this volume. Among the members of the International Board I have thank There are continuities in people’s lives, belongings and personal approaches, in particular Guido Franzinetti for supporting this project from the very but circumstances change. Valiani had German as his mother tongue and this beginning with his intellectual curiosity and engagement. My gratitude goes was the language used in his family, but he also spoke Italian to his sisters, also to the other members who have followed us. I thank Ivan Jeličić for the and remained proficient in Hungarian, at least for the first part of his life. He enthusiasm he devoted to his research, exhibition and work with the students went to Hungarian elementary schools and after he was expelled from Rijeka’s local high school for openly defending the legitimate Head of the Free State of 19 Antonello Venturi, historian and son of Valiani’s longtime friend, political patner, and historian Franco Venturi, said to Ricciardi that “la condizione di ebreo per Valiani non era una variabile centrale della sua Rijeka (Stato libero di Fiume) Riccardo Zanella, victim of a pro-Italian Fascist cultura, era ateo. Tuttavia, pensando per esempio a sua madre, credo che una qualche influenza sulla sua putsch in 1922, he got his diploma from the local Hungarian High School formazione l’abbia avuta. Quanto al rapporto tra internazionalismo socialista ed ebraismo, in risposta al nazionalismo aggressivo, antisemita e razzista, bisogna stare attenti. Gli ebrei italiani, fino al 1938, erano 17 See on this his speach at the Constitutional Assembly (Leo VALIANI, Discorsi parlamentari, Bologna: soprattutto assimilazionisti, non certo sionisti. Di fronte al fascismo, molti sono morti o sono emigrati senza Il Mulino, 2005, 40, 61), but also the above mentioned 1987 interview: SALOTTI, “L’esodo dall’Istria e diventare socialisti o internazionalisti. Penso che l’internazionalismo di Valiani fosse figlio soprattutto dalla Dalmazia quarant’anni dopo, A colloquio con Leo Valiani”, 57. See also the 1990 interview of Amleto dell’Impero austro-ungarico da cui egli proveniva”, RICCIARDI, Leo Valiani. Gli anni della formazione, 18n. Ballarini with Valiani for the journal Fiume. Rivista di studi fiumani, 20 (1990), more recently published 20 L’utopia necessaria. Leo Valiani a cento anni dalla nascita, a cura di Corrado SCIBILIA, Annali della as “Il Trattato di pace del 1947 e la questione adriatica nella testimonianza di Leo Valiani. Intervista a Leo Fondazione Ugo La Malfa, Roma: Gangemi Editore, 2012, 128; VALIANI, Sessant’anni di avventure e Valiani”, in Giovanni STELLI, La memoria che vive. Fiume, interviste e testimonianze, Roma: Società di Studi battaglie, 41-42. Fiumani, 2008, 35-54. 21 “Leo Valiani, a maker of modern Italy, died on September 18th, aged 90”, The Economist (Oct 2nd, 1999), 18 “La popolazione di Fiume era in grande maggioranza di madrelingua italiana: c’era una minoranza http://www.economist.com/node/245285 (30.11.2016). croata, ma si parlava anche il tedesco perché eravamo nell’area mitteleuropea”. VALIANI, Sessant’anni di 22 Laurence COLE, Leo Valiani’s La Dissoluzione dell’Austria-Ungheria in Historiographical Context (in avventure e battaglie, 15. this volume). 18 19 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian

of the city high school in Italian language, known as Liceo, and Lea Čeč for her artwork for both the exhibition and this publication. Ivan and Lea were both pupils of the Italian high school, whose Director Michele Scalembra, and the professors Marko Zotić and Dario Ban I also thank for their collaboration. Apart from Marko Zotić, who is from Poreč, all the others are “Fiumani”, and I can assure you that the multilayered complexity of their identification patterns is not banally due to romance or Slavic first names or second names, but it goes well beyond it. Another former pupil of that school is Carla Konta, to whom goes my gratitude for the great help in the organization of the conference. I also thank Gianna Mazzeri Sanković, Luka Skansi, Fracesca Rolandi and Lorella Radin for their contribution to the conference, Predrag Šustar for coming up with the idea and Ines Srdoč Konestra for supporting it as the new Dean. I thank Mila Orlić and Kosana Jovanović for their precious work for the journal and for welcoming the idea of a special issue on Leo Weiczen Valiani. Curiously, this may be the last number of the journal with this title. We are in West Croatia but our interest and scope reflect the wider Adriatic connection of Mitteleuropa, the Balkans and the Mediterranean. The journal will not be discontinued, but it is a good sign that a volume dedicated to Leo Weiczen Valiani, a native German speaker, a liberal socialist secularized Jew and son of Central Europe, of Hungarian origin and citizenship, eventually of Italian nationality, umgangssprache and belonging, appears in the West Croatian History Journal, established and still alive as Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske.

20 LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian:

ZNANSTVENI RADOVI / SCHOLARLY ARTICLES Ivan JELIČIĆ The Waizen Family and Young Leo Valiani in Fiume

The Waizen Family and Young Leo Valiani in Fiume1

Ivan JELIČIĆ University of Trieste Italy

UDK 929.52Weiczen(497.5Rijeka)“192“ 323.15(497.5Rijeka=411.16)“192“ 32-05Valiani, L.

Izvorni znanstveni rad / Original scientific paper Primljeno / Received: 21. 02. 2016. Prihvaćeno /Accepted: 18. 05. 2016.

This paper analyses the integration of the Waizen family in Austro- Hungarian Fiume (Rijeka) and the political formation and national affiliation of young Leo Valiani until his first arrest in 1928. The local Jewish community and its position in the Fiuman multilinguistic context is still a relatively unresearched topic. Despite that, it seems that many Jews adopted the Italian national identity. Therefore, the Waizen family offers an interesting case study for an outline of the problem of Jewish integration into multilingual urban communities characterized by Italian speaking dominance. Additionally, through the family’s social network mentioned by Valiani himself, the paper seeks to address the process by which Leo Waizen gradually became the Italian antifascist Valiani. The research is based on the documentation regarding Leo Valiani and his family that can be found in the State Archive of Rijeka.

Keywords: Leo Valiani, Leo Waizen/Weiczen, Fiume/Rijeka, Austria- Hungary, Jewish community, National identity.

1 In the paper, I am referring to Leo Waizen/Weiczen as Valiani since he is better known with this name. For the other members of the family, I am using the form Waizen instead of Weiczen, as Waizen was chronologically the first form of their surname that the author traced in public documents, i.e. Clemente LOUVIER (compilata da), Guida di Fiume, Stabilimento Tipo-litografico Emidio Mohovich, Fiume, 1902, 140. The individual names are used in the Italian form, as they were registered as such by the authorities, however with this decision I am not implying any inherent national affiliation for the Waizens. A first draft of this article was presented at the International Conference “Da Leo Valiani a Leo Weiczen”, Rijeka, 29 September 2015. The author would like to thank the anonymous reviewers for their constructive comments that contributed to improving the paper. 25 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Ivan JELIČIĆ LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian The Waizen Family and Young Leo Valiani in Fiume

Introduction left-oriented movement Giustizia e Libertà8 and Partito d’Azione, his being one of the main figures of the Italian Resistance, are perhaps the best known Leo Valiani (Fiume, 1909 - Milano, 1999) is mostly known as an Italian aspects of his political biography.9 Although Valiani’s path towards an Italian politician, historian and journalist, whose studies on Socialism and, above all, political and national affiliation, as Ricciardi showed, was not an obvious the Habsburg Empire, have been considered influential in Italy as well as decision10, the role of Fiume in forming his national affiliation and political abroad. Valiani’s La dissoluzione dell’Austria Ungheria, first published in 1966, figure is still open for discussion. Therefore, the starting point of this essay will was defined as a masterful study on the breakup of the Monarchy, valued for be setting the Waizen family in the context of the late XIX and the early XX the many sources used2, from a cosmopolitan point of view3, and subsequently century Fiume. Leo Valiani’s life will be followed until 1928, the year of his translated into English in 1973 as The End of Austria Hungary. Despite his first arrest and the consecutive internments by fascist authorities, as afterwards interest in the Habsburg Monarchy, Valiani never wrote comprehensively about his social life was primarily influenced by political militancy.11 Fiume. He considered relevant mentioning recollections of his hometown only in the context of specific historical events.4 Additionally, Valiani was particularly discreet about his private life and his family.5 As a consequence, The Waizens in Fiume research regarding the Waizen family in Fiume is, to say the least, a tricky task. Undoubtedly, being born in the only Hungarian port, a territory detached The modest trader Oser Wolf, or Adolfo, Waizen, born in 1874 in from Croatia-Slavonia, where the language of the civic institutions was Italian, Jánosd, Transylvania, today Ianoşda (Romania), arrived in Fiume in 1891. and being of Jewish parents who spoke mainly German, was a favourable Though born in Jánosd, Adolfo was legally domiciled in Nagyberezna (today circumstance for Valiani in order to understand first-hand the complexity of Velykyi Bereznyi, Вели́ кий Бере́зний, Ukraine), at that time a small town the Austro-Hungarian Empire and to become one day historian of the Dual in the North of the Kingdom of Hungary, bordering with Galicia, a province Monarchy. In addition, his large family network, spread among various Central of the Austrian half of the Monarchy.12 Upon his arrival in Fiume, Adolfo was European and East European cities, in particular his well known socialist aided by other members of the Waizen family who also reached the Adriatic uncle, also contributed to the cultural and political formation of young Leo.6 coast seeking potential earnings from trade business. As a result, by 1892, a In spite of this large multicultural environment and his description of Fiume Waizen brothers firm was registered in Fiume, and the owners were Jacques as part of the Hungarian Mitteleuropa, a type of Central Europe different and Samuele Waizen, brothers of Adolfo.13 The firm traded with flour and from Austria, Valiani strongly emphasized the Italian ethnic character of the spirits, while Jacques (Jača) additionally registered a firm in Sušak that dealt city.7 Moreover, as member of the Italian Constituent Assembly, Valiani voted in liqueurs, which went bankrupt in 1898.14 However, thanks to the family against the Peace Treaty that ceded his hometown to Yugoslavia. Valiani’s support, Adolfo settled in Fiume, and in 1906 registered his own company, antifascist engagement, his shift from socialist sympathies to communist which mainly dealt with trading flour.15 The connection between flour and militancy, and subsequently his involvement in the non-communist Italian Fiume was not accidental, as in this period flour was one of the two main goods exported from Hungary through the small port-city.16 More important 2 William A. JENKS (book review), “La dissoluzione dell’Austria Ungheria”. By Leo Valiani, The American was the presence of a network to rely on. As shown by Anna Millo in her Historical Review, Vol. 72, No. 4, July (1967), 1434-1435; Bernard MICHEL, “Le démembrement de l’Autriche- Hongrie”, Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales, 25e Année, No. 6, Novembre-Décembre (1970), 1625-1626; and study on the Jewish Vivante family in Trieste, also for the Waizens, traders Gale STOKES (book review), “The End of Austria-Hungary. By Leo Valiani and America, Italy and the birth of Yugoslavia (1917-1919). By Dragan Živojinović”, Slavic Review, Vol. 33, No.3, September (1974), 592-593. 8 On this, see the articles by G. FRANZINETTI and M. BRESCIANI published on this special issue of the West Croatian History Journal. 3 Angelo ARA (book review), “Leo Valiani, La dissoluzione dell’Austria Ungheria”, Slavic Review, Vol. 26, No. 3, September (1967), 488-489. 9 RICCIARDI, Leo Valiani, 7-32. 4 Angelo ARA, “Leo Valiani, uomo e storico della Mitteleuropa”, in Fra Nazione e Impero. Trieste, gli 10 RICCIARDI, Leo Valiani, 55-79. Asburgo, la Mitteleuropa, Milano: Garzanti, 2009a, 554. 11 RICCIARDI, Leo Valiani, 113-130. 5 Andrea RICCIARDI, Leo Valiani. Gli anni della formazione. Tra socialismo, comunismo e rivoluzione 12 Državni Arhiv u Rijeci (further: DARi)-22, Magistrato Civico di Fiume, L25/1920, Domanda di Adolfo democratica, Milano: FrancoAngeli, 2007, 36. Weiczen per l’accettazione nel nesso comunale. 6 Wilhelm Ippen, Valiani’s uncle on his mother’s side, member of the socialist party, lived in Czernowitz, 13 Clemente LOUVIER (ed.), Guida di Fiume, Stabilimento Tipo-litografico Emidio Mohovich, Fiume, Bukovina, present day Ukraine, while an unnamed relative from the Herzl’s side, a physician, lived in 1902, 140. Jacques was domiciled in Fiume, Samuele in Budapest. We do not have further information on Budapest. Though different addresses given to the police by Valiani, quoted by Ricciardi, resulted false, it Jacques. The names of Samuele’s parents match with those of Adolfo: Mose and Rebecca, born Jakobovich. is still reasonable to believe that many family members lived in territories of the former Austro-Hungarian DARi-536, Anagrafska zbirka, Scheda personale, Popolazione precaria, Weitzen Samuele. Empire. A. RICCIARDI, Leo Valiani, 37; 39-40; 145-146 and 153-154. 14 Irvin LUKEŽIĆ, “Židovi na Sušaku”, Sušačka revija, broj 26/27 (1999), 113. 7 Leo VALIANI, “Prefazione”, in In cattività babilonese. Avventure e disavventure in tempo di guerra di un 15 DARi-179, Camera di industria e commercio, Libro 53, Registro delle ditte protocollate presso il R. giovane giuliano ebreo e fiumano per giunta, Paolo SANTARCANGELI (ed.), Vago di Lavagno: Del Bianco Tribunale dal 1876-1921, Lettera W, 43. Editore,1987, 10-11. 16 Povijest Rijeke, Danilo KLEN (ed.), Rijeka: Skupština Općine Rijeka, 1988, 243. 26 27 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Ivan JELIČIĆ LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian The Waizen Family and Young Leo Valiani in Fiume

of modest origins, the family network17 had a crucial role in establishing a The Jewish community, estimated exclusively by religious affiliation, successful business. Especially in a new environment, family and community also increased consistently during the last fifty years of Hungarian rule. ties were fundamental networks for a trader.18 According to the census of 1890, there were 489 Jews in Fiume, and in 1910 Leo’s mother, Margherita Geller, born in Brčko, Bosnia and the number increased to 1,696. This represents a huge increase, as in 1880 Herzegovina, also part of the Habsburg Empire, joined her husband in Fiume there were only 89 Jews in town.26 In 1890, 54.19% of individuals of Mosaic in 1906. Shortly after, the family was enlarged by the birth of their first child faith declared Hungarian as their mother tongue, 20,65% German, 19,42% Selma in 1907, followed by Leo in 1909, and Clara, born in Budapest in 1914. Italian and/or other languages, and 4,7% Croatian.27 In 1900, the number Leo’s grandfather was a Bank director19 and the Ippen family, relatives on the of Jews whose mother tongue was Hungarian reached approximately 63%28, mother’s side, were wealthy traders.20 This suggests the possibility that their stabilizing to 62% ten years later.29 Hence, the statistics suggest that the Jewish marriage was, to some extent, a strategy for business advancement.21 population was for the most part integrated into the Hungarian speaking The Waizen family, like other families of traders, settled permanently in community. Therefore, the Jewish population adopted partially or entirely the Fiume at the end of the XIX century, when the city was still a corpus separatum cultural patterns and values of the Hungarians.30 As Rina Brumini recently of the Kingdom of Hungary. According to the census data, between 1890 observed, we lack a study on the cultural dynamics of the Fiume Jewish and 1910, an increase in the population from 29.494 to 49.806 individuals population during the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and, without doubt, one had been registered. These numbers, without taking into consideration the of the main drawbacks is the absence of the community archive, which was nearby development of Sušak, confirm the strong demographic growth the destroyed during the Second World War.31 The few remaining studies on the city was experiencing due to immigration.22 According to the Hungarian Jews in Fiume are concentrated on the community during the two World census, which collected data on the residents’ mother tongue23, in 1910 almost wars, on the implementation of the Racial laws, and on the tragedy of the half of the population had Italian as their mother tongue; one fourth spoke Holocaust.32 Certainly the observations of Paolo Santarcangeli33, born Pál Croatian, while the Hungarian-speaking community rose to form 13% of the Schweitzer and, like Valiani, a Fiuman of Jewish origins, are worth quoting: 24 population. Italian was the dominant language in the public sphere, and 26 For the number of Jews in Fiume from 1869 to 1890, see “6. A jelenlevő népesség hitfelekezete szerint 1869- its position in the local government was not challenged by the Hungarian től 1890-ig. - Popolazione presente secondo religioni, dal 1869 al 1890.”, in Statisztikai adatok. Fiume városáról authorities until 1896, a year which is generally considered a landmark in és forgalmáról / Dati statistici relativi alla città di Fiume ed al suo movimento commerciale e marittimo, Az Athenaeum Irodalmi és Nyomdai Részvénytársulat könyvnyomdája, Budapest, 1901, 4. For their number in the relationship between Budapest and the local élite by the local historians. 1910, see A Magyar Szent Korona Országainák 1910 évi Népszámlálása, 61 kötet, Budapest, 1916, 165. The rise of the Autonomist movement in Fiume, produced primarily by the 27 Statisztikai adatok. Fiume városáról és forgalmáról, 4. The other languages in the list were Slovak, Romanian, new politics of centralization of the prime minister Bánffy, (rein)forced the Ruthenian, and Serbian, which all together reached 1%. Italian was specified separately, however the Italian language data was merged with others, i.e. the remaining unmentioned languages. However, the quoted data, national tensions between groups. However, in terms of substantial changes, due to the specific conditions of Fiume, represents mostly, if not exclusively, the Italian speakers. Italian was until the outbreak of the First World War, the Italian language maintained its not mentioned as a category in the classification of the population by religion in the two following publications. 25 28 A Magyar Szent Korona Országainak 1900. évi, Népszámlálása, 42 Kötet, Budapest, 1907, 236; 355; 359; privileged status in local administration and society. 375 and 383. In total there were 737 Jews of Hungarian mother tongue from 1172 people of Mosaic faith in 17 A social network is a network of ties between an individual or individuals, not necessarily knowing Fiume. The distribution of the other languages was the following German 271 (23,12%), Others (9,64%) and each other, that interact or could interact. See Fortunata PISELLI, “Reti sociali e communicative” in ID, Reti. Croatian (3,24%). For the lacking percentage and the meaning of other languages see the above footnote. L’analisi di network nelle scienze sociali, Roma: Donzelli editore, 1995, XIII. 29 A Magyar Szent Korona Országainák 1910 évi Népszámlálása, 61 kötet, Budapest, 1916, 165; 249; 253; 269 18 Anna MILLO, Storia di una borghesia. La famiglia Vivante a Trieste dall’emporio alla guerra mondiale, Libreria and 277. In 1910 there were 1045 Jews of Hungarian mother tongue, while the total number of the population Editrice Goriziana, 1998, 28 and 30. The noticeable difference between Trieste and Fiume is the period when the economic of Mosaic faith in 1910 was 1.696. The distribution of the other languages was the following: German 375 development occurred. Consequently, Waizen’s enterprise took place almost a century after that of the Vivante family. (22,11%), Others 197 (11,61%) and Croatian (4,54%). For the explanation of the categories see footnote 29. 19 “Leo Valiani”, in Stefano JESURUM, Essere ebrei in Italia, Milano: Longanesi,1987, 40. 30 On the integration of the Hungarian Jews, and the definition of the term, see András KOVÁCS, “Jewish Assimilation and Jewish Politics in Modern Hungary”, in Jewish Studies at the Central European University, Vol. 20 RICCIARDI, Leo Valiani, 40. 1 (1996-1999), available online (http://web.ceu.hu/jewishstudies/pdf/01_kovacs.pdf, last visited on 18.10.2016). 21 MILLO, Storia di una borghesia, 32-42. 31 Rina BRUMINI, La comunità ebraica di Fiume, Trieste: La Mongolfiera, 2015, 40 and 46. 22 Povijest Rijeke, 233. 32 Teodoro MORGANI, Ebrei di Fiume e Abbazia (1441-1945), Roma: Carucci editore, 1979; Silvia BON, Le 23 On the use of the term, which had a much broader sense, see Pieter M. JUDSON, The Habsburg Empire, comunità ebraiche della provincia italiana del Carnaro: Fiume e Abbazia, 1924-1945, Roma: Società di Studi Cambridge, Massachusetts and London: Belknap Press, 2016, 309-310. Fiumani, 2004; Federico FALK, Le comunità israelitiche di Fiume e Abbazia tra le due guerre mondiale: gli ebrei 24 For the distribution of population per mother tongue in 1910, see “1. A fontosabb demografiai adatok residenti nella provincia del Carnaro negli anni 1915-1945, Roma: Litos, 2012 also available online: http://www. községenkint,” category: Anynanyelv for Fiume város és kerülete, in A Magyar Szent Korona Országainák 1910 bh.org.il/jewish-spotlight/fiume/ (last accessed on November 16, 2016); Sanja SIMPER, Od emancipacije do évi Népszámlálása, 42 kötet, Budapest, 1912, 459. holokausta: Židovi u Rijeci i Opatiji, 1867-1945, Rijeka: Muzej grada Rijeke, 2013. 25 The best accounts on that period are two still unpublished PhD thesis: Ljubinka KARPOWICZ, “Riječki corpus 33 On Santarcangeli see Ornella D’ORAZIO, “Paolo Santarcangeli”, Fiume, Anno XX, N.1, gennaio-giugno separaum 1868-1924”, PhD theses, Univerza Edvarda Kardelja u Ljubljani, Fakulteta za sociologijo, politične vede in (2000), 122-126 and Martina SANKOVIĆ, “Le immagini perdute dello scrittore fiumano Paolo Santarcangeli novinarstvo, Ljubljana, 1986, and William, KLINGER, “Negotiating the Nation. Fiume: From Autonomism to State (1909-1995)”, Tesi di laurea triennale in discipline letterarie, archelogiche e storico-artistiche, Dipartimento Making (1848-1924)”, PhD thesis, European University Institute, Department of History and Civilizations, Fiesole, 2007. di Studi umanistici, Università degli Studi di Trieste, 2014. 28 29 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Ivan JELIČIĆ LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian The Waizen Family and Young Leo Valiani in Fiume

Many of our Jews - who were married to Catholic women, perhaps the choice was easier, since the two ruling groups, the Italian at the local converted from youth or even born as Catholics and, what counts more, completely level, and the Hungarian at the State level, were not intrinsically rivals, though «fiumanized» and some of them, woe to us, fascists «of the first hour» – had approaching the World War the leaders of the national groups41 sought to forgotten or almost forgotten, that they were so ( I want to say «Jews» and not increase the awareness of the need to embrace an exclusive cultural-linguistic fascists).34 affiliation. The Jewish population developed, as Rozenblit’s study reveals for In Santarcangeli’s narration, again a description of the Interwar period Cisleithania, a tripartite identity: politically loyal to the State, affiliated with and not of the Austro-Hungarian era, the only existing distinction was between the major culture of the region they were living in, and still preserving a sense the “fiumanized” and the orthodox Jews.35 While there is no distinction of Jewish ethnicity.42 between assimilated and integrated Jews, that is between the converted and By way of the short description Leo Valiani gave of his father, we can those who preserved some features of religious and/or ethnic Jewish identity36, definitely include Adolfo Waizen in this framework: “My father, apolitical it seems clear that the majority of the Jewish community adopted the dominant but enthusiastic for the Russian liberal revolution of March, was terrified “Fiuman ways”. Comparing Santarcangeli’s description and the statistics about of the Bolshevik revolution, which was linked to the destruction of order, the use of the mother tongue in 1890, 1900 and 1910, it seems obvious that in religion and family.”43 He also stated: “My father – without being interested Fiume there were two main cultural-linguistic integration processes available in politics - always voted for Zanella”.44 These few lines indicate that Adolfo for the Jewish population: the Italian and the Hungarian. Significantly, the was respectful of the order that we can link to the Hungarian state; he was a two were not necessarily in opposition to one another, since the affiliation voter of the Autonomist party and thereby lined up with the dominant Italian with the Italian language and culture was not an indication of irredentist culture in Fiume; and finally, he was bound to Jewish values in the spheres of attitudes per se.37 The ruling Autonomist party, whose founder was Michele family and religion. Adolfo’s request for Fiuman domicile, written evidently Maylender, son of a Hungarian Jew converted to Catholicism, was grounded with the aim of pleasing the local authorities, attests to how he felt like part on the defense of the Italianness of the municipality (Comune), but was not of the dominant majority or at least pretended to: “I have never done politics hostile to Fiume belonging to Hungary or rather to the Kingdom of Saint against the national interests of the free city of Fiume, and now I am sincerely Stephen.38 As for the Jewish population whose mother tongue was German, devoted to its rightful aspirations.”.45 Furthermore, the fact that Leo Valiani their language statement could result from the difficulties to express Yiddish as mentions that he had learned Italian from his father confirms the integration a spoken language, a category not listed in the census, which did not offer any of Adolfo with the local community.46 possibility for a statement on the affiliation with that culture and language. Unfortunately, other sources, such as the Register of Population from Again, this was an affiliation not inherently adverse to the Hungarian State. 1890, do not provide more detailed information on the connection of the However, as Catherine Horel indicates, since the Jews were a minority, they family with the local society. The Waizens were included in the Register only did not want to join another declassified group.39 Consequently, they did not after the First World War, when they were granted, at Adolfo’s request, the legal become part of the Croatian community in Fiume, but would have done so domicile (pertinenza) to the city of Fiume.47 Therefore, from the time of their if they had settled in Sušak, the Croatian centre adjacent to Fiume.40 The first settlement in Fiume to 1920, the Waizens were part of the large group of Jews became part of the society that allowed them integration, and in Fiume “foreigners”, i.e. people who lived in the territory of the corpus separatum but did not possess rights guaranteed to those who were considered members of 34 “Molti dei nostri ebrei – sposatisi a donne cattoliche, magari convertiti dall’infanzia o addirittura nati cattolici e, ciò che più conta, completamente “fiumanizzati” e alcuni di loro, ahinoi, fascisti “della prima ora” 41 For the definition of the term, see Benedict ANDERSON,Imagined Communities, London-New York: – avevano dimenticato o quasi di essere tali (voglio dire “ebrei” e non “fascisti”).” in P. SANTARCANGELI, Il Verso, 2006, 5-7. porto dell’aquila decapitata, Udine: Del Bianco editore, 1987, 92. 42 Marsha L. ROZENBLIT, “The Jews of Austria-Hungary on the Eve of World War I”, in ID.,Reconstructing 35 See also the description of the orthodox Jews by the same author Ibid, 87-89. a National Identity: the Jews of Habsburg Austria during World War I, Oxford-New York: Oxford University 36 For a discussion on Jewish identity, see Barbara ARMANI, “L’identità sfidata: gli ebrei fuori dal ghetto”, Press, 2001, 14-38. Storica, n. 15 (1999), 69-104. 43 “Mio padre, apolitico ma entusiasta della rivoluzione liberale russa del marzo, era terrificato da quella 37 In 1896, the Hungarians were still encouraged by an official publication to take part in the Italian Circolo bolscevica, che veniva associata alla distruzione dell’ordine, della religione, della famiglia.” in L. VALIANI, letterario, and Hungarians were members of different Italian cultural associations. See Ilona FRIED, Fiume “Riflessioni vissute su due rivoluziaoni”, Nuova Antologia, fascicolo 2170, Firenze, aprile-giugno (1989), 84. città della memoria, Udine: Del Bianco editore, 2005, 144-148. 44 “Mio padre - senza occuparsi di politica - votava da sempre per Zanella.”in L. VALIANI, Prefazione, in P. 38 William KLINGER, “Dall’autonomismo alla costituzione dello Stato: Fiume 1848-1918”, in Forme SANTARCANGELI, In cattività babilonese, 10. del politico. Studi di storia per Raffaele Romanelli, Emmanuel BETTA, Daniela Luigia CAGLIOTI e Elena 45 “Non feci mai politica contraria agli interessi nazionali della libera città di Fiume, ed ora sono PAPADIA (eds.), Roma: Viella, 2012, 45-60. sinceramente devoto alle sue giuste aspirazioni” in DARi-22, Magistrato Civico di Fiume, L25/1920, Domanda 39 In particular see Catherine HOREL, “Jewish Associations in the Multicultural Cities of the Austro- di Adolfo Weiczen per l’accettazione nel nesso comunale. Hungarian Monarchy around 1900”, Colloquia. Journal for Central European History, XVIII (2011), 94-95. 46 “Leo Valiani”, in JESURUM, Essere ebrei in Italia, 40. 40 LUKEŽIĆ, “Židovi na Sušaku”, 109-129. 47 DARi-536, Anagrafska zbirka, Registro di popolazione del 1890, Libro T-Z, Waizen Adolfo e famiglia. 30 31 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Ivan JELIČIĆ LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian The Waizen Family and Young Leo Valiani in Fiume

the Fiume municipality.48 In Waizen’s specific case, their exclusion from the and members of the Autonomist movement, whose roots can be found in benefits of poor relief reserved to the domestic population was probably not the same social background of the Waizens, since the Autonomist movement a major problem. However, the exclusion of the head of the family from the origins are traced among discontented traders58, it is difficult to express any right to vote in the administrative elections could have negatively influenced more considerations on the level of integration of the Waizen family in the their attachment to Fiume’s institutions. Yet, as I quoted before, and as Valiani local society. Adolfo’s early death in Zagreb in 192459 does not facilitate further repeated in another interview, Adolfo had voted for the party of Zanella even considerations on other existing connections. before 1914.49 From other interviews given by Valiani, Adolfo was not politically In any event, at least after their 1919 return from Budapest, where active, nevertheless he had expressed preferences for the autonomists.50 they had resided during the First World War60, the Waizens were settled in Despite these contradictions, Adolfo surely knew people who were the building in via Pomerio 9, where other two families of traders of Jewish involved in the political life of Fiume, such as Mario Blasich51 and Ignazio origins lived: the Reichs and the Schönbaums.61 Zeisler Guglielmina, daughter Kriegar. On his relationship with Fiume’s renowned autonomist physician we of Adolfo’s brother Samuele, also lived at the same address.62 Relating to that do not possess any other information other than Blasich was a good friend of branch of the family, and regarding the question of integration and Italianness, his father and Valiani himself made his acquaintance.52 On the other hand, it is worth mentioning the case of Zeisler’s daughter, Caterina. Caterina Zeisler, on the relationship between Waizen and Kriegar we know something more, slightly younger then Leo, was able to obtain back her Italian citizenship, lost thanks to an episode that greatly influenced young Leo. Ignazio Kriegar53, after the promulgation of the Racial laws, because of her patriotic feelings and also of Jewish origins like Adolfo, was a dried fruit trader, member of the enrolment in fascist organisations since her youth.63 Association of traders, and deputy in the 1914 Civic council in the ranks of Via Pomerio was populated by other Jews, since the Synagogue of the Autonomist party.54 When the Treaty of Rapallo established the Free the reformed Jewish community was placed there. We can thus deduce that State of Fiume, Kriegar was among the candidates of the Autonomists for the the Waizens were part of a social network based on a group trust determined Constituent assembly and was elected deputy in the April 1921 elections.55 by common Jewish origins.64 Furthermore, in the case of the Waizen According to Valiani, in this election both of his parents cast their ballots, family, community and business easily overlapped; Adolfo Waizen worked as Adolfo was now domiciled in Fiume and the right to vote had by now with his brothers, had an endogamous marriage, lived in a mainly Jewish been extended to both sexes, enabling Margherita to vote for the first time. neighbourhood, and maintained relations with the local Jewish community.65 They both expressed their preference for Kriegar.56 Yet, the main recollection Neither is it incidental that one of the two political figures mentioned by concerning Kriegar, mentioned by Valiani in several other interviews, Valiani is Kriegar, someone who shared the same professional and ethno- was his rescue after the Italian nationalist and fascist coup d’état in 1922. religious origins as his father. Therefore, the Waizens had not just occasional Kriegar remained hidden in Waizen’s house for several weeks and this event connections with the Jewish community, but were part of a tight and to a contributed, as Valiani would specify in later interviews, to his antifascism.57 certain degree multistranded network of people who knew each other and Besides these remarks, which testify the existence of a bond between Adolfo shared various interests and/or concerns.66 In fact, both the family network and the Jewish network were instrumental to a successful business in Fiume. 48 “Capitolo III, Degli abitanti”, in Statuto della Libera città di Fiume e del suo distretto e Regolamenti per la rappresentanza e delegazione municipale di Fiume, Fiume: Tipografia Battara, 1908, 4-9. 58 Ljubinka TOŠEVA-KARPOWICZ, “Ekonomska uvjetovanost autonomnog pokreta Rijeke (1890-1903)”, 49 Amleto BALLARINI, “Intervista con Leo Valiani”, Fiume, Anno X, numero 20 (1990), 5. Dometi, broj 1 (1993), 40-41. 50 Leo VALIANI, Sessant’anni di avventure e battaglie, Milano: Rizzoli Editore, 1983, 15-16 and “Leo Valiani”, 59 Adolfo Waizen obituary notice, in La Vedetta d’Italia, Fiume, 8 October (1924), 4. in Lucifero MARTINI, Parlano i protagonisti. Memorie e documenti raccolti per una storia di Fiume nella 60 RICCIARDI, Leo Valiani, 37-42. Lotta popolare di liberazione fino al 1943. Il “Battaglione Fiumano” e il “Battaglione Garibaldi”, Monografie V, 61 See on FALK’s website the families of Alessandro Reich and Gugliemo Schönbaum http://www.bh.org.il/ Rovigno: Centro di Ricerche storiche-Rovigno, Unione degli Italiani dell’Istria e di Fiume, 1976, 165. jewish-spotlight/fiume/?page_id=499 (last accessed on November 16, 2016). 51 “Blasich Mario”, in Salvatore SAMANI, Dizionario biografico fiumano, Venezia: Istituto tipografico 62 DARi-53, Questura di Fiume, Categoria S-Stranieri, Fascicolo personale di Weitzen Guglielima. editoriale, 1975, 38-40. 63 DARi-53, Questura di Fiume, Categoria A1-Informazioni, Fascicolo personale di Zeistler Caterina, Il 52 BALLARINI, “Intervista con Leo Valiani”, 13. Prefetto per la Provincia del Carnaro, N. 18139/I, Decreto di annullamento della revoca della cittadinanza 53 DARi-53, Questura di Fiume, A8 -Sovversivi della provincia, Fascicolo personale di Kriegar Ignazio. italiana, Fiume, 22 novembre 1940. On the Racial laws see the masterly study of Sarfatti. Michele SARFATTI, 54 “Alla vigilia delle elezioni”, La Bilancia, Fiume, 26 febbraio (1914), 2. Gli ebrei nell’Italia fascista, Torino: Einaudi, 2007. 55 Danilo L. MASSAGRANDE, “I governi di Fiume indipendente 1918-1924”, Fiume, Anno XII, numero 5 64 Tullia CATALAN, “Eugenio Colorni e l’ambiente ebraico triestino negli anni Trenta”, in Eugenio Colorni (2002), 24-25. e la cultura italiana fra le due guerre, Geri CERCHIAI e Giovanni ROTA (eds.), Bari, Roma: Piero Lacaita 56 Wrongly remembered by Valiani as Kriegel in AA.VV., L’autonomia fiumana e la figura di Riccardo Editore, 2001, 77. Zanella, Roma: Collana di Studi Storici Fiumani, 1997, 8-9. 65 In the memory of his deceased father, Adolfo Waizen donated a sum to the local Chevra kadisha which is 57 VALIANI, “Io ragazzo nella Fiume di D’Annunzio”, Nuova Antologia, Fascicolo 2185, Firenze, gennaio- an example of persisting bonds with the community. “Elargizioni”, La Bilancia, 16 January (1913), 2. marzo (1993), 76. 66 Claude S. FISCHER, “La struttura delle relazioni e delle reti”, in PISELLI, Reti, 89-118. 32 33 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Ivan JELIČIĆ LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian The Waizen Family and Young Leo Valiani in Fiume

There was a third form of network, a more specifically economic one, as after the promulgation of the Racial laws in 1938.74 It is important to note Millo argues, whose function was exclusively focused on achieving financial that both had chosen to Italianize their surname; Selma was the first Waizen benefits.67 who requested from the authorities to become Valiani. This happened in April This type of network, operating above community bonds, surely 1930, and one year later the Prefetto granted her the surname change.75 Their important for the economic activity of a trader, cannot be easily detected by sister Clara made the same request only in May 1937.76 It should be pointed the sources used for this article. Certainly, Adolfo Waizen must have learned out that Clara’s decision was probably more influenced by the atmosphere of to use various connections, since in 1911 he was elected in the list of employers anti-Semitism present in Italy in that period, rather than a strong identity as a delegate to the local District Workers’ Insurance Company.68 In spite of decision, since she had criticized Selma for the surname modification.77 Leo lack of data, all elements point to the capacity of Adolfo Waizen to establish himself accepted the Italianization, using the surname in the well known form profitable social and political connections for his economic activity. of Valiani only from February 1944.78 We possess scarce information on Leo’s mother, Margherita Geller, The modification of the surname was the last symbolic step in the and her mother, Caterina Herzl. Caterina, second grade cousin of the founder Italianization of the family. Its genuineness, due to the period of fascist of Zionism Theodor Herzl, was born in Zemun (then Hungarian part of the persecutions, may be questionable, and therefore it is important to recall that Monarchy, today periphery of Belgrade), but declared to be legally domiciled they all decided to maintain the form Valiani after the Second World War. in Czernowitz (then Austrian part of the Monarchy, in the interwar period This might also have been due to practical linguistic considerations, but it part of Romania, afterwards Ukraine). She lived in Fiume with the Waizens testifies nonetheless a clear intention of committing to an identity shift. This from 1925 on, and died there in 1944. After the dismemberment of the shift was a process starting gradually with the settlement of the Waizens in Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, Caterina obtained Romanian citizenship, Fiume, but was not totally irreversible. In fact, the dismemberment of the which she subsequently lost due to her absence from Romania.69 Margherita Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and the inclusion of Fiume in the Italian nation- Geller instead, like young Leo, held Hungarian citizenship.70 Howsoever, state cut off other possible identity scenarios, which is even more evident in the differing citizenships do not provide any evidence or indication of their Valiani’s case. national convictions. More stimulating is to note the different languages used by the three generations: Leo Valiani spoke German with his grandmother Caterina, and Hungarian with his mother71, while the main language of Young Leo National and Ethnic Affiliation(s) communication with his sisters was Italian.72 Still, in the context of identity transformations, the alteration of the surname carried out by the younger In an interview given in 1987, Valiani stated that since his childhood generations assumes greater significance. he had seen anti-Semitism in Fiume, though he had never been personally After the 1924 annexation of Fiume by the Italian Kingdom, Leo, persecuted. Anti-Semitism, in Valiani’s testimony “was not a prerogative of Selma and Clara did not automatically obtain Italian citizenship. While Leo Italians, but of Croats, Austro-Germans, Hungarians.”.79 This strong assertion, opted for Hungarian citizenship73, Selma and Clara decided to become Italian however, contradicts the interviews Valiani gave in the Nineties to Ilona Fried, citizens, respectively in 1927 and in 1934. Their Italian citizenship was revoked in which he describes Fiume as not politicized, where religion did not have a crucial role.80 Returning to the first interview, Valiani indicated that Jewish 67 MILLO, Storia di una borghesia, 28-30. identity was something he was always aware of, and that being of Jewish 68 DARi-52, Magistrato Civico, Sezione di Pubblica Sicurezza, Year 1911, Box 86, Lista dei candidati proposti quali delegati dei datori di lavoro presso la Cassa distrettuale per l’assicurazione degli operai. origins undoubtedly made it easier for him to become left-oriented. He goes For this institution, see Susan ZIMMERMANN, Divide, Provide, and Rule, Budapest-New York: CEU so far as to stress that Jewish tendency towards democracy is also partially the Press, 2011, 96-115. result of values present in the Old Testament, which suggest a prominent role 69 DARi-53, Questura di Fiume, Categoria S-Stranieri, Fascicolo personale di Herzl Caterina, Consulat Royal de Roumanie, Fiume, Nº49. Fiume, 15 luglio 1941. Lettera al Questore del Console di Romania. 74 DARi-536, Anagrafska zbirka, Schede personali di Weiczen Clara e Weizen Selma. 70 DARi-53, Questura di Fiume, Categoria S-Stranieri, Fascicolo personale di Geller Margherita, Soggiorno degli stranieri in Italia, Nº 944, Fiume, 19 agosto 1931. 75 DARi-8, Prefettura di Fiume, 1-2-2/1, Modifica di cognome, 1930, Waizen Selma. 71 “Leo Valiani”, in JESURUM, Essere ebrei in Italia, 40. 76 DARi-8, Prefettura di Fiume, 1-2-2/1, Modifica di cognome, 1937, Weiczen Chiara. 72 DARi-53, Questura di Fiume, Categoria A8 - Sovversivi della provincia, Fascicolo personale di Weicen 77 RICCIARDI, Leo Valiani, 34-35. Leo, the letter written to Selma from Mexico in 1942 is in Italian. It is interesting to note that Valiani in 1928 78 Ibid, 34. wrote a letter to his mother in Hungarian, but, as time passed, he started to write her in Italian RICCIARDI, 79 “Non era una prerogativa degli italiani, bensì dei croati, degli austro-tedeschi, degli ungheresi.” in Leo Valiani, 94 and 247-248. JESURUM, Essere ebrei in Italia, 41. 73 Valiani applied for Hungarian citizenship after his first arrest, also to avoid internment. He obtained it in 80 Ilona FRIED, “Oltre Fiume: formatore e ricercatore di storia: Leo Valiani. Colloqui milanesi 1993- 1929. RICCIARDI, Leo Valiani, 106 and 115. 1995/1997-1999”, in ID., Fiume città della memoria, 355-367. 34 35 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Ivan JELIČIĆ LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian The Waizen Family and Young Leo Valiani in Fiume

of Jewish culture in his political formation.81 the city, while his Jewishness is more questionable, since he had been baptised The material in the State Archive of Rijeka does not provide any already in 1917.89 Even so, the contacts with Schwarzenberg confirm that in information on Leo Valiani’s personal considerations and inner thoughts, since case of need Margherita Geller relied on a network that was based on shared documentation concerning him is limited to two police files regarding the Jewish origins.90 A further confirmation of the importance of this network, period after 1928.82 However, the analysis of Valiani’s social network provides combined with family bonds, might come from finding information on insight into his contacts with the Jewish community. The young Valiani was Valiani’s first employment. It cannot be more than a mere hypothesis, since surely surrounded by people of Jewish origins, as he lived in via Pomerio with it is almost impossible to confirm, but there could be a certain link between his parents. Moreover, there are some figures Valiani decided to mention Valiani’s job at the Banca mobiliare and Margherita’s father position as director that can help to understand the features of his Jewish network. Valiani knew in an Austrian bank in Bosnia.91 Santarcangeli from high school, attended classes with Giovanni Friedmann, and Beside these occasionally mentioned figures already offering an most probably had some connections with Aurelio Schwarzenberg during his indication of Valiani’s and his family’s connections with a Jewish network, first trial for anti-fascist activism. These three figures are linked by their Jewish two of Valiani’s bank colleagues should be mentioned: Tiberio Weimann origins, Hungarian roots, Italian national loyalty and by a common degree and Emilio Braun. Tiberio Weimann was classified as a suspect in the police in law, but they had very different political stances, in particular concerning archive92 and left Fiume in 1931.93 His Jewish origins are confirmed by his fascism. Giovanni (Hans) Friedmann was son of Davide, a renowned physician son’s book dedication.94 According to Ricciardi, the two resumed contact after and for many years president of the local Jewish community. Giovanni was a the end of the Second World War.95 staunched fascist who committed suicide in June 1940 to avoid arrest along For Valiani it seems that his friendship with the other working with three hundred other men of “Jewish race”.83 Valiani did not consider colleague Emilio Braun, son of Adolfo Aronne, rabbi and secretary of the Giovanni as a friend, and yet, when recounting young Friedman’s suicide, he Fiuman Jewish community, was more important.96 Emilio was arrested for decided to mention him as his school companion.84 Paolo Santarcangeli and illegal detention of an unregistered weapon in Vercelli in March 1928. On Valiani were friends from high school and shared common antifascist values, that occasion, according to the police of Vercelli, Emilio declared that he and though not politically active, Santarcangeli was, according to Valiani, professed antinational ideas and his feelings were adverse to the fascist regime.97 “instinctively antifascist”.85 The life of Santarcangeli in Fiume also reveals a high Additionally, the search of his family residence in Fiume, following Valiani’s level of integration with the Italian local society, reinforced after his decision arrest also in 1928, revealed that Braun had two books considered subversive to leave for Italy after the Second World War. Santarcangeli became professor by the police and marked in the following way by the Italian officers: of Hungarian language and literature, but published mainly in the Italian 1) Libro sovversivo intitolato: “Natura e Società” di Francesco language, keeping the Italian version of his name and surname.86 Valiani’s Oppenheimerm “La Questione sociale” tradotta da Gabrielli Covacs, edita a recollections of Aurelio Schwarzenberg offer further stimulating hints on his Budapest; Jewish network. According to Valiani, after his first arrest, the lawyer Iti Bacci 2) Libro sovversivo intitolato: “Il mondo senza fame” di Alfredo Bratt advised Valiani’s mother to talk to Aurelio Schwarzenberg who then defended 87 89 DARi-53, Questura di Fiume, Categoria A8-Sovversivi della provincia, Fascicolo personale di him. Yet, according to Ricciardi, in the official documents there are no traces Schwarzenberg Aurelio. 88 of Schwarzenberg defending Valiani. Thus, the events might have happened 90 This argument can be supported by the research of Fischer, tight networks are common in the case of the other way round, with Schwarzenberg advising Margherita Geller to talk ethnic minority women. FISCHER, “La struttura delle relazioni e delle reti”, 102. 91 “Leo Valiani”, JESURUM, Essere ebrei in Italia, 40. to Bacci. In any event, Schwarzenberg’s national affiliation is quite crystal: he 92 There is no personal file of Weimann in the police archive, but he was classified as a suspect. DARi-53, was a volunteer Fiuman legionary during Gabriele D’Annunzio presence in Questura di Fiume, Libro 5, Registro alfabetico degli iscritti nello Schedario di Gabinetto iniziato nel dicembre 1925, Lettera W, Numero 14, Weimann Tibero fu Adalberto, sospetto. 81 “Leo Valiani”, in JESURUM, Essere ebrei in Italia, 43. 93 DARi-536, Anagrafska zbirka, Sudditi esteri, Scheda individuale di Weimann Tiberio. 82 DARi-53, Questura di Fiume, Categoria A8 - Sovversivi della provincia, Fascicolo personale di Weicen 94 “I dedicate this book with admiration and love to my father, Tibor Weimann, a real hero who survived Leo and Categoria S - Stranieri, Fascicolo personale di Weiczen Leo. two world wars in Europe and six wars in the Middle East and who now celebrates the hundredth year of 83 For Giovanni Friedmann see on FALK’s website the family of Friedmann Davide http://www.bh.org.il/ an adventurous life”, in Gabriel WEIMANN, Terror on the Internet. The New Arena, the New Challenges, jewish-spotlight/fiume/?page_id=469 (last accessed on November 16, 2016). The episode is remembered also Washington D.C.: United States Institute of Peace Press, 2006. by SANTARCANGELI, Il porto dell’aquila decapitata, 91 95 RICCIARDI, Leo Valiani, 81. 84 VALIANI, “Prefazione”, in SANTARCANGELI, In cattività babilonese, 15. 96 See FALK’s website on the family of Adolfo Aronne Braun http://www.bh.org.il/jewish-spotlight/ 85 VALIANI, “Prefazione”, in SANTARCANGELI, In cattività babilonese, 9-10. fiume/?page_id=172 (last accessed on November 16, 2016). 86 D’ORAZIO, “Paolo Santarcangeli”, 122-126. 97 DARi-53, Questura di Fiume, A8 -Sovversivi della provincia, Fascicolo personale di Braun Emilio, 87 BALLARINI, “Intervista con Leo Valiani”, 13. Riservata urgente, R. Questura di Vercelli alla Questura di Fiume, 15 marzo 1928, Oggetto: Braum Emilio di 88 RICCIARDI, Leo Valiani, 84. Adolfo e di Giulia Haerzfeleder nato a Fiume il 6/7/1905. 36 37 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Ivan JELIČIĆ LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian The Waizen Family and Young Leo Valiani in Fiume

edito a Berlino 1916.98 Communist Party of Fiume.104 The presence of Erich Mayländer may lead The actual books owned by Braun were Oppenheimer, Franz, Természet to the conclusion that Valiani actually did not know very well the other és Társadalom. A szociális kérdés, Budapest, 1918, and Alfred Bratt, Die Welt Fiuman communists of Jewish origins. One of the possible explanations is ohne Hunger, Berlin, 1916. The first one is the Hungarian translation by Gábor that Valiani approached communism only at a stage when many activists had Kovács of Die soziale Frage und der Sozialismus: eine kritische Auseinandersetzung already emigrated from Fiume. Thus he had not had the time to know them. mit der marxistischen Theorie (The Social Question and Socialism: A Critical Another probable obstacle was the generational gap: Valiani was too young Dispute with Marxist Theory) while the other book was a science fiction novel, to encounter in Fiume, outside a political network, the Seidenfeld and Blüch The World without Hunger.Both titles suggest that Braun had a certain interest sisters; the youngest of the three Seidenfeld sisters, Barbara, was born in 1901, in social issues, but this did not mean that he considered himself a socialist. while the two youngest of the six Blüch sisters, Guglielmina and Eugenia, were The police were again inquiring about Braun in 1931, since he was suspected born in 1907 and 1913 respectively.105 However, Valiani remembered having of being the author of an article in the Italian antifascist journal La Libertà, met Miklos Szisza, companion of Giulia Blüch, in Fiume in 1926.106 This is which published a comment on Valiani’s second trial. However, the authorities a further sign that Valiani’s political thoughts have to be located outside the could not find any evidence for their hypothesis.99 On the other hand, there mere Jewish network. was correspondence between the unknown author of the article and the Braun Besides, it would be wrong to consider Valiani’s formation just through movements: the author wrote that he left Fiume in November 1927, which the Jewish network. As a young student Valiani became a member of the almost coincides with Braun’s departure to Milan in October of that year, football section of the Sports Club Quarnero, a club which was attended by attested by letters written to family members found by the police in 1928.100 Hungarians, while the members of the other association, Eneo, were Italian The same letters indicate the connection with young Valiani, who is mentioned nationalists.107 During his youth, football played an important part in his life, regarding some job opportunities in the surroundings of Milan. It seems that and Valiani fancied the idea of becoming a professional player and a sports Valiani, who advised Braun to seek a job outside Fiume101, wanted also to reporter.108 Unfortunately, Valiani did not mention any fellow sportsman, so it move nearby the place he had visited for the first time in the summer of 1926. is difficult to make further considerations. On the other hand, the decision to As Ricciardi wrote, the visit to Milan was determined by Valiani’s political be part of a Hungarian sports group and his decision to apply for Hungarian interests102: so the search for new employment was maybe not only related to citizenship and not for the Italian one109, suggest that he considered himself the economic necessities of Leo’s family after his father’s death, but also to the more linked to Hungary. However, as Ricciardi pointed out, this first phase of desire to move to a place where he already had some political acquaintances. Valiani’s life is characterized by an in-between position: Valiani looks to both Reasonably, we are led to conclude that Valiani did not know other socialist Hungary and Italy for his political activity.110 A decision which is not odd, followers or their organisation in Fiume. Therefore, Valiani’s formation as a as the Waizen family, due to their cultural background, were indeed in the political active individual had little to do with Fiuman socialists, and was middle of different ethnic and national options, though the generation raised rather the product of independent readings, contacts outside the Adriatic city, in Fiume, as we have seen, became closer to the Italian side. and Valiani’s reaction to the violence perpetrated by the local fascists.103 Finally, this is why we should not underestimate Valiani’s contacts Returning to the period Valiani spent in Fiume, yet looking at the with people who shared antifascist beliefs but were not members of the years after his first arrest, it is worth mentioning that Valiani also worked Hungarian or the Jewish network. Valiani did not specify the names of the with a communist bank colleague of Jewish origins. This colleague was Erich socialists or communists he knew in Fiume, apart from a certain Latcovich, a Mayländer, nephew of Samuele known for being the first president of the 104 “Leo Valiani”, MARTINI, Parlano i protagonisti. 166. 105 For the Seidenfeld sisters, see: Sara GALLI, Le tre sorelle Seidenfeld. Donne nell´emigrazione politica 98 DARi-53, Questura di Fiume, A8 -Sovversivi della provincia, Fascicolo personale di Braun Emilio, Verbale antifascista, Giunti editore, Firenze, 2004; for the Blüch sisters, see: WILLIAM KLINGER, “Un fronte di perquisizione domiciliare, 6 marzo 1928. unico da Trieste a Salonicco: La Venezia Giulia nella “Federazione Balcanica” (1918 – 1928)”, Quaderni, 99 DARi-53, Questura di Fiume, A8 -Sovversivi della provincia, Fascicolo personale di Braun Emilio, R. Centro di ricerche storiche-Rovigno, (2014), 227-231. For the dates of birth of the Seidenfeld sisters, see: Questura di Milano al Questore di Fiume, 6 febbraio 1932, OGGETTO: BRAUN Emilio di Adolfo. DARi-53, Questura di Fiume, A8-Sovversivi della provincia, Fascicoli personali di Seidenfeld Barbara, 100 Ibid. There are in total fourteen letters written by Braun to his family from 16 October 1927 to 2 Gabriella and Serena. March 1928. 106 “Leo Valiani”, MARTINI, Parlano i protagonisti, 166. 101 Ibid. Letter written by Braun on 17 November 1927. 107 Santarcangeli writes about rowing clubs, but it is clear that the clubs had different sports sections. 102 RICCIARDI, Leo Valiani, 51-55. SANTARCANGELI, Il porto dell’aquila decapitata, 216. 103 The Italian nationalist and fascist coup d’état in March 1922 was followed by the burning of the 108 RICCARDI, Leo Valiani, 52. Workers’ Chamber of Fiume on October of the same year. L. VALIANI, Sessant’anni di avventure e 109 RICCARDI, Leo Valiani, 82. battaglie, 23-24. 110 RICCIARDI, Leo Valiani, 55-78. 38 39 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Ivan JELIČIĆ LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian The Waizen Family and Young Leo Valiani in Fiume

high school colleague who committed suicide in 1924.111 Nevertheless, school All of this leads to the conclusion that Valiani was part of the Italian was not a place of political acquaintances, as Valiani recollected: his classmates speaking majority in Fiume. However, he also enjoyed the Jewish and were apolitical or supported the new regime.112 Valiani though recalled a brief Hungarian social networks. Undoubtedly, the Jewish network had a certain school suspension, earned for criticizing the action of the fascist squads and role in shaping his antifascism, as had his family network.121 It would be difficult the removal of Zanella, but minimized the political incident.113 On the other to prove whether his Jewish origins were the main trigger of his antifascism. hand, school contributed to the shaping of the Italian affiliation of Valiani, It seems that the family background and the Jewish network, combined with as the remembered mass gatherings of students supporting D’Annunzio direct witnessing of fascist violence against political rivals, but also indirectly during the years 1919-1920.114 Since Valiani went frequently to Sušak to get the economic decline suffered after Adolfo’s death, all contributed in Valiani newspapers that were forbidden in Italy, he had the opportunity to meet other becoming socialist and antifascist. While living in Fiume, Waizen was already antifascists, and he mentioned Mario Blasich and Antonio Luksich. Antonio in his youth on his way to becoming Valiani. As in the case of the sisters, the Luksich Jamini, encountered again by Valiani on the island of Ponza115, had inclusion of Fiume to Italy channelled strongly his national affiliation options. been a prominent member of the antifascist group in the faction of the Catholic Partito Popolare that supported Zanella.116 The Croatian speaking movement was outside Valiani’s antifascist network. The only person Valiani explicitly Conclusions mentions is Božidar Adžija, whom he met in Zagreb, while regarding Sušak he just mentioned attending the Workers’ Chamber.117 Valiani did not have The Waizens and young Leo were somehow an almost typical product the opportunity of knowing better the Croatian antifascists, not only because of Austro-Hungarian Fiume. Adolfo settled on the Adriatic coast as a result of they were outside his usual Italian speaking network, but also because the family connections and the position of Fiume as a gateway for products of the communists of Sušak had their own organisation and clandestine operational Hungarian hinterland. The same decision was made by many people in search channels.118 The first point, I believe, is the consequence of the Fiuman Italian of fortune who contributed to the population increase of the small corpus dominant background Valiani was part of; from his accounts Valiani was just separatum. Like other people of Jewish origins, Adolfo adopted the dominant able to read Croatian, never to speak it.119 The Italian speaking ruling élite Italian culture as part of his complex identity without questioning his loyalty was not interested in knowing Croatian, at least not officially, since they could to the Hungarian state. Additionally, he maintained his Jewish identity, which not economically benefit from it, and the identity they were building was was useful as a support network in certain situations. The downfall of the in opposition to the Croatian integration movement. The Jews who wanted Austro-Hungarian monarchy made Fiume, after some years of uncertainty, to integrate into Fiuman society reproduced that pattern. That may explain part of Italy, which was not problematic for the complex identity developed by why the only relevant conflict from the Austro-Hungarian Fiume that Valiani the Waizens. Adolfo’s children, following their father’s steps, now became part mentions, in the quoted interview with Fried, was between Italians and not only of the local, but also of the wider Italian society. Even the Racial laws Croats.120 were not able to weaken their Italian national feelings. 111 “Leo Valiani”, MARTINI, Parlano i protagonisti, 166. The police classified Giovanni Latcovich, a coppersmith, Inside the Waizen family, Leo Valiani’s position was particular born in Fiume in 1901, as socialist. DARi-53, Questura di Fiume, Libro 5, Registro alfabetico degli iscritti nello because of his decision to embark on a life of political activism. Influenced Schedario di Gabinetto iniziato nel dicembre 1925, Lettera L, Numero 30. Valiani’s acquaintance Latcovich was too by the historical events he witnessed as a child in Budapest and even more so old to be a high school student in 1924 and probably the police referred to another person with the same surname. 112 L. VALIANI, “La mia vita nell’epoca del fascism”, Nuova Antologia, luglio-settembre (1988), fasc, 2167, 51. in Fiume, by politically active members of the larger family network, by his 113 L. VALIANI, “Io ragazzo nella Fiume di D’Annunzio”, Nuova Antologia, gennaio-marzo (1993), fasc. 2185, 74. acquaintances among antifascists, by his awareness of being part of a Jewish 114 Ibid, 72. network, by the possibility of reading illegal newspapers in Sušak, and finally 115 RICCIARDI, Leo Valiani, 167. due to his family’s economic decline, Valiani became antifascist. His story is 116 Mario DASSOVICH, “Ricordo dello storico fiumano Antonio Luksich Jamini”, Difesa Adriatica, 25 novembre (1988), 4 more a (hi)story of someone’s strong and remarkable personality and less the 117 “Leo Valiani”, MARTINI, Parlano i protagonisti, 167. (hi)story of the Waizens, Fiume and the Jewish community. However, in the 118 Raspor, one of the main organizers of the Sušak communists, mentions only communists that end the path of political struggle led him to become one of the notable Italians maintained connections between Sušak and Fiume in 1927, Valiani is obviously not among them. Hinko RASPOR, Tokovima klasne borbe. Od Sušaka do Kube i Meksika, Rijeka: Tipograf, 1973, 60. For the political of the XX century, and his route was precisely a characteristic outcome of parties operating in the Interwar period in Sušak, see Željko BARTULOVIĆ, Sušak 1919.-1947.: državnopravni Jewish integration inside the Italian cultural community of Hungarian Fiume. položaj grada, Rijeka: Adamić, Državni Arhiv Rijeka, 2004, 139-160. 119 VALIANI, Sessant’anni di avventure e battaglie, 41-42 and FRIED, “Oltre Fiume: formatore e ricercatore di storia: Leo Valiani”, 360. 121 From the family network, the Ippen family were certainly an important factor in Valiani’s political 120 FRIED, “Oltre Fiume: formatore e ricercatore di storia: Leo Valiani”, 362. formation, see RICCIARDI, Leo Valiani, 39-40. 40 41 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian

Sažetak OBITELJ WAIZEN I MLADI LEO VALIANI U RIJECI Ivan JELIČIĆ

Rad analizira integraciju obitelji Waizen unutar riječkog društva za vrijeme Austro-Ugarske te političko sazrijevanje i nacionalnu pripadnost mladog Lea Valianija do njegovog prvog uhićenja 1928. godine. Lokalna Židovska zajednica i njen položaj u riječkom višejezičnom kontekstu i dalje su relativno neistražena tema, unatoč činjenici da su mnogi Židovi, čini se, prihvatili talijanski nacionalni identitet. Stoga obitelj Waizen omogućuje zanimljivu studiju slučaja za obris problema integracije Židovske manjine unutar višejezičnih urbanih sredina dominantnog talijanskog jezika. Nadalje, rad pokušava, kroz mrežu društvenih kontakata obitelji, navedenu od samog Valianija, prikazati proces kojim je Leo Weiczen postupno postao talijanski antifašist Valiani. Istraživanje se temelji na dokumentaciji o Leu Valianiju i njegovoj obitelji iz Državnog Arhiva u Rijeci.

42 Guido FRANZINETTI Leo Weiczen: Communist, Democratic Communist, Revolutionary Democrat

Leo Weiczen: Communist, Democratic Communist, Revolutionary Democrat

Guido FRANZINETTI University of Eastern Piedmont Italy

UDK 32-05Valiani, L.”192/193”

Izvorni zanstveni rad / Original Scientific Paper Primljeno / Received: 02.05.2016. Prihvaćeno / Accepted: 15.11.2016.

Leo Weiczen followed a complex political itinerary, from his early years as an orthodox Communist, to his phase as a “Democratic Communist” (linked to the Que faire? secret faction in the French Communist Party in the mid-1930s), and finally to his shift to a position of Revolutionary Democrat, which gradually emerged during the Second World War. This outline is based on currently available research (together with some neglected material). The aim is to contextualize Valiani’s choices in the history of interwar Communist, Socialist and Revolutionary Democratic movements.

Keywords: Leo Valiani, Arthur Koestler, Spanish Civil War, Le Vernet, Walter Krivitsky/Krivickij, Ignace Reiss, Ruth Fischer.

This paper1 addresses a series of related issues, mainly methodological, with some reference some factual issues. Ricciardi’s book on the first part of Valiani’s life, together with the publication of relevant parts of Valiani’s correspondence and of some of his early writings provide an adequate basis for a discussion of his relationship with Communism.2 The objective is to

1 Paper originally presented at the conference on Leo Valiani (Rijeka, 29 September 2015), adapted for this publication and amended after the comments by the anonymous reviewers. I would like to thank also Ivan Jeličić, Alberto Masoero, Ravel Kodrič, Andrea Ricciardi, Edoardo Tortarolo, and Adriano Viarengo for their assistance. 2 Andrea Ricciardi, Leo Valiani. Gli anni della formazione. Tra socialismo, comunismo e rivoluzione democratica, Milano: FrancoAngeli, 2007 (the most comprehensive study on Valiani); Leo Valiani- Franco Venturi, Lettere 1943-1979, (ed.) Edoardo Tortarolo, Firenze: La Nuova Italia, 1999, 108; L’impegno e la ragione. Carteggio tra Aldo Garosci e Leo Valiani (1947-1983), (ed.) Franco Fantoni, Milano: FrancoAngeli, 2009; Tra storia e politica. Bibliografia degli scritti di Leo Valiani (1926-1999) (ed.) Giovanni Busino, Milano: Fondazione Giangiacomo Feltrinelli, 2000; Leo Valiani, Discorsi parlamentari, Bologna: Il Mulino, 2005; Leo Valiani tra politica e storia. Scritti di storia delle idee (1939-1956), Davide Bidussa (ed.), Milano: Fondazione Giangiacomo Feltrinelli, 2009 [=Fondazione Giangiacomo Feltrinelli, Annali , XLII (2006)]; Edoardo Tortarolo, “Leo Valiani: Storia e Politica”, Rivista storica italiana, 122 (2010), 158-175 (a wide-ranging discussion of the book edited by Bidussa). 45 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Guido FRANZINETTI LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Leo Weiczen: Communist, Democratic Communist, Revolutionary Democrat

provide some elements for a historical contextualization of Leo Weiczen’s labelled ‘actually existing Socialism’. Weiczen belonged to the generations of Communism. the Internationalists. Arthur Koestler once provided a sketch of what he called “the typical The second point is: what did ‘Communism’ actually mean for its case-history of a Central-European member of the intelligentsia in the followers? The ‘Party line’ (which could change or even upturned at any totalitarian age”: given moment) does not explain much. As Józef Światło pointed out (after his defection to the West in 1953), “so-called rightist or leftist deviations “It was entirely normal for a writer, an artist, a politician or teacher occur when some comrades do not differentiate between party tactics and with a minimum of integrity to have several narrow escapes from Hitler and/ the real political line. Tactics change, depending on circumstances, political or Stalin, to be chased and exiled, and to get acquainted with prisons and conditions at a given time, and Moscow’s needs. But the real party line always concentration camps. It was by no means abnormal for them, in the early remains the same”. 5 ‘thirties, to regard Fascism as the main threat and to be attracted, in varying Even the mythical category of ‘Anti-Communism’ is highly misleading. degrees, by the great social experiment in Russia…Finally, it was quite normal The political and historical meaning of ‘Anti-Communism’ varied enormously for six million European Jews to end their lives in a gas chamber.”3 over time. In 1928, when Third Period Stalinism (1928-1934) was launched, an ‘Anti-Communist’ could be opposed to the Class against Class line of the So there was absolutely nothing special about Leo Weiczen. He was an Communists (i.e. Social Democracy as ‘Social Fascism’, etc.). During the absolutely typical case.4 Popular Front period (1934-August 1939) when Communists argued for the broadest coalition with ‘bourgeois’ forces against Fascism and Nazism, an ‘Anti-Communist’ could be opposed (from the Right or from the Left) to this 1. Understanding Communism policy. For example, Simone Weil (and other leftists) opposed the Communists and understanding Communists at the time of the Munich Agreement, when the Communists were in favour of military action against Nazi Germany. Weil stated that she would have A comprehensive overview of the historiography of Communism preferred a Right-wing dictatorship, rather than having to deal with war- lies beyond the scope of this paper, which focusses on the personality of Leo mongering Communists.6 During the period of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact Weiczen/Valiani. In this context, two points must be stressed. (August 1939-June 1941), anyone who objected to the Pact would have been The first is that the first generations of Communists were first and labelled as an ‘Anti-Communist’.7 foremost ‘Internationalists’ (or, to follow current bureaucratic and academic Conversely, the meaning of being a Communist also varied enormously. jargon, ‘Transnational’). They always reasoned on a European scale, if not Communists varied according to the year of their accession to the Party (much on a world scale. They could have operated in Russia, Poland, Germany or as wines do). In fact, in Communist tradition it was not unusual to refer to China, as circumstances might have dictated. These Communists included party members in terms of levies or cohorts. This is something more than the kind of “idealistic revolutionary of 1918-28” (described by Valiani in his saying that generations matter. It is an issue which determined the entire letter to Ignazio Silone in 1949, reproduced below), but also the Communists meaning of an individual’s Communist experience, and which conditions our who went through ‘Third Period’ Communism (1928-1934), the Popular front retrospective understanding of that experience. Without an understanding of (1934-1939), the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact (1939-1941). these factors, the historical meaning of ‘Communism’ and ‘Anticommunism’ These generations came to an end with the dissolution of the Comintern is misrepresented. in 1943, which was explicitly intended as a signal of a crucial turning-point 5 Zbigniew Błażyński, Mówi Józef Światło: za kulisami bezpieki i partii 1940-1955, Londyn: Polska in the history of Communism. The emphasis shifted towards the national Fundacja Kulturalna, 1985, quoted in Leo W. Gluchowski, “The defection of Jozef Swiatlo and the Search agenda, rather than on Internationalism; National Liberation, not World for Jewish Scapegoats in the Polish United Workers’ Party, 1953-1954”, InterMarium, 3/2 (1999), 7. 6 Weil saw the possibility of “an antidemocratic coup d’état, supported by Daladier and the army, Revolution. The Cold War generations were made of those who had somehow accompanied by an explosion of violent anti-semitism (the signs are apparent everywhere) and brutal measures survived the earlier periods, and who had accepted or adapted to the new against parties and organisations of the Left. I would prefer the latter as less murderous for the whole youth of reality of Communism as a global power, which established what was later France” (letter to Jean Posternak, spring 1938) quoted in David McLellan, Simone Weil: utopian pessimist, London: Macmillan, 1989,135.Weil expressed similar sentiments in another letter of the same period (letter to Gaston Bergery, quoted in Conor Cruise O’Brien, “The Anti-Politics of Simone Weil”, New York Review 3 Arthur Koestler, The Invisible Writing. Being the second volume of Arrow in the Blue. An autobiography of Books, 24/8 (May 12, 1977), 23-28; here 26. See also Simone Weil, Écrits historiques et politiques, Paris: by Arthur Koestler, London: Collins-Heinemann, 1954, 428. Gallimard, 1960. 4 See, for a somewhat similar case, Karol Sauerland, “My Unburied Father” [concerning Kurt Sauerland, 7 I owe this point to Walter Kendall (personal communication, 1975 circa). On Kendall, see Ian Bullock, 1905-1938], Cosmo. Comparative Studies in Modernism, 7 (Fall 2015), 119-131. “Walter Kendall (1926-2003)”, History Workshop Journal, 57 (2004), 299-302. 46 47 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Guido FRANZINETTI LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Leo Weiczen: Communist, Democratic Communist, Revolutionary Democrat

Leo Weiczen was well aware of the relevance of these aspects. As he she) would invariably be accused of being ‘right wing’.14 He (or she) might pointed out many years later, he had become a Communist because in 1928 subsequently shift to a more ‘right wing’ position (even to a radical right wing he had been sent to forced residence in the Southern Italian island of Ponza, position, as happened with some dissidents in the PCF).15 But a Communist where he befriended other Communist detainees, and in particular Giuseppe dissident would always have to start from a Leftist position. A ‘Rightist’ Berti. Had he been sent to Lipari (where Carlo Rosselli was interned) he dissident would have been a contradiction terms: how could a Communist would have become a Left–wing Liberal (a member of ‘Giustizia e Libertà’, dissident aspire to a less revolutionary party line? If he had inclinations of that and later of the Action Party) as he eventually did.8 kind, he would not have joined the party in the first place. Having been arrested in 1928, he also experienced the turmoil which The Party (no qualification was ever necessary for this noun) promised the Communist Party of Italy (PCdI)9 with the shift to the Class against Revolution, indeed World Revolution (which included fraternity, freedom and Class party line (which he wholeheartedly supported). He began to have welfare or ‘equality’ for all). This was why men (and women) were willing doubts only after the Nazi seizure of power, and even then, he changed his to face hardship, prison, torture and possibly death. But if they ever got the views very gradually.10 Weiczen finally obtained in 1936 early release through impression that something was amiss in this promise and in this project, various amnesties, and took advantage of his Hungarian passport. He was then the whole basis of their Communist loyalty would start to crack, and therefore expelled from Italy and taken to the Swiss border.11 At that point he ultimately it would crumble. This is what happened in innumerable cases in moved to France, where he remained based until the outbreak of the Second the history of Communist parties throughout Europe (even after they came to World War. power, in the post-war era). As Milovan Đilas pointed out in 1957, the morals Two key aspects stand out: the timing of his entry into the PCdI, of a Communist Party (at least in its revolutionary phase) are those of a sect.16 and the importance of the German Communist experience, and in particular German Leftist dissidents.12 In short, he was jailed at the height of Third Period Stalinism. Released 1929, he was re-arrested in 1931. He was released again 2. Weiczen as a ‘Democratic Communist’ at the height of the Popular Front policy. This gave him a certain freedom of mind (and, subsequently, of action) throughout his Communist experience in Weiczen is often portrayed as a disillusioned Communist who left the 1936-1940. He was actually less tainted by the political infighting connected party in the wake of the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact. This was not the case. As with the two phases. It is significant that Italian police did not seem to even Valiani repeatedly explained, he left the Party only at the French detention have at hand a photograph of Weiczen.13 camp at Le Vernet in 1940. When the war broke out, instead of escaping, he In this context, it is essential to remember that Communist dissent had in effect waited to be arrested as a foreign Communist (and therefore as was always exclusively of a Leftist variety. No dissident could ever really dissent a supporter of the Soviet Union, a country allied to an enemy power, Nazi from a ‘right wing’ position (i.e. Social Democratic or worse), although he (or Germany). In fact, right up to July 1939 Weiczen (or ‘Leo Giuliani’, as he

14 It is significant, in this respect, to note that the title of Lenin’s Detskaya Bolezn’ “Levizny” v Kommunizme (1920), was accurately translated in the main European languages as The Infantile Sickness of “Leftism” in 8 Leo Valiani, Sessant’anni di avventure e battaglie. Riflessioni e ricordi raccolti da Massimo Pini. Milano: Communism; Der ‚linke Radikalismus’, die Kinderkrankheit im Kommunismus; La maladie infantile du Rizzoli, 1983, 28. For Giuseppe Berti’s role in the Communist Party of Italy, see S. Bertelli, Il gruppo: la communisme (le “gauchisme”). In Italian, however, it was rendered as L’“estremismo” malattia d’infanzia del formazione del gruppo dirigente del PCI, 1936-1948, Milano: Rizzoli, 1980; Francesco M. Biscione, “Berti, comunismo. This was the form chosen in 1921 by the first Italian edition, translated by “Quidam”, and printed Giuseppe”, Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani , 34 (1988), 382-385. in Milan by the official Italian Socialist Party publisher, Società editrice Avanti!. This form (which crucially 9 The Italian Communist Party, in common with many other Communist parties, was actually called omits the term “Leftism”) was adopted by all subsequent Italian editions, published by the Italian Communist ‘Partito Comunista d’Italia’, to stress that it was merely the Italian section of the Communist International. party. For the Turkish translation of Lenin’s text, see Zaur Gasimov and Hasan Aksakal, “Not quite It adopted the name ‘Partito Comunista Italiano’ (which stressed its national credentials) only after Palmiro in, but via Europe. Reading Lenin in Turkey”, Comparativ. Zeitschrift für Globalgeschichte und vergleichende Togliatti returned from the Soviet Union in 1944. Gesellschaftsforschung, 25/2 (2015), 45-58. 10 See Ricciardi, Leo Valiani. Gli anni della formazione, 154-164. 15 The classic case is that of Jacques Doriot, an early propounder of the Popular Front. See Philippe Burrin, 11 Ricciardi, Leo Valiani, 165-166. La dérive fasciste: Doriot, Déat, Bergery 1933-1945, Paris: Seuil, 2003 (or. ed. 1986). The ‘neo-socialists’ (some of 12 For an overview of the early years of German Communism, see Pierre Broué, Révolution en Allemagne, which later collaborated with Vichy and the Nazis) were often individuals who had been early (but premature) 1917-1923, Paris Éditions de Minuit, 1971 (and subsequent editions, including the English translation, The advocates of the Popular Front strategy. German Revolution, 1917-1923, Leiden: Brill, 2005); and Rüdiger ZIMMERMANN, Der Leninbund. Linke 16 Milovan Gilas [Đilas], The New Class, London: Thames & Hudson, 1957, 153, as quoted in Eric J. Kommunisten in der Weimarer Republik, Düsseldorf: Droste Verlag, 1978 (a study which was able to make use Hobsbawm, Primitive Rebels.Studies in Archaic Forms of Social Movement in the 19th and 20th Centuries, of interviews with former members of the Leftist factions). Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1959 (third edition, 1971), 61, n. 1. Hobsbawm’s comments on Đilas 13 In 1936 the Italian Ministry of the Interior produced a booklet for internal use, listing the Communist were otherwise quite disparaging. In Interesting Times. A Twentieth.Century Life, London: Allen Lane, 2002, functionaries operating from Paris, it was able to attach a photograph of almost all of them, but not one of Leo ch. 9, Hobsbawm conceded that Đilas “has written wonderfully well of the psychology of revolutionaries”. The Weiczen. The booklet is reproduced in full in Bertelli, Il gruppo, 93-115. entire chapter of Interesting Times (entitled ‘Being a Communist’) deserves a similar commendation. 48 49 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Guido FRANZINETTI LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Leo Weiczen: Communist, Democratic Communist, Revolutionary Democrat

sometimes signed his articles) was publishing in Comintern publications.17 The already revealed his true position.22 list of detainees at Le Vernet reads, quite literally, like a Who’s Who of interwar What is most significant in Weiczen’s connection with Que faire? is the European Communism. This shared experience (if not of actual comradeship) fact they were part of the Leftist critique of the Popular Front in France.23 This had a lasting effect on Valiani throughout the post-war era.18 sort of position may well have brought Weiczen closer to Carlo Rosselli’s Left By 1937 Weiczen was already a Communist dissident. He was associated Liberal group in France, ‘Giustizia e Libertà’ (which ultimately became his with an underground dissident Communist faction, which provocatively ideological home). Rosselli was actually adopting an increasingly radicalized presented itself as ‘Democratic Communist’: the group which published the position, to the left of the Communist Party at the time.24 journal Que faire?, edited by André Ferrat and George Kagan.19 Weiczen’s connection with Que faire? and his direct knowledge of the The key aspect of Que faire? is that it was not intent on breaking away Spanish Civil War, could lead him to share a general dissatisfaction and unease from the PCF (at least not in the short term). It was not Trotskyist (indeed, with Communist policies, from a Leftist dissident point of view.25 But this Trotsky was quite hostile to it). In 1933 the Stalinist leadership had infiltrated sort of critique could also have remained within the confines of an internal into the group Jean Jérôme (alias Michel Feintuch, one of the many Galician dissidence within the PCdI, which could be labelled as “Leftist Stalinism” émigrés present in the party).20 This meant that the PCF leadership (and the (as opposed to Trotskyist dissidence, or even presumed “Luxemburgist” Comintern in Moscow) was regularly informed on all the activities in the tendencies).26 What can be said with some certainty is that Weiczen was group. Guillaume Bourgeois has argued that since Que faire? had a connection ambivalent about his attitude towards his PCdI and Comintern affiliation; with members of the Politbureau of the Polish Communist Party (KPP), there was no clear or sudden break. Jérôme’s infiltration may have contributed to the subsequent liquidation of the Weiczen had begun to have contacts with Rosselli’s ‘Giustizia e Libertà’ Central Committee of the KPP.21 In any case, Jérôme unmasked Kagan as a in 1937. 27 In this very last phase of his life Rosselli was actually taking a very member of the Que faire? group. Weiczen would not have been affected by this radical turn, in fact too radical for Weiczen. On the other hand, Rosselli’s denunciation, since he was released from prison only later, when Jérôme had direct experience of Stalinism in action in Barcelona in 1937 had made him wary of joint action with the PCdI. In fact he suspected that Stalin wanted to 17 See Busino,Tra storia e politica. Bibliografia, 3-10. make some kind of compromise peace in Spain, so he decided to stop a plan 18 There is a relative abundance of studies on Le Vernet camp. For a general overview of French camps, 28 see Denis Peschanski, La France des camps. L’internement 1938-1946 (Paris: Gallimard, 2002). Some to publish jointly with the PCdI in Paris La voce degli italiani. Rosselli was useful information on the camp may also be gleaned from Sibylle Hinze, Antifaschisten im Camp Le Vernet: Abriss der Geschichte des Konzentrationslagers Le Vernet 1939 bis 1944, Berlin: Miltarverlag der Deutschen 22 Kriegel and Courtois, Eugen Fried, 294-295. Demokratischen Republik, 1988. See also Sharp, Stalin’s American Spy, ch. 10, 89-98. 23 On this aspect see Pierre Broué and Nicole Dorey, “Critique de gauche et opposition au Front 19 Leo Valiani, “Una testimonianza”, Rivista storica italiana, 108 (1996), 507-549, here 514-515. On Populaire (1936-1938)”, Le Mouvement social, 54 (1966), 91-133; and Leo Valiani, “Fronti popolari e politica Ferrat, see Dictionnaire biographique du mouvement ouvrier movement social, t. 5: Période 1940-1968. De sovietica”, Problemi di storia dell’Internazionale Comunista (1919-1939). Relazioni tenute al Seminario di studi la Seconde guerre mondiale à mai 1968, (eds.) Jean Maitron et al., Paris: Éditions de l’Atelier, 2009 (and organizzato dalla Fondazione Luigi Einaudi (Torino, aprile 1972), Aldo Agosti (ed.), Torino: Fondazione CD-ROM, vol. 5), s.v.; and Valiani, “Una testimonianza”, esp. 514-515. On Kagan, see the biographical Luigi Einaudi, 1974, 193-214. note by Celina Budzyńska, Słownik biograficzny działaczy polskiego ruchu robotniczego, Warszawa: Muzeum Niepodległośći w Warszawie, 1992, III, s.v. On Que faire?, see André Thirion, Révolutionnaires 24 In the 1980s Valiani mentioned on several occasions Rosselli’s radicalization (with which he had sans Révolution, Paris: Robert Laffont, 1972; Guillaume Bourgeois, “Le groupe ‘Que faire?’. Aspects disagreed, even publicly). See, e.g., Leo Valiani, “Israele nella mia vita”, Nuova Antologia, n. 2157 (1986), 58. d’une opposition”, Communisme, n. 5, 1984, 105-117; and especially Annie Kriegel and Stéphane Valiani referred in particular to Rosselli’s remarks at the commemoration of the anarchist Amilcare Cipriani Courtois, Eugen Fried. Le grand secret du PCF, Paris: Seuil, 1997, which provides a wide-ranging (which can probably be dated to 20 May 1937). See also Aldo Garosci, “Fernando Schiavetti, come l’ho picture of internal politics of the French Communist Party baed on previously unavailable material from conosciuto”, in Elisa Signori and Marina Tesoro, Il verde e il rosso. Fernando Schiavetti e gli antifascisti the Russian archives. nell’esilio fra repubblicanesimo e socialismo, Firenze: Le Monnier, 1987, xiv. 20 In the post-war era, Jean Jerôme played a key role on the financial side of the PCF apparat. On Jerôme 25 The position adopted by Franz Borkenau is a typical case of Leftist critique of Communist policies see Dictionnaire biographique du mouvement ouvrier movement social , t. 5 (online version), (eds.) Maitron during the Spanish Civil War (i.e. Communist Party policies were too moderate in social terms). See Franz et al.,; and Kriegel and Courtois, Eugen Fried, passim. On the use of Polish Jews in Soviet intelligence, Borkenau, The Spanish Cockpit, London: Phoenix Press, 2000 (or. ed. 1937); John E. Tashjean, see Tony Sharp, Stalin’s American Spy. Noel Field, Allen Dulles and the East European Show Trials, London: “The Rediscovery of a Thinker”, Partisan Review, Spring 1984, 289-300; and Mario Kessler, “Between Tauris, 44. Ruth Fischer pointed out that in the 1920s KPD members were also targeted by Soviet intelligence Communism and Anti-Communism: Franz Borkenau”, German Scholars in Exile. New Studies in Intellectual as potential recruits. (R. Fischer, quoted in “Herr Sorge sass mit zu Tisch”, Der Spiegel, 13 Juni 1951, 29-34, here History, (ed.) Axel Fair-Schulz and Mario Kessler, Lanham: Lexington Books, 2011, 93-120. Orwell was 33). See also Walter G. KRIVITSKY, In Stalin’s secret service, New York: Enigma Books, 2000 [or.ed. 1939], very closely connected to Borkenau. See Bernard Crick, George Orwell. A Life, London: Secker & Warburg, ch. I, 34-35; and Francis W. DEAKIN and G. Richard STORRY, The Case of Richard Sorge, London: Chatto & 1980; Orwell in Spain, (ed.) Peter Davison, Harmondsworth: Penguin 2001; and Danae Karydaki, Windus, 1966, ch. I. “National Socialism and the English Genius: Revisiting George Orwell’s Views on Nazi Germany”, Dapim: Studies on the Holocaust, 30/ 1 (2016), 53-73. 21 Guillaume Bourgeois, “French communism and the Communist International”, in Tim Rees and Andrew Thorpe (eds.), International Communism and the Communist International, 1919-43, Manchester: 26 Ludwik Hass (a prominent Polish Trotskyist historian) argued that there were never any ‘Luxemburgist’ Manchester University Press, 1998, 95-102; see also Kriegel and Courtois, Eugen Fried, 289. Karol factions in Communist parties (personal communication, Warsaw, 1995). On Hass, see the various articles Modzelewski has argued that the liquidation of the KPP leadership was due to the negative reactions of under the heading “Trotskyism in Poland”, Revolutionary History, 6/1 (1995–96). the Polish Communist leaders to the Moscow trials of the Old Bolsheviks (K. Modzelewski, personal 27 See Valiani, “Una testimonianza”. communication, Warsaw, May 2015). 28 See Valiani, “Una testimonianza”, 512-513. 50 51 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Guido FRANZINETTI LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Leo Weiczen: Communist, Democratic Communist, Revolutionary Democrat

assassinated a few weeks later, so there is no way of knowing in which direction Polish ex-Communist Fanny Jezierska. She had been expelled from the Party he would have taken ‘Giustizia e Libertà’. Weiczen had mixed feelings towards in 1929 because she and other companions had opposed the Stalinist theory Rosselli’s movement; he made this clear on various occasions in later years.29 and practice; she now wanted to advise Bukharin (himself formerly one of On the eve of the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact and the outbreak of war, the opponents of Stalin) not to return to Russia. Bukharin answered that he Weiczen was a semi-dissident Communist, who still retained some degree of felt himself destined to die for the Soviet revolution, and he should, rather, be loyalty to Stalinism, and certainly towards many of his Stalinist comrades.30 exhorting her to return to the Party. What went wrong? Why should a still basically loyal Stalinist abandon a path The story was told to me by Jezierska herself, and I repeated it to which many other were able to continue, despite all the oscillations of Stalinist Koestler. At that time Koestler, in any case, would no longer have written policies in the 1930? Luigi Longo, despite the misgivings on party policy that loyal endorsement. In the year since he left the party he had read much, (which led him to volunteer for the Foreign Legion once the war broke out), had reflected and come to the conclusion that the Soviet power had by then stayed the course. 31 become a reactionary, tyrannical, detestable regime, not only because of the The answer is simple: Weiczen met Arthur Koestler. Koestler was not macabre show trial of Bukharin and others of the Leninists old guard; but also just a “typical case-history of a central-European member of the educated because of its whole dictatorial and totalitarian structure. As for myself, I had middle classes, born in the first years of our century”.32 He had travelled not yet reached this conclusion –my divergences concerned the persecution widely throughout Soviet Russia; he had worked in Germany and in France. of non-Stalinist Communists and the Hitler-Stalin Pact, and because of this He had met many Communist leaders, and even Old Bosheviks. Most of all, I wanted to leave the Party and did so; but it took some time to convince me he was the author of Darkness at Noon, which Weiczen read (in German) at completely. the internment camp.33 Koestler had with him, already three-quarters written, the German manuscript of Darkness at Noon. I was the first person to read it. He later revised it and even recast it but he had essentially finished it at the Vernet. He 3. Weiczen and Arthur Koestler made use of the few sources he had at the time, in particular the articles which one of the GPU leaders, General Walther Krivitsky, who fled to the West in In a tribute to Koestler (written in 1983), Valiani described his 1937 or ’38, had published in a little paper issued by émigré Russians. (I don’t encounter with him in the following terms: remember whether it was the Mensheviks or the Trotskyists.) Krivitsky later published his memoirs, and was found mysteriously hanged in a room in New “His exit from the Communist Party had come about publicly, before York. the War, but his letter of resignation (he showed me a copy of it at Roland Garros) ended with the ritual phrase for a Communist at the time: “Es lebe die He then added a footnote on Krivitsky: Sowietunion!” (Long live the Soviet Union!). This peroration was completely in the style of Bukharin. Bukharin once came to Paris for a conference (in the “Krivitsky figures in a moving book, Our Own People, by Elisabeth spring of 1936) and was sought out by Rosa Luxemburg’s former secretary, the Poretsky, the widow of his friend and companion in the GPU, Ignaz Reiss. 29 Despite his condemnation of the methods used by Spanish Communists against Left-wing opponents, in later Reiss had also broken with the Stalinist organisation in 1937 following the years Valiani argued that the actual policies of the Communists in Spain had been more realistic than those of first Moscow show trials, and wanted to join Trotsky’s Fourth International their Leftist critics (VALIANI, “Fronti popolarie politica sovietica”). He is likely to have thought so also at the time. but was killed by Stalin’s hired assassins in Switzerland: “Habent sua fata 30 It is highly probable that Giuseppe Berti shielded Valiani from action by the NKVD. See RICCIARDI, 34 Leo Valiani, 211-212. In the late 1930s Emilio Sereni (a quite senior figure in the PCdI was put through an libelli”. investigation in Moscow. See Bertelli, Il gruppo, ch. 2, 66-81. 31 Leo Valiani, “Luigi Longo nella lotta antifascista”, Luigi Longo. La politica e l’azione, Roma: Editori This passage referred to well-known facts, but it is also quite revealing. Riuniti, 1992, 49-58, here 55-56. Aldo Garosci stated that Longo was at one point part of the Que faire? group. Garosci, “Fernando Schiavetti”, xiv. Valiani stated instead: “Unlike me, Longo adhered faithfully to Valiani was certainly correct in remembering Krivitsky’s articles (in both the general line of the Communist International, which included unconditional approval of the Hitler-Stalin 34 Valiani, “Koestler the Militant: A Last Tribute”, 69. On Fanny Jezierska, see Hermann Weber and pact”, Leo Valiani, “Koestler the Militant”, Encounter, 63/2 (July-August 1984), 68-72, here 69; see also the Andreas Herbst, Deutsche Kommunisten. Biographisches Handbuch 1918 bis 1945, Berlin: Dietz, 2008 Italian version of the article, “Io, Koestler nel campo di concentramento”, Nuova Antologia, n. 2148 (ottobre- (or. ed. 2004); Ottokar Luban, “Fanny Thomas Jezierska (1887-1945) - Von Rosa Luxemburg zu Gramsci, dicembre 1983), 87-96, here 89. Longo may well have had contacts with members of the Que faire? group, but Stalin und August Thalheimer - Stationen einer internationalen Sozialistin” (2003) (in Ottokar Luban, Rosa that did not necessarily mean he was a member. Luxemburgs Demokratiekonzept, ihre Kritik an Lenin und ihr politische Wirken 1913 – 1919, Leipzig-Berlin: 32 Koestler, The Invisible Writing, 423. Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung Sachsen-GNN Verlag Sachsen, 2008). Jezierska was quite familiar with the Italian 33 The original version of Koestler’sDarkness at Noon has recently been discovered. See Michael Communist network (including Giuseppe Berti), through her activities during her period in the Comintern Scammell, “A Different ‘Darkness at Noon’”, New York Review of Books, 63/5 (7 April 2016). in the 1920s. 52 53 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Guido FRANZINETTI LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Leo Weiczen: Communist, Democratic Communist, Revolutionary Democrat

Menshevik and Trotskyist publications). Koestler would have been able to Koestler and Weiczen spoke the same languages (including Hungarian). refer to articles both in Sotsialistichesky vestnik (Paris), and the Trotskyist But, even more importantly, the spoke the language of Central European Byulleten’ oppositsii (Paris).35 It confirms that both Koestler and in Weiczen Communism; the language which had belonged to Franz Borkenau, Ruth had a very graduated process of detachment from Communism. It also reveals Fischer,38 Julian Gumperz and Karl Volk.39 Valiani wrote in the following the importance of the assassination of Ignac Reiss and Walter Krivitsky’s terms to Silone in 1949: defection (both in 1937). In articles and interviews in the 1980s, Valiani repeatedly referred to the memoir published by the widow of Ignacy Reiss, Reading Emergency Exit40 would not have been enough as a reason to Elisabeth Poretsky, Our Own People.36 The title of the book is eloquent, since talk to you about it, were it not for the fact that today I came across a book it refers to the fact that “either the enemy will hang us or our own people which is the first politically profound and truly well documented book I have will shoot us”. It also refers to six friends who came from “a small town in known, on the history of the Third International Pattern of World Revolution – Galicia” (Podwołoczyska, on the border with Russia), all involved in the Soviet by Ypsilon [the pseudonym of Gumperz and Volk], that is to say comrades we intelligence apparatus. have known, from afar, and which have deposited their memoirs at the former Institute of Amsterdam [the International Institute of Social History]. In this book you are described as the model of the idealistic revolutionary of 1918- 4. Weiczen and Communism 28. Yet even in this book there is no explanation of the passage from your generation to my generation and then of the passage from the near victory Why should Krivitsky’s revelations have assumed such importance of my generation, to its physical elimination, in Russia, in 1938-39 (in the for Koestler and, later, Weiczen? After all, these were not the first victims shadow of Bukharin, who had nothing to do with it, and perhaps without of Stalin’ terror, or the last. It is essential to keep in mind that the effect anyone in the West knowing of the simultaneous silent elimination of the of Krivitsky’s writing was retrospective. Even Koestler needed a year to fully Left-wing Stalinists of the First Five-Year plan)- and today, in Central Europe, digest the implications of his own break with Comintern. Weiczen took even with the same methods where the target of the GPU is now represented by the longer. For some time his views of Krivitsky would have been ambivalent, if cadres of Communist parties, which are being purged. not hostile. Only retrospectively, through a process which had begun with the For a while, I had thought that the logic of that passage consisted Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact (which Krivitsky had predicted), the meeting with in the greater technical efficiency of my generation in comparison with the Koestler, and the reading of the first draft of Darkness at Noon, did Weiczen previous one. We had learned to prepare insurrection more effectively than finally break with Communism. the Spartacists, and we had really created mass parties, while Zinov’ev There may even have been a more intimate connection with Reiss. merely expressed his wish through propaganda. But already in Russia it Weiczen was present in Spain during the Civil War (as his writing in the was doubtful whether Right-wing Stalinists were more efficient than the international Communist press attest). It is unlikely that he would have been Left-wing Stalinists, who had taken their place in 1939; in the Resistance unaware of the activities of the GPU in Spain.37 His attachment to Poretsky’s to the Germans they had to appeal again to the latter, but keeping them in book may have been an indirect way of recognising his own responsibilities in that period. 38 In the post-war era Valiani established and maintained a connection with Ruth Fischer (who had belonged to the Left of the KPD). Her most important work was Stalin and German Communism (1948). On Ruth Fischer, see the comprehensive study by Mario Kessler, Ruth Fischer: ein Leben mit und gegen Kommunisten 35 See, e.g.,Walter G. Krivitsky. “Begstvo ot Stalina. Pis’mo v redaktsiyu” [dated 5 December 1937], (1895-1961) Köln: Böhlau Verlag, 2013. See also the remarks on Ruth Fischer in Hans M. Enzensberger, Sotsialistichesky vestnik (Paris), no. 23-24 (403-404) 24 December 1937; and “Pis’mo v rabochuyu pechat”, Hammerstein oder der Eigensinn. Eine deutsche Geschichte, Frankfurt a.M: Surkamp, 2008, 139-141. Fischer Byulleten’ oppositsii (Paris), no. 60-61, December, 9-10. An extensive list of Krivitsky’s writings and interviews was often portrayed in unfavourable terms during the Cold War because of her testimony against of her appears in Gary Kern, A Death in Washington. Walter G. Krivitsky and the Stalin Terror New York: Enigma brothers Hanns Eisler and Gerhart Eisler. Ruth considered Gerhardt responsible for the assassination of her Books, 2003, 400-402, and items 3, 8, 9 of Kern’s list. There is also the new edition of Krivitsky’s book, In partner, Arkadij Maslow, in Havana in 1941 (see Kessler, Ruth Fischer, 372-391. According to Herman Stalin’s secret service (see above, no. 20). Weber and Andreas Herbst, Gerhardt Eisler was, in fact, rezident of Soviet military espionage (GRU) in New 36 Elisabeth K. Poretsky, Our Own People: A Memoir of “Ignace Reiss” and His Friends, London: York (Weber and Herbst, Deutsche Kommunisten, s.v. Eisler, Gerhardt). Oxford University Press, 1969. For Valiani’s views on Reiss and Krivitsky, see Pala, “Dal comunismo 39 Yipsilon [Julian Gumperz and Karl Volk], Pattern for World Revolution, Chicago-New York: Ziff Davis, all’azionismo”, 236-240 1947; on this point see Mario Kessler, Ossip K. Flechtheim: politischer Wissenschaftler und Zukunftsdenker 37 For an exhaustive examination of the activities Alexander Orlov, see Boris VOLODARSKY, Stalin’s (1909-1998), Koln: Bohlau, 2007, 83, n. 163. On Gumperz see also Martin Jay, The Dialectical Imagination. A Agent. The Life and Death of Alexander Orlov, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015. Valiani refers to Orlov in History of the Frankfurt School and the Institute of Social Research, 1923-1950, Boston: Little, Brown, 1973, passim. PALA, “Dal comunismo all’azionismo”, 239. Orlov’s role is also discussed in Кирилл Викторович Хенкин, On Volk (alias Robert Rindl), see Weber and A. Herbst , Deutsche Kommunisten, s.v. Volk, Karl. Охотник вверх ногами (О Рудольфе Абеле и Вилли Фишере), Frankfurt am Main: Possev-Verlag, 1980 40 Silone’s essay “Emergency Exit” was written for R. H. Crossman (ed.), The God that Failed London: Hamish [Italian translation by Gigliola Venturi, Kirill Chenkin, Il cacciatore capovolto. Il caso Abel, Milano: Hamilton, 1949. It had also been published in Italian under the title “Un’uscita di sicurezza”, Comunità, 3/5, Adelphi, 1982]¸and Mary-Kay WILMER, The Eitigons. A Twentieth-Century Story, London: Faber, 2009. settembre- ottobre 1949, 44-55. 54 55 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Guido FRANZINETTI LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Leo Weiczen: Communist, Democratic Communist, Revolutionary Democrat

a subordinate position. In Central Europe, people which have been purged Franco Venturi (perhaps Valiani’s closest friend). The encounter with Koestler is even substituted by unqualified people, such as workers shifted from the was the epiphany which, ultimately, emancipated Weiczen from Stalinism, lathe, because only workers who have remained naïve in these years can still which is what Communism, was intended to be. The rest is history: the history believe that the interests of Russia and Romania/Hungary/Czechoslovakia of another person, who in 1944 started signing his articles as Leo Valiani.44 coincide. Technical efficiency has nothing to do with it, if not in a reverse sense. Is this the beginning of the end of Stalinism? Maybe. But the succession candidates are locally populist Nazi left-wing parties, which would turn up as 5. Valiani after Communism Iron Guards41 of the Left, destined to receive wide popular support. Only here in the West we might still be –maybe- succession candidates”.42 In 1941 Weiczen managed to reach Mexico.45 His experience in Mexico City had included violent clashes with the local Communists and A few years later, Valiani wrote to Franco Venturi: “What survives of émigré Communists, such as his former colleague in Spain, Vittorio Vidali.46 [Russian] Populism in present-day Communism? Through personal experience He subsequently managed to reach Italy again, and to take part in the Italian I would say that the ideological and missionary aspect experienced a revival Resistance movement as one of the key leaders of the Action Party and the in ‘War Communism’ [1919-1921] and especially in ‘Left-wing Stalinism Committee of National Liberation. In so doing, he also re-established contact (Komsomol spirit of self-sacrifice during the First Five-Year Plan) which and personal friendship with his old Italian Communist comrades. This ensured Stalin’s victory”.43 wartime experience certainly renewed his connections with Communists, as This was not the language of Carlo Rosselli, of Aldo Garosci or even distinct from his attitude to Communism as an ideology. After the war, he had a brief political career, which he had to abandon, 41 The Iron Guard was a Radical Right-wing movement in Romania in 1927-1941. following the demise of the Action Party which he had joined during the war. 42 “Non sarebbe forse bastata la lettura di Uscita di sicurezza per parlartene, se non mi fosse capitato tra le mani At the end of 1946, Valiani was actually able to travel throughout the East- oggi, per caso, un libro che è il primo politicamente profondo e veramente ben documentato che io conosca, 47 48 sulla storia della 3a Int. – Pattern of World Revolution – di Ypsilon [i.e. Gumperz and Volk], cioè di compagni che Central Europe. He still had relatives and friends in some of these countries. abbiamo conosciuto, da lontano, o da vicino e che hanno consegnato i loro ricordi all’ex Istituto di Amsterdam. But precisely for this reason he was all the more affected by the turn of events In questo libro si parla di te come del tipo di rivoluzionario idealista del 1918-28. E tuttavia anche in questo libro in 1947-48. When the show trials began, the ‘traitors’ arrested were individuals manca la spiegazione del passaggio dalla tua generazione alla mia generazione e poi del passaggio dalla quasi vittoria della mia generazione, alla sua eliminazione fisica, in Russia, nel 1938-39 (all’ombra di Boukharine, whose names were quite familiar to him, people he had known personally. che non c’entrava, e senza che forse nessuno in Occidente sapesse della contemporanea silenziosa eliminazione degli stalinisti di sinistra del 1° piano quinquennale) – e oggi, con gli stessi metodi, nella Europa centrale, 44 According to Busino, Bibliografia, 5, there is an item (item 46) in 1937 which is already signed ‘Leo nella quale il bersaglio della GPU è ora costituito da quadri dei partiti comunisti, sottoposti ad epurazione. Valiani’ (this is clearly a mistake). The regular use of ‘Leo Valiani’ begins only in February 1944 (item 160), Per qualche tempo, io pensavo che la logica del passaggio consistesse nella maggior efficienza tecnica della following his return to Italy. mia generazione rispetto a quella ci ha preceduti. Noi le insurrezioni avevamo imparato a prepararle meglio che non gli spartachisti e i partiti di massa disciplinati li abbiamo costituiti sul serio, mentre Zinoviev si 45 Various members of ‘Giustizia e Libertà’ had been able to go to the USA (staring with Aldo Garosci). The limitava ad auspicarli con la propaganda. Ma già in Russia era dubbio se gli stalinisti di destra fossero più fact that Weiczen had to go to Mexico shows that at the time he would have still been seen as a Communist of efficienti degli stalinisti di sinistra, ai quali si sostituirono nel 1939; nella Resistenza ai tedeschi dovettero some sort. For a broad depiction of the network enabling anti-Fascist and anti-Nazi refugees (including Victor nuovamente fare appello a questi ultimi, pur tenendoli in subordine. In Europa centrale, la gente oggi epurata Serge) to escape from Vichy France to the United States and to Mexico, see Rosemary Sullivan, Villa Air- è addirittura sostituita con degli inesperti, con degli operai portati via da davanti al tornio, perché solo degli Bel. World War Two: Escape, and a house in Marseilles, New York: HarperCollins, 2006. operai rimasti ingenui in questi anni possono ancora credere alla coincidenza di interessi tra la Russia e la 46 On 1 April 1943 the Iberian-American Cultural Centre of Spanish refugees organised a meeting to Romania/Ungheria/Cecoslovacchia. L’efficienza tecnica non c’entra più o c’entra a rovescio. È l’inizio della commemorate Wiktor Alter and Henryk Ehrlich (the two Bundist leaders assassinated by the Soviets). The crisi dello stalinismo? Forse. Ma i candidati alla successione sono localmente di partiti nazisti popolareschi di Centre was attacked violently by a large group of Mexican Communists (approximately one hundred people), sinistra, che sorgerebbero spontaneamente come guardie di ferro di sinistra, tra gli applausi delle popolazioni. probably organised by Vittorio Vidali. Victor Serge, Carnets (1936-1947) (ed.) Claudio Albertani and Solo qui in Occidente potremmo essere ancora noi – forse – i candidati alla successione”. L. Valiani to I. Silone, Claude Rioux, Marseille: Agone, 2012, 293-295. On this period see Susan Weissman, Victor Serge. The 12 December 1949, published in Tortarolo, “Leo Valiani: Storia e Politica”, 173. course is set on hope, London: Verso, 2001, ch. 8, 264-280. For a different perspective, see Luís Mercader 43 “Che cosa del populismo sopravvive nel comunismo odierno? Per esperienza personale direi che and Germán Sánchez, Ramón Mercader mi hermano. Cincuenta años después Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, l’elemento ideologico e missionario ebbe un ritorno di fiamma nel ‘comunismo di guerra’ e soprattutto nello 1990. On Wiktor Alter, see the biographical entry by Jerzy Minkowski, Słownik biograficzny działaczy ‘stalinismo di sinistra’ (spirito di sacrifico del Komsomol nel 1° piano quinquennale) che assicurò la vittoria polskiego ruchu robotniczego (Warszawa: Muzeum historii polskiego ruchu rewolucyjnego, 1986), I, s.v.”Adler, a Stalin” (Valiani to F.Venturi, 1 February 1953, in Valiani-Venturi, Lettere 1943-1979, 108, as quoted Wiktor”. On both Alter and Ehrlich, see also the respective biographical entries (by Daniel Blatman), in in Alberto Masoero, Il partigiano e il cosacco. Franco Venturi, Herzen e l’Unione sovietica , in Franco The YIVO Encyclopedia of Jews in Eastern Europe, available on www.yivoencyclopedia.org. On Vidali, see. Venturi e la Russia. Con documenti inediti, (ed.) Antonello Venturi, Milano Feltrinelli, 2006 [=Fondazione Patrick Karlsen, “Vittorio Vidali: per una biografia del Novecento. Stato delle conoscenze e problemi Giangiacomo Feltrinelli, Annali, 40 (2004)], 476, n. 36. See also the Garosci’s subsequent recollection metodologici”, Annali dell’Istituto Italiano per gli Studi Storici, 25 (2010), 479-512. of Weiczen in the 1930s: “Inside ‘Que faire?, you were in any case not a Trotskyist, but rather a ‘Left-wing 47 Valiani visited Hungary and other countries in the region in December 1947. He published a series of Stalinist’, a playful self-definition which someone on the journal had chosen and which had alarmed the reports on this trip in February 1947: “Il sipario di ferro non esiste: qui comincia l’Oriente”, Italia Libera, 2 orthodox” (“A ‘Que faire?’ non eri del resto trotzkista, ma piuttosto ‘stalinista di sinistra’ autodefinizione February 1947; “Viaggio nell’Ungheria del dopoguerra: il paese contadino cerca la sua strada”, Italia Libera 4 giocosa che qualcuno della rivista s’era dato e che aveva messo in allarme gli ortodossi”). Garosci to Valiani, February 1947; “Zone di influenza e lotta per la supremazia”, Italia Libera, 6 February 1947. June 1979, in FANTONI, L’impegno e la ragione, 199. 48 See Venturi to Valiani (Moscow, 25 February 1949), in Valiani-Venturi, Lettere 1943-1979, 33-34. 56 57 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Guido FRANZINETTI LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Leo Weiczen: Communist, Democratic Communist, Revolutionary Democrat

The Eastern European veterans from the Spanish Civil War were repeatedly dismissed as a ‘Cold Warrior’, in the following terms: targeted. Detainees of Le Vernet camp were closely involved (as victims) in the Noel Field affair.49 Unlike those who had remained loyal Communists, such as “The Italian Socialist parties are still in the bewildering crisis You have Jorge Semprún,50 Valiani could not ignore this turn of events. certainly noticed in Rome. Together with Romita we are about making a fresh Curiously enough, Valiani (who proved quite a prolific writer) never effort to bring the rightists back to marxism and the leftists to democracy, wrote or published much about Communism. His historical publications which means anti-Stalinism, of course. I don’t think it will be an easy task; never covered the period beyond 1918. There was only one post-World War I it will take many months and perhaps a few years before being successful.”56 topic on which he once dwelt, and that was the Spanish Civil War.51 If we want to follow current historiographical fashions, we could In other words, at the height of the Cold War, Leo Valiani was still pigeonhole the post-war Valiani as a ‘Cold Warrior’, at best a ‘Cold War attached to Marxism, and certainly considered himself a Leftist, albeit not of Liberal’. As a matter of fact, throughout the entire Cold War period he never the Stalinist variety. In the same year, writing to his close friend Aldo Garosci, chose to label himself as an ‘Anti-communist’.52 But this did not make an ‘Anti- Valiani was still stressing that “conflict with Communists must have its limits. anti-Communist’, either.53 Some of his best friends were ‘Anti-Communists’: This is because the element of passion, the personal one, comes in. I do not Arthur Koestler, for a start. So was François Bondy, highly active in the come from Left-wing Liberalism, although I value it, nor from [Socialist] Congress of Cultural Freedom (as it happens, a former member of the Que Reformism, although I recognize its function; I come from Marxism”.57 faire? group, and a former detainee at Le Vernet).54 So were many of the authors Finally, how consistent was Valiani? Once again, Valiani himself whom he respected most, which included Franz Borkenau and Ruth Fischer. provides the answer, in another letter to Garosci: He did not have any qualms about writing for journals which were obviously subsidized by Western governments. If he had been queried on this point, “I am terribly inconsistent when it comes to action…In my view he might have given the answer to a similar question, which Trotsky gave in action is terribly inconsistent, in a revolutionary period, as Lenin, Stalin, 1933, with reference to the choice of publishing articles in the Corriere della Hitler, Roosevelt and hundreds of minor individuals, always accused of Sera (i.e. in Fascist Italy): “When I take a tram I do no ask myself if it belongs inconsistency. The less one is a man of action, the less one is inconsistent”.58 to a municipal corporation or to a capitalist corporation. For me, it is just a vehicle”. 55 This may serve as a suitable epitaph for a man who was first a In 1948 Valiani was writing to Ruth Fischer, who has usually been Communist, then a Democratic Communist, and finally a Revolutionary Democrat. 49 See Sharp, Stalin’s American Spy, 93 and n. 18, 341. 50 Jorge Semprún, Autobiografia de Federico Sanchez: novela, Barcelona: Planeta, 1977; Jorge Semprún “The Weakest Link”, Salmagundi, No. 57 (Summer 1982), 3-41. 51 Valiani, “Fronti Popolari e politica sovietica”, 193-213. This essay referred to the themes of Ferdinando Claudín’s book, La crisis del movimiento comunista. 1: De la Komintern al Kominform, Paris: Ruedo Ibérico, 1970. See also Leo VALIANI, “La Terza Internazionale”, L’Est, no. 3 (30 dicembre 1965), 285-311. 52 There appears to be only one such usage, in the post-Cold War era, in an interview with a Hungarian 56 Leo Valiani to Ruth Fischer, 31 October 1948 (Ruth Fischer Papers, Houghton Library, Cambridge, scholar: “As a democratic anticommunist I was closer to La Malfa” (“Come anticomunista democratico ero Mass.). I thank Edoardo Tortarolo for providing a copy of this letter. See also Valiani to Garosci, 30 November più vicino a La Malfa”) (Ilona Fried, Fiume città della memoria, 1868-1945 [Udine: Del Bianco, 2005], 364, 1946: “If tomorrow we found ourselves with Saragat and maybe Iniziativa (it seems that Saragat considers italics added; translation of Fried, Emlékek városa. Fiume, Budapest: Ponte Alapitvány, 2001). But Valiani the split in the Italian Socialist party inevitable), we would strive to stop them from being predominantly uses it in an un-ideological way, as a synonym for ‘non-Communist’; he also felt the need to stress the adjective anticommunists. We must argue against the Communists, and especially on issues of economic policy… ‘democratico’. Presumably, for him an ‘Anti-Communist’ was not necessarily a ‘democrat’. possibly on the international situation. This is all. If Communists call us anticommunists, that is their 53 The term ‘Anti-Anti-Communist’ came into usage in the US in the 1950s, usually as a negative label. At business; we let them talk and we carry on along our path” (“Se domani ci trovassimo con Saragat e magari a later stage the terms was used in a positive sense by Leftist authors. See Christopher Lasch, “The Cultural Iniziativa (pare che Saragat ritenga inevitabile la scissione [del PSIUP], cercheremmo di impedire loro di Cold War: A short History of the Congress for Cultural Freedom” (1968), in Christopher Lasch, The Agony of essere soprattutto anticomunisti. Occorre fare la polemica coi comunisti, e soprattutto su questioni di politica the American Left, New York: Knopf, 1969. For a different perspective on the Congress, see Walter Laqueur, economica…eventualmente sulla situazione internazionale. Questo è tutto. Che poi i comunisti ci chiamino Best of Times, Worst of Times. Memoirs of a Political Education, Hanover: University Press of New England for anticomunisti, è affar loro; noi li lasciamo dire e andiamo per la nostra strada”). Valiani to Garosci, in Brandeis University Press, 2009, ch. 4, esp. 94-95. Fantoni, L’impegno e la ragione, 72. 54 François Bondy, Rapport sur le Camp du Vernet (Ariège) et sur les conditions de l’arrestation et 57 “Il conflitto con i comunisti deve avere i suoi limiti…Perché qui entra l’elemento passionale, personale. Io de l’internement de nombreux étrangers en France de F. B., interné en juin et juillet (1940) in: Hanna non vengo dal liberalismo di sinistra, pur apprezzandolo, né dal riformismo, pur riconoscendone la funzione, Schramm, Menschen in Gurs. Erinnerungen an ein französisches Internierungslager (1940–1941). Mit einem ma dal marxismo”. Valiani to Garosci, 12 June 1948, in Fantoni, L’impegno e la ragione, 84. Dokumentenanhang (und Interpretation dazu) zur französischen Emigrantenpolitik (1933–1944) von Barbara 58 “Io sono terribilmente incoerente quando si tratta di agire…A mio giudizio l’azione è terribilmente Vormeier, Worms: Georg Heintz,1977, 321-328. incoerente, in periodo rivoluzionario, come dimostrano Lenin, Stalin, Hitler, Roosevelt e centinaia di persone 55 Lev Trotsky in response to Carlo Rosselli, Paris, 1933. Valiani mentioned this episode on various minori, sempre accusate di terribile incoerenza. Meno si è uomini di azione, meno si è incoerenti”(Valiani to occasions (e.g., Pala, “Dal comunismo all’azionismo”, 226). Garosci, 5 September 1947. In Fantoni, L’impegno e la ragione, 77. 58 59 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian

Sažetak Leo Weiczen: komunist, demokratski komunist, revolucionarni demokrat Guido FRANZINETTI

Leo Weiczen imao je kompleksan politički itinerar, od svojih ranih dana kao ortodoksni komunist, do faze “demokratskog komunista” (povezanog s Que faire?, tajnom frakcijom francuske komunističke partije iz sredine 1930.-ih), te naposljetku do promjene u revolucionarnog demokrata, koji je postepeno iznicao tijekom Drugog svjetskog rata. Ovaj je rad temeljen na trenutno dostupnim istraživanjima (uz poneke dodatne materijale). Cilj jest kontekstualizacija Valianijevih odabira unutar povijesti međuratnih komunističkih, socijalističkih i revolucionarno demokratskih pokreta.

60 Marco BRESCIANI The Search for a New Revolution: Leo Valiani and the Legacy of “Giustizia e Libertà”

The Search for a New Revolution: Leo Valiani and the Legacy of “Giustizia e Libertà”

Marco Bresciani NEWFELPRO University of Zagreb Croatia

UDK 329(4)”19” 32-05Valiani, L.”1939/1944”

Izvorni znanstveni rad / Original scientific paper Primljeno / Received: 19. 04. 2016. Prihvaćeno / Accepted: 15. 05. 2016.

This paper will deal with two relevant issues in the intellectual history of twentieth-century Europe: 1) the relationship between socialism, antifascism and antitotalitarianism; 2) the possibilities of a democratic revolution in the midst of the Second World War. In order to analyse them, I will focus on Leo Valiani’s biography and thought between 1939 and 1944, when he left the Communist Party and became a prominent figure of the “Partito d’Azione”. A special attention will be paid to the ways in which Valiani’s antitotalitarian and revolutionary socialism was tied to the complex legacies of the Italian antifascist group “Giustizia e Libertà”.

Keywords: Antifascism, Socialism, Antitotalitarianism, Communism, “Giustizia e Libertà”, Leo Valiani, “Partito d’Azione”.

Antifascism, democracy, and revolution

Since the late 1980s, and especially the early 1990s, the crisis and the collapse of the Soviet Union and of the communist regimes in East Central Europe fostered the search for political cultures conciliating socialism and liberalism, antifascism and anti-totalitarianism. In particular, a harsh debate, stirred by the important but controversial work of the French historian François Furet, Le passé d’une illusion, took place with regard to the relationships and contradictions between antifascism and communism, in France as elsewhere.1 In Italy, in particular, the historical experiences of “Giustizia e Libertà”

1 See, in particular, François FURET, Le passé d’une illusion: essai sur l’idée communiste au XX siècle, Paris: Laffont 1995. For a general reconstruction, see Rethinking Antifascism. History, Memory and Politics: 1922 to the Present, Hugo GARCIA, Marcel YUSTA, Xavier TABET, Christina CLÌMACO (eds.), New York/Oxford: Berghahn, 2016. 63 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Marco BRESCIANI LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian The Search for a New Revolution: Leo Valiani and the Legacy of “Giustizia e Libertà”

and of the “Partito d’Azione” and their long-term political and intellectual conception of the leading role of the élites, be they political or intellectual. legacies have been placed at the core of important public debates and academic However, the impatient and energetic commitment of Valiani to different research. In the post-1989 context, these experiences and legacies turned out revolutionary projects as different as the Stalinist communist and the radical to be interesting from two standpoints: those arguing the identification of democratic one between the mid-1920s and mid-1940s did somehow expire in antifascism and democracy might emphasize its critiques of Stalin’s regime the post-1945 decades, albeit in complex and twisted ways which cannot be and its search for alternative forms of communism; those reducing antifascism the topic of this essay. to anti-liberalism might stress its adherence to the Soviet myth and its relations Born in 1909 in the cosmopolitan Fiume under the late Habsburg with the communists. monarchy to a mixed national family, Valiani chose to be loyal to the Italian Moreover, the deep crisis of the Italian political system, shaped by national tradition and identity.4 In the mid-1920s he became a communist, the post-war experience and shaken by the end of the Cold War, provoked he was engaged in the antifascist fight, arrested two times and detained an intense and highly divisive debate on antifascism and national identity. until 1936. After going into exile in Paris at the time of the Popular Fronts The tradition stemming from “Giustizia e Libertà” and the “Partito d’Azione” and personally experiencing the Spanish civil war, he came to terms with was perceived either as an opportunity for re-founding the Republican the Stalinist regime in the name of an alternative communist revolutionary institutions on antifascist national bases, or as a threat to a more cohesive and perspective as early as in the late 1930s. At the same time, he had approached post-ideological nation. In both cases, the real issue at stake was the complex post-Rosselli’s “Giustizia e Libertà” and the “Partito d’Azione”, eventually relationship among antifascism, democracy, and the Italian national tradition.2 supporting the perspective of a “democratic revolution” in the context of the In order to rethink this set of issues, Valiani provides a case in point. In Italian Resistance and of the Second World War. particular, I will focus on his complex relation with “Giustizia e Libertà” and Quite obviously, it has been (and in some respects it is still) tempting its legacies in the time span between 1938 and 1944. My main hypothesis is to connect the perspective of Valiani’s “democratic revolution” with the post- that, even though Valiani did not take part in the group, the ideas of “Giustizia 1945 context and to interpret in this light his ambivalence between intransigent e Libertà” on socialism and revolution constituted a fundamental inspiration loyalty to the constitutional democratic framework and his radical critiques of for his own critical rethinking of his previous Communist membership. the ruling class. However, what did Valiani mean by the term “democratic In spite of a growing historiography, the political biography of Leo revolution” in the pre-1945 context of war? How did this perspective relate to Valiani continues to be highly problematic. As Andrea Ricciardi has rightly its overall political and historical reflection and to the legacy of “Giustizia e pointed out in his well-researched work on the political education of Valiani, Libertà”? it is hard to combine and integrate two radically different images of Valiani: on the one hand, the late Valiani, a bank manager, a self-taught researcher of history, a senator of the Italian Republic, quite mistrustful of the short-term “Giustizia e Libertà” as a way out of communism policies of the democratic governments, but engaged in a long-term cultural battle for democracy; on the other hand, the young Valiani, a cosmopolitan I will try to answer these questions, analysing Valiani’s reflection on revolutionary in conspiracy, in prison and in exile, embedded first in the Italian communism, socialism, democracy, and above all revolution between the late Communist Party, then in “Giustizia e Libertà” and the “Partito d’Azione”.3 1930s and the mid-1940s. My concern here has less to do with understanding Obviously, it is possible to detect some continuity between the former and how and why Valiani left the Communist Party and approached “Giustizia e the latter, such as the ongoing dialogue with the political and intellectual Libertà”, than with understanding in which sense and to what extent the legacy legacy of “Giustizia e Libertà” and of the “Partito d’Azione”, and the persistent of “Giustizia e Libertà” might be used as a way out of communism. In order to do this, I will provide a brief outline of Valiani’s relationship to the other 2 For the main positions in the debate see Marco REVELLI, Giovanni DE LUNA, Fascismo, antifascismo: members of “Giustizia e Libertà”. le idee, le identità, Firenze: La Nuova Italia, 1995; Ernesto GALLI DELLA LOGGIA, La morte della patria, Roma-Bari: Laterza 1996; Claudio NOVELLI, Il Partito d’Azione e gli italiani: moralità, politica e cittadinanza This group had been assembled in fall of 1929 by Carlo Rosselli, an nella storia repubblicana, Firenze: La Nuova Italia, 2000; Dino COFRANCESCO, Sul gramsciazionismo e economist actively engaged in renovating the Socialist political culture and dintorni, Lungro di Cosenza: Marco, 2001; Antonio CARIOTI, Maledetti azionisti: un caso di uso politico in fighting the Fascist regime. His political perspective was shaped by a deep della storia, Roma: Editori Riuniti, 2001. 3 Andrea RICCIARDI, Leo Valiani: gli anni della formazione: tra socialismo, comunismo e rivoluzione linkage with the nationalistic democratic tradition from the Risorgimento (in democratica, Milano: Franco Angeli, 2007, 7-16. For a general autobiographical account see Leo VALIANI, tune with his family environment), as well as by the personal experience of Sessant’anni di avventure e battaglie. Riflessioni e ricordi raccolti da Massimo Pini, Milano: Rizzoli 1983, and more recently, „Dal comunismo all’azionismo“, Interview to Leo Valiani by Anna Pala, Annali dell’Istituto 4 See Angelo ARA, Leo Valiani uomo e storico della Mitteleuropa in ARA, Fra Nazione e Impero. Trieste, gli Ugo La Malfa, 9 (1996), 219-255. Asburgo, la Mitteleuropa, Milano: Garzanti, 2009, 553-623. 64 65 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Marco BRESCIANI LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian The Search for a New Revolution: Leo Valiani and the Legacy of “Giustizia e Libertà”

the Great war (albeit not on the frontline). His critical attitude towards the founder of “Giustizia e Libertà”, marked by the aforementioned contradictions, revolutionary socialism in the post-war turmoil was inspired by his elaboration was at the core of heated discussions. At that time, Franco Venturi and of a liberal socialism, whose theoretical foundation was clarified over the Aldo Garosci embodied two diverging ways of coping with Carlo Rosselli’s course of the 1920s. His major book, that is Socialismo liberale, was written political thought. On the one hand, Venturi searched for a new communist during his internment on the island of Lipari between 1927 and 1929. After Enlightenment, as opposed to Stalinist communism, while coming to terms fleeing from Lipari, he went into exile in Paris, where he founded “Giustizia e with Marxism but claiming the political model of Leninism; on the other Libertà”, alongside Emilio Lussu and Gaetano Salvemini, among others.5 hand, Garosci aimed at social-liberalism, which was open to anti-totalitarian, Far from representing a unitary and coherent group, “Giustizia e libertarian and anti-statist perspectives, but more and more critical towards Libertà” was a complex and contradictory organisation, acting as both an revolutionary violence.8 organised conspiratorial agent and a hub of wide intellectual networks. Its Valiani’s increasingly critical (but clandestine) positions towards main target was the overturning of Mussolini’s regime and the democratic Stalinist communism were developed over the course of the Spanish Civil renewal of the Italian political and social order. The political and intellectual War. He was particularly fascinated by the revolutionary action of the masses, research of “Giustizia e Libertà” was greatly enriched by the confrontation as opposed to the communist understanding of the political antifascist strategy with the French culture. In particular, some of his members took part in of the Popular Front. His collaboration with Que faire? and Le drapeau rouge the so-called “Décades de Pontigny”, meetings among important European pushed him towards a secret opposition current within the Third International intellectuals organised by Paul Desjardins in an old abbey of Burgundy.6 between 1936 and 1938. This environment aiming at a revolutionary and anti- However, in the mid-1930s, after the ascent of Hitler to power in Stalinist, Marxist and “democratic” communism overlapped in some spaces Germany, “Giustizia e Libertà” was marked by radicalisation driven by the with the ideological perspectives of the group of “Giustizia e Libertà”, despite pressure of the mass experiences in the French and Spanish Popular Fronts. deep differences.9 Not coincidentally, in 1938-1939 Valiani began meeting A class revolutionary language and perspective found a growing space in with Venturi and Garosci and talking to them about history and politics. The Rosselli’s group, which had been founded on the rejection of the Marxist class signature of the pact between Soviet Union and Nazi Germany in late August tradition. The involvement of the Soviet Union and of the communist parties 1939 was a shock for all of them. The ruling committee of “Giustizia e Libertà”, in the antifascist policies which represented the preliminary and fundamental including Garosci and Venturi, decided not to openly denounce the “betrayal” position of the Popular Fronts, paved the way for a different attitude of of the USSR, in the newspaper “Giustizia e Libertà” in an article entitled “Giustizia e Libertà”. Rosselli and other members of the group took active “Crisis of an ideal”.10 This was a dramatic, but quite ambiguous title because it part in defence of the Spanish Republic after the military coup in July 1936. was not clear whether it referred to antifascism or to communism, or to both Availability to collaboration with the Italian communists, praise of the Soviet of them. However, the movement confirmed its availability to collaborate with support to the Spanish Republic during the civil war, and exaltation of the the communists critical towards the “revolutionary discipline”, that is the rigid Russian revolutionary experience aimed at strengthening the political strategy obedience to the Soviet policies. of “Giustizia e Libertà” in the context of the ideological polarisation of Europe As it is well known, Valiani decided to leave the Italian Communist between fascism and antifascism, but tended to decrease the critique of the Party after the pact between the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany was signed. Moscow trials and of the Stalinist Terror.7 Nonetheless, he chose not to publicize his decision immediately, as the Carlo Rosselli was murdered by a French terrorist unit (“La Cagoule”), communist parties had been banned in France in late September 1939 and on request from Mussolini’s regime, in June 1937. Afterwards, the legacy of the his militant comrades had been arrested. He was thus deported and detained 5 See Nicola TRANFAGLIA, Carlo Rosselli e il sogno di una moderna democrazia sociale, Milano: B. C. to the Vernet camp: in that period, the Hungarian writer Arthur Koestler, Dalai, 2010; Stanislao PUGLIESE, Carlo Rosselli: Socialist Heretic and Antifascist Exile, Cambridge (MA): who was leaving communism as well, became his reference point. During Harvard University Press, 1999. However, the exile experience of Rosselli in the 1930s still requires further those months at the Vernet, he had the occasion for reading the manuscript analyses. Some insights in Marco GERVASONI, Carlo Rosselli, «Giustizia e Libertà» e «L’esprit des années Trente», in Carlo e Nello Rosselli e l’antifascismo europeo, Antonio BECHELLONI (ed.), Milano: Franco 8 While Aldo Garosci is still waiting for his biographer, Franco Venturi has been object of several, important Angeli, 2001, 100-126. essays: for his biography, see in particular Adriano VIARENGO, Franco Venturi tra politica e storia, Roma: 6 See François CHAUBET, Paul Desjardins et les Décades de Pontigny, Villeneuve d’Ascq: Presses Carocci, 2014. Universitaires de Septentrion, 2000. 9 A particular focus on this aspect of Valiani’s biography has been provided by David BIDUSSA, La 7 I have developed some of these consideration in Marco BRESCIANI, „Guerra civile europea“ o „era robustezza del filo. Leo Valiani tra storia e politica, in Leo Valiani tra politica e storia. Scritti di storia delle idee delle tirannie“? Il laboratorio/osservatorio di „Giustizia e Libertà“ in L’Italia nella guerra europea dei 1939-1956, BIDUSSA (ed.), Milano: Feltrinelli 2008, 1-94, to be read alongside Edoardo TORTAROLO, „Leo trent’anni, Simone NERI SERNERI (ed.), Roma: Viella, 2016, 155-170. This is part of a book in progress: Valiani: storia e politica”, Rivista storica italiana, 1 (2010), 158-172. Marco BRESCIANI, Imparare dal nemico. „Giustizia e Libertà“ tra l’esilio e l’Italia, Roma: Carocci, 2017 10 Elisa SIGNORI, Marina TESORO, Il verde e il rosso. Fernando Schiavetti e gli antifascisti nell’esilio fra (tentative title). repubblicanesimo e socialismo, Le Monnier: Firenze 1987, 332-334. 66 67 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Marco BRESCIANI LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian The Search for a New Revolution: Leo Valiani and the Legacy of “Giustizia e Libertà”

of Darkness at Noon (in German). This manuscript, which was to become the indirectly questioning Benedetto Croce’s idealism: 1) how can “Good” stem most famous novel by Koestler, representing the Moscow trials a product of from “Evil”?; 2) does the “dialectic of the opposites” work in a context of terror and lie, provided a fundamental push in critically rethinking Valiani’s extreme political polarisation?; 3) if the “critique of terrorism”, finalised to judgement on Stalin’s regime.11 limit its use and its range, is legitimate, can the cause of freedom make use of At the time of the Nazi occupation of France, Valiani fled to Northern it in some exceptional circumstances?; 4) does “democracy” tend to eliminate Africa, where he met Nicola Chiaromonte, an intellectual who had taken catastrophes from history, or is this the straightest path to the civil war? part in “Giustizia e Libertà”, but who had been sceptical of Rosselli’s political Valiani searched for a new European revolutionary tradition, by revolutionary perspective in the name of a radical anti-historicist and anti- questioning the Marxist dialectic and by addressing the issue of the relationship Soviet position. In 1941, Valiani travelled to Mexico, where he was especially between revolution and violence. For Valiani, the history of European in connection with Victor Serge, a former Trotskyst revolutionary and writer, socialism had been marked by a constant and structural contradiction between and Julian Gorkin, a Spanish revolutionary socialist and one of the leaders of “totalitarianism” and “libertarianism”. Libertarianism had found “more the POUM (Workers’ Party of Marxist Unification) during the Spanish civil fertile” ground from the “ideological, ethical and also simply revolutionary” war. Meanwhile, he kept up his relations with the Italian antifascist emigrants point of view, “totalitarianism” had imposed itself by “the necessity of the in the US collaborating with the Quaderni Italiani, published in Boston by the economic reconstruction and of the defence of the proletarian state”. As a liberal-socialist Bruno Zevi. Most of his wartime essays dealt with socialism, consequence, in order to free the movement for the emancipation of workers communism, democracy and revolution, and they were rooted in, and were still from the drastic alternative between “libertarianism” and “totalitarianism”, it influenced by, the Parisian conversation with Venturi and Garosci. However, was necessary “first of all to re-heal the fracture with the liberal civilisation, his most organic work was the Storia del socialismo nel secolo XX (published in entailed by Marxism”.13 Mexico in 1943 and in Italy in 1945). Valiani’s retrospective accounts particularly stressed the importance of the French historian Elie Halévy and of his well-known book L’ère des tyrannies.14 Halévy was an influential scholar in the philosophy of British Socialism, war and tyrannies radicalism, in the English nineteenth century history, and in the history of European socialism.15 The analyses and the interpretations of Halévy, The period spent in Mexico allowed Valiani to rethink the historical a personal friend of Carlo Rosselli in the 1930s, widely circulated within roots and the political perspectives of his engagement with communism. “Giustizia e Libertà”.16 Particular attention was devoted to his conference Valiani’s “Foreword” directly connected his Storia del socialismo nel secolo 20. paper delivered in November 1936 and entitled L’ère des tyrannies, which was to the inspiration of Carlo Rosselli, who was defined as a “naturally born collected in the essay collection L’ère des tyrannies. Essais sur le socialisme et la leader of revolutionary democracy”. In Valiani’s words, his book was an guerre, published posthumously in 1938. To be sure, Halévy provided Rosselli answer to the lack of “a serious ideological history of contemporary socialism”, and the other members of “Giustizia e Libertà” with inspiring readings. which Rosselli had already complained of in the late 1920s.12 Quite obviously, Nevertheless, their trajectories were quite different, as those of the members of Valiani’s historical account of the late nineteenth-century and early twentieth- “Giustizia e Libertà” were above all the by-product of constantly self-correcting century socialism greatly reached beyond the political and intellectual legacy 13 WEICZEN, Storia del socialismo nel secolo 20., 239. of Rosselli. An anti-deterministic understanding of history and a voluntaristic 14 See Leo VALIANI, „Per Franco Venturi: una testimonianza,” in VALIANI, Testimoni del Novecento, critique of Marxism are all what he learned from the reading of Socialisme Firenze: Passigli, 1999, 339-340. libéral. 15 For the intellectual biography of Halévy see Michel BO BRANSEN, Portrait d’Élie Halévy, Amsterdam: B. R. Grüner, 1978 and Myrna CHASE, Elie Halévy: an Intellectual Biography, New York: Columbia UP, 1980. The strength of will and the autonomy of the social process as opposed 16 For Halévy’s reception within “Giustizia e Libertà” (with special regard to Franco Venturi) see Franco to the faith in the inevitable course of history, described in terms of the VENTURI, Carlo Rosselli e la cultura francese in Giustizia e Libertà nella lotta antifascista e nella storia “dialectic of the opposites”, were at the core of Valiani’s analysis. Some main d’Italia, Firenze: La Nuova Italia, 1978, 175-177; Edoardo TORTAROLO, „La rivolta e le riforme. Appunti per una biografia intellettuale di Franco Venturi (1914-1994)”, Studi settecenteschi, XV (1995), 22-23; Ibid, issues inspired and outlined the range of the reflection of Valiani, directly or „L’esilio della libertà. Franco Venturi e la cultura europea” and Roberto VIVARELLI, „Tra politica e storia: appunti sulla formazione di Franco Venturi negli anni dell’esilio (1931-1940)”, in Il coraggio della ragione. 11 See RICCIARDI, Leo Valiani, 184-270; Arthur KOESTLER, Schiuma della terra, Afterword by Leo Franco Venturi intellettuale e storico cosmopolita, Luciano GUERCI, Giuseppe RICUPERATI (eds.), Torino: VALIANI, Bologna: Il Mulino, 1983. On Koestler see M. SCAMMELL, Arthur Koestler: the literary and Fondazione Einaudi, 1998, 99-101 and 389-391. On the basis of archival researches in Paris, I have provided political odissey of a twentieth-century skeptical, New York: Random House, 2009. a detailed analysis of the relationship between Halévy and Rosselli in Marco BRESCIANI, „Socialismo, 12 Leo WEICZEN, Storia del socialismo nel secolo 20.: 1900-1944: saggio critico, Roma: Edizioni U 1945, 5. antifascismo e tirannie. Note sull’amicizia tra Carlo Rosselli e Elie Halévy”, Studi storici, 53, 3 (2012), 615- All translation from Italian are mine. For Valiani’s reference see Carlo ROSSELLI, Socialismo liberale, Torino: 644 and Ibid, „Carlo Rosselli et les cultures françaises des années 1930: entre socialisme, antifascisme et Einaudi 1997, 15. Rosselli’s book was originally published in French (Paris: Editions Valois, 1930). tyrannies”, with Diego DILETTOSO, Mille-Neuf-Cent. Revue d’histoire intellectuelle 31 (2013), 137-157. 68 69 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Marco BRESCIANI LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian The Search for a New Revolution: Leo Valiani and the Legacy of “Giustizia e Libertà”

research concerning socialism, communism, democracy and revolution in the pattern with Halévy’s, the meaning and the implication of their approaches to dramatically changing contexts of the 1930s and early 1940s.17 socialism was quite different. In recent decades, especially since the mid-1990s, the figure and the From the outset of the century Halévy had been a Republican in the research of Halévy have been at the core of a growing interest, following the French tradition, belonging to the field of the Dreyfusards. As a scholar he was important, but controversial work of François Furet. On the one hand, insofar interested in the historical experiences and theoretical premises of socialism, as Halévy was interpreted as a liberal forerunner of the totalitarian theory, the and of its different possible outcomes (“the Swiss universalised Republic” or divergence with the socialist revolutionary positions of “Giustizia e Libertà” “the caesarism”). However, after the outbreak of the Great War, and the more was overestimated. On the other hand, insofar as Halévy was viewed as being stable 1920s, especially after the early 1930s Halévy had become more and an anti-liberal (or better, stated as anti-Manchesterian) critic of the market, his more sceptical, if not pessimistic towards the possible “democratic” outcome convergence with Rosselli, Venturi and other members of “Giustizia e Libertà” of socialism. On the one hand, his personal and intellectual ties with Carlo was overstressed.18 In different respects, these opposite positions miss some Rosselli allowed him to firmly keep his position within the antifascist politics. crucial points. On the one hand, in contrast to the classical Cold War theory On the other hand, he increasingly questioned the historical plausibility and of totalitarianism, Halévy’s reflection on tyranny stemmed from an historical the theoretical consistency of liberal socialism, as he noted in the discussion inquiry into socialism, and tyranny was understood as only one of its possible following his lecture on L’ère des tyrannies in November 1936. He dramatically outcomes. On the other hand, in contrast to the position of “Giustizia e concluded that “liberal socialism in the West” could not, in his own words, Libertà”, Halévy’s point of view, and despite his interest in liberal socialism, “speak at the same time the language of Gladstone and that of Lenin”.21 he was always mistrustful towards revolution. Far from being confined to the “West”, understood mostly as France The general interpretative framework of Valiani’s history of socialism and Great Britain by Halévy, Valiani’s conception of socialist history and referred to Halévy as “one of the best historians of our time”.19 Indeed, the politics was a truly European and a global one. His education in Habsburg French historian had highlighted what he considered as the basic contradiction and post-Habsburg Central Europe, his experiences in the Spanish Civil War or dilemma of European socialism, vacillating between trends towards and Mexican exile, as well as his membership in the international Communist emancipation and trends towards organisation. In Valiani’s text, the opposition movement and in the antifascist fight, made him familiar with the transnational between “libertarianism” and “totalitarianism” seemed to be reminiscent of and global practices and perspectives of socialism. As a consequence, Valiani Halévy’s. In Halévy’s perception, the “world crisis of 1914-1918” had marked firmly believed in the possibilities of liberal socialism refashioned in terms of a real turning point. The twofold dynamics of war and revolution, taking place the democratic revolution. In this regard, the real, dramatic experiences of the from 1905 to 1920, had radicalised the different currents of socialism, paving Second World War and of the Italian “Civil War” in 1943-1945 made Valiani’s the way for both a revolutionary socialism which had led to the communist language more similar to Lenin’s than to Gladstone’s. experiment, and an authoritarian socialism which had provided the basis for the Fascist experiments.20 However, even though Valiani shared his historical 17 Much later, Valiani claimed to have attended the last course about the history of European Socialism: see Revolution, civil war, and barbarism Leo VALIANI, Scritti di storia: movimento socialista e democrazia, Milano: SugarCO, 1983, 198. However, a research on the students’ list attending Halévy’s courses provides no evidence of Valiani’s participation (Ecole Just after the fall of Mussolini’s regime, in the summer of 1943, Normale Supérieure, rue d’Ulm, Paris, papiers Halévy). 18 The reference work is François FURET, Le passé d’une illusion. L’idée communiste au XXe siècle, Paris: Valiani came back from Mexico to Italy and became one of the leaders of the Laffont, 1995. For samples from two opposite positions, see on the one hand Roberto VIVARELLI, Elie “Partito d’Azione”. This was a completely new political organisation, founded Halévy e la guerra, in Elie Halévy e l’era delle tirannie, Maurizio GRIFFO, Gaetano QUAGLIARIELLO (eds.) Soveria Mannelli: Rubbettino, 2001, 279-288 and Gaetano QUAGLIARIELLO, Introduzione, in E. HALÉVY, clandestinely by some liberal democrats such as Ugo La Malfa and Adolfo L’era delle tirannie, Roma: Ideazione, 1998; on the other hand, Michele BATTINI, Utopia e tirannide. Scavi Tino in 1942. However, after the fall of Mussolini’s regime in July 1943, nell’archivio Halévy, Torino: Bollati Boringhieri, 2011. socialists from “Giustizia e Libertà” such as Lussu, Venturi, Garosci (alongside 19 In Storia del socialismo nel secolo 20. (page 239) Valiani explicitly mentioned only Elie HALÉVY, The World Crisis of 1914-1918, Oxford: Clarendon press, 1930; however, it is hard to imagine that he didn’t know Silvio Trentin and Vittorio Foa), were embedded within the “Partito d’Azione”. Elie HALÉVY, L’ère des tyrannies. Etudes sur le socialisme et la guerre, Paris: Gallimard, 1990 [1938], which Valiani hoped for the democratic revolution when the civil war broke out had been discussed by Garosci and Venturi. and intertwined with the international war between the German army and 20 As I have shown in Marco BRESCIANI, „Elie Halévy e la crisi mondiale del 1914-1918” in Elie HALÉVY, Perché scoppiò la Prima guerra mondiale, Pisa: Della Porta Editori, 2014, 75-120, the two lectures belong to different political the Anglo-American one along the Italian peninsula in the fall of 1943. He and intellectual period of Halévy’s biography. For a different position see François FURET, Préface to E. HALÉVY, sided with the socialist currents still linked to the inheritance of “Giustizia e Correspondance 1891-1937, textes réunis et présentés par Henriette Guy-Loë et annotés par Monique Canto-Sperber, Libertà”, in contrast with the liberal-democratic currents. In this period he re- Vincent Duclert et Henriette Guy-Loë, Paris: Editions de Fallois, 1996, 50 and, more recently, Vincent DUCLERT, „Elie Halévy et la guerre” in Elie HALÉVY, Correspondance et écrits de guerre, Paris: A. Colin, 2014, 35-47. 21 HALÉVY, L’ère des tyrannies, 247. 70 71 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Marco BRESCIANI LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian The Search for a New Revolution: Leo Valiani and the Legacy of “Giustizia e Libertà”

defined himself as a former member of “Giustizia e Libertà”.22 within the Marxist deterministic framework. According to Valiani, in 1917 Valiani wrote extensively during the wartime when he was engaged in the revolutionary break of masses “in which a barbarian regime had more the Resistance. Between 1943 and 1944 he published a number of essays in and more tried to become barbarian”, had brought about “an unexpected way Quaderni dell’Italia libera and Nuovi Quaderni di Giustizia e Libertà. He kept out of the chaos”. 26 “A nominally socialist order had been implemented, just on thinking about the problems he had confronted in the Storia del socialismo where and when it seemed most unlikely to be implemented”.27 nel secolo 20., but the different and more dramatic context of civil war shaped This kind of language had been quite unusual within “Giustizia e his reflections in new ways, emphasising the problem of violence. His “Note Libertà”, and it was still so within the “Partito d’Azione”. An exception had sulla rivoluzione democratica”, published in Nuovi Quaderni di Giustizia e been embodied by the late Carlo Rosselli, when he highly radicalised his Libertà in May-June of 1944, was particularly interesting in this respect. political position during the Spanish Civil War. In May of 1937, a few weeks His conception was deeply rooted in a clear understanding of the “new before his murder, he said that it was “useless to invoke a polite fight” “during kind of ideological war” which was the Second World War. The target of a cruel epoch”. It was necessary “to fight” to “win”, and “even only to survive”. the conflict was the “unification of Europe” according to different and even He argued that “the new society, like the creature, was born out of grief”: “the opposed perspectives and methods: Nazi Germany had brought about “a transition to a superior stage of coexistence could happen just after having European revolution” which represented a watershed all over the continent, touched the bottom of degradation in everything”.28 from Paris to Moscow. Nevertheless, the increasingly likely catastrophic Beginning in late 1935, with the preparation and the attack of Fascist outcome of the new Nazi order might pave the way for a completely opposite Italy on Ethiopia, and more intensively from mid-1936, from the outbreak revolution - a libertarian and federalist revolution. The “Partito d’Azione” of the Spanish Civil War, Rosselli promoted a radical shift of the political had to carry out “the war of the popular vanguards” against Fascism and its perspective of “Giustizia e Libertà”. In his last dialogue with Emilio Lussu, collaborators, leading to the “creation of organs of mass self-government”. This in late May 1937, Rosselli said that he would change the title of his book was the “democratic revolution” in the making. However, the possibility of Socialismo liberale, published in exile in Paris in 1930, into Comunismo transforming the action of the popular masses into new institutions depended liberale.29 This is the sort of ideological hybridisation which probably appealed on the context of the “global civil war”.23 to Valiani. It is thus not so surprising that in a letter to Umberto Calosso, Almost simultaneously, an essay published in Quaderni dell’Italia libera in 1942 Garosci defined Valiani as a “liberal communist”.30 As Valiani said in 1944 and entitled “Il movimento operaio nella seconda guerra mondiale”, in his autobiographical memoir, Tutte le strade conducono a Roma, published shed some light on the possible means of this revolution. Valiani explained: in 1947: “What fascinated me in “Giustizia e Libertà”, was its intellectual “Barbarism has broken the bounds. Those who are still civil men must become originality, its attempt at reconciling, in a higher synthesis, Marxism and the barbarians themselves in order to fight barbarism to death and must thus drive working-class movement with the great liberal philosophy of the nineteenth the clarifying total war, rather than trying to avoid it, otherwise they must retire century”. 31 Later, in 1958, in his work Questioni di storia del socialismo, Valiani on the Aventine Mountain, providing gifts to the barbarians in order to be left introduced a retrospective personal reflection. He explained that his “studies” in peace”.24 In this passage, Valiani implicitly referred to a well-known concept had determined “the evolution of [his] own political ideas” even more than of Marx, according to whom it was necessary to fight “medieval barbarism” the other way around. The “antifascist conspiracy” had led him to “an extreme by “revolutionary barbarism”. This precept, quite common in the Trotskyst revolutionary tension, even in intellectual activity”, but then he changed his movement when it was still close to Stalin, provided a clear justification for mind thanks to the “current of Italian liberal socialism” alongside “the works of mass violence and total civil war.25 Additionally, the use of historical analogy with the First World War turned out to be important, in order to grasp the 26 FEDERICO [Leo Valiani], „Il movimento operaio nella seconda guerra mondiale”, Quaderni dell’Italia possible development of the Second World War, which was not understandable libera, 1944. 27 Ibid. 28 CURZIO [Carlo Rosselli], Primo Maggio, „Giustizia e Libertà”, April 30th, 1937, in Carlo ROSSELLI, 22 As for Valiani’s role and positions in the „Partito d’Azione“, see Giovanni DE LUNA, Il Partito d’Azione, Scritti dell’esilio. II. Dallo scioglimento della Concentrazione antifascista alla guerra di Spagna (1934-1937), 2nd edition, Roma: Editori Riuniti, 1997. Torino: Einaudi, 1992, 512. 23 FEDERICO [Leo Valiani], „Note sulla rivoluzione democratica”, Nuovi Quaderni di Giustizia e Libertà, 29 Emilio LUSSU, Sul Partito d’Azione e gli altri, Milano: Mursia, 1968, 38. May-June 1 (1944) 26-43. 30 Letter of Aldo Garosci to Umberto Calosso, 1942, in TORTAROLO, Leo Valiani: storia e politica, 167. 24 FEDERICO [Leo Valiani], „Il movimento operaio nella seconda guerra mondiale”, Quaderni dell’Italia 31 Leo VALIANI, Tutte le strade conducono a Roma: diario di un uomo nella guerra di un popolo, Bologna: libera, 33 (1944) 1-36. Il Mulino, 1995, 83. The autobiographical account of Valiani’s participation in the Resistance, originally 25 See Andrea GRAZIOSI, L’URSS di Lenin e Stalin. Storia dell’Unione Sovietica, 1914-1945, Bologna: Il published in 1947, contained some forms of willingness, if not indulgence towards antifascist terrorism; in Mulino 2007, 91-92. The problem of barbarism in connection with the problem of civil war has been focused a new edition of 1983, these sentences were revised and corrected: see Luciano CANFORA, La sentenza. on by Stathis KALYVAS, The Logic of Violence in Civil War, New York: Cambridge UP, 2006, 52-86. Concetto Marchesi e Giovanni Gentile, Palermo: Sellerio, 2005, 242-245. 72 73 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Marco BRESCIANI LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian The Search for a New Revolution: Leo Valiani and the Legacy of “Giustizia e Libertà”

the Western historians of the radical and Socialist ideas, such as Elie Halévy”. Sažetak He had “gradually deduced the conception of the history of contemporary socialism as a process which, after a violent egalitarian achievement at the POTRAGA ZA NOVOM REVOLUCIJOM: LEO VALIANI I beginning, [was] often unconsciously becoming an impulse of renewal of OSTAVŠTINA “GIUSTIZIA E LIBERTÀ” economic and social life”.32 Marco BRESCIANI As we have seen, when Valiani began to deal with the history of the European socialism in the early 1940s, he drew on Halévy’s complex historical conception of socialism as being torn apart by deep contradictions between Ovaj rad bavi se dvjema relevantnim problemima u intelektualnoj trends to authoritarian organisation and libertarian emancipation in the “era povijesti Europe u 20. stoljeću: 1) veza između socijalizma, antifašizma of tyrannies”. As a consequence, he attempted to create an original synthesis i antitotalitarizma; 2) mogućnosti demokratske revolucije usred Drugog between communism and liberalism. Afterwards, his ongoing reflection on svjetskog rata. Kako bi se oni mogli analizirati, rad će se usmjeriti na Rosselli’s legacy, alongside the liberal theoreticians of the Welfare state (from biografiju Lea Valianija te njegovu misao između 1939. i 1944., kada napušta John M. Keynes to William Beveridge), contributed to clarifying the complex Komunističku partiju kako bi postao važni akter u Stranci akcije (Partito relations between liberalism and socialism. In the late 1950s, when the post- d’Azione). Posebna pažnja posvetit će se načinima na koje je Valianijev war reconstruction was transforming into a new period of affluence, Valiani antitotalitaran i revolucionarni socijalizam povezan sa kompleksnim nasljeđem had come to terms with the primacy of politics, legitimizing an integral talijanske antifašističke grupacije “Giustizia e Libertà”. revolutionary voluntarism. His political faith in liberal socialism was now converted to a social democratic perspective, prepared to overcome the major conflicts of the first half of the century. In conclusion, the case study of Valiani demonstrates that European antifascism, far from being a unitary and coherent political and ideological phenomenon, as it was claimed in the post-1945 decades, was marked by deep dilemmas regarding the meanings of communism and socialism, democracy, liberalism, and revolution. The means and the scope of the fight against Mussolini’s and Hitler’s regimes, as well as the attitudes towards Stalin’s regime were subject to different interpretations, tightly linked to the urgent need for action, within dramatic and continuously changing contexts. Valiani’s exit from communism, officially following the signing of the pact between Nazi Germany and Soviet Union in 1939, reflected a gradual, difficult, and contradictory ideological shift in the period immediately before and throughout the Second World War. His perspective of the “democratic revolution” was in no way the inevitable outcome of his previous path through communism, but it was deeply connected to the European and Italian “Civil War” of 1943- 1945. After 1945, when new institutions of constitutional democracy were built and the nation-states were restored in Western Europe, the meanings and implications of interwar and wartime political and intellectual experiments slowly, but completely changed, once again. The complex and contradictory legacies of “Giustizia e Libertà”, radically re-thought in the post-war context, induced Valiani’s political perspective to shift from the ideological and militant struggle for “democratic revolution” to the everyday institutional and cultural experience of democracy.

32 Leo VALIANI, Questioni di storia del socialismo 2nd edition, Torino: Einaudi, 1975, 22-23. 74 75 Andrea RICCIARDI Leo Valiani 1953-1956. Dalla speranza alla delusione

Leo Valiani 1953-1956. Dalla speranza alla delusione

Andrea RICCIARDI University of Milan Italy

UDK 323.27(439)“1956“ 32-05Valiani, L.“1953/1956“

Prethodno priopćenje / Preliminary paper Primljeno / Received: 09. 02. 2016. Prihvaćeno / Accepted: 16. 05. 2016.

Il saggio indaga le posizioni espresse da Valiani sull’URSS e la sua politica nel periodo compreso tra la scomparsa di Stalin (1953) e l’invasione dell’Ungheria di Nagy (1956), decisa da Krusciov nonostante l’avvio del processo di destalinizzazione nello stesso 1956, in corrispondenza del XX Congresso del PCUS. L’interlocutore principale di Valiani su questi temi è Franco Venturi, sebbene il dialogo risulti stretto pure con Garosci, Pannunzio e altri intellettuali dell’area laico-socialista con cui, soprattutto nel biennio 1955-56, Valiani affrontò non soltanto l’evoluzione della situazione in Ungheria (alla quale era molto legato), ma anche gli scenari di politica interna, con riferimento alla nascita del Partito Radicale, agli equilibri del quadro di governo, al mutamento della linea di PSI e PCI, inevitabilmente connessa con i profondi rivolgimenti internazionali. Il saggio si basa su lettere, in parte inedite, ma prende in considerazione anche le fonti secondarie (soprattutto articoli), utili a chiarire il contesto in cui Valiani pensò e agì con un duplice obiettivo: rinnovare il socialismo nella libertà e superare il centrismo, creando le condizioni per un’apertura a sinistra rivolta ai socialisti autonomisti e chiusa al PCI.

Parole chiave: 1956, Ungheria, socialismo, destalinizzazione, legge “truffa”.

1. Dopo Stalin: una nuova epoca per il comunismo?

Il giorno dopo la scomparsa di Stalin, a proposito del futuro dell’URSS e del comunismo in generale, Franco Venturi scrive a Valiani:

Rientriamo in un’epoca in cui si potrà fare qualcosa? Probabilmente sì. Dai pochi comunisti di base che si vedono da queste parti le reazioni sono

77 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Andrea RICCIARDI LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Leo Valiani 1953-1956. Dalla speranza alla delusione

deprimenti. Tutti, sai, chiedono chi sarà il successore e pare che non sfiori loro Da queste parole si evince chiaramente che Venturi, in linea con neppure l’idea che un successore dovrebbe non esserci e che la lotta politica Valiani con cui dialoga costantemente di questioni storiografiche e politiche3, dovrebbe riaprirsi. Ma ci penserà Malenkov o Molotov a far capire che la spera che dopo la lunga e drammatica era di Stalin qualcosa di sostanziale lotta politica non può non riaprirsi, sia pure lentamente. Se nei comunisti possa cambiare, sia all’interno della Russia (fulcro dell’URSS, che in questo occidentali c’è un po’ di sangue nelle vene dovranno pure approfittare della caso non è nominata e che spesso viene identificata con la Russia), sia tra i situazione per dire loro una parola. E così nei comunisti orientali, quelli comunisti (e i loro alleati socialisti) attivi in Europa occidentale, dunque anche veramente orientali, cinesi, ecc. A quando un comunicato di Malenkov che nel Partito Comunista Italiano (PCI) e nel Partito Socialista Italiano (PSI). accusa Molotov di aver fatto curare Stalin da medici ebrei, o viceversa? Se si In quel periodo, proprio in Italia, è già iniziata la dura campagna riuscisse a evitare simili lotte di caimani forse la Russia potrebbe persino fiorire elettorale in vista delle elezioni politiche di giugno. Venturi e Valiani sosterranno e aprirsi, dando la possibilità a tutti di riprendere la strada interrotta. Molto Unità Popolare (UP)4, convinti che la riforma elettorale maggioritaria, dipenderà anche dall’America e dall’Inghilterra. Saranno capaci di tendere approvata dalla Camera a gennaio con i voti della Democrazia Cristiana la mano intelligentemente all’élite sovietica o invece tenteranno di provocare (DC) e dei partiti laici minori (il sì del Senato giungerà a fine marzo), sia subbugli marginali aggravando la situazione? […]. Quanto all’Italia, mi pare pericolosa per la giovane democrazia italiana. Al fianco di Codignola, Parri, evidente che le sinistre approfitteranno della morte di Stalin, anche dal punto Calamandrei, Garosci e altri ex azionisti per lo più provenienti dal Partito di vista elettorale. Molta gente che non osava votare per Togliatti o per Nenni Socialista Democratico Italiano (PSDI) e dal Partito Repubblicano Italiano finché viveva baffone1 oggi lo farà pensando che si tratta d’una cosa meno (PRI), si impegneranno per non far scattare il premio di maggioranza voluto pericolosa. Se Togliatti e Nenni fossero un po’ meno appiattiti di quel che da De Gasperi e per rendere così inoffensiva la “legge truffa”, difesa da La sono, ci sarebbe davvero di rovesciare il governo dei preti. Chi sa se De Gasperi Malfa, Oronzo Reale, Ernesto Rossi e da Salvemini che però, dopo le elezioni, non sta già pensando di rimandare le elezioni […]. Bisognerà proprio che si dissocerà pubblicamente dall’operazione5. cerchiamo di riformare un gruppo di persone attorno ad una rivista per dire I due piani di riflessione, nazionale e internazionale, nella lettera di che è ora di smetterla di aver paura di tutto e di pensare che bisogna lasciare Venturi sembrano strettamente connessi tra di loro: se la sinistra italiana guidata tutte le cose come stanno. Anche dal punto di vista dei nostri lavori storici da Togliatti e Nenni riuscisse a rinnovarsi, in corrispondenza di un salutare bisogna che cominciamo a preparare un lavoro sul partito bolscevico, come rivolgimento ai vertici dell’URSS, la battaglia contro i moderati egemonizzati tu dicevi l’ultima volta che ci siamo visti. Anche il primo comunicato dopo la dalla DC (una priorità anche per Valiani) diventerebbe ben più efficace e morte fa pensare che il partito voglia riprendere in mano la situazione. Quel credibile. L’URSS, per Venturi parte integrante dell’Europa e terreno di scontro partito semimorto del dopoguerra deve cercare di rigalvanizzarsi se Malenkov tra idee diverse di socialismo da oltre mezzo secolo, può insomma contribuire vuol governare la Russia. Ma far rivivere il partito può anche dire far rinascere a generare un nuovo clima politico-culturale e, “liberando” energie al suo presto o tardi le correnti che in esso c’erano e che Baffone aveva schiacciato. interno con il superamento dello stalinismo, è forse in grado di determinare Una conoscenza esatta della storia del partito bolscevico sarà sempre più indirettamente un salto di qualità nelle strategie di PSI e PCI, ancora legati importante. Se potessimo farci qualche cosa per portare una documentazione dal patto d’unità d’azione frontista. Venturi, concentrato sulle dinamiche 2 precisa e ampia sarebbe molto importante. 3 Sui caratteri della riflessione portata avanti all’inizio degli anni Cinquanta da Venturi e Valiani, “al contempo storica e politica, condivisa anche con Galante Garrone”, cfr. M. ALBERTONE, L’utopia 1 Il termine “baffone”, spesso ripetuto nel testo, si riferisce a J. V. Stalin (nota della redazione). dell’uguaglianza tra lotta politica e ricerca storica, in A. GALANTE GARRONE, F. VENTURI, Vivere 2 Lettera di Venturi a Valiani del 6 marzo 1953 da Cagliari, in L. VALIANI – F. VENTURI, Lettere 1943- eguali. Dialoghi inediti intorno a Filippo Buonarroti, con un saggio e a cura di M. ALBERTONE, Reggio 1979, a cura di E. TORTAROLO, introduzione di G. Vaccarino, Firenze: La Nuova Italia, 1999, 111-112. Emilia: Diabasis, 2009, 55-59. Il pensiero di Venturi si ricava anche da un importante articolo elaborato nei giorni successivi. Cfr. F. 4 Su UP, cfr. R. COLOZZA, Partigiani in borghese. Unità Popolare nell’Italia del dopoguerra, Milano: VENTURI, “Domande e speranze”, pubblicato su Il Ponte dell’aprile 1953, n. 4, in F. VENTURI, La lotta FrancoAngeli, 2015. Con lo stesso intento di questo movimento, evitare cioè di far scattare la legge per la libertà. Scritti politici, a cura di L. CASALINO, saaggi introduttivi di V. Foa e A. Galante Garrone, maggioritaria, vennero fondati Alleanza Democratica Nazionale (con Corbino e Antonicelli) e l’Unione Torino: Einaudi, 1996, 329-336. Venturi, tra l’altro, si augurava che in URSS potesse aprirsi “un’epoca di Socialisti Indipendenti di Cucchi e Magnani. riforme”, fermo restando il dubbio che “i nuovi dirigenti sovietici” (a cominciare da Malenkov) ne fossero 5 Il risultato delle elezioni del 7-8 giugno, come è noto, fu tale da non far scattare il premio di maggioranza capaci. E ancora: “L’augurio è che non vi sia un successore di Stalin, e che la lotta politica si riapra civilmente per circa 57.000 voti. I socialisti, alla Camera, passarono da 46 a 75 seggi; i comunisti da 137 a 143. La DC in Russia […]. La società sovietica non è una tabula rasa, gli uomini che la compongono non sono affatto ottenne 263 seggi perdendone 39, il PSDI 19 (con la perdita di 14), il PLI (Partito Liberale Italiano) 13 (con la degli atomi gerarchizzati come ce li hanno voluti presentare, con terribile coincidenza, tanto i propagandisti perdita di 6), il PRI 5 (con la perdita di 4). Missini e monarchici passarono da 19 a 69 seggi (40 ai monarchici quanto i denigratori della Soviezia. Quel mondo estremamente vario e complesso che è l’Unione Sovietica e 29 ai missini), contribuendo a loro volta alla sconfitta della DC e dei suoi alleati. UP non riuscì a far sembrava raggelato nello sforzo, nell’isolamento, nella volontà di riassumerlo nel nome di Stalin. Ora i eleggere alcun parlamentare, Venturi fu tra i candidati in Piemonte. Il 28 luglio, la Camera non concesse contrasti interni riappariranno, devono riaffiorare se l’Urss vuol vivere e svilupparsi […]. Se la lotta politica la fiducia all’VIII Governo De Gasperi, un monocolore democristiano di fronte al quale si astennero PSDI, deve riaprirsi civilmente nell’Urss, bisognerà innanzi tutto capirsi e poi tener fermo a quel che si chiama PLI e PRI. Il 22 agosto il Senato accordò la fiducia a un nuovo monocolore democristiano guidato da Pella, legge. Perché questo avvenga, una classe sovietica deve riprendere la sua funzione, deve riacquistare il sostenuto da PLI, PRI, PNM (Partito Nazionale Monarchico) e nato con l’astensione di MSI (Movimento massimo possibile di potere: l’intelligencija”. Sociale Italiano) e PSDI. 78 79 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Andrea RICCIARDI LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Leo Valiani 1953-1956. Dalla speranza alla delusione

di lungo periodo e in linea con la sua forma mentis di storico modernista, storicistico-dialettiche), l’aspro linguaggio della realtà, senza perdere la ferma non appare tanto interessato alla politica “spicciola” e alle contingenze del volontà di rivoluzionarla totalmente a lunga scadenza. Marx era uno scienziato, quadro di governo, quanto al radicamento e allo sviluppo delle idee che per convinto del significato rivoluzionario della scienza; Lenin era un Legislatore, lui, come per Valiani, sono alla base di ogni mutamento nella società, reale come Mosè o Solone; Stalin un Realpolitiker. A differenza di quello di Marx e solo se sedimentato nel tempo. In quest’ottica, studiare il partito bolscevico Lenin, il suo destino, analogo a quello di Lassalle, sarà di vedersi, fra qualche e, in generale, riaprire un autentico canale di comunicazione tra Russia e anno, pubblicamente rinnegato da quasi tutti. Profezia per profezia prendiTi resto d’Europa attraverso l’affermazione di una storiografia capace di mettere questa.7 in discussione i miti, strumentali al mantenimento di un assetto di potere, sia per Venturi che per Valiani significa esercitare una forma di militanza Valiani, in sostanza, alieno dal difendere lo stalinismo e i metodi intellettuale. Una militanza appassionata, propria di una élite che da anni ha adottati dal dittatore georgiano dentro e fuori dall’URSS, ne riconosce però la smesso di credere nei dogmi ideologici (senza perdere i tratti intransigenti cari lungimiranza politica e la capacità di incidere sulla realtà al di là delle “illusioni”, ai rivoluzionari novecenteschi) e che, indipendentemente dalla collocazione molto diffuse nel movimento operaio. Pur simpatizzando per Trockij a causa partitica (per lo più “occasionale” per i due, soprattutto per Venturi, dopo della sua opposizione a Stalin e riconoscendo a pieno il suo ingiusto sacrificio la scomparsa del Partito d’Azione – PDA), può sensibilmente contribuire a - una delle cause principali della rottura con il Partito Comunista d’Italia “laicizzare” la politica rendendola così il mezzo principale per affermare la (PCd’I) e con la politica del Comintern nel 1939-40 - Valiani è disposto ad libertà e non soltanto per gestire il potere e gli interessi diffusi. Un’idea, ammettere che Stalin non ha avuto solo una funzione negativa e che, al pari di questa, per alcuni aspetti figlia di una sorta di giacobinismo illuminista Lassalle, è stato un “realista”. Un’analisi apparentemente un po’ fuori tempo, che, in modo diverso, Venturi e Valiani hanno respirato a partire dagli anni considerate le posizioni assunte da Valiani fin dalla fine degli anni Trenta, ma Trenta e nel quale, con i necessari distinguo e le dovute cautele considerato in realtà non proprio sorprendente se si considera il suo vissuto personale e l’esito sostanzialmente deludente della battaglia per la rivoluzione democratica l’idea, non ancora abbandonata nei primi anni Cinquanta, che l’alternativa di condotta nel Partito d’Azione (soprattutto durante la Resistenza), nella prima sistema al capitalismo, e dunque una politica rivoluzionaria, pur con tutte le metà degli anni Cinquanta essi continuano in qualche modo a credere6. aberrazioni proprie del totalitarismo sovietico, debba e possa avere un futuro. Valiani, in quel fatidico marzo, viaggia in Asia per ragioni di lavoro Non sfugge, infine, a Valiani che Stalin sarà presto rinnegato da “quasi tutti” i (la Comit). Tocca varie località tra cui Delhi e Bangkok, ma è da Bombay suoi compagni di strada, cosa che avverrà in tempi ancor più rapidi di quanto che scrive a Carlo Levi. Dopo aver descritto al suo ex compagno di partito egli immagina in quel momento. l’ambiente indiano, innanzitutto da un punto di vista socio-culturale con E’ di grande interesse, a proposito dell’approccio di Valiani alla politica, riferimenti anche alla Cina, in una sorta di post scriptum alla lettera torna su una sua lunga lettera scritta a Venturi qualche giorno dopo le già citate elezioni Stalin. politiche italiane. Dopo un’ampia riflessione di natura storiografica, Valiani affronta la politica interna e, tra l’altro, scrive: Per la commemorazione di Baffone, io avrei scritto: fu il mostro che sappiamo; processi, sterminio, lavoro forzato, imperialismo, realismo socialista nell’arte le elezioni hanno provato che c’è del malcontento nel paese; il risultato ha e biologia non so quale, medici ebrei; ma per la prima volta dopo Lassalle, / aperto la situazione che era chiusa. Per il momento sembra più probabile pure così diverso in tutto, origine, cultura, passioni, finalità/, Stalin parlò al un’evoluzione del governo a destra, che non a sinistra, ma non si può ancora movimento operaio e sociale, tutto immerso nelle illusioni (anche se illusioni sapere. Naturalmente, gli elettori, anche i più scontenti, hanno preferito i partiti di robusti interessi ai piccoli movimenti-etico-politici […] io penso però che 6 Valiani e Venturi (con Garosci) iniziarono a frequentarsi a Parigi nel 1936. Pur collocati in formazioni politiche diverse, erano entrambi alla ricerca di una più chiara identità ideologico-culturale. Valiani, nei tre la cosa più importante sia di elaborare, nella discussione pubblica, stampata, anni successivi, avrebbe preso le distanze dal PCd’I staliniano senza, tuttavia, abbandonare l’idea di battere di mettere dunque a fuoco, idee nuove, capaci di incidere intellettualmente il fascismo attraverso la rivoluzione, come dimostrò scrivendo sulla guerra civile spagnola e interagendo sugli sviluppi della situazione. A tale uopo, una grossa rivista di discussione con i marxisti eterodossi. Venturi, assassinati i Rosselli nel 1937, si trovò immerso nella crisi di Giustizia e Libertà (GL), abbandonata da Tarchiani e alla quale Lussu tentò di dare, contro il parere di Salvemini, un orientamento dichiaratamente socialista. Non è questa la sede per riassumere, riguardo a Valiani, i vari 7 Lettera di Valiani a Carlo Levi da Bombay del 20 marzo 1953, in Archivio Centrale dello Stato (ACS), passaggi della sua evoluzione politico-culturale tra la fine degli anni Trenta e il periodo azionista. Dopo il Archivio Carlo Levi, b. 41, f. 1420, sf. 1, Leo Valiani a Carlo Levi. I funerali di Stalin si erano svolti il 9 1947, si può dire che sia rimasta in lui, almeno fino alla metà degli anni Cinquanta, una forte tensione verso marzo, le delegazioni comunista e socialista italaiane erano state guidate da Togliatti e da Nenni (premio il rinnovamento radicale delle strutture socio-economiche in Italia, dunque non solo del quadro politico- Stalin per la pace nel 1951, ritirato nel 1952 e restituito in un secondo tempo, cioè dopo i rivolgimenti del istituzionale. Anche dopo l’abbandono di questa prospettiva “rivoluzionaria”, Valiani non smise di riflettere 1956). In Italia, i lavoratori della Confederazione Generale Italiana del lavoro (CGIL) avevano sospeso il sul rapporto tra socialismo e libertà e sui limiti della democrazia di stampo occidentale, a cui aveva aderito lavoro per venti minuti in segno di lutto mentre a Roma, presso il Teatro Valle, si era svolta una solenne non senza difficoltà durante la prima fase della Guerra Fredda. commemorazione. 80 81 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Andrea RICCIARDI LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Leo Valiani 1953-1956. Dalla speranza alla delusione

(3 o 4 numeri all’anno; con i soldi della campagna elettorale si sarebbe potuto che fa anche Nenni, pur nella divergenza dei legami internazionali. Di una garantirne l’esistenza per non so quanti anni!) chiarisce molto di più, e desta politica diversa, nuova, più idealistica (per così dire) non ne vuole sapere […]. simpatie più energiche e più durevoli dei soliti bollettini di parrocchia che Nella misura in cui Malenkov li lascia fare, i partiti di Duclos e Togliatti forniscono con maggiore periodicità, ma con assai minor vigore intellettuale, si comportano e ragionano allo stesso modo. Ossia, dato il soffocamento le opinioni ufficiali o ufficiose del movimento. Rivista e libri, che sviluppino e sistematico, decennale, del pensiero, del legame ideale con la “società” intesa facciano conoscere le nostre idee: questo è quanto si ha da fare nell’attesa del in senso culturale ed etico, il potere, per il quale socialisti e comunisti (amici ritorno all’azione effettiva; con alcuni dei suoi commenti salaci, il cittadino o nemici) battagliano, s’identifica con la tutela degli interessi di corpo dei Engels scrisse questo a Marx quando si trattava di tenere in vita la Lega dei loro organismi: punto e basta. Le nazionalizzazioni che si propugnano, sono comunisti. Anche il partito d’azione è nato dalle idee, dai libri, dalle riviste (o sole [sic] viste come un mezzo per consolidare definitivamente questi interessi settimanali-rivista), oltre che naturalmente dal combattimento cospirativo o stessi. In tutto ciò non vi è nulla di scandaloso, avendo gli uomini sempre spagnolo. Poté competere con i partiti d’interessi finché le sue idee coprivano agito così, in tutti i tempi, come sappiamo dall’identificazione di volontà gli sviluppi della situazione; entrò in crisi quando questa, nella seconda politica e momento dell’utile in don Benedetto [Croce, n.d.a.]. Ma noi, metà del 1945, per motivi interni e internazionali, cominciò un’involuzione quando scriviamo di politica e magari facciamo anche qualche cosa, pensiamo conservatrice che quelle idee, neppure le idee di La Malfa o Paggi, avevano a qualche cosa di diverso, di più idealistico: motivo per cui nel socialismo contemplato. Questo è naturalmente l’inconveniente dei partiti d’idee: odierno siamo per definizione elementi marginali. Ciò non ci deve impedire di quando la situazione cambia in un senso non preveduto, o bisogna avere la stare materialmente nel socialismo, specie se c’è un problema, come quello che genialità di improvvisare le nuove idee oppure non c’è che da lasciar cadere il mi pare si riproponga urgentissimo e immediato in Italia, della resistenza al partito nella sua forma organizzata e mettersi a elaborare, con libri e riviste, ritorno dei fascisti nel governo […]. Ma sperare noi di influire su Nenni, dopo nuove idee, quelle della situazione del domani o del dopodomani. In ogni l’insuccesso del medesimo tentativo fatto in direzione di Saragat e Romita, per modo, a meno di non entrare in un partito di interessi […] e io non ne ho un rinnovamento che per Nenni e Saragat e per tutti quanti sarebbe contro certo voglia, non c’è che da lavorare sulle idee: i movimenti etico-politici che natura – mi pare perdere del tempo.9 non sviluppano soprattutto idee nuove, rivoluzionarie, che mettono insomma l’etica sopra la filosofia, possono avere sviluppi soltanto locali […]. Ma chi Valiani è ormai da tempo lontano dal comunismo10 ma, come vuol parlare alla nazione, deve fare come Fichte: aspettare il momento giusto chiarito nella parte finale della precedente lettera a Venturi, si sente ancora e elevare l’etica nella sfera della filosofia. Questa, e non la morale, è la testa un rivoluzionario. Non si tratta certamente di inseguire una nuova presa della rivoluzione; come Tu sai dal giovane Marx; essa, quando va alla radice del palazzo d’inverno, né di immaginare un’altra rivoluzione democratica delle cose, e si radicalizza, fa breccia nelle masse, non fosse che per la durata armata “dal basso” (cioè sul modello di quella azionista). Si tratta però di del periodo di ascesa.8 progettare cambiamenti radicali nella società, perseguiti senza armi da fuoco, quindi in modo pacifico attraverso la discussione e la circolazione delle idee, A proposito dei partiti di interessi, appare significativo il contenuto di ma dando alla politica un forte contenuto etico. Un elemento, quest’ultimo, una successiva lettera a Garosci in cui, partendo da una riflessione sui socialisti che allontana Valiani dalla cultura riformista classica e che, nella prima metà austriaci, Valiani chiarisce il suo pensiero: degli anni Cinquanta, lo vede ancora esprimere una posizione per molti aspetti “antisistema” i cui caratteri, in realtà, appaiono per lo più da definire anche il partito socialista austriaco controlla, a seconda delle elezioni, dal 35 al 40% guardando ai possibili riferimenti a modelli internazionali. dei voti del paese, la totalità dei sindacati operai, grosse e solide cooperative, 9 Lettera di Valiani a Garosci da Milano dell’8 settembre 1953, in L’impegno e la ragione. Carteggio tra Aldo Banche del Lavoro ecc., ha una gloriosa, [sic] tradizione (che cerca di Garosci e Leo Valiani (1947-1983), a cura di F. FANTONI, Milano: FrancoAngeli, 2009, 137-138. Sul sostegno di nascondere però), diffusi organi di stampa, e via dicendo. Il giudizio che Valiani al PSU di Romita e, dunque, sull’idea di trovare uno spazio politico per il socialismo democratico tra il PSLI di Saragat (per lui troppo appiattito sulla DC e sui laici moderati) e il PSI di Nenni (alleato del PCI), prima l’opinione pubblica ne dà è però che si tratta di un partito che vive e opera della nascita del PSDI (costituito ufficialmente nel gennaio 1952 ma nella sostanza esistente già dal maggio 1951), esclusivamente per la tutela degli interessi corporativi degli organismi che lo rimando ad A. RICCIARDI, “Ex azionisti nell’Italia repubblicana. Enzo Enriques Agnoletti e Leo Valiani”, sostengono e degli interessi personali dei suoi capi, centrali e periferici. A questa Storiografia, 17 (2013), Fabrizio Serra, Pisa-Roma, 11-42, con particolare riferimento alle pagine 16-28. 10 Per gli anni nei quali Valiani militò nel PCd’I (quasi dodici a partire dal confino di Ponza, vissuti tra Italia tutela spesso operaistica e rispettabile, spesso meno rispettabile, dà il nome di e Francia), rimando ad A. RICCIARDI, Leo Valiani. Gli anni delle formazione. Tra socialismo, comunismo e conquista del potere quando è all’opposizione, di esercizio del potere quando rivoluzione democratica, Milano: FrancoAngeli, 2007. Per una bibliografia ragionata su Valiani, rimando ad è al governo (come attualmente). In sostanza, fa cioè la politica di Saragat, e A. RICCIARDI, Leo Valiani negli anni Cinquanta: tra politica, giornalismo e storia, in L. VALIANI, Questione meridionale e Unità d’Italia: uno scritto inedito, a cura di E. MANNUCCI e A. RICCIARDI, prefazione di C.A. 8 Lettera di Valiani a Venturi del 14 giugno 1953, in L. VALIANI – F. VENTURI, Lettere 1943-1979, 117-119. Ciampi, Milano: Fondazione Corriere della Sera, 2012, 50-51. 82 83 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Andrea RICCIARDI LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Leo Valiani 1953-1956. Dalla speranza alla delusione

Tra l’estate del ’53 e il biennio 1956-57, l’URSS e la sua evoluzione di fronte a un ulteriore mutamento degli equilibri ai vertici dell’URSS: il continuano a interessare molto Valiani, pure in rapporto alle inevitabili cambiamento sperato, sul piano politico-culturale, è connesso con lo stato degli conseguenze sul resto dell’Europa e, dunque, sull’Italia. Sono parecchi studi storici che, sviluppandosi, avrebbero testimoniato una (sia pur parziale) i riferimenti, proprio nel carteggio con Venturi, ai nuovi assetti del blocco inversione di rotta del Partito Comunista dell’Unione Sovietica (PCUS) e un orientale. Nel luglio 1953, a questo proposito, Venturi scrive a Valiani di aver nuovo sviluppo della società sovietica, anche nel senso di una sua apertura incontrato Andreis a Roma. L’ex compagno del PDA gli ha riferito “che se ci verso l’esterno. saranno ancora molti scioperi in zona sovietica la cosa grave è che non si riuscirà Per quanto riguarda la politica interna italiana, alla fine del 1955 (dopo più a capire qual è il blocco dove c’è la rivoluzione e qual è il blocco dove aver lasciato Unità Popolare) Valiani “cede” alle pressioni di Ernesto Rossi e c’è la reazione”11. In Cecoslovacchia, tra maggio e giugno, si sono verificate Piccardi (a suo volta militante di UP) aderendo al Partito Radicale, per il quale agitazioni importanti ma, soprattutto, a Berlino Est il 17 giugno è iniziata una lo stesso Venturi si candiderà alle elezioni amministrative del 1956. Il PR, nel rivolta, poi repressa nel sangue. Valiani sembra convinto che, dietro alle reali quale confluisce la sinistra liberale di Pannunzio (direttore de “Il Mondo”) (e largamente maggioritarie) istanze di libertà, in Europa orientale si possano e una parte di ex azionisti (ma non la maggioranza di UP guidata da Parri nascondere forze reazionarie e parafasciste non facili da isolare che, anziché e Codignola, che alla fine del 1957 sarebbe confluita nel PSI avviato verso contribuire a migliorare la situazione (nel senso di un ampliamento degli spazi la riconquista dell’autonomismo), sarà per Valiani un’esperienza importante di libertà), potrebbero addirittura rendere inevitabile un intervento militare da sebbene la sua adesione, almeno inizialmente, non sembri del tutto convinta. parte dei sovietici. Sull’identità del nuovo partito, prima della sua nascita “ufficiale”, l’ex militante Nel 1955, Valiani si reca in URSS in un momento particolarmente del PCd’I scrive a Venturi: significativo: parte da Mosca poco prima che Malenkov presenti le dimissioni da primo ministro con una dichiarazione pubblica di incapacità12. Scrive In sostanza, i radicali hanno fatto un lancio buono, ma la loro piattaforma Valiani a Venturi: è troppo stretta (difesa dell’autorità dello stato contro gli estremismi, i confessionalismi e i pateracchi). Come la destra del pda nel 1945 temono anche chi è Mosca ora, non ne saprà nulla. I segni esteriori erano incertezza nel l’ideologia più del necessario, non avvedendosi che se l’ideologia resa eccessiva commercio estero, rincaro del ferro e della ghisa e mancanza di carne. Poco può turbare gravemente l’azione politica quotidiana, senza ideologia non si dunque. Certo è che il partito si è fatto vivo e vitale in questi ultimi due anni, reclutano adesioni abbastanza vaste e impegnative.14 a giudicare dalle riviste e dai libri. In un senso non al 100% staliniano però, anzi, ché non solo si è esaltato soprattutto Lenin e la vecchissima guardia […] Valiani è molto attento alle ideologie perché, fin dagli anni giovanili, ma le pubblicazioni hanno come argomento principale la storia del movimento ne ha colto la funzione fondamentale: la capacità di catalizzare energie nella operaio russo e internazionale, anche nei periodi recenti, non solo per es. nel società (e tra le masse in particolare) e di far guadagnare a un progetto politico, 1905, ma anche nel 1917-1930. Te ne accorgerai quando Ti giungeranno in ogni caso concepito da una élite, consenso e visibilità. Nel contempo, però, alcuni libri di storia del movimento operaio estero, che Ti ho spedito con altri egli è stato anche “vittima” dell’ideologia, avendo toccato con mano cosa di storia dei decabristi. Ma quanto Ti ho spedito non è che una frazione del significa aderire completamente a un impianto concettuale senza discuterne moltissimo che è stato pubblicato sull’argomento. Non si tratta di opere di alto le contraddizioni, anche le più evidenti, quasi come se si trattasse di una valore […] ma il loro tema le rende significative.13 14 Lettera di Valiani a Venturi del 12 dicembre 1955, 191. Sul confronto tra UP e radicali, vedi anche la Appare evidente la consonanza con l’impostazione di Venturi, anche lettera di Valiani a Venturi del successivo 24 dicembre, con interessanti considerazioni inerenti al PSI e al PCI, Ibid., 193. L’8 dicembre, 32 consiglieri del PLI appartenenti alla sinistra, in polemica con il segretario Malagodi ritenuto subalterno ai grandi poteri economici, annunciarono l’uscita dal partito e la costituzione 11 Lettera di Venturi a Valiani del 5 luglio 1953, in L. VALIANI– F. VENTURI, Lettere 1943-1979, 121. del PR, nato ufficialmente il 6 febbraio 1956. Entrarono a far parte della nuova formazione, tra gli altri, 12 Dopo la morte di Stalin, si formò una direzione collegiale con Molotov, Malenkov e Berija (processato e Villabruna, Carandini, Cattani, Paggi, Scalfari, De Caprariis, Libonati, Calogero e Francesco Compagna, fucilato in estate). Krusciov (Nikita Hruščov, ndr.) divenne primo segretario del PCUS e Malenkov capo del direttore di “Nord e Sud”. Sull’adesione di Valiani al PR e sul suo ruolo in occasione del II Convegno governo. Dopo le dimissioni di Malenkov (espulso dal CC e dal presidium del PCUS nel 1957, con Molotov e nazionale del partito del giugno ’56, cfr. E. SAVINO, La diaspora azionista. Dalla Resistenza al Partito Kaganovič), il potere si concentrò nelle mani di Krusciov (leader dell’URSS fino alla sua destituzione, avvenuta Radicale, Milano: FrancoAngeli, 2010, 305-323. Valiani, nel gennaio 1956, si adoperò per coinvolgere nel 1964) e Bulganin (nuovo capo del governo fino al suo allontanamento, nel 1958, che portò Krusciov ad nel PR il maggior numero possibile di ex azionisti. I contatti con Rossi, a questo proposito, furono molto essere nel contempo primo ministro e segretario del PCUS). frequenti. Cfr., in particolare, le lettere di Valiani a Rossi del 7, 11 e 13 gennaio e quelle di Rossi a Valiani 13 Lettera di Valiani a Venturi del 9 febbraio 1955 da Helsinki, in L. VALIANI – F. VENTURI, Lettere 1943- del 10 e 16 gennaio, in E. ROSSI, Epistolario 1943-1967. Dal Partito d’Azione al centro-sinistra, a cura di M. 1979, 167. A proposito dei mutamenti visibili in parte della società sovietica, e del nuovo corso del partito FRANZINELLI, Roma-Bari: Laterza, 2007, 226-228, 230-236 e 238-240. Sul rapporto tra Valiani e Rossi, comunista polacco visto come una sorta di “emblema” del cambiamento di clima nei paesi satelliti durante il intenso ma non sempre facile, rimando ad A. RICCIARDI, L’epistolario tra Ernesto Rossi e Leo Valiani, in 1955, cfr. le lettere di Valiani a Venturi del 26 maggio, di Venturi a Valiani del 29 maggio, di Valiani a Venturi Ernesto Rossi. Un democratico europeo, a cura di A. BRAGA e S. MICHELOTTI, prefazione di M. Begozzi, dell’1 giugno e di Venturi a Valiani del 20 giugno 1955, 170-175. Soveria Mannelli: Rubbettino, 2009, 285-328. 84 85 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Andrea RICCIARDI LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Leo Valiani 1953-1956. Dalla speranza alla delusione

vera e propria religione da praticare in una grande “famiglia”, insieme sicuro riportò quei dirigenti nella socialdemocrazia di Saragat (ove sono ancora, rifugio dei singoli militanti e freno per ogni forma di eterodossia, che metta salvo Codignola) […]. La mia impressione è che il socialismo liberale non in discussione le dinamiche di questa particolare forma di comunità. In riesca più a prender corpo sul tronco del socialismo tradizionale, neppure sul quest’ottica, appare di notevolissimo interessante il contenuto di una lunga suo ramo gradualista, perché su questo tronco pesano troppo, ormai, i fattori lettera a Salvemini dell’inizio del 1956, nella quale Valiani tra l’altro scrive: internazionali, cioè il comunismo russo da un lato, la Federazione di sindacati operai occidentali, pro-americani, dall’altro, che in un paese tranquillo come La mia “ideologia” rimane quella del socialismo liberale. L’ho acquisita l’Inghilterra sono laburisti, ma in Italia spingono verso le posizioni governative gradualmente, faticosamente, man mano che mi emancipavo dal marxismo di Saragat, per non dire verso la CISL democristiana […]. D’altra parte, siamo che mi era stato iniettato all’età di 16 anni appena e me la tengo cara. Ma anche troppo energici per potercene stare a fare opposizione di sinistra nel dipende dalle circostanze la possibilità pratica, per un’ideologia, di riconoscersi partito di Saragat o opposizione di destra a Nenni […]. Per il resto, temo in un partito o movimento politico. anch’io di aver rischiato troppo, con l’adesione al partito radicale, che può screditarci troppo, e specie quelli di noi che hanno il socialismo liberale nel Dopo alcune considerazioni sulla sua collaborazione con “Critica cuore. Ma tra il fare e l’attendere ha prevalso, forse a torto, il fare. Se c’è Sociale” (con Faravelli “costretto a restare nel PSDI governativo per mantenerla errore, forse Lei me lo perdonerà, sapendo che non mi ha mosso l’ambizione in vita”) e “Il Mondo” (“l’unica tribuna dalla quale dei socialisti liberali parlamentare.15 possono ancora parlare ad una parte almeno, la più colta o curiosa, della gioventù social-comunista”), a proposito di UP (unita al PSI e ai comunisti Valiani, dunque, sente di doversi mettere in gioco nonostante i dubbi. solo “nella pratica delle manifestazioni antifasciste comuni”) Valiani aggiunge La rivista di cui aveva parlato con Venturi non nascerà ma, non potendo parole significative su come il movimento si pone nei confronti dell’URSS e incidere sui due partiti socialisti esistenti, si rende quasi necessario trovare un degli assetti dell’Europa orientale. nuovo spazio politico all’interno dell’area laico-socialista. Tuttavia, nel giro di pochi mesi, sarebbero stati l’URSS e lo scenario internazionale in sempre Semplicemente, quei nostri amici non sanno più che criticare nel blocco più rapida evoluzione ad attirare l’attenzione di Valiani, forse più del Partito russo, dopo la politica distensiva adottata dai successori di Stalin. I campi di Radicale e degli equilibri politici nazionali. Il XX Congresso del PCUS, la lavoro forzati sono stati, o sembrano, smobilitati in Russia, le diseguaglianze diffusione del rapporto segreto di Krusciov e, soprattutto, i rivolgimenti in sociali fra le varie categorie si rivelano molto meno grandi – l’ho dovuto Ungheria avrebbero rappresentato una cesura politica (e personale) per vari constatare anch’io nel mio viaggio dell’anno scorso a Mosca e in Europa aspetti drammatica. orientale – di come la stampa americana non le presentasse alcuni anni or sono; il collettivismo economico sussiste e dal punto di vista dell’efficienza fa buone prove, aggressioni ad altri paesi non sembrano probabili o vicine, 2. I limiti del nuovo corso sovietico dopo l’armistizio in Indocina e la riconciliazione con la Jugoslavia. La vera e il trauma dell’invasione dell’Ungheria oppressività del sistema russo si riduce, ma ivi acquista importanza sempre maggiore, alla mancanza di libertà. Tutto il resto, se non l’hanno ancora, Durante il XX Congresso del PCUS, svoltosi tra il 14 e il 25 febbraio come i beni di consumo di buona qualità, finiranno con l’averlo sotto l’attuale 1956, Valiani scrive a Venturi. Il 16, a Mosca, Mikojan ha pronunciato un regime. Ma di libertà, anche i comunisti russi, tolti i capi, sentono oggi il discorso moderatamente critico verso Stalin e Valiani ne prende atto con una bisogno più che non mai. E lo sentono anche seppur non osino confessarlo, soddisfazione molto misurata. Scrive, tra l’altro, a Venturi: anche i comunisti occidentali. Togliatti il suo discorso deve averlo preparato a Roma prima di partire, perché Sullo scenario interno, tenendo presente il passato (più o meno recente), è ancora privo di quella «ventata di aria fresca» che Mikojan ha reclamato. Valiani scrive: Forse la rettifica di tiro dei comunisti nostrani sarà lenta e riluttante. La condizione prima per affrettarla è che gli intellettuali che si sono tenuti fuori Rifare un partito di socialismo gradualista autonomo? L’abbiamo tentato, dallo stalinismo fino a ieri, proprio oggi che i dirigenti sovietici rendono con il partito d’azione, nel 1946-47, dopo l’uscita di Parri e La Malfa […]. più liberale il loro comunismo, non si vergognino del nostro liberalismo e L’abbiamo ritentato con il p.s.u. di Silone, Romita, Mondolfo, Matteotti, 15 Lettera di Valiani a Salvemini da Milano del 20 gennaio 1956, copia, in Fondazione Feltrinelli, Archivio Codignola nel 1949-51, ma sopraggiunse la guerra di Corea, e questa volta Leo Valiani, Documenti, attività, fasc. 25, Gaetano Salvemini. 86 87 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Andrea RICCIARDI LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Leo Valiani 1953-1956. Dalla speranza alla delusione

non capitolino proprio ora davanti ad un comunismo italico che, seppur da porre, se avessero ancora coscienza.17 domani in poi non farà più l’apologia di Stalin, resterà staliniano finché non avrà riveduto la storia e la teoria del movimento operaio italiano almeno nella Nelle settimane successive, Valiani (sempre a contatto con Venturi, stessa misura in cui Mikojan ne ha chiesto la revisione in URSS. Io sono stato il suo più stretto interlocutore su questi temi) segue gli sviluppi legati alla portato da queste considerazioni internazionali, che prevedevo da anni e da pubblicazione del rapporto segreto e, soprattutto, guarda con attenzione alle mesi, a considerare l’elemento liberale della nostra autonomia più importante crescenti tensioni in Polonia, culminate con i moti operai di Poznan a giugno, nel futuro del suo elemento socialistico; in problemi di socializzazione oggi che aprono le porte alla sostituzione di Ochab con Gomulka al vertice del potremmo non aver nulla di diverso da dire da Nenni e Togliatti (che ne partito comunista. Il carteggio con l’amico è ricco di interessanti riferimenti chiedono poi pochine pochine); ma c’è il banco di prova della coscienza anche alla situazione politica italiana e, in particolare, agli equilibri interni liberale, al quale bisogna tener fermo se si vuole favorire un’evoluzione che all’area socialcomunista (a cominciare dal complesso riavvicinamento tra PSI in URSS avrà luogo, perché quelli hanno qualche cosa nel ventre […]. Il e PSDI). In questa fase, appaiono di grande importanza alcuni articoli che, richiamo al leninismo di Krusciov e Mikojan non deve ingannare: certo, con il contenuto delle lettere, forniscono un quadro abbastanza preciso delle contro Stalin, non potevano richiamarsi che a Lenin; ma si sono richiamati priorità di Valiani, delle sue speranze, dei suoi dubbi e delle sue incertezze. alla sua apologia delle guerra civile rivoluzionaria o non invece all’elemento Garosci, come Valiani stesso scrive a Venturi18, vede le cose in maniera un po’ liberale che inconsapevolmente in Lenin politico c’era pure? (Cfr. la mia storia diversa. La sua critica al comunismo, nei toni, è molto più accesa e non sempre del socialismo nel secolo XX sia per Lenin che per la conclusione).16 17 Lettera di Valiani a Venturi del 12 giugno 1956, in L. VALIANI – F. VENTURI, Lettere 1943-1979, 201-202. Sul rapporto, cfr. L. VALIANI, “Dopo il rapporto Kruscev. La forza della verità”, pubblicato su In questo momento, Valiani non è ancora al corrente del rapporto Il Mondo del 26 giugno 1956, (anche in M. PANNUNZIO, L. VALIANI, Democrazia laica. Epistolario, documenti, articoli, a cura e con introduzione di M. TEODORI, vol. II, Torino: Aragno, 2012, 229-233). Cfr. segreto di Krusciov, di cui Togliatti ha preso visione il 17 febbraio. Il 17 anche il precedente Stalin e la via italiana, pubblicato sulla stessa rivista il 6 marzo, 219-223. Dopo aver letto marzo, sulla stampa statunitense, appaiono le prime indiscrezioni, il 4 giugno il rapporto Krusciov, Rossi scrisse a Salvemini: “Mi ha fatto una enorme impressione. Non conosco nessun altro documento politico di così grande interesse. Ho telefonato a Pannunzio suggerendogli di prenderlo il rapporto viene pubblicato dal “New York Times”. Qualche giorno dopo, come base di una discussione sul «Mondo», da continuare per quattro o cinque settimane. Ha accettato […]. Valiani scrive a Venturi: Mi pare che dovremmo fare tutto il possibile per utilizzare il rapporto, per la formazione di una coscienza democratica nel nostro Paese e per chiarire meglio le nostre idee e i nostri rapporti col comunismo”. Lettera di Rossi a Salvemini del 10 giugno 1956, in E. ROSSI, G. SALVEMINI, Dall’esilio alla Repubblica. Lettere Che il rapporto di Krusciov sia autentico, lo pensa anche Nenni, che ho veduto 1944-1957, a cura di M. FRANZINELLI, prefazione di M. Isnenghi, Torino: Bollati Boringhieri, 2004, 913- a Roma giorni fa. Ma stamane l’«Avanti!» protesta contro il secondo rapporto 914. Anche Rossi scrisse sul tema ma il suo articolo, Gli sposi senza matrimonio, non fu apprezzato da Salvemini (che gliene scrisse il 21 agosto) e, per ragioni diverse, si discostò dalle posizioni espresse da Krusciov sui delitti sessuali di Baffone […]. Il pudore dell’«Avanti!» temo Valiani, Boneschi e Basso. Ivi, 920. A proposito dell’atteggiamento di Rossi verso l’URSS, dopo il primo esprima ancora la paura della verità, tipica da molto tempo per il socialismo intervento in Ungheria, è di notevole interesse il contenuto di una lunga lettera scritta a Petrov, direttore di nostrano. La cosa più importante nel rapporto di Krusciov (il primo) è Radio Mosca, che gli aveva chiesto un contributo proprio sulla politica internazionale. Rossi, nel rifiutare garbatamente la proposta, tra l’altro sostenne: “Non vorrei essere annoverato fra i «compagni di viaggio» dei comunque quello che veramente nessuno sospettava. Nel 1955 il governo comunisti e tanto meno vorrei essere accusato di avallare la politica di un governo totalitario. Nonostante sovietico (o il partito) fece fare indagini amministrative circostanziate sui queste mie preoccupazioni e questi miei timori, avrei potuto farLe una proposta concreta (analoga a quella che si sta esperimentando con lo scambio delle due riviste «America» e «URSS») se non fosse intervenuta la processi del 1936-39 e sul modo di estrazione delle confessioni: ne sono venute crisi polacca e la rivoluzione in Ungheria […]. Nessun privato in Italia vorrebbe avere rapporti amichevoli fuori le attuali rivelazioni sulle torture. Queste indagini devono essere durate con i rappresentanti del governo sovietico prima del completo ritiro delle truppe sovietiche dalla Polonia qualche mese; furono interrogati i giudici del tempo di Iezhov ecc. Molta e dall’Ungheria. Anche se animato dalle migliori intenzioni, qualunque atto di collaborazione sarebbe oggi mal giudicato dalla nostra opinione pubblica, perché sembrerebbe un atto di collaborazione con gli gente dovette esserne dunque al corrente nell’URSS. Il Palmiro l’hanno messo oppressori di popoli che aspirano alla indipendenza e alla libertà”. Lettera di Rossi a Petrov del 30 ottobre al corrente, o meno, nel medesimo 1955? Se no, vuol dire che non lo tengono 1956, in E. ROSSI, Epistolario 1943-1967. Dal Partito d’Azione al centro-sinistra, 250-251. Per una riflessione sui rapporti tra Togliatti e l’azionismo (con riferimenti al giellismo e al post azionismo), in cui trova ampio in nessun conto. Se sì, perché lui ha fatto il finto tonto al momento del XX spazio Valiani, rimando ad A. RICCIARDI, “Togliatti e la cultura azionista: un rapporto controverso”, congresso? Questo è l’interrogativo che i comunisti e i socialisti dovrebbero Storiografia, 19 (2015), Fabrizio Serra, Pisa-Roma, 133-170. 18 Cfr. la lettera di Valiani a Venturi del 10 luglio 1956, in L. VALIANI – F. VENTURI, Lettere 1943-1979, 16 Lettera di Valiani a Venturi del 20 febbraio 1956, in L. VALIANI – F. VENTURI, Lettere 1943-1979, 204, scritta quattro giorni prima di un dibattito sul XX Congresso del PCUS organizzato a Bologna da “Il 198-199. Il libro, pubblicato nel 1945 dalle edizioni U (Roma-Firenze-Milano) col titolo Storia del socialismo Mulino”, con Valiani, Venturi e Raimondo Craveri (direttore de “Lo Spettatore italiano”) chiamati a tenere nel secolo XX (1940-1944). Saggio critico, traduzione dallo spagnolo di Giulia Gentili, prefazione di Valiani le relazioni introduttive. Cfr. anche la lettera di Venturi a Valiani del successivo 4 settembre nella quale, dell’agosto 1945, era uscito per la prima volta in Messico nel 1943 (Ediciones Minerva) a firma di Leo tra l’altro, si legge: “Hai mille volte ragione: non c’è altro da fare che appoggiare l’unificazione per isolare i Weiczen-Giuliani. Weiczen, come è noto, era il cognome originale di Valiani mentre Leo Giuliani fu, con comunisti e farli cuocere opportunamente nel loro brodo. Se le rivolte interne dei comunisti nostrani fossero Paul Chevalier e Federico Ricci, uno degli pseudonimi da lui usati durante la lotta antifascista in Francia, più forti, si potrebbe tender la mano agli eretici, ma per ora non sono ancora politicamente maturi”, Ibid., Spagna e Messico tra il marzo 1936 e l’ottobre 1943, quando tornò in Italia dopo un lungo viaggio iniziato 207. Per avere un’idea precisa della posizione di Venturi in questa fase, Vedi anche L.VALIANI, “Allargare il il 23 luglio e aderì al Partito d’Azione, divenendone uno dei più importanti esponenti e rappresentandolo dibattito. Dopo il rapporto Chruščëv”, articolo pubblicato su Il Mondo del 24 luglio 1956, in VALIANI, La nel CLNAI. lotta per la libertà. Scritti politici, 337-344. 88 89 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Andrea RICCIARDI LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Leo Valiani 1953-1956. Dalla speranza alla delusione

corrispondente al tipo (e al livello) del dibattito immaginato da Valiani, in non le sottoscriverebbe? […]. Le truppe russe devono andarsene! E’ quell’estate, sulla storia e sul futuro dell’URSS. incredibile che gli inglesi, gli americani e i francesi abbiano tardato tanto a Lo scenario muta notevolmente con l’inizio della rivolta in Ungheria, fare un passo ufficiale a Mosca per ricordare che dopo il trattato di pace con il 23 ottobre: Nagy è al governo, i sovietici intervengono su richiesta di una l’Austria, firmato se ben ricordo due anni fa, la Russia non ha più il diritto di parte del partito comunista ungherese ma, il 29, si ritirano. Tre giorni prima, tenere truppe in Ungheria! Ma hai ragione, devono chiederlo gli antifascisti Valiani scrive ancora a Venturi. E’ molto deciso nel condannare non solo dell’Occidente pure! […]. Anche stavolta, gli intellettuali marxisti e l’esercito la politica sovietica, ma anche la posizione del PCI (espressa da Ingrao su comunista sono scoppiati contro la tirannide, forse senza volerlo. Sarà mai “L’Unità”, in linea con le scelte operate da Togliatti). Appare interessante il così nel movimento operaio italiano? In ogni modo, facciamo quel che si riferimento alla Prima Internazionale, non solo perché conferma la costante può nel nostro campo.19 attenzione alle radici storiche degli accadimenti contemporanei, ma anche perché i riferimenti culturali di Valiani sono soprattutto interni alla storia Nei giorni successivi all’invasione, la CGIL, il PSI (ora legato al PCI del movimento operaio. Egli, insomma, al di là delle appartenenze partitiche da un semplice patto di consultazione e orientato verso un non semplice (il Partito Radicale - PR) e delle frequenti collaborazioni giornalistiche (tra recupero dell’autonomia, apprezzato da Valiani nonostante il persistere le quali spicca quella con il liberale “Il Mondo”), continua a pensare da di una qualche diffidenza nei confronti di Nenni) e ben 101 intellettuali socialista democratico (non nel senso “partitico” ma ideologico del termine) comunisti prendono pubblicamente posizione contro l’URSS e contro il PCI. e non da liberale “puro”, da una parte attento alla componente libertaria del Il quadro internazionale è ulteriormente complicato dalla decisione di Gran marxismo delle origini e, dall’altra (pur essendo lontano dal comunismo Bretagna e Francia di associarsi ad Israele che, dopo la nazionalizzazione del e avendo aderito al riformismo come prassi politica), alle differenze tra canale di Suez decisa da Nasser, ha attaccato l’Egitto. Valiani è critico verso leninismo e stalinismo. Non si tratta certo di identificare nel leninismo una questa scelta, come scrive a Venturi proprio nel giorno in cui la situazione in corrente di pensiero e di azione politica democratica perché pluralista, ma di Ungheria precipita con la nuova (e definitiva per la sorte del governo Nagy) tener presente comunque che il pieno sviluppo del totalitarismo sovietico si è invasione sovietica. Valiani, da un lato, guarda alle dinamiche interne al PCI avuto dopo l’uscita di scena di Lenin, di cui Stalin non può essere considerato (attento soprattutto a Eugenio Reale e Antonio Giolitti, con i quali ha parlato); esattamente l’erede. Superando lo stalinismo, la Russia potrebbe quindi dall’altro non gli sfugge il legame tra gli scenari ungherese ed egiziano. Scrive riprendere un cammino interrotto, come in fondo pensa Venturi, cioè ridare a Venturi: voce agli elementi libertari del marxismo che, pur minoritari guardando agli esiti indiscutibilmente tragici della storia sovietica (con l’affermazione di un Ora hanno, i neo-staliniani, l’arma di Suez, per l’idiozia criminale degli anglo- regime totalitario), sono esistiti e hanno di certo svolto una funzione positiva francesi, che hanno avuto fretta quando non ce n’era bisogno (per riscattarsi rispetto al superamento dell’assolutismo zarista e, in generale, all’estensione dal non averne avuto quando sarebbe stata indispensabile, in passato); nonché dei diritti alle masse di lavoratori in tutta l’Europa. il linciaggio di quelli della GPU20 ungherese. Non direi che il mio cuore piange per quest’ultimi. D’accordo naturalmente che bisognava deferirli a Come ben ricordi la Prima Internazionale dei Lavoratori è nata dalla tribunali regolari, con tutte le garanzie della difesa […]. Che succede a Mosca? solidarietà degli esuli di tutti i paesi a Londra, da Marx a Mazzini, e dei capi Che non vogliano evacuare i paesi satelliti, Ungheria compresa, mi pare certo, dei sindacati europei inglesi, con la rivolta polacca; non si chiesero quanti dei rivoltosi fossero nobili e quanti contadini. Scelsero una parte della barricata, come vuole «L’Unità», ma la libertaria e non quella dei massacratori del popolo, all’opposto de «L’Unità». Nel caso nostro, si rischia ben poco 19 Lettera di Valiani a Venturi del 26 ottobre 1956, in L. VALIANI – F. VENTURI, Lettere 1943-1979, a parteggiare per i magiari, che sono non più piccola nobiltà patriottica, 212-216. La lettera venne spedita in copia, lo stesso giorno, a Garosci. Valiani gli scrisse che Venturi ma operai di vecchia tradizione socialista (tutti i centri della rivolta sono avrebbe voluto “organizzare comizi per il ritiro delle truppe russe” e aggiunse: “il partito radicale qui [a Milano] non ha i soldi per farlo, e poi non avremmo gente, salvo forse dei comunisti ad impedirci di i quartieri operai e le zone carbo-siderurgiche) e studenti che portano il parlare”. Cfr. L’impegno e la ragione. Carteggio tra Aldo Garosci e Leo Valiani (1947-1983), 149. Per una ritratto di Lenin contro la statua di Stalin, al canto della Marsigliese […]. riflessione sul “precipitare della situazione in Ungheria” e sulle posizioni di Venturi, anche in rapporto alle istanze espresse da Valiani e Garosci, cfr. A. VIARENGO, Franco Venturi, politica e storia nel Novecento, Ad essi si sono aggiunti i soldati e gli ufficiali dell’esercito creato, educato, Roma: Carocci, 2014, 223-227. Valiani e Venturi (con Garosci, Bobbio, La Malfa, Riccardo Lombardi, equipaggiato dai comunisti […]. Ormai c’è lo sciopero generale in tutto Nicola Chiaromonte, Ernesto Rossi, Salvemini, Rossi Doria, Silone, Codignola, Chabod, Jemolo e altri) firmarono l’appello Per la libertà dell’Ungheria, pubblicato su “Il Mondo” del 13 novembre e promosso con il paese e le rivendicazioni sono: ritiro delle truppe russe, piena amnistia, “L’Espresso” di Arrigo Benedetti. governo democratico, libertà sindacale. Quale democratico, quale socialista 20 Servizi segreti sovietici (nota della redazione). 90 91 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Andrea RICCIARDI LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Leo Valiani 1953-1956. Dalla speranza alla delusione

purtroppo.21 Appare particolarmente significativo, per cogliere il tipo di reazione di Valiani alla seconda invasione sovietica, al quale allude Agosti sul diario, Valiani, anche per la vecchia appartenenza della sua città natale Fiume, il contenuto di un suo articolo pubblicato su “Nuova Repubblica”. Eccone guarda alla situazione ungherese con una partecipazione emotiva particolare, l’incipit: come notato anche da Agosti in occasione di un dibattito organizzato presso il circolo culturale La Consulta di Torino. Scrive, Agosti, sul suo diario a Con l’ignobile e raccapricciante massacro del popolo ungherese, colpevole proposito di Valiani: soltanto di amare l’indipendenza più della vita, la politica estera russa è tornata ad essere quella dello zarismo, contro cui il comunista Carlo Marx non lo accompagno alla Consulta, dove parla sul problema ungherese con la solita soltanto esaltò nel 1849 l’eroica lotta dei patrioti magiari, ma non si stancò di formidabile conoscenza di ogni problema e con un insolito calore oratorio. Con evocare, negli anni e decenni successivi, la resistenza dell’Europa dotata di un gruppo di amici ci attardiamo fin oltre mezzanotte al caffè Platti e ancora istituzioni liberali.23 a casa chiacchiero con Leo sin verso le 2. Leo è pessimista sulla situazione internazionale e giudica con preoccupazione l’intervento russo nel Medio Nelle successive settimane, Valiani continua a seguire le vicende Oriente, anteriore, a suo avviso, ai fatti ungheresi e che non può interpretarsi ungheresi dedicando una particolare attenzione alla posizione di Tito e della quindi solo in funzione di manovra di copertura. Certo, man mano che gli Jugoslavia, che non considera allineata all’URSS nonostante il riavvicinamento avvenimenti si allontanano e si riscostruiscono meglio in prospettiva, ci [si] con Krusciov (iniziato nel 1955) e l’arresto di Gilas (Milovan Đilas, ndr.), che rende meglio conto dell’errore gravissimo commesso dagli anglo-francesi, che aveva appoggiato i rivoltosi ungheresi. Per Valiani, Tito ha dovuto appoggiare sono ormai costretti a ripararlo rinunciando anche agli effimeri vantaggi della il secondo intervento sovietico perché la situazione era diventata davvero dubbia vittoria.22 insostenibile. Questo non significa che il leader jugoslavo non abbia coscienza del carattere popolare della rivolta che, di conseguenza, non gli consente 21 Lettera di Valiani a Venturi del 3 novembre 1956, in L. VALIANI – F. VENTURI, Lettere 1943-1979, 216- 217. Il giorno prima, a proposito del ruolo negativo esercitato da Gran Bretagna e Francia, Valiani aveva scritto di giustificare veramente la politica di Krusciov, secondo Tito (sempre a Pannunzio: “mi pare che l’aggressione anglo-francese abbia dato carta bianca ai russi contro l’Ungheria. Non nell’interpretazione di Valiani) in buona parte figlia dello stalinismo. posso che pregarTi di tenerne conto nei commenti del prossimo numero. Nasser certo merita la peggior sorte, [ma] Con il passare dei mesi, la sconfitta di Nagy24 e la “normalizzazione” non c’è solo Nasser al mondo. Ecco perché non mi è dispiaciuto leggere stamane sul Giorno che Villabruna ha deplorato l’azione anglo-francese; peccato solo che egli non sia stato a Roma per discutere preventivamente con noi avviata da Kádár non potrà che essere interpretata come un arretramento degli la sua dichiarazione. Nella sostanza, io l’avrei, come sai, approvata”. Lettera di Valiani a Pannunzio da Milano del antistaliniani, sebbene Valiani continuerà ad essere particolarmente attento 2 novembre 1956, in M. PANNUNZIO, L. VALIANI, Democrazia laica. Epistolario, documenti, articoli, a cura e con introduzione di M. TEODORI, vol. I, Torino: Aragno, 2012, 55. Cfr. anche una successiva lettera di Piccardi a allo sviluppo degli studi storici, distinguendo tra gli assetti del nuovo governo Valiani in cui, a proposito della posizione radicale sugli anglo-francesi, si leggeva: “puoi immaginare quanto mi trovi (da rifiutare senza tentennamenti) e un sia pur parziale mutamento del clima d’accordo con te. Nel nostro incontro ti avevo espresso i miei dubbi sull’ordine del giorno concernente la questione culturale e, quindi, della società in Ungheria. All’inizio del 1959, impegnato di Suez: mi sembrava che fin da allora vi fossero elementi di giudizio sufficienti per distinguere, fra le varie posizioni occidentali, quelle da noi accettabili e quelle che invece avremmo dovuto decisamente respingere. Purtroppo quello in studi sulle vicende del movimento operaio ungherese, Valiani scriverà a che sta avvenendo dimostra che questi dubbi non erano privi di fondamento. L’azione anglo-francese si sta sempre Venturi: più rivelando come una inconcepibile follia. Auguriamoci che essa non abbia le conseguenze estreme […]. La mia discussione telefonica con Pannunzio è stata piuttosto vivace. Come gli ho detto in quella occasione, questi dissensi sono piuttosto rivelatori. Purtroppo alcuni dei nostri amici sono ancora attaccati a vecchie posizioni e non sentono C’è una svolta, iniziatasi ai primi del ’56, ma mantenutasi a Budapest fino a come noi la necessità di una chiara condanna del colonialismo […]. Che tu ed io siamo nel giusto è dimostrato tutt’oggi, nonostante la repressione (e l’arresto di Kosáry) – una svolta in meglio anche dal fatto che ci troviamo d’accordo con quelli che devono essere i nostri amici: i laburisti inglesi, i radicali di Mendès-France, l’America. Che i conservatori inglesi e la socialdemocrazia francese si trovino insieme dall’altra nella storiografia in generale e in quella del movimento operaio della rivoluzione parte della barricata, non può stupire, quando si conoscono, come noi conosciamo, i difetti della socialdemocrazia del ’19 in particolare. C’è, anche dopo la fucilazione di Nagy, molto [sic] più di tutti i paesi”. Lettera di Piccardi a Valiani del 5 novembre 1956, in Archivio Leo Valiani, corrispondenza, indice cronologico, 1956, fasc. 237. libertà negli studi storici per es. sul vecchio socialismo ungherese e sull’effettiva 25 22 Cfr. l’appunto del 12 novembre 1956 in G. AGOSTI, Dopo il tempo del furore. Diario 1946-1988, a cura azione dei comunisti nel ’19, di quanto non ve ne fosse fino al 1955. di A. AGOSTI, introduzione di G. De Luna, Torino: Einaudi, 2005, 87. Cfr. anche P. BORGNA, Il coraggio dei giorni grigi. Vita di Giorgio Agosti, Roma-Bari: Laterza, 2015, 146-147. La posizione di Venturi sull’Ungheria si ritrova a pieno in un articolo pubblicato su Il Mondo il 6 novembre 1956, Sangue per la libertà. Venturi, elogiando “l’internazionalismo libertario della rivoluzione antistalinista”, scrisse: “Tocca agli intellettuali, 23 Cfr. L. VALIANI, “Terrore in permanenza”, Nuova Repubblica, 11 novembre (1956), 3-4. tocca alle coscienze. Ogni intellettuale che non sia convinto che il dispotismo (il meno illuminato possibile) sia 24 Tra gli articoli pubblicati nel corso del 1957, cfr. L. VALIANI, “La terza rivoluzione ungherese”, Tempo la più paterna e la migliore forma di governo, solidarizzi con gli insorti! […]. Non è più il tempo di minimizzare Presente, n. 1, (gennaio 1957), 1-6. e di giustificare (come solo «l’Unità» tenta ormai più di fare), ma di capire e di lottare perché trionfi la logica 25 Lettera di Valiani a Venturi del 20 gennaio 1959, in L. VALIANI – F. VENTURI, Lettere 1943-1979, della lotta per la libertà. Questo esige l’insurrezione in Ungheria e, da noi, la riscoperta della funzione 272. Per una successiva raccolta di scritti di Valiani sull’Ungheria, dedicata a Franco Venturi, intitolata La autonoma degli intellettuali e dei militanti politici che non vogliono né la reazione e il clericalismo, né la rivoluzione in Ungheria e comprendente contributi editi, elaborati tra il 1957 e il 1978, cfr. L. VALIANI, Scritti restaurazione dello stalinismo”. Cfr. F. VENTURI, La lotta per la libertà. Scritti politici, 345-349. di storia. Movimento socialista e democrazia, a cura di F. MARCOALDI, Milano: SugarCo, 1983, 495-602. 92 93 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Andrea RICCIARDI LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Leo Valiani 1953-1956. Dalla speranza alla delusione

Negli anni successivi, pur continuando a sentirsi idealmente vicino Sažetak al socialismo (liberale e non marxista, ispirato a Carlo Rosselli e alle istanze di Giustizia e Libertà, componente essenziale del Partito d’Azione)26, Valiani LEO VALIANI 1953-1956. OD NADE DO RAZOČARANJA aderirà con convinzione al modello democratico occidentale, senza tuttavia Andrea RICCIARDI sposare acriticamente la politica degli Stati Uniti né quella dei paesi europei loro alleati. Egli non coltivò illusioni sulla reale possibilità di edificare un sistema equilibrato perché capace di salvaguardare a pieno, e nel contempo, libertà Radom se istražuju Valianijevi stavovi o SSSR-u te o politici u periodu individuali e giustizia sociale. Accompagnato da un pessimismo di fondo, između Staljinove smrti (1953.) i invazije na Nagyijevu Mađarsku (1956.), Valiani fino alla fine non rinuncerà però a porsi domande sul futuro, tenendo izvršene Hruščevom odlukom bez obzira na proces destaljinizacije započet sempre presente un passato che poteva (e doveva) essere ancora indagato e te iste godine, u XX. kongreu KPSS-a. Glavni Valianijev sugovornk o tim palesando, a tratti, una certa nostalgia per la rivoluzione che tra gli anni Venti temama jest Franco Venturi, ali razgovore vodi i s Garoscijem, Pannunziom te e Quaranta aveva sognato, che non ci fu e che non ci sarebbe stata. drugim intelektualcima iz laičko-socijalističkih krugova, a s kojima se Valiani, posebice između 1955. i 1956. dotaknuo ne samo pitanja razvitka situacije u Mađarskoj (za koju je bio posebno vezan), već i ostalih tema unutarnje politike, s naglaskom na nastanak Radikalne stranke (Partito Radicale), ravnoteža unutar Vlade, promjene linije unutar Socijalističke (PSI) i Komunističke stranke (PCI), neizbježno povezane s dubokim promjenama na međunarodnom planu. Rad se temelji na pismima, djelomično neobjavljenim, ali i na sekundarnoj literaturi (posebno člancima), koji su od koristi pri razjašnjavanju konteksta u kojem je Valiani sagledavao situaciju i djelovao s dvostrukim ciljem: obnova socijalizma u slobodi te nadvladavanje centralizma, stvarajući uvjete za nastanak ljevice koje bi bila otvorena prema autonomnim socijalistima, a zatvorena prema KPI.

26 Nel 1996 Valiani, affidando alla “Rivista Storica Italiana” un sentito e articolato omaggio a Venturi, riferendosi al contenuto di uno scritto elaborato con l’amico nell’ormai lontano 1944, scrisse: “Avrebbero potuto i comunisti accettare mai un socialismo antitotalitario? Evidentemente, non avrebbero potuto e ci illudevamo noi: io in particolare, Garosci meno di tutti. E può esistere un socialismo antitotalitario? Questo è un interrogativo più complesso. Franco vi ha creduto fino alla fine della sua vita, con l’occhio volto non al socialismo italiano, che, dopo un passato molto degno, nell’ultimo cinquantennio, ha fornito le insoddisfacenti prove che ha fornito, ma al socialismo in Francia, Inghilterra, Germania e paesi scandinavi, ove si rinnovò con l’abbandono del marxismo”. Cfr. L. VALIANI, Per Franco Venturi: una testimonianza, in L. VALIANI, Testimoni del Novecento, a cura di C. CECCUTI, Firenze-Antella: Passigli, 369. 94 95 LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian:

DODATNI I STRUČNI TEKSTOVI / ADDITIONAL WRITINGS AND CONTRIBUTIONS Ivan JELIČIĆ – Lea ČEČ Katalog izložbe Od Lea Weiczena do Lea Valianija / Catalogo della mostra Da Leo Weiczen a Leo Valiani

KATALOG CATALOGO IZLOŽBE DELLA MOSTRA Od Lea Weiczena Da Leo Weiczen do Lea Valianija a Leo Valiani

Ivan JELIČIĆ – Lea ČEČ Ivan JELIČIĆ – Lea ČEČ

Namjera ove izložbe bila je po prvi Questa mostra è stata presentata puta javno ponuditi Riječanima nell’ambito della conferenza dokumentaciju o Leu Valianiju internazionale Da Leo Weiczen a Leo (Weiczenu) prisutnu u njihovom gradu Valiani, organizzata alla Facoltà di u okviru međunarodnog skupa Od Lea Filosofia di Fiume il 29 settembre Weiczena do Lea Valianija, održanog 2015, con lo scopo di offrire per la 29. rujna 2015. godine na Filozofskom prima volta al pubblico fiumano la fakultetu u Rijeci. Izložba je, između documentazione presente in città su ostaloga, nastala i iz želje uključivanja Leo Valiani (Weiczen). La mostra è učenica i učenika Srednje talijanske stata concepita anche con il desiderio škole u Rijeci (Scuola media superiore di includere le alunne e gli alunni italiana di Fiume) u realizaciju skupa. della Scuola media superiore italiana Prije svega, Ivan Jeličić je prikupio di Fiume nella realizzazione della arhivsku građu iz Državnog arhiva conferenza. Ivan Jeličić ha raccolto il u Rijeci vezanu uz Lea Valianija i materiale archivistico nell’Archivio njegovu obitelj, te je uz pomoć i stručno di Stato di Fiume legato a Leo vodstvo Lee Čeč napravljena selekcija Valiani e ai Weiczen, e con l’ausilio značajnijih dokumenata ili onih od e guida professionale di Lea Čeč è većeg interesa za širu publiku. Uz stata effettuata una selezione dei più fotografije su zatim dodani tematski importanti documenti o di maggiore tekstovi o Leu Valianiju, učenica interesse per il pubblico. Le fotografie četvrtog razreda opće gimnazije sono state accompagnate da testi Srednje talijanske škole u Rijeci: tematici su Leo Valiani delle alunne Martine Ban, Ileane Čalmić, Debore della quarta classe del ginnasio Grdinić, Nine Rukavine i Martine generale della Scuola media superiore Šikić. U ovom kratkom preglednom italiana di Fiume: Martina Ban, radu ponudit ćemo čitateljima većinu Ileana Čalmić, Debora Grdinić, fotografija korištenih za izložbu, uz Nina Rukavina e Martina Šikić. analizu i kontekstualizaciju navedene In questo breve lavoro di sintesi, dokumentacije. No najprije, kako je u offriremo al lettore la maggior parte hrvatskoj javnosti i historiografiji Leo delle fotografie utilizzate per la mostra Valiani poprilično nepoznata figura, con l’analisi e la contestualizzazione

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donosimo kratki biografski prikaz.1 della documentazione menzionata. Leo Valiani, bio je talijanski Siccome per il pubblico croato e per političar, novinar i povjesničar (Rijeka, la storiografia croata Leo Valiani è 9. II. 1909. - Milano, 18. IX. 1999.). un personaggio alquanto sconosciuto, Rođen je u Rijeci, tada sastavnom dijelu forniamo una breve sintesi biografica.1 ugarskog dijela Dvojne monarhije, pod Leo Valiani (Fiume, 9 febbraio imenom Leo Weiczen kao drugo dijete 1909 - Milano, 18 settembre 1999) fu obitelji njemačkog materinjeg jezika, politico, giornalista e storico italiano. židovskog podrijetla. Valianijev otac Nacque a Fiume, allora città della Oser Wolf ili Adolfo Weiczen, trgovac parte ungherese dell’Impero Austro- žitom, doseljava u Rijeku krajem XIX. Ungarico, con il nome di Leo Weiczen stoljeća. Valianijeva majka, Margherita come secondogenito di una famiglia Geller, daleka rođakinja utemeljitelja di madrelingua tedesca di origini cionizma, dolazi u Rijeku tek 1906. ebraiche. Il padre di Valiani, Oser godine. Valiani ima dvije sestre, Wolf o Adolfo Weiczen, commerciante Selmu, rođenu u Rijeci 1907., i Claru in grano, si stabilì a Fiume verso la fine (u talijanskim dokumentima navedena del XIX secolo. La madre di Valiani, kao Chiara), koja se rodila u Budimpešti Margherita Geller, lontana parente del 1914. godine. Otac, zahvaljujući i fondatore del sionismo, giunse a Fiume svojoj braći, otvara trgovački obrt te appena nel 1906. Valiani aveva due s obitelji živi u Rijeci sve do Prvog sorelle: Selma, nata a Fiume nel 1907 e svjetskog rata kada se zbog očeve Clara (nei documenti italiani indicata civilne službe svi sele u Budimpeštu. come Chiara), nata a Budapest nel Nakon sloma Dvojne monarhije i 1914. Con l’aiuto dei suoi fratelli il Mađarske Sovjetske Republike, u padre aprì una ditta commerciale e lipnju 1919. obitelj Weiczen vraća se la famiglia visse a Fiume sino allo u Rijeku. Nakon očeve smrti 1924. scoppio della Prima guerra mondiale. godine mladi Leo Valiani primoran 1 Il lavoro più completo su Leo Valiani, 1 Najopsežniji rad o Leu Valianiju, pogotovo soprattutto sul periodo giovanile, rappresenta o ranijem razdoblju njegovog života, predstavlja Andrea RICCIARDI, Leo Valiani. Gli anni Andrea RICCIARDI, Leo Valiani. Gli anni della della formazione. Tra socialismo, comunismo e formazione. Tra socialismo, comunismo e rivoluzione rivoluzione democratica, Milano, FrancoAngeli, democratica, Milano: FrancoAngeli, 2007. Jedini 2007. L’unico lavoro in lingua croata su Valiani si rad o Valianiju na hrvatskom jeziku poziva se richiama principalmente a Ricciardi I. MARKIŠ, uglavnom na Ricciardia I. MARKIŠ, “Leo Valiani”, “Leo Valiani”, in Zlatko MORANJAK (ur.), u Zlatko MORANJAK (ur.), Rijeka za radoznale. Rijeka za radoznale. Fijumanologija IV., Rijeka, Fijumanologija IV., Rijeka, 2013., 77-93. Možemo 2013, 77-93. In lingua croata nel “Novi List” era još navesti kako je na hrvatskom jeziku u “Novom stata pubblicata una breve sintesi biografica su Listu” objavljen Valianijev kratki biografski prikaz, Valiani, ripresa poi dalla rivista delle Comunità potom preuzet od Glasila židovske zajednice u ebraiche in Croazia: Igor DUVNJAK, “Leo Valiani, Hrvatskoj. Igor DUVNJAK, “Leo Valiani, Riječanin Riječanin koji je presudio Mussoliniju”, Ha-Kol, koji je presudio Mussoliniju”, Ha-Kol, br. 125, n. 125, svibanj-lipanj 2012., 53-54. in Jugoslavia svibanj-lipanj (2012.), 53-54. Preciznosti radi, Valiani è stato menzionato nella storiografia Valiani je spomenut u hrvatskoj historiografiji u croata di lingua italiana già negli anni Settanta del Jugoslaviji na talijanskom jeziku već sedamdesetih secolo scorso. Difatti, Leo Valiani ha fornito una Plakat sa međunarodnog skupa, okruglog stola i izložbe koji su se održali na Filozofskom godina prošlog stoljeća. Naime, Leo Valiani je dao breve presentazione della propria attività politica faultetu u Rijeci. kratki prikaz svoje političke djelatnosti Luciferu a Lucifero Martini. “Leo Valiani”, in Lucifero Martiniju. “Leo Valiani”, u Lucifero MARTINI, MARTINI, Parlano i protagonisti, Monografie Manifesto del convegno internazionale, tavola rotonda e mostra tenuta presso la Facoltà di Lettere Parlano i protagonisti, Monografie V, Rovigno: V, Rovigno: Centro di ricerche storiche Rovigno, e Filosofia a Fiume. Centro di ricerche storiche Rovigno, 1976., 165-169. 1976, 165-169. 100 101 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Ivan JELIČIĆ – Lea ČEČ LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Katalog izložbe Od Lea Weiczena do Lea Valianija / Catalogo della mostra Da Leo Weiczen a Leo Valiani

je pronaći posao te počinje raditi u Allora, essendo il padre obbligato a jednoj riječkoj banci. Valianijev otac prestare servizio civile a Budapest, nikad se nije bavio politikom, iako je tutta la famiglia vi si trasferì. Dopo u Rijeci podržavao Riccarda Zanellu, il crollo della Duplice Monarchia e la no stric s majčine strane, iz daleke Repubblica dei Consigli ungherese, Habsburške Bukovine, bio je aktivan nel giugno 1919 la famiglia Weiczen u socijalističkom pokretu. Sam Valiani ritornò a Fiume. In seguito alla će pak tvrditi da se već za vrijeme morte del padre, avvenuta nel 1924, boravka u Budimpešti rodio njegov il giovane Leo Valiani dovette trovare interes prema politici i da je počeo un impiego e iniziò a lavorare in una gajiti simpatije prema socijalizmu. banca fiumana. Il padre di Valiani D’Annunzijev pothvat, kojeg Valiani non si era mai occupato di politica, sa zanimanjem prati, i nasilje fašista u pur essendo un sostenitore di Riccardo Rijeci, doprinose, prema Valianijevom Zanella a Fiume. Lo zio da parte autonarativu, razvoju njegovih materna, proveniente dalla lontana politički ideala. Kao politički svjestan provincia asburgica della Bucovina, mladić, kako bi si priskrbio tiskovine era attivo nel movimento socialista. zabranjene u fašističkoj Rijeci, Valiani Valiani affermerà che già durante il počinje posjećivati obližnji Sušak. soggiorno a Budapest nacque il suo U istom razdoblju u kontaktu je interesse verso la politica e iniziò sa socijalističkim predstavnicima a simpatizzare per il socialismo. iz Milana. Policija ga tada, 1928. L’impresa dannunziana, che Valiani godine, po prvi puta uhićuje i šalje na seguì con interesse, e la violenza konfinaciju na otok Ponzu gdje Valiani fascista a Fiume, contribuirono, in postaje članom talijanske komunističke base all’auto-narrazione di Valiani, partije. Nakon odsluženja kazne, allo sviluppo dei suoi ideali politici. godinu dana kasnije, Valiani se Come ragazzo politicamente cosciente, vraća u rodni grad gdje organizira Valiani iniziò a frequentare la vicina komunistički pokret te biva ponovno Sušak per procurarsi pubblicazioni uhićen početkom 1931. godine. Ovog proibite nella Fiume fascista. In quello puta fašističke vlasti osuđuju ga na 12 stesso periodo fu in contatto con godina i 7 mjeseci zatvora. Valiani esponenti socialisti di Milano. Nel će u raznim talijanskim zatvorima 1928 la polizia lo arrestò per la prima odslužiti samo dio svoje kazne, da volta e lo mandò al confino sull’isola di bi nakon opće amnestije bio 1936. Ponza dove Valiani divenne membro protjeran iz Italije. Preko Švicarske del partito comunista italiano. Dopo ilegalno prelazi u Pariz gdje surađuje un anno, scontata la sua pena, Valiani s raznim ljevičarskim novinama, ritornò nella città natale organizzando ne isključivo na liniji Kominterne. il movimento comunista finendo Sudjeluje u Španjolskom građanskom nuovamente arrestato nel 1931. Questa ratu kao izvjestitelj novina talijanske volta le autorità fasciste lo condannano Fotografia 1 / Slika 1 komunističke partije te se približava a 12 anni e 7 mesi di carcere. Valiani DARi-536, Anagrafska zbirka, Registar pučanstva iz 1890., Slova T-Z, obitelj Waizen. istaknutim članovima talijanskog scontò nelle prigioni italiane solo una DARi-536, Raccolta anagrafica, Registro di popolazione del 1890, Lettere T-Z, famiglia Waizen. antifašističkog revolucionarno- parte della pena e dopo l’amnistia 102 103 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Ivan JELIČIĆ – Lea ČEČ LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Katalog izložbe Od Lea Weiczena do Lea Valianija / Catalogo della mostra Da Leo Weiczen a Leo Valiani

demokratskog pokreta Giustizia e generale del 1936 fu espulso dal Libertà. Nakon pakta Ribbentrop- territorio italiano. Attraverso la Molotov biva uhićen, te interniran Svizzera arrivò illegalmente a Parigi na Pirenejima. Otprije kolebajući se dove collaborò con giornali di u svojem političkom izboru, sada sinistra, non esclusivamente sulla izlazi iz komunističke partije, te linea del Comintern. Partecipò nakon njemačke okupacije Francuske alla Guerra civile spagnola come uspijeva pobjeći u Meksiko gdje ostaje corrispondente del giornale del sve do 1943. godine. Zahvaljujući partito comunista italiano e iniziò ad engleskim tajnim službama vraća se u avvicinarsi a eminenti personaggi del Italiju, sada kao član Partito d’Azione, movimento rivoluzionario antifascista stranke osnovane od pripadnika e democratico Giustizia e Libertà. Giustizia e Libertà, te postaje jedan od Successivamente al patto Ribbentrop- istaknutijih vođa talijanskog pokreta Molotov fu arrestato e internato sui Fotografia 2 / Slika 2 otpora. U povijesti će ostati upamćen Pirenei. Già prima titubante nelle DARi-22, Gradsko poglavarstvo Rijeka, kao predstavnik svoje stranke u sue convinzioni politiche, fuoriuscì L25/1920, Zahtjev Adolfa Weiczena za prijavu Komitetu nacionalnog oslobođenja za dal partito comunista, e dopo prebivališta u Općini Rijeka. sjever Italije (Comitato di Liberazione l’occupazione tedesca della Francia DARi-22, Magistrato Civico di Fiume, L25/1920, Nazionale Alta Italia), i jedan od riuscì a fuggire in Messico dove rimase Domanda di Adolfo Weiczen per l’accettazione potpisnika naredbe o ustanku u sino al 1943. Grazie ai servizi segreti nel nesso comunale. Milanu i naredbe o smaknuću britannici ritornò in Italia, ora nel Mussolinija. Nakon rata, postaje 1946. Partito d’Azione fondato dai membri godine članom talijanske Ustavotvorne di Giustizia e Libertà, e diventò una skupštine te se nakon raskola Partita delle figure di spicco della Resistenza. d’Azione prestaje aktivno baviti Nella storia è ricordato come politikom. Vraća se poslu u banci, ali rappresentante del proprio partito nel se posvećuje i plodnom publicističkom Comitato di Liberazione Nazionale radu te za života objavljuje preko Alta Italia e come uno dei firmatari 4.500 naslova. Za povjesničare della sentenza di morte di Mussolini. Austro-Ugarske Monarhije svakako Dopo la guerra, nel 1946 fu membro je izuzetno zanimljiva njegova studija dell’Assemblea Costituente, e dopo la raspada Monarhije La dissoluzione dissoluzione del Partito d’Azione cessò dell’Austria Ungheria, izvorno di occuparsi attivamente di politica. objavljena na talijanskom 1966., te Ritornò all’impiego in banca, ma si prevedena na engleski jezik nekoliko dedicò anche a una feconda attività godina kasnije pod naslovom The pubblicistica, pubblicando in totale End of Austria Hungary. Talijanski più di 4.500 scritti. Per gli storici a) b) predsjednik Sandro Petrini imenuje dell’Austria-Ungheria è sicuramente Fotografia 3 / Slika 3 Valianija doživotnim senatorom 1980. di particolare interesse il suo studio godine. Preminuo je u Milanu 1999. La dissoluzione dell’Austria Ungheria, a) DARi-536, Anagrafska zbirka, Osobni kartoni, Strani podanici, Waizen, Weiczen Leo. godine. Zanimljivo je istaknuti da originariamente pubblicato in italiano DARi-536, Raccolta anagrafica, Schede personali, Sudditi esteri, Waizen, Weiczen Leo. je Valiani bio i počasni predsjednik nel 1966 e tradotto in inglese con il b) DARi-536, Anagrafska zbirka, Osobni kartoni, Trajno nastanjeno stanovništvo, Weiczen Clara. Društva za riječke studije (Società di titolo The End of Austria Hungary. Il DARi-536, Raccolta anagrafica, Schede personali, Popolazione stabile, Weiczen Clara. studi fiumani) u Rimu. presidente Sandro Pertini nominò 104 105 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Ivan JELIČIĆ – Lea ČEČ LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Katalog izložbe Od Lea Weiczena do Lea Valianija / Catalogo della mostra Da Leo Weiczen a Leo Valiani

Važan aspekt naše izložbe Valiani senatore a vita nel 1980. tiče se njegovih prezimena. Leova Valiani è deceduto a Milano nel obitelj u Rijeci se najviše pojavljuje kao 1999. Valiani ricoprì anche la carica Weiczen, ali je prvi put registrirana di presidente onorario della Società di kao Waizen. Valianijeva starija sestra Studi fiumani a Roma. Selma odlučila je talijanizirati prezime Un aspetto importante, a cui Weiczen u Valiani 1930. godine, što je si lega la nostra mostra, riguarda il prouzročilo kritike druge sestre. Ipak, cognome di Leo Valiani. Il cognome i Clara (u talijanskim dokumentima della famiglia è stato solitamente često kao Chiara) će promijeniti trascritto a Fiume come Weiczen, anche svoje prezime u Valiani, no tek 1938. se inizialmente fu registrato come godine. Leo Valiani, koji se služio s više Waizen. La sorella maggiore Selma prezimena u ratu, prvi puta se potpisuje decise di italianizzare il cognome in u obliku «Valiani» tek u veljači 1944. Valiani nel 1930, attirandosi le critiche No, Leo Weiczen, ako ostavimo po dell’altra sorella. Ciononostante, anche strani njegove konspirativne nadimke, Clara cambiò il cognome in Valiani zapamćen je prije svega kao Leo ma appena nel 1938. Leo Valiani, c) d) Valiani. che utilizzò diversi pseudonimi in No usredotočimo se sada guerra, per la prima volta si firmò Fotografia 3 / Slika 3 na to što nam može arhivska građa come tale nel febbraio 1944. Tuttavia, c) DARi-536, Anagrafska zbirka, Osobni kartoni, Trajno nastanjeno stanovništvo, Weizen Valiani u Rijeci ponuditi za istraživanje o Leo Weiczen, se tralasciamo i nomi Selma i Pozivni karton, Weiczen Selma sada Valiani. ovoj istaknutoj ličnosti XX. stoljeća cospirativi utilizzati, è ricordato prima DARi-536, Raccolta anagrafica, Schede personali, Popolazione stabile, Weizen Valiani Selma e i njegovoj obitelji. U Državnom di tutto come Valiani. Cartolina di richiamo, Weiczen Selma ora Valiani. arhivu u Rijeci prisutna je relativno Concentriamoci ora su ciò che opsežna dokumentacija o obitelji la documentazione archivistica a Fiume d) DARi-536, Anagrafska zbirka, Osobni kartoni, Strani podanici Geller Margherita i Pozivni karton, Waizen, Weizen, Weiczen Margherita. Weiczen i mladome Leu Valianiju. può fornire per la ricerca su questa Kao što će biti vidljivo iz navedenih prominente figura del XX secolo e sulla DARi-536, Raccolta anagrafica, Schede personali, Suditti esteri, Geller Margherita e Cartolina di richiamo, Waizen, Weizen, Weiczen Margherita. dokumenata, prezime se pojavljuje sua famiglia. Nell’Archivio di Stato di u nekoliko različitih oblika. Iako je Fiume è presente una documentazione najvjerojatnije Waizen prva varijanta relativamente ampia sul nucleo prezimena zabilježena u Rijeci, koristit famigliare Weiczen o Waizen e sul ćemo nadalje Weiczen jer se upotreba giovane Leo Valiani. Come potremmo prezimena u tom obliku učvrstila u notare dai documenti citati, il talijanskoj historiografiji. cognome si presenta con alcune Iz Anagrafske zbirke (DARi- varianti. Probabilmente Waizen è la 536) izdvajamo podatke prisutne prima variante del cognome registrata u Registru pučanstva grada Rijeke a Fiume, ciononostante utilizzeremo i osobne kartone obitelji. Za svrhu di seguito Weiczen perché l’utilizzo ovog istraživanja korišten je Registar del cognome in questa forma si è pučanstva iz 1890. godine. Radi se consolidato nella storiografia italiana. o registru u uporabi od 1890., za Dalla Raccolta anagrafica vrijeme mađarske uprave, ali je isti (DARi-536) sono da segnalare i dati nadopunjavan i u razdoblju 1918.- presenti nel Registro di popolazione 1924. Zapravo nije riječ o popisu e le schede personali dei famigliari.

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cjelokupnog stanovništva grada Rijeke Per lo scopo di questa ricerca è stato već o listi osoba s riječkom zavičajnošću utilizzato il Registro di popolazione del (tal. pertinenza). Stoga, u svežnju za 1890. Si tratta di un registro adoperato slova T-Z nalazimo obitelj Waizen, dal 1890, durante il periodo della sastavljenu od oca Adolfa, majke sovranità ungarica, ma furono aggiunti Margherite i djece Selme, Lea i Clare nuovi nominativi anche nel periodo (Slika 1). Pored imena oca uočljiva je 1918-1924. Non si tratta perciò di un bilješka o stjecanju riječke zavičajnosti elenco di tutta la popolazione della 1920. godine što dovodi do zaključka città di Fiume, bensì di un elenco delle da je upis izvršen te godine. U fondu persone in possesso della pertinenza Gradskog poglavarstva (DARi-22) fiumana (in italiano corrente: očuvan je Adolfov zahtjev i rješenje residenza legale). Così, nel volume e) f) na temelju kojega čitava obitelj stječe per le lettere T-Z ritroviamo il nucleo Fotografia 3 / Slika 3 zavičajnost (Slika 2). Iako je prezime u famigliare dei Waizen, costituito dal Registru upisano Waizen, u zahtjevu padre Adolfo, dalla madre Margherita e) DARi-536, Anagrafska zbirka, Osobni kartoni, Pozivni karton, Geller Caterina rođena Herzl. se prezime pojavljuje u obliku Weitzen. e dai figli Selma, Leo e Chiara (Figura DARi-536, Raccolta anagrafica, Schede personali, Cartolina di richiamo, Geller Caterina nata Herzl. U svakom slučaju, Weiczeni postaju 1). Accanto al nome del padre è f) DARi-536, Anagrafska zbirka, Osobni kartoni, Strani podanici, Herzl Caterina. službeno članovi riječkog corpusa visibile una nota sull’acquisizione della DARi-536, Raccolta anagrafica, Schede personali, Suditti esteri, Herzl Caterina. separatuma tek nakon Prvog svjetskog pertinenza fiumana nel 1920 il che rata. porta alla conclusione che l’iscrizione Vratimo se ponovo na sia stata effettuata in quell’anno. Nel Anagrafsku zbirku. Nakon pripajanja fondo del Magistrato civico (DARi- Rijeke Kraljevini Italiji, počinju se 22) è conservata la richiesta di Adolfo koristiti osobni kartoni za stanovništvo e la delibera in base alla quale tutta la koje stalno ili privremeno prebiva u famiglia ottenne la pertinenza (Figura Kvarnerskoj provinciji. Za istraživanje 2). Anche se il cognome nel Registro o obitelji Weiczen izdvojili smo sljedeće è iscritto come Waizen, nella richiesta individualne kartone (Slika 3): il cognome della famiglia appare nella Popolazione stabile (Trajno forma Weitzen. In ogni caso, i Weiczen nastanjeno stanovništvo): Weiczen sono diventati ufficialmente membri Clara, Weizen Valiani Selma i Waizen del corpus separatum soltanto dopo la Weitzen Weitzen Guglielmina udata fine della Prima guerra mondiale. Zeisler (sestrična Adolfa Weiczen, kćer Ritorniamo nuovamente alla brata Valijanijeva oca). Raccolta anagrafica. Successivamente Sudditi esteri (Strani podanici): all’annessione della città di Fiume Geller Margherita i Waizen Weiczen al Regno d’Italia, iniziarono a Leo. essere utilizzate le schede personali Cartolina di richiamo (Pozivni per la popolazione stabilmente o karton): Weiczen Valiani Selma, temporaneamente presente nella Fotografia 4 / Slika 4 Waizen Weizen Weiczen Margherita Provincia del Carnaro. Per la ricerca DARi-53, Riječka kvestura, Kategorija A8 - Subverzivni elementi u provinciji, Osobni dosje i Geller Caterina rođena Herzl sulla famiglia Weiczen abbiamo Weiczen Lea. (Margheritina majka, Valianijeva estratto le seguenti schede individuali DARi-53, Questura di Fiume, Categoria A8 - Sovversivi della provincia, Fascicolo personale di baka). (Figura 3): Weiczen Leo. Popolazione precaria -Popolazione stabile: Weiczen 108 109 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Ivan JELIČIĆ – Lea ČEČ LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Katalog izložbe Od Lea Weiczena do Lea Valianija / Catalogo della mostra Da Leo Weiczen a Leo Valiani

(Privremeno stanovništvo): Weitzen Clara, Weizen Valiani Selma e Samuele (Valianijev stric, brat Waizen Weitzen Weitzen Guglielmina Valianijeva oca). coniugata Zeisler (cugina di Adolfo Osim učestalih varijacija Weiczen, figlia del fratello del padre di prezimena, prije svega treba zapaziti Valiani). različita državljanstva Weiczena. -Sudditi esteri: Geller Valianijena baka bila je rumunjska Margherita e Waizen Weiczen Leo. državljanka, Leo Valiani i njegova -Cartolina di richiamo: majka mađarski državljani, a Selma Weiczen Valiani Selma, Waizen i Clara posjedovale su talijansko Weizen Weiczen Margherita e Geller državljanstvo. Također, osobni kartoni Caterina nata Herzl (madre di pružaju i informacije o promjenama Margherita, nonna di Valiani). boravišta. Znamo da se Selma 1933. -Popolazione precaria: Weitzen godine trajno nastanila u Rimu, dok Samuele (zio di Valiani, fratello del će Clara, u promijenjenim političkim padre). okolnostima, to isto učiniti 1946. A parte le frequenti variazioni Leo je trajno uklonjen iz popisa 1936. del cognome, bisogna notare le diverse godine, a za majku nije zabilježena cittadinanze dei Weiczen. La nonna nikakva promjena iako znamo da je i di Valiani era cittadina romena, ona napustila Rijeku nakon uspostave Leo Valiani, come la madre, visse novog državnopravnog poretka 1945. a Fiume come cittadino ungherese, godine. Valijanijeva baka, Caterina mentre Selma e Chiara possedevano la Geller, preminula je u Rijeci 1944. cittadinanza italiana. Inoltre, le schede godine. Razumljivo, osobni karton personali forniscono informazioni Adolfa Waizena ne postoji, preminuo sul cambiamento della residenza. je u Zagrebu 1924. godine. Iz analize Sappiamo così che Selma nel 1933 si smo izostavili članove šire obitelji è trasferita permanentemente a Roma, poput Adolfovog brata i sestrične. mentre Clara, in condizioni politiche Sljedeći korisni fond ben diverse, farà lo stesso nel 1946. za istraživanje obitelji Weiczen Leo fu eliminato permanentemente Fotografia 5 / Slika 5 predstavlja Riječka kvestura (DARi- dalla lista nel 1936, mentre per la DARi-53, Riječka kvestura, Kategorija A8 - Subverzivni elementi u provinciji, Osobni dosje 53), fond policije iz razdoblja talijanske madre non è stato annotato alcun Weiczen Lea. uprave u Rijeci, gdje se nalaze dosjei cambiamento anche se sappiamo che DARi-53, Questura di Fiume, Categoria A8 - Sovversivi della provincia, Fascicolo personale di većine članova obitelji Weiczen. U anche lei abbandonò Fiume dopo la Weiczen Leo. kategoriji A8-Subverzivni elementi costituzione del nuovo ordine statale. u Riječkoj provinciji nalazi se La nonna di Valiani, Caterina Geller, naravno osobni dosje Weiczen Lea morì a Fiume nel 1944. La scheda s različitim podacima vezanim uz personale di Adolfo Waizen non esiste, njegovo praćenje i uhićenje. Međutim, in quanto egli è deceduto a Zagabria nel glavnina dokumentacije prisutna 1924. Dall’analisi abbiamo tralasciato je u osobnom dosjeu u Središnjem i membri della famiglia allargata come političkom imeniku (Casellario politico il fratello e la cugina di Adolfo. centrale) Središnjeg državnog arhiva u Il seguente fondo archivistico Rimu (Archivio Centrale dello Stato). utilizzato per la ricerca sulla famiglia

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Za izložbu smo koristili dvije policijske Weiczen è la Questura di Fiume fotografije Valianija iz njegovog(DARi-53), fondo della polizia del policijskog dosjea u Rijeci (Slike 4 periodo della sovranità italiana a i 5). Naslovna fotografija prikazuje Fiune, dove si trovano i fascicoli Valianija nakon prvog uhićenja 1928. della maggior parte dei membri della godine, kada je imao samo 19 godina, famiglia Weiczen. Nella categoria dok je druga fotografija nastala 1936. A8, “Sovversivi della provincia”, godine. Nadalje, u fondu kvesture, u è presente ovviamente il fascicolo kategoriji S-Stranci prisutni su dosjei personale di Weiczen Leo con diversi Geller Margherite, Herzl Caterine, dati relativi agli arresti e alla vigilanza Weiczen Chiare, Weitzen Guglielmine nei suoi confronti. Tuttavia, la i dosje Weiczen Lea. U fondu se ne documentazione principale è presente nalazi dosje oca, zbog očitog razloga, nel fascicolo del Casellario politico i sestre Selme jer ona trajno boravi u centrale dell’Archivio Centrale dello Rimu. U dosjeima se uglavnom nalazi Stato a Roma. Per la mostra abbiamo dokumentacija vezana uz boravak utilizzato due fotografie segnaletiche Weiczena u Rijeci, dakle podaci di Valiani presenti nel suo fascicolo vezani uz boravak stranih državljana di polizia a Fiume (Figure 4 e 5). La u Italiji (Slika 6). Općenito dosjei fotografia sulla copertina presenta su manje veličine, sadrže samo po Valiani dopo il primo arresto nel 1928 koji dokument, osim dosjea Herzl quando aveva solamente 19 anni, l’altra Caterine, koji ima malo veći obujam. fotografia è stata scattata durante il suo Iz Herzlinog dosjea doznajemo da internamento nel 1936. Sempre nel je Valianijeva baka doselila u Rijeku fondo della Questura, nella categoria 1925. godine. Dosje Chiare Weiczen, S - Stranieri, sono invece presenti i čije ime se navodi u tom obliku fascicoli di Geller Margherita, Herzl u svim sljedećim dokumentima, Caterina, Weiczen Chiara, Weitzen u kategoriji stranaca ukazuje na Guglielmina e un ulteriore fascicolo di gubitak talijanskog državljanstva, što Weiczen Leo. Nel fondo non si trovano je vidljivo i iz natuknice u osobnom i fascicoli del padre, perché deceduto kartonu. Upravo nas je natuknica nel 1924 e della sorella Selma, perché iz osobnog kartona potakla da permanentemente residente a Roma. koristimo u izložbi i fotografiju I fascicoli contengono principalmente prijepisa Kraljevskog dekreta dodjele documentazione riguardante il talijanskog državljanstva i zapisnik soggiorno in Italia dei Weiczen položene prisege Weiczen Chiare. dunque documenti riguardanti il Radi se o stranici iz Registra akata soggiorno cittadini stranieri in Italia za državljanstva u fondu Gradskog (Figura 6). In genere, i fascicoli sono poglavarstva (Slika 7). Kao što je di dimensioni ridotte, contengono vidljivo iz bilješke, Valianijevoj sestri soltanto qualche documento, tranne il Fotografia 6 / Slika 6 je oduzeto talijanskog državljanstvo fascicolo di Herzl Caterina, questi con DARi-53, Riječka kvestura, Kategorija S - Stranci, Osobni dosje Weiczen Lea, Boravišna dozvola. početkom 1939. godine. Rezultat je una quantità maggiore di documenti. DARi-53, Questura di Fiume, Categoria S - Stranieri, Fascicolo personale di Weiczen Leo, Permesso to provedbe Rasnih zakona, za čije Dal fascicolo personale della Herzl di soggiorno. se istraživanje može koristiti i fond scopriamo che la nonna di Valiani si

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prefekture. trasferì a Fiume nel 1925. Il fascicolo Istraživanje je stoga zaključeno di Chiara Weiczen nella categoria konzultacijom dokumentacije Riječke degli stranieri è il risultato della prefekture (DARi-8). Unutar izrazito perdita della cittadinanza italiana, opsežnog fonda, među ostalim, nalaze visibile anche dalla nota nella scheda se predmeti vezani uz oduzimanje personale. Proprio la nota della scheda državljanstva osobama “Židovske personale ci ha spronati a utilizzare rase”, ali i dokumentacija o promjeni nella mostra anche la fotografia della prezimena. Odlučili smo stoga trascrizione del Decreto Reale di prikazati odredbu kojom je Weiczen concessa cittadinanza italiana e del Chiari na prijedlog Ducea i u ime verbale di prestato giuramento di kralja oduzeto talijansko državljanstvo Weiczen Chiara (Figura 7). Si tratta di (Slika 8). Dokumentacija omogućava una pagina del Registro degli Atti di prikaz položaja mnogobrojnih riječkih cittadinanza del fondo del Magistrato Židova koji su u kratkom vremenskom civico. Come è visile della nota, razdoblju najprije ostvarili pravo alla sorella di Valiani fu revocata la na talijansko državljanstvo da bi ga cittadinanza italiana all’inizio del 1939. Fotografia 7 / Slika 7 provedbom Rasnih zakona izgubili. Ciò è il risultato dell’implementazione DARi-22, Gradsko poglavarstvo Rijeka, Registar akata za državljanstvo, 1934. godina, Prijepis Kako Rasni zakoni nisu bili središte delle Leggi razziali, per la cui ricerca Kraljevskog dekreta dodijele talijanskog državljanstva i zapisnika položene prisege Weiczen Chiare. istraživanja, usredotočili smo se na si può utilizare anche il fondo della DARi-22, Magistrato Civico di Fiume, Registro degli atti di cittadinanza, anno 1934, Trascrizione del zahtjeve dvaju sestara za promjenom Prefettura. Decreto Reale di concessa cittadinanza italiana e del verbale di prestato giuramento di Weiczen Chiara. prezimena u Valiani. Ovi dokumenti La ricerca è stata quindi još jednom zorno prikazuju integraciju conclusa con la consultazione della mlađih generacija Weiczena. documentazione della Prefettura di Valianijeva starija sestra Selma odlučila Fiume (DARi-8). All’interno di un je talijanizirati prezime u oblik Valiani fondo molto voluminoso, tra diversi 1930. godine, što joj je riječki prefekt documenti, si trovano atti riguardanti i odobrio godinu dana kasnije (Slika la revoca della cittadinanza alle 9). Kako znamo iz istraživanja A. persone di “razza ebraica” ma anche la Ricciardia, odluka je dovela do trzavica documentazione riguardante i cambi s mlađom sestrom, međutim i sama se di cognome. Abbiamo perciò deciso Chiara odlučila na talijanizaciju 1937. di esporre la decisione con la quale a godine (Slika 10), najvjerojatnije zbog Weiczen Clara, nei documenti citata antisemitizma koji je tada bio sve come Chiara, su proposta del Duce e a osjetniji u Italiji. Svakako je zanimljivo nome del Re, fu revocata la cittadinanza da će taj oblik kasnije preuzeti i Leo italiana (Figura 8). La documentazione Fotografia 8 / Slika 8 te da se nakon pada fašističkog režima permette di mostrare la condizione di neće odlučiti za povratak na izvorni molti ebrei fiumani che in un breve DARi-8, Riječka prefektura, Kabinetski spisi, oblik prezimena. lasso temporale hanno prima ottenuto 1938-1945, Obrana rase, Kopija opoziva talijanskog državljanstva Weiczen Chiari. Što se tiče ostalih izvora il diritto alla cittadinanza italiana per dostupnih u Rijeci, bilježimo kako je u perderlo con l’introduzione delle leggi DARi-8, Prefettura di Fiume, Atti di Gabinetto, 1938-1945, Difesa della Razza, Copia della Vodiču za Rijeku (Guida di Fiume) iz razziali. Siccome le leggi razziali non revoca della cittadinanza italiana a Weiczen 1915. naveden i obrt Adolfa Waizena erano al centro della nostra ricerca, Chiara. (Slika 11). Iskoristili smo Vodič iz te ci siano focalizzati sulle richieste di 114 115 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Ivan JELIČIĆ – Lea ČEČ LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Katalog izložbe Od Lea Weiczena do Lea Valianija / Catalogo della mostra Da Leo Weiczen a Leo Valiani

godine jer je samo taj primjerak bio cambiamento del cognome delle due dostupan u Državnom arhivu u Rijeci. sorelle. Questi documenti dimostrano Iz prijašnjih godišta, prisutnih u chiaramente l’integrazione delle Sveučilišnoj knjižnici, uočljivo je kako giovani generazioni dei Weiczen. La su Adolfova braća bila registrirana u sorella maggiore di Valiani, Selma, imeniku s oblikom prezimena Waizen ha deciso di italianizzare il cognome 1902. godine, dok je Adolfo registriran nella forma Valiani nel 1930, richiesta istim tim prezimenom u vodiču iz accetta dal Prefetto di Fiume l’anno 1909. Te dokumente, kao i fotografiju seguente (Figura 9). Come sappiamo stranice iz Registra obrta registriranih dalle ricerche di Ricciardi, la decisione u Rijeci u razdoblju 1876.-1921., iz ha portato a tensioni con la sorella Fotografia 9 / Slika 9 fonda Trgovačko-obrtničke komore minore, ciononostante anche Chiara DARi-8, Riječka prefektura, Kabinetski spisi, (DARi-179), gdje je obrt Waizen si decise per l’italianizzazione nel 1925-1937, 1-2-2/1, 1930. godina, Waizen Adolfa upisan 1906. godine, nismo 1937 (Figura 10) probabilmente per Selma, Promjena prezimena, Prefektovo rješenje o povratu prezimena u talijanski oblik iskoristili. Budući da se istraživanje l’antisemitismo, in quegli anni sempre za Weiczen Selmu. pokušalo usredotočiti na Valianija, più presente in Italia. Sicuramente è DARi-8, Prefettura di Fiume, Atti di Gabinetto, izdvojili smo novinski članak o interessante notare come questa forma 1925-1937, 1-2-2/1, anno 1930, Waizen Selma, njegovom suđenju iz 1931. godine iz del cognome fu accolta da Leo e dopo Modifica cognome, Decreto prefettizio di “La Vedetta d’Italia”, jedinih riječkih la caduta del regime fascista non si riduzione del cognome in forma italiana per dnevnih novina iz fašističkog razdoblja decideranno a ripristinare la forma Weiczen Selma. (Slika 12). U članku je “Mađar Leo originaria del cognome. Weiczen” opisan kao najinteligentniji Per quanto riguarda altre i najlukaviji od osmorice optuženih, fonti disponibili a Fiume, notiamo te kao osoba koja poznaje više jezika come nella Guida di Fiume del i drži se poput “intelektualca” unutar 1915 è menzionata anche la ditta di pokreta. Zanimljivo, članak o suđenju Adolfo Waizen (Figura 11). Abbiamo pred Specijalnim sudom za obranu utilizzato la Guida di quell’anno Države (Tribunale speciale per la difesa perché solo tale edizione era disponibile dello Stato), kao i dokumentacija presso l’Archivio di Stato di Fiume. koju citira Ricciardi, ne donosi Dalle annate precedenti, presenti nella nikakve informacije o Valianijevoj Biblioteca universitaria (Sveučilišna istupu po kojem Slovenci i Hrvati knjižnica) è visibile come i fratelli di iz Julijske krajine (Venezie Giulie) Adolfo erano registrati nell’elenco imaju pravo slobodno koristiti svoj delle ditte con la forma Waizen nel jezik u školama. Podsjetimo, Valiani 1902, mentre Adolfo è registrato con Fotografia 10 / Slika 10 će takvu rekonstrukciju događaja lo stesso cognome nella Guida del DARi-8, Riječka prefektura, Kabinetski ispričati Luciferu Martiniju u prvom 1909. Questi documenti, come pure spisi, 1-2-2/1, 1937. godina, Weiczen Chiara, tekstu o svom antifašističkom la fotografia della pagina del Registro Promjena prezimena, Zahtjev za povratak djelovanju objavljenom u Jugoslaviji delle ditte registrate a Fiume nel prezimena u talijanski oblik Chiare Weiczen u Valiani. na talijanskom jeziku 1976. godine. periodo 1876-1921, del fondo della Na kraju, u izložbu su Camera d’industria e di commercio DARi-8, Prefettura di Fiume, Atti di Gabinetto, 1-2-2/1, anno 1937, Weiczen Chiara, Modifica di ukomponirana i dva dokumenta iz (DARi-179), dove la ditta di Waizen cognome, Domanda di riduzione del cognome Arhiva Društva za riječke studije Adolfo è registrata nel 1906, non in forma italiana di Chiara Weiczen in Valiani. u Rimu: Valianijev potpis u pismu sono stati utilizzati. Siccome abbiamo 116 117 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Ivan JELIČIĆ – Lea ČEČ LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Katalog izložbe Od Lea Weiczena do Lea Valianija / Catalogo della mostra Da Leo Weiczen a Leo Valiani

upućenom osamdesetih godina cercato di concentrare il più possibile la prošlog stoljeća Luigiju Peteaniju te ricerca su Valiani, abbiamo estrapolato fotografija Valianija na jednom skupu l’articolo di giornale sul processo del u Rimu iz istog razdoblja (Slike 13 i 1931 dal giornale “La Vedetta d’Italia”, 14). unico quotidiano fiumano del periodo Iako zbog pijeteta nismo u fascista (Figura 12). Nell’articolo izložbu uvrstili fotografiju grobnice “l’ungherese Leo Weiczen” è descritto Valianijeve bake, radi spoznaje da se come il più intelligente e il più povijest ne krije samo u prašnjavim scaltro tra gli otto imputati, una dokumentima, ovdje ćemo navesti da persona che conosce più lingue e si Caterina Geller, rođena Herzl, zauvijek posa a “intellettuale” all’interno del Fotografia 11 / Slika 11 počiva na Židovskom groblju u Rijeci movimento. L’articolo sul processo di Guida di Fiume, Fiume: Stabilimento (Sekcija B, Grobno mjesto 63). fronte al Tribunale speciale per la difesa tipografico Minerva, 1915., 268-289. Umjesto zaključka, željeli dello Stato, come la documentazione Guida di Fiume, Fiume: Stabilimento bismo se zahvaliti svima koji su che cita Ricciardi, non contengono tipografico Minerva, 1915, 268-289. doprinijeli realizaciji izložbe: Društvu alcuna informazione sulla sortita za riječke studije (Società di Studi di Valiani riguardo al diritto degli fiumani) koje nam je dopustilo da Sloveni e Croati della Venezia Giulia se služimo njihovim fotografijama, di utilizzare liberalmente la loro lingua učenicama talijanske srednje škole nelle scuole. Ricordiamolo, Valiani ha (Martina Ban, Ileana Čalmić, Debora fornito tale ricostruzione dei fatti a Grdinić, Nina Rukavina i Martina Lucifero Martini nel primo testo sulla Šikić) i njihovim profesorima Dariju propria attività antifascista pubblicato Banu i Marku Zotiću, te nadasve in Jugoslavia in italiano nel 1976. ravnatelju i zaposlenicima Državnog Infine, nella mostra sono arhiva u Rijeci na pruženoj pomoći. stati assemblati anche due documenti Posebne zahvale idu i organizatorima dell’Archivio della Società di Studi međunarodnog skupa Vanniju fiumani a Roma: la firma di Valiani D’Alessiju, Carli Konti i Predragu in una lettera mandata a Luigi Peteani Šustaru. negli anni Ottanta del secolo scorso e la fotografia di Valiani a un convengo a Roma dello stesso periodo (Figura 13 e 14) Anche se per rispetto non abbiamo inserito nella mostra la fotografia della lapide della nonna di Valiani, per far comprendere come la storia non si nasconde solo in polverosi documenti, citeremo che Fotografia 12 / Slika 12 Caterina Geller, nata Herzl, riposa “Specijalni sud za obranu Države osudio osam riječkih komunista”, u La Vedetta d’Italia, Rijeka, perennemente al Cimitero ebraico di (28. studeni 1931.), 3. Fiume (Sezione B, Posto tombale 63). “Otto comunisti fiumani condannati dal Tribunale Speciale per la difesa dello Stato”, in La Vedetta In conclusione, vorremmo d’Italia, Fiume, (28 novembre 1931), 3. ringraziare tutti coloro che hanno 118 119 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Ivan JELIČIĆ – Lea ČEČ LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Katalog izložbe Od Lea Weiczena do Lea Valianija / Catalogo della mostra Da Leo Weiczen a Leo Valiani

contribuito alla realizzazione della mostra; la Società di Studi fiumani che gentilmente ci ha permesso di utilizzare le loro fotografie, le alunne della scuola media superiore italiana Martina Ban, Ileana Čalmić, Debora Grdinić, Nina Rukavina e Martina Šikić e i loro professori Dario Ban e Marko Zotić, e soprattutto il direttore e gli impiegati dell’Archivio di Stato di Fiume per l’aiuto fornito. Fotografia 13 / Slika 13 Un ringraziamento particolare va Società di Studi fiumani, Archivio anche agli organizzatori del convengo Museo Storico di Fiume, Fondo internazionale Vanni D’Alessio, Carla Esodo Giuliano-Dalmata, Pismo Lea Valianija odvjetniku Luigiju Konta e Predrag Šustar. Peteaniju, 8. ožujka 1985. Società di Studi fiumani, Archivio Museo Storico di Fiume, Fondo Esodo Giuliano-Dalmata, Lettera di Leo Valiani all’avvocato Luigi Peteani, 8 marzo 1985.

Fotografia 14 / Slika 14 Società di Studi fiumani, Archivio Museo Storico di Fiume, Fondo Esodo Giuliano-Dalmata, Fotografija Lea Valianija (u sredini) na Skupu “Studi Fiumani” održan 4. prosinca 1982. u Rimu. Società di Studi fiumani, Archivio Museo Storico di Fiume, Fondo Esodo Giuliano-Dalmata, Foto di Leo Valiani (in centro) al Convegno del 4 dicembre 1982 “Studi Fiumani” tenutosi a Roma. 120 121 Ervin DUBROVIĆ Intelektualci, fašisti i antifašisti

Intelektualci, fašisti i antifašisti Ervin DUBROVIĆ Muzej grada Rijeke Hrvatska

Govoreći o svom revolucionarnom radu Leo Valiani opisuje svoje i obiteljske prilike i svoje mladenačke godine u Rijeci, te daje i opis političkih prilika u Rijeci uoči i nakon Prvog svjetskog rata sve do kraja dvadesetih godina.1 Budući da je njegova obitelj stanovala nadomak Guvernerove palače, sa svoga je balkona kao dijete gledao i bombardiranje D’Annunzijeve rezidencije na Krvavi Božić 1920. i nacionalistički i fašistički upad, kojim je 3. ožujka 1922. srušena Riječka država. Njegov je otac bio gorljivi pristaša Riccarda Zanele, te je upoznao i neke od vodećih ljudi autonomističke stranke i propale Države. Iako mu je u D’Anunnzijevo doba otac poslovno posve propao i stoga bio neprijateljski raspoložen prema „pjesniku-komandantu“, on sam nije bio siguran je li D’Annunzio u pravu ili u krivu. U to se vrijeme, još kao učenik niže gimnazije, već smatrao socijalistom i fašisti su mu otpočetka bili mrski. Prema vlastitim je riječima bio prerano sazrio i već tada čitao austrijske, talijanske i mađarske novine, te se zagrijao i za daleka revolucionarna zbivanja u Rusiji i Mađarskoj i suosjećao s talijanskim i riječkim socijalistima i komunistima pogođenim fašističkim nasiljem. U svojim uspomenama Valiani opisuje i neke pojedinosti iz riječkog perioda i vlastitog revolucionarnog rada, u kojima podsjeća na represiju kojom je fašistički režim progonio svoje protivnike. U vrijeme brzih događanja, od Matteottijeva ubojstva 1924. do izvanrednih zakona donesenih 1926., zbog očeve je smrti Valiani morao prekinuti školovanje i zaposliti se u Banca Mobiliare; imao je i prve susrete s riječkim antifašistima te, unatoč mladosti, imao je tek petnaestak godina, čitao Marxa, Engelsa, Lenjina, Trockog, Otta Bauera i Kautskog, u talijanskim prijevodima i u izvornim izdanjima na njemačkom. Progoni koji su uslijedili nakon ukidanja svih političkih stranaka osim fašističke, započeti su upravo na riječkome području. Prvi je proces fašističkog Specijalnog suda za zaštitu države (Tribunale speciale per la difesa dello Stato - nazivan i Tribunale speciale fascista), datiran 17. veljače 1927. s oznakom „naredba br. 1“ vezan uz Kvarnersku provinciju. Sušački komunist nastanjen u Pivki (San Pietro del Carso) uhićen je zbog „podržavanja nasilja, omalovažavanja državnih ustanova i vrijeđanja Mussolinija“.2 Upravo su

1 Lucifero MARTINI, Parlano i protagonisti, Memorie e documenti raccolti per una storia di Fiume nella Lotta popolare di liberazione fino al 1943, Il „Battaglione Fiumano“ e il „Battaglione garibaldi“, Monografie V, Rovigno: Centro di ricerche storiche, 1976, 165-169. 2 Luciano GIURICIN, „Radnički i komunistički pokret u Rijeci od 1924. do 1941. godine,“ u: Radnički pokret na riječkom području 1918. – 1941. Ljubinka KARPOWICZ (ur.), Rijeka: Centar za historiju radničkog pokreta i NOR-a Istre, Hrvatskog primorja i Gorskog kotara, 1982., 83; A. DEL PONTE – S. CAROLINI, L’ Italia dissidente e antifascista, sv. I., 1927. – 1931.,Milano: La Pietra, 1980. 123 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Ervin DUBROVIĆ LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Intelektualci, fašisti i antifašisti

u istočnim pograničnim krajevima, u Trstu i Rijeci, fašisti imali najranije i „duhovnu obnovu“.6 najjače uporište. Brojni fašistički ideolozi i intelektualci iznose svoje stavove u la Vedetti. U skladu s ljevičarskim internacionalističkim sklonostima Valiani Režimom je posebno oduševljen Nino Host-Venturi, jedan od najutjecajnijih često odlazi preko granice, na Sušak, kao i u Zagreb kod znamenitog hrvatskog fašističkih vođa Kvarnerske provincije.7 Upravo u vrijeme održavanja skupa radničkog vođe i socijalista Božidara Adžije. Budući da su ga na Sušaku vidjeli fašističke kulture u Bologni krajem ožujka 1925. on na stranicama La Vedette sa zabranjenim novinama u ruci (Liberta) već je 27. veljače 1928. bio uhićen brani zakon uperen protiv slobode tiska, koji objašnjava nužnošću obrane i u riječkom zatvoru upoznao komuniste. Iako nije nijekao socijalističke ideje fašističke države i potrebom da se narod prožme fašističkim duhom. Fašisti Specijalni ga je sud zbog nedostatka dokaza o protudržavnom radu oslobodio moraju izoštriti svoj um, kaže Host-Venturi, da bi ga nemilosrdnom kritikom optužbe, no policija ga je ipak smjestila u konfinaciju na otok Ponza, gdje je mogli uperiti protiv socijalizma, liberalizma i demokracije jer „fašistička stupio u komunističku partiju i nastavio ilegalni rad. U Partiju ga je primio revolucija, u čvrstim rukama našega Ducea, vodi Italiju k trijumfu i sjaju Giuseppe Berti s kojim ga povezuje i kasnija sudbina povjesničara i slične teme. carskoga Rima“.8 U Rijeku se Valiani vraća ujesen 1929. i nastavlja raditi u banci te Od kraja 1925., Host-Venturi je sekretar (segretario federale) Fašističke odmah stupa u kontakt s komunističkim podzemljem. Već je početkom 1931. partije Kvarnerske provincije i tu dužnost obnaša do 1928. godine. Iako nastoji uhićen te, nakon višemjesečne istrage i suđenja na Specijalnom sudu, osuđen isključiti upotrebu sile i zavesti strog nadzor nad ekstremistima, istodobno na dugogodišnji zatvor, čime je zauvijek prekinuta njegova veza s rodnim ojačava stranku i vlast fašističkog režima u Rijeci, nastojeći podići gospodarstvo gradom.3 i pokrenuti društveni život. Ubrzo je stekao brojne pristaše i posve potisnuo Unatoč obrazovanosti (doduše neformalnoj!) Valianija se kao i brojne autonomiste i masone. Iako nije uspio potaknuti rast gospodarstva, vladi u druge antifašiste njegova kova u vrijeme ključnih godina konspirativnog rada ne Rimu bilo je važnije da je posve potisnuo strani, naročito hrvatski kapital.9 može nazivati intelektualcem. Njegova je misija prvenstveno u pragmatičnom U nedostatku konkretnijih argumenata, La Vedetta se koristi i radu, u težnji da sruši fašistički režim i oružjem osvoji vlast. Iako je njegova najprizemnijim pogrdama pa čak i talijanske riječke komuniste naziva biografija vrlo dobro poznata manje su poznate njegove mladalačke, riječke pogrdnim imenom skovanim za pristaše Hrvata, croatazzi, a o njihovoj partiji godine. Ovim kratkim prikazom želim podsjetiti na njegovu, kao i druge govori kao o leglu jugoslavenske propagande. tipične sudbine revolucionara toga doba, koji mahom više godina provode u Uz političke stranke i ideološke neprijatelje, fašistima su najveći trn u zatvoru nego na slobodi.4 oku nacionalne manjine. Na istočnoj izvidnici Italije to su Hrvati i Slovenci. No što se događa s onima koji se samo pasivno opiru fašizmu i Direktor La Vedette u članku Mir s Hrvatima iz Hrvatske ne s... Hrvatima na nepoćudni su režimu iako ne poduzimaju ništa da ga sruše? Vrlo je uvjerljiva unutarnjem bojištu, pozdravlja „one prijeko, „izvorne Hrvate“ s kojima imamo tvrdnja da su Mussolinijevo nasilno gušenje građanskih sloboda i zavođenje susjedske i prijateljske odnose, čast i onim malobrojnim sugrađanima s kojima diktatorske vlasti prvenstveno potakli dekadentni intelektualci okupljeni oko dijelimo jednaka prava i dužnosti.10 No neki su Hrvati i Slovenci unutarnji najutjecajnijih firentinskih književnih revija Il Leonardo i La Voce, koje su širile neprijatelji, osobito oni koji nemaju vlastite domovine, nego su svojedobno do mit o duhovnoj degeneraciji Italije.5 Zato je i podvrgnuo medije fašističkoj posljednjega daha branili neprijateljsku Habsburšku Carevinu, a danas im je kontroli te ukinuo sav oporbeni tisak. pak nova domovina – Rusija“. Direktor potiče predrasude i širi staro uvjerenje Prevladavajuće raspoloženje u međuratnoj Rijeci dobro se očitava iz napisa što ih objavljuje La Vedetta d’Italia (Talijanska izvidnica), osnovana 6 Opširno izvješće s kongresa fašističkih intelektualaca u Bologni prenosi uvodne riječi kojima se ističe da u kolovozu 1919. s programom sjedinjenja Rijeke s Italijom. U doba Mađara je fašizam u stanju isti dan mobilizirati borbene skupine skvadrista, kao i stotine znanstvenika i književnika. Rinascenza spirituale, Il Convegno di cultura fascista solennamente inaugurato a Bologna, La Vedetta d’Italia, u gradu je bilo više novina na raznim jezicima s različitom nacionalnom i god. VII., br. 75, 29. III. 1925., 2. političkom koncepcijom, no u međuratno doba La Vedetta nema suparnika. 7 Na Kongresu fašističke kulture u Bologni 29. i 30. ožujka 1925., priređen je Manifesto degli intelettuali Kada se sredinom dvadesetih u Rijeci već učvrstila talijanska vlast, La Vedetta fascisti, a prvi put objavljen u Il Popolo d’Italia, službenom listu Fašističke partije (Partito Nazionale Fascista) 21. travnja iste godine i potom u brojnim publikacijama. se usmjerava na promidžbu fašizma, na borbu protiv neprijatelja režima i na Kao svoj odgovor antifašistički intelektualci su svoj Manifesto degli inteletuali antifascisti prvi put objavili u dnevniku Il Mondo 1. svibnja 1925. godine. Priredio ga je Benedetto Croce koji se time sukobio sa svojim nekadašnjim suradnikom, donedavnim ministrom obrazovanja Giovannijem Gentileom, jednim od glavnih 3 Sentenza N. 70 del 26-11-1931: Il Weiczen, suddito ungherese, dirige un’ organizzazione comunista a Fiume, autora Manifesta fašističkih intelektualaca. con addentellati anche nelle provincie limitrofe. Gli arresti hanno luogo nel febbraio 1931. (Costituzione del 8 Nino HOST VENTURI, Tutto il potere a tutto il fascismo; Impressioni del Congresso di Roma, La Vedetta P.C.I. appartenenza allo stesso, propaganda). Weiczen Leo, Fiume, 9-2-1909, impiegato anni 12 e mesi 7. d’Italia, god. VII., br. 155, 2. VII. 1925., 1. MARTINI, Parlano i protagonisti, 241. 9 Antonella ERCOLANI, 201–202. 4 GIURICIN, „Radnički i komunistički pokret u Rijeci od 1924. do 1941. godine“, 84. 10 Giovanni MICELI, Pace con i Croati della Croazia non coi... Croati del Fronte interno, La Vedetta d’Italia, 5 Emilio GENTILE, Fascismo in tre capitoli, Rim-Bari: Editori Laterza, 2011., 15–16. god. VII., br. 162, 10. VII. 1925., 1. 124 125 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Ervin DUBROVIĆ LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Intelektualci, fašisti i antifašisti

da su u ratovima za oslobođenje Italije i u Prvome svjetskom ratu hrvatske čete Ravegnaniju predbacuje fašizmu da opterećuje uzajamne odnose.15 odigrale ključnu ulogu u obrani Habsburškoga Carstva i da su u tim ratovima Ravegnani se pak osjeća pogođenim pa 15. rujna 1922. odgovara prerevno harale talijanskim krajevima. pomalo polemičkim tonom, no i dalje voljnim za suradnju. „Primio sam Odraz je krajnjega nacionalističkog raspoloženja i predavanje što ga ovdje na selu vaše pismo....Već sam više puta u časopisu Poesia ed Arte objavio nekoliko godina poslije drži povjesničar Silvino Gigante, ravnatelj gimnazije prijevode srpskih, mađarskih, hrvatskih i slovenskih pjesnika. U jednom sam Dante Alighieri, stariji brat Riccarda Gigantea, jednog od prvaka riječkih članku u bolonjskim novinama Il Resto del Carlino, u kojima sam kritičar, fašista. U organizaciji Riječkoga fašističkog instituta za kulturu, Silvino govori prikazao i Mažuranićevu Pjesan Smrt Smail-age Čengića. Kao što vidite, radim o povijesnim okvirima hrvatskoga posezanja za Rijekom.11 O Hrvatima na prekojadranskim književnostima iako sam fašist, čak skvadrist, pripadnik govori izrazito podcjenjivačkim tonom a, nakon obračuna s hrvatskim borbenih skupina. No... među nama umjetnicima bolje je ne govoriti o politici. težnjama u odnosu na Rijeku, predavanje završava napadom na nekadašnjeg Vidjet ćete da ću vaše pjesme, kad ih dobijem, objaviti čim prije bude moguće ministra vanjskih poslova grofa Carla Sforzu kojega, zbog njegove prevelike jer za mene umjetnost ne poznaje granica.“ 16 popustljivosti prema susjedima u pitanjima određivanja granice, optužuje za Bez obzira na uvjerenje o uzvišenom položaju umjetnosti koja donedavno jadno stanje „Italijice“ (Italietta!) 12 ne poznaje granica, politički progoni i pritisci natjerali su brojne istarske i I prekogranični odnosi između talijanskih i hrvatskih intelektualaca primorske pisce da uteknu preko talijanske granice. Kako Rikard Katalinić katkad poprimaju polemičke tonove. Rikard Katalinić Jeretov, pjesnik rodom Jeretov, tako i drugi hrvatski pisci iz talijanskih područja, Kvarnera i Istre, iz Voloskog, nekadašnji riječki školarac, učenik mađarske Trgovačke akademije prelaze u hrvatski Sušak ili u Zagreb. Među inima i Viktor Car Emin, Drago u Rijeci, nakon Prvoga svjetskog rata glasni je zagovornik hrvatske Rijeke, te je Gervais, Mate Balota (Mijo Mirković) i Zvane Črnja.17 jedan od glavnih pisaca polemičkih napisa u L’Adriatico Jugoslavo, zagrebačkim Pogodan je primjer antifašističkog intelektualca skromni ragioniere, novinama koje agitiraju za hrvatska i jugoslavenska prava na Jadranu. Jeretov činovnik u Istituto tecnico i potom u Casa comunale di risparmio koji, međutim, je najpoznatiji kao hrvatski domoljubni pjesnik (prva zbirka Pozdrav istarskog preuzima misiju uzajamnog širenja kulture među obližnjim narodima kao Hrvata, Zadar, 1891.), suradnik brojnih novina i književnih revija. posrednik između jugoslavenskih i talijanskih pjesnika i pisaca. Riječ je Pisao je i prevodio hrvatske pjesnike na talijanski te 1904. i 1905. o Francescu Dreniku (u međuratno doba postaje Drenig, a poznat je i pod objavljivao u firentinskom časopisu Nuova Rassegna. Nakon Prvoga svjetskog književnim pseudonimom Bruno Neri - rođen je u Rijeci 1892., a umro u rata vraća se iz konfinacije u Beču te radi u zagrebačkom Presse Birou i na Fabrianu kod Ancone 1950.).18 zbrinjavanju istarskih izbjeglica u Jugoslavenskoj matici kojoj je do kraja 1927. Drenig je bivši iredentist, u krugovima riječkih Talijana poznat kao bio tajnik.13 član udarne trojke koja je u listopadu 1913. izazvala eksploziju u dvorištu U zreloj dobi Jeretov je vodio prepisku s mladim pjesnikom, novinarom Guvernerove palače. Svoju su akciju mladi Talijani uperili protiv mađarskih i kritičarom Giuseppeom Ravegnanijem iz San Patrignana u Romagni, koji vlasti s namjerom da izazovu pažnju i postignu politički efekt. Nisu ni htjeli potječe iz umjetničke obitelji u kojoj je najslavniji istoimeni djed, slikar ugroziti guvernera, za kojega se znalo da je tih dana odsutan. i scenograf. Ravegnani već u to vrijeme surađuje i s riječkim talijanskim Poslije ratnog iskustva na bojišnici u Galiciji Drenigova se borbenost časopisima, te kontaktira i s hrvatskim piscima.14 gasi, te svoje hrvatsko-slovensko porijeklo i poznavanje oba jezika odjednom Unatoč zadovoljstvu što talijanski pjesnik kani njegove pjesme objaviti doživljava kao prednost te osniva prve riječke časopise za kulturu, La Fiumanella na talijanskom kao doprinos uzajamnom „približavanju dvaju toliko bliskih (1921.) i Delta (1923.-1925.). naroda“, Jeretov koji tada živi u Zagrebu, podalje od talijanske granice i Kada potkraj 1921. Miroslava Krležu predstavlja čitateljima La rodnoga kraja, već ljeti 1922., prije Mussolinijeva uspona na vlast, u pismu Fiumanelle, Drenig-Neri posebno ističe njegov izravni komunistički angažman i agitiranje za Komunističku partiju. U istoj reviji objavljuje i anarhista 11 Silvino GIGANTE, Fiume e i croati, conferenza tenuta il 17 febbraio 1928, Istituto fascista di cultura Fiume, 1928. 12 Isto, 30–31. 15 Koncept pisma sačuvan u ostavštini Rikarda Katalinića Jeretova u Gradskoj knjižnici i čitaonici Viktor 13 Rikard Katalinić Jeretov (Volosko, 1869. – Split, 1954.). Car Emin u Opatiji, kutija VII. Najveći dio života izbiva iz rodnog kraja. Godinu dana boravi u Beču (1897. – 1898.), potom putuje i dvije 16 Ostavština Rikarda Katalinića Jeretova, Gradska knjižnica i čitaonica Viktor Car Emin, Opatija, kutija VII. godine, 1898. – 1900., provodi u Francuskoj, Engleskoj i Italiji, a nakon povratka radi u Zadru, Zagrebu i 17 Almerigo APOLLONIO, Venezia Giulia e fascismo 1922 – 1935, una società post-asburgica negli anni Splitu. Iako godinama surađuje s opatijskim piscem Viktorom Carom Eminom, tek nakratko živi i radi u di consolidamento della dittatura mussoliniana, Istituto Regionale er la Cultura Istriano-fiumano-dalmata, Opatiji, nadomak rodnoga Voloskog (1912. – 1914.). Gorizia: Libreria Editrice Goriziana, 2004., 175–219. 14 Giuseppe Ravegnani (San Patrignano, 1895. – Milano, 1964.). 18 Luciano GIURICIN – Mihael SOBOLEVSKI, Il Partito comunista di Fiume 1921 – 1924 / Komunistička Živi u Ferrari, Bologni, Rimu, Veneciji i Milanu. Objavljuje u mnogim novinama i časopisima. Počeo je pisati partija Rijeke /Documenti – Građa, Centro di ricerche storice Rovigno, Centar za historiju radničkog pokreta vrlo mlad, a prva mu je pjesnička zbirka objavljena već prije Prvoga svjetskog rata (1914.). i NOR-a Istre, Hrvatskog Primorja i Gorskog kotara – Rijeka, 1982., 244. 126 127 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Ervin DUBROVIĆ LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Intelektualci, fašisti i antifašisti

Janka Polića Kamova i češkog pjesnika Petra Bezruča, glasnog zagovornika Posvemašnja je ironija što mu je nekoliko godina poslije upravo ugnjetenih rudara. Fašistička partija naredila da se opet javno aktivira i preuzme neplaćenu (!) I Drenig se dopisuje s Katalinićem Jeretovim i surađuje s Ravegnanijem. dužnost tajnika uredništva novoga časopisa za kulturu, objavljivanog pod Ni on ne voli fašizam i još polovicom dvadesetih, u doba sumraka demokracije, patronatom Fašističkog instituta za kulturu kojemu treba upravo suradnik i dalje ustrajava na svojim stavovima. Naklonost koju je potkraj 1921. iskazivao njegova kova, stručnjak za „jugoslavenska pitanja“.23 prema Krležinoj komunističkoj aktivnosti, kada su Rijekom još vladali Zabrane i naredbe, poput prvotne zabrane pisanja i potom naredbe autonomisti u sprezi sa socijalistima, iskazuje i potkraj 1925., kada su se prilike koju sekretar partije (segretario federale) upućuje Drenigu, neizbježne su poput bitno izmijenile. U pismu znamenitom antifašističkom novinaru i izdavaču partijskog zadatka, s kojim vicesegretario smjerno upoznaje svoju upravu prije Pieru Gobettiju, napisanom 3. rujna 1925., Drenig jednakom upornošću ističe negoli preuzme obavezu. da je i sam republikanac te tvrdi da s velikom naklonošću prati rad njegove Rodolfo Decleva, prijatelj i školski drug Drenigova sina Nerija, s kojim izdavačke kuće i njegovih novina, ističući kako bi bio počašćen da mu objavi je sjedio u istoj klupi u Istituto tecnico, još pamti neobičnu činjenicu da je antologiju suvremene jugoslavenske lirike što je upravo priprema.19 Francesco Drenig bio ateist i da njegov sin u školi nije morao prisustvovati Nudi mu i objavljivanje prijevoda Krležinih dramskih tekstova, satovima vjeronauka: kojega opet predstavlja kao najživljega i najborbenijega hrvatskog pjesnika i komunista. Ističe i da nakon prestanka izdavačke djelatnosti socijalističkog „... nikad u njegovoj obitelji nisam zapazio izraze pristajanja uz fašizam časopisa Avanti, na koji su se fašisti posebno okomili, ne zna tko bi htio objaviti i nikad ga nisam vidio s fašističkim simbolima... Iako je imao sve sposobnosti Krležine suviše smione radove. da zgrabi moć i visoke dužnosti čak i u vrijeme riječkih talijanskih fašističkih U to su vrijeme i Gobettijeve novine i njegova izdavačka kuća već vlasti, to nije učinio jer njegov duh slobodnog mislioca i njegovo intelektualno postale žrtve teških fašističkih pritisaka i policijskih progona te Piero, jedan poštenje ne bi mogli surađivati s diktatorskim režimom. Zadovoljio se radom od posljednjih glasnih antifašista, već potkraj godine bježi u Francusku i tamo u Gradskoj štedionici i obavljanjem revizorskih dužnosti.“24 uskoro umire. Iako se ne izlaže javno i ne suprotstavlja režimu, Drenig uporno izbjegava O složenosti prilika sredinom dvadesetih godina zorno govori činjenica pristupiti Fašističkoj partiji. To mu svakako ne pomaže u napredovanju u da su trojica članova uredništva Delte bila različitih političkih opredjeljenja i službi. Kad je Gradska štedionica istodobno raspisala natječaj za knjigovođu da su se još uvijek mogla naći okupljena u uredništvu istoga časopisa. Unatoč (ragioniere) i za pomoćnog knjigovođu (ragioniere aggiunto), zaposlen je na ovo očitim ideološkim razlikama koje se sve više priječe među njima, oni i nadalje drugo, manje važno i slabije plaćeno mjesto.20 uspijevaju surađivati. No iako su antifašist Drenig, fašist Arturo Marpicati i Unatoč stručnosti i sposobnosti koje potvrđuje i uloga revizora što diplomatski suzdržani Antonio Widmar Deltu isprva zajednički uređivali, na je obavlja u više riječkih tvrtki, nikad nije unaprijeđen, nego do kraja ostaje kraju fašist potiskuje ostalu dvojicu i podvrgava časopis službi režima. I njegovo zamjenik (vice segretario) tajnika središnjeg ureda Gradske štedionice (Sede opredjeljenje i izvanredan partijski uspon izvrstan su primjer napredovanja u centrale di Fiume). Mjesto tajnika ostaje zauvijek – upražnjeno (vacante).21 hijerarhijskom sustavu koji zahtijeva beskompromisnu podložnost partijskoj Iako se odluke uprave Štedionice ne mogu s potpunom sigurnošću ideji i pragmatičnim potrebama. povezati s njegovim izbjegavanjem da pristupi Fašističkoj partiji, neke se Marpicati Fašističkoj partiji pristupa 23. ožujka 1923., drži javna činjenice previše podudaraju. U obrascu koji je ispunio 4. travnja 1932., predavanja i ističe se toliko da 1928. postaje Segretario Federale, sekretar ostavlja praznom važnu rubriku o „pripadnosti Partiji ili Dobrovoljnoj miliciji Fašističke partije Kvarnerske provincije. Time mu i završava riječka karijera za nacionalnu sigurnost“ (Appartenenza al Partito o alla Milizia V.S.N. / jer već iste godine odlazi u Rim i uspinje se do najviših partijskih i državnih Milizia volontaria per la sicurezza nazionale/). Samo nekoliko mjeseci poslije dužnosti. Kadrovska služba Štedionice (Ufficio del Personale) zabranjuje mu suradnju u La Vedetti i traži da svoje obveze prekine odmah, do 31. kolovoza, te da prihvaćanje naredbe napismeno potvrdi.22

19 Istituto Gobetti, Torino. 23 HR-DARI, Cassa Comunale di Risparmio di Fiume: Torino je u to doba jedan od najvećih industrijskih gradova s najrazvijenijim radničkim pokretom i jedno od Fiume, 27 maggio 1938. XVI, On. Direzione della Cassa di Risparmio di Fiume. Per doverosa conoscenza mi pregio najvećih uporišta socijalista i antifašista. informare codest’ On. Direzione che il Sig. Segretario Federale mi ha chiamato a far parte del Comitato di Redazione 20 HR-DARI, Cassa Comunale di Risparmio di Fiume, 2 agosto 1926. della rivista “Termini”, con le mansioni di segretario di redazione non retribuito. 21 Guida generale di Fiume e Provincia del Carnaro, god. VII., 1937. – 1938., 51. Voglia codest’ On. Direzione prendere cortese nota di quanto sopra e gradire i miei più distinti saluti. 22 HR-DARI, Cassa Comunale di Risparmio di Fiume, Ufficio del Personale, Fiume, 26 agosto 1932/X. 24 Pismena izjava Rodolfa Decleve od 11. ožujka 2014. 128 129 Ilona FRIED Leo Valiani and Arthur Koestler - A Friendship for Life. Letters Between 1942 and 1953

Leo Valiani and Arthur Koestler - A Friendship for Life. Letters Between 1942 and 1953

Ilona FRIED Eötvös Loránd University Budapest Hungary

The correspondence between Valiani and Koestler started in Mexico in 1942, on Valiani’s arrival there, (he actually arrived in Mexico in December 1941 and stayed there until July 1943). As it is well known they got to know each other during their arrest at Roland Garros, and had all the months of the detention at Le Vernet d’Ariège for exchanging ideas and sharing views and readings. Both of them had come from a cosmopolitan Central-European background and there were only 4 years of difference of age between them (Koestler was born in 1905, under the name Kösztler Artúr, in Budapest, whereas Valiani was born in Fiume, then belonging to Hungary, under the name of Weiczen Leo in 1909). There was much in common between the two of them, also from the point of view of their political beliefs. Koestler as a journalist had been condemned to death during the Spanish Civil War, was released through the intervention of the British government. He published Spanish testament about the Spanish Civil War, a novel that had already made him famous. As he could not accept the Molotov- Ribbentrop pact he had left the Communist Party. He went to France where, he was again arrested.1 Koestler was set free after four months, after which he joined the French Foreign Legion and later on managed to enter Britain again where he served in the Pioneer Corps. The main facts about Valiani’s life are also quite well known, as also his escape organized by Giustizia e Libertà2 from Le Vernet.3 While Valiani lived in exile in Mexico, Koestler became more and more famous as a writer (after Darkness at Noon he published Arrival and Departure, The Yogi and the Commissar, Thieves in the Night, etc). In 1944 Koestler travelled to Palestine with accreditation from „The Times”. After then he settled in London and tried (in vain) to lead an international campaign to prevent the German mass

1 See Leo VALIANI, „Io e Koestler nel campo di concentramento,” Nuova Antologia, n° 2148, ott.-dic. 1983, 87-96; „Koestler the Militant. A Last Tribute,” Encounter, lug.-ago. 1984, 68-72; „Koestler ed io nel campo di concentramento. Appendice,” in Arthur KOESTLER, Schiuma della terra, Bologna: Il Mulino, 1989, 249-260; „Budapest oltre il buio di Koestler,”Il Corriere della Sera, 14 gen. 1989; „Arthur Koestler. Il ribelle antitotalitario. Tanto coraggio e tanta onestà intellettuale,” Avanti!, 16-17 set. 1990. 2 See Andrea RICCIARDI, „Leo Valiani tra politica e storia,” Fondazione Bruno Kessler, Annali dell’Istituto storico italo-germanico in Trento, Bologna: Il Mulino 2009, 127 and Leo Valiani. Gli anni della formazione. Tra socialismo, comunismo e rivoluzione democratica, Milano: Franco Angeli 2007. 3 Leo Valiani tra politica e storia. Scritti di storia delle idee (1939-1956), a cura di David BIDUSSA, presentazione di Giovanni DE LUNA, in Annali Anno Quarantaduesimo, 2006, Fondazione Giangiacomo Feltrinelli, Feltrinelli Editore: Milano 2008.

131 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Ilona FRIED LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Leo Valiani and Arthur Koestler - A Friendship for Life. Letters Between 1942 and 1953

murder of the Jews in the Holocaust. Besides the complete failure of all his bye in Hungarian,10 proving that this language still had some special meaning endeavors he also suffered because his family’s deportation.4 for him, and that he also recognised its significance in their friendship, too, Koestler’s description of Valiani, named as Mario in the Scum of the whereas Valiani uses three languages: English, French, Hungarian. The latter Earth comparing him to Job, the true man testifies his great affection and is the language used for confidential communication – Valiani also wrote a respect.5 Valiani’s memories of Koestler and his letters testify the reciprocity long and most confidential letter starting from the problems of his sister’s of this respect. illness, analyzing his way of thinking entirely in Hungarian: saying: „this Valiani in spite of all the difficulties he suffered in Mexico, was language is what connects us”.11 What is interesting, and can be explained preparing for the future, mainly by carrying on serious historical-political most probably with their hatred towards Nazism, is that they never wrote in studies – as someone says he made history and he also studied it. Valiani writes German, although it was a mother tongue for Valiani – the language he spoke about his studies to Koestler, for instance he tells about his book-reportage with his parents at home – and almost one for Koestler, who studied in Vienna on Italy in the past 15 years based on his own experiences, his study on the and became a journalist of high esteem in the early thirties in Berlin (and also socialist movement, on the Spanish Civil War and that he was working on the a member of the German Communist Party in 1931 which he left in 1938). history of 20th century thought. He was reflecting on topics closely connected He wrote as a journalist originally in German, he started to write in English with his past beliefs so as to have a clear view of achievements and failures and only later on. Unfortunately the letters written by Koestler to Valiani during a better perspective for the future action to take. He talked about the book he the period of his exile in Mexico are missing, as most of them are also during was going to publish and would send the draft in Spanish for Filosofia socialista the years after the war. Of course, it is understandable if they got lost in those in Europa nel XX secolo. 6 extremely difficult years. It is quite clear also from the letters that they did not Valiani was hosted by Koestler in London in 1943 on his way back to only write to each other, but they could also send messages through friends Italy. He also got financial help from Koestler, the money was very useful for and acquaintances and they met either in Italy, in London or in Paris several him on his courageous trip from Sicily, where he and his companions were times after the war. dropped with parachutes, to Milan.7 The letters also prove how much Valiani cared about Koestler’s The two friends met more seldom and also their correspondence got work, to what extent he followed not only the works themselves, but also less frequent from the end of the 50s’ onwards, but as we will see from the letter their international reception. And it was an extremely important period in by Valiani, quoted at the end of this article, the intimacy of their friendship the career of Koestler, as his novel Darkness at Noon cast a new light on the did not change. terror in the Soviet Union. Darkness at Noon, published in 1940, gave Koestler About 50 letters and notes preserved in the Koestler fund at the international fame. The account Koestler gave on the Soviet Union was Edinburgh University Library and 7 letters from Koestler addressed to Valiani shockingly new to the readers, he presented for the first time the Soviet purges, kept at the Giangiacomo Feltrinelli Foundation in Milan testify not only a a show trial ending with the main character, Rubashov’s, modelled on Nikolai friendship but their common ideals, cast some light on their private life – in Ivanovich Bukharin’s confession against himself and sentence to death. The most cases closely connected to their public life and their way of thinking, great actuality of the novel was exactly his execution on 15th of March 1938. A reactions to some of the great events of history – from the preparation of the novel that contributed to changing public opinion in Western Europe and in Resistance movement until the fight against terrorism – Italy’s and Europe’s the US. Even people from the left realized facts until then unknown to them history. Mainly through Valiani’s reflections the reader of the letters can also and made its author one of the most influential intellectual. It also meant a follow some of the reception of their works.8 financial success, so that Valiani, in his disastrous economic situation, as he The few letters by Koestler were written in English (he himself tells described it in his letters from Mexico – wrote to him as his only friend to be that Valiani could not write in French any longer).9 He didn’t use Hungarian, able to turn to in need, without finding a job in Mexico and therefore without either, but on two occasions he added two kind words in his letters: saying good- an income. He also asked to contact Koestler’s publisher for the publication of

th 4 See David CESARANI, Artur Koestler. The Homeless Mind, William Heinemann: London 1998, 220. 10 Biblioteca e Archivio Giangiacomo Feltrinelli, Fondo Valiani, n. 10, 4 September 1954, Ölellek Arthur, n. 14, August 6th 1971, handwritten at the end of the letter: Szervusz Arthur. 5 Arthur KOESTLER, Schuma della terra, Bologna: Società editrice il Mulino, 1989, 86, 125-126. See also in Ilona FRIED, „«Giobbe», un intellettuale del Novecento,” Nuova Corvina, 6 (2000), 9-12. 11 Arthur Koestler, Edinburgh University Library, Special Collections (EUL), Pegli, 8/8/54. See also, Ilona FRIED, „Lettere da un’amicizia: Leo Valiani e Arthur Koestler,” Tu se’ lo mio maestro e ’l mio autore. Studi 6 Arthur Koestler, Edinburgh University Library, Special Collections (EUL), Mexico, 24 august 1942 su authorship e intertestualità culturale, Matteo BRERA, Susanna GRAZZINI (eds.), Firenze: Franco Cesati 7 Leo VALIANI, Tutte le strade conducono a Roma, Firenze: Nuova Italia, 1947, Bologna: Il Mulino, 1983, 1995, 38. Editore, 2017 (in print); Ilona FRIED, „La “candela che si brucia per dare luce”. La corrispondenza di Leo 8 I publish the letters faithful to the original copies, without any changes in their text. Valiani e Arthur Koestler fra il 1943 e 1953,” Parigi e Roma sulle rive del Danubio, Ilona FRIED, Catherine 9 „(I can’t write French any longer)” Biblioteca e Archivio Giangiacomo Feltrinelli, Fondo Valiani, n. 6, 6/2/46. HOREL (eds.), Nuova Corvina, n. 29, 2016 (in print). 132 133 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Ilona FRIED LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Leo Valiani and Arthur Koestler - A Friendship for Life. Letters Between 1942 and 1953

his own works. This latter also meant financial aid, through advance payment si brucia per dare luce”. La corrispondenza di Leo Valiani e Arthur Koestler fra il for a work accepted for publication. 1943 e 1953 mentioned above. 17 The letters written by Valiani from Mexico also give some information on the group of “Que faire?”,12 on Franco Venturi’s arrest by the fascist police Mexico City, July 19 1942 and Valiani’s idea about antifascism gaining ground in Italy. In one of the letters he writes about Eva Tay, his “copîne”, who was Dear friend Arthur, writing a novel then on Mexico where she had been living for about five years I hope You’ll let hear anything from Yourselves, soon. Meanwhile, I’m and asking Koestler to read her manuscript and in case he found it interesting reading the American edition of Your “Spanish Testament”, which is very fine. to help her by recommending it to his publisher.13 Eva Tay was a Belgian I red also some critics of this book in New York reviews, (Newsweek, Bazar dancer of German origin and before going to Mexico she might have lived in etc.) which speak of You as of “one of our major writers”. Well, I’m very glad; Majorca and had written on women exercises and health. There seems to be an when anyone is worthy of a great success, so You are. If You can, tell me also only copy of the book to be found in the library of Mexico. 14 anything about Your next book. One of Koestler’s biographers mistakenly mentions her as Valiani’s You remember, perhaps, I told You once that the review which I was wife.15 Nevertheless, she seems to have been an important relationship for managing in Paris (“Que Faire”) had a very intelligent Russian contributor. Valiani during the period of his stay in Mexico, as shown from his long letter He is actually in New York and wrote me that he found your “Darkness at to Koestler in which he explains about the woman’s wish to write a novel and Noon” a “glorious book”. asks for Koestler’s help not only by reading the manuscript, but in case he finds Since June 1940, I’m no more member of any political party, but with it worth publishing also to recommend it to his publisher. Valiani mentions some friends of mine (You made their acquaintance in Paris, in 1940; they her also in a letter in 1946 already from Italy and he shares his reserves on her are Mr. Cianca, Magrini etc.) we are publishing a big independent Italian with his friend and asks him not to give any more money to her.16 He must antifascist review. The news we receive from home prove that our antifascism have known that Eva Tay was going to ask for the support of Koestler, what made strong advances in Italy this year. The best man of ours, Franco V., who as a matter of fact she did, as shown by Eva Tays’s letter written to Koestler, spoke so often with You in Paris about my case, is actually at the deportation in which she informs him about Leo’s ill health, and begs him to help him. in Italy. Unfortunately, he was stoped in our adventurous escape, in October The letter also presents her character very much full of herself and with high 1940, from Vernet and Pétain France towards freedom. We lived then more pretensions. then a year in Africa, but he could not join us and was finally delivered to In the following pages I am going to publish letters written by Valiani fascist police. Well, we learn that Franco, as a victim of fascism receives in English between 1943 and 1953, whereas you can find other ones written messages of sympathy of all parts of the country. This is only a little detail in French between 1942 and 1946 in the article: Ilona Fried La “candela che (not to be published); there are very much cases of a renaissance of ours. Well, let us see. 12 See also Guido FRANZINETTI, Leo Weiczen: Communist, Democratic Communist, Revolutionary Democrat (in this volume). My philosophical book will be published here in Spanish translation 13 Letter from Mexico, 25 juillet 1942, Koestler Fund in Edinburgh University Library, Special Collections and in New York in an Italian antifascist edition. Unfortunately, I don’t [know] (EUL), published in Ilona FRIED, „La “candela che si brucia per dare luce”. La corrispondenza di Leo Valiani when I’ll be able to publish it in english translation. Mr. James Putnam of the e Arthur Koestler fra il 1943 e 1953,” op. cit. 14 Eva TAY, Guía para el deportista: higiene, entrenamiento y competencias; see also on Anna Maria Macmillan Company wrote me, some days ago: “We are very sorry indeed MARTINEZ SAGI, „an immensely evocative voice in the liberal-progressive press in nineteen-thirties’ to have to write you that we cannot make you an offer for the publication Spain.” „Sagi’s affirmation of the place of woman in sport is closely allied to the increasing awareness amongst of this work. This is not because we question the value of the book. On the progressive women of the need to take their responsibilities seriously, starting with their own bodies. Much of what Sagi writes, particularly around the mid-nineteen thirties, is directed to this end, and she finds a fellow contrary, we recognize that you have written the book from a vide knowledge traveller in Eva Tay, a dancer of Belgian–German descent residing in Mallorca from 1932 onwards. Tay’s articles and sound scholarship. But we do not see that we could find a very large public in Brisas detail programmes of daily exercises together with illustrations, condemnations of Spanish women as possessing the worst bodies of all European women, and a dismissal of commonly employed slimming in the United States for a book such as yours right now.” methods.” in P. Louise JOHNSON, „Women Writing on Physical Culture in Pre-Civil War Catalonia,” March Surely, philosophy is not a practical thing in such a time. I’m little 5, 2004, http://ies.berkeley.edu/pubs/workingpapers/AY0304-18-Physical_Culture.pdf 15 Cesarani mistakenly mentions Eva Tay as Valiani’s wife. Valiani’s letter to Koestler from Milano 8 17 See Ilona FRIED, „La “candela che si brucia per dare luce”. La corrispondenza di Leo Valiani e Arthur January 1946, shows how he wanted to spare his friend from Eva Tay’s begging for money from him, Koestler Koestler fra il 1943 e 1953,” op. cit. See Ilona FRIED, „Colloqui milanesi con il senatore Leo Valiani (1993- Fund in Edinburgh University Library, Special Collections (EUL), published in Ilona FRIED, „La “candela che 1997),” Metodi & Ricerche, n.s. 18 (2), 11-16; Ibid, Fiumén túl – a történelem alakítója és kutatója: Leo Valiani si brucia per dare luce”. La corrispondenza di Leo Valiani e Arthur Koestler fra il 1943 e 1953,” op. cit. útja, in Emlékek városa Fiume, Budapest: Ponte Alapítvány, 2001, 283-292, and „Oltre Fiume – Formatore e 16 8th January 1946, Koestler Fund in Edinburgh University Library, Special Collections (EUL), see also ricercatore della storia: Leo Valiani. Colloqui milanesi 1993-95/ 1997-1999,” in Fiume. Città della memoria, among the letters in this paper. Udine: Del Bianco, 2005, 355-366. 134 135 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Ilona FRIED LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Leo Valiani and Arthur Koestler - A Friendship for Life. Letters Between 1942 and 1953

disappointed because only the English edition could give me the financial alltogether for me to insist in producing masterpieces. But I promised Leo possibility to go on with my studies. Patience. and then my agent Mr. Horch is optimisical about it and thinks for unknown I’m trying to write a “reportage”-book about underground antifascism reasons, that I have talent. Maybe it is the material wich is rather unusual and in the last fifteen years (Italy, Spain, France, Africa). good for escapeliteratur. The bad thing is only that there are always unhappy Write often, if You can. ends and the whole bussines assez triste, as the Indian life is triste – nothing Your very affectionate to be done about it. I wonder if I could publishe my book next year to help Leo18 financially Leo and not to put the whole burden on his poor back. I will have this book in English and maybe you care in reading the manuskript. A word The letter written to Koestler by Eva Tay from Mexico after the end from you means a lot as your are now the Nabob of writers in the States. of the war has mainly an interest in presenting the woman so important for Maybe I have the delirium de Grandessa, pero creo this time it is better. The Valiani during his years in Mexico. title „Nasisa, story of a deadly faszination” Sounds cursi? Nasisa is the heroine, a Coragirl. Eva Tay, c/o. Bodil Christensen If my book comes out, I can make a lecture tour in the U.S.A. next 5 de Mayo 46, year. I have the intention, to make a second expedition into the Sierra del Mexico D.F. 5.9.45 Nayar with plenty o fotografical material, including Colour films for the religious ceremonies of the Coraindians. This would pay wonderfull and it would please a great deal too. A ver como andan las cosas. por lo pronto tengo Dear Koestler – I have received a letter from Leo dated 26. July, the que terminar mi libro. first letter in about two years. It comes from Milano under the name of Leo Koestler, please take care of Leo will you? Insist that he go soon to the Valiani, Direttore dell’Italia Libera. sanatory and help him in every way, will you? The letter is very much depressed, because Leo is ill. He writes he Are you still in the Near East? Your Yogy and Commisarbook is a is ill and you know him very much, this means he is really ill. He says, that good shake up for a lot of half dead brains. I really and truly think you a he is supposed to go to a sanatory, but that he is obliged to do the job for 14 fantastic writer in spite that your Fotografie gives me fearcomplexes I wonder hours a day. He writes „I am sick and tired, sick and tired and ill. I am greatly if you really are as you look? Would you like to go on horseback trips into the worried. He says he has not been enable to write a word yet for Jonathan Cape country here? Would Daphne like it to collect textiles? I would be your Guia. but hopes to do so in the sanatory. There is something else and this is really I wonder if a horse is still that strange creature for Leo it was before. Yours the reason I write you. He mentioned he has finantial troubles. Now, to go to sincerely a sanatory, a good one and get really well, costs a lot. I beg you, to try to do Eva Tay19 something about this. He may neglect his health to such an extend, that it will become hard or impossible to cure him properly. Will you please comunicate The last mentioning of Eva Tay in the letters is that of Valiani with him as soon as possible and insist that he go to a good sanatory as soon written on 8th of January 1946 mentioned above with the address of Italia he can? This is important, Koestler and you know it well. He was already ill Libera. Quotidiano del Partito d’Azione. Il Direttore. Milano Via Senato 38. before he went back to Italia, kidneytrouble and so on that are serious matters Regarding Eva Tay, he says: and can wreck a man for life. Leo is still young, he can probably been cured „Quant à E.T. il me parait qu’elle s’est portée assez mal, du point de vue if he is properly taken care of. Please Koestler, do something about this, will argent; ne lui envois rien, si elle T’en demande encore. Tu as été trop chic et you? évidemment elle avait la tendance à en profiter.” That must have been the very He wants to come back to Mexico and I think this best because he end of Valiani’s relationship with the woman. can work here very well, we can make trips to South Amerika, he has contact In 1946 he writes to Koestler: with the philosophers int he U.S.A. He wants to come next year. Perhaps it will be possible for you too to come over with Daphne. This is an interesting Milano, September 4, 1946 country. You probably want to contact your Publishers in New York too. My dear Arthur, I am working very hard, but it is difficult for me to write quickly. I have been in Paris for a fortnight and on my return I have been very It takes so much sweet and blood and time that sometimes I think it silly glad to find Your letter. Really, I missed You in Paris. I am supposed to go 18 Koestler Fund in Edinburgh University Library, Special Collections (EUL) 19 Koestler Fund in Edinburgh University Library, Special Collections (EUL) 136 137 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Ilona FRIED LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Leo Valiani and Arthur Koestler - A Friendship for Life. Letters Between 1942 and 1953

there at the end of October again? would You not really find a little fun in a As to myself I am just making what every other M.P. may do in a new meeting chez la Belle Aurore?20 Republic, which would avoid the Weimar fate. I did publish a new edition Many thanks for Your frank opinion on my MS and for Major Hall’s of my book on Socialism. Venturi found my MS on Hungary and I am re- notes. (Give him, please, my best regards.) The Italian edition of the book is working it. already under printing, but I will re-write and enlarge the MS for a possible So I am really in the good spirits for some bottle drunk in Your English translation. I think the mistake was to write it too late for a reportage, company. Let’s make it true. too soon for a political essay. Unfortunately I could not take the time to write Yours faithfully it in 1944 or 1945 and when I got to work on it, I already knew that everything Leo which could be said on the technicalities of the underground has already been said by French, Polish and other authors. This made me hesitating in the In 1947 he sends to Koestler the book-review just published by writing. On the other side, it was not yet the time (I mean subjectively) to Benedetto Croce. He also gives a short account on his stand in connection draw all the political lessons, because we still were in the midst of the battle with the split in the Socialist Party and his endeavor to safeguard democracy for the Republic, which has been the real reason and issue of our partisan war. and constant fear of not succeeding in it. I could not criticize the Democratic Republican Socialist parties, as I should have done, whereas even the first stage of our common fight was not over. The My dear Koestler, battle goes still on, for the social issues, but now it is really no more a specific inclosed You will find the book-review written by our old Benedetto Croce, Italian question, but a part of the general European tragedy. (I saw in Paris which deals with “Darkness at Noon”. The book (and so “Scum of earth” and many friends from the Danubian countries and they told me the horrible “Thieves in the night”) has got a very high success in Italy. things You may imagine; they are all deceived Marxists, without having the The Socialist Party has split here. Don’t believe to all the things right to confess it.) Of course, I have been mislead by a letter of Cape, which published on this subject by “New Statesmen” and “The Economist”. Silone urged – some months ago – the quick delivery of the MS, because the subject and myself we are sympathetic to the new Party (headed by Saragat) – even would loose otherwise any actuality: so he said (and from a reportage point if we would have avoided the split in the very moment when this country of view he was certainly correct). Besides of that, haste has always been my was involved in international negiotiations. Of course, we would not join the default. Well, never mind. new Party before his leader does not make clear that it is not his intention to I hope to be able to find at least Your Palestine book, when I am going go back to old Engels-Kautsky-an Socialism, but to look for a new, modern to Paris again. What is Your ethical and world conception right now? The one i.e. for the upsetting of a strong Executive and for an international policy same as in the Yogi? I guess, sooner or later, we shall become athomized, but whose aim should be the Uneted States of Europe. Negotiations are still going before that we may enjoy again the alternative of rightist reaction and leftist on. How are You? When are You going to the States? totalitarianship. I was correct in 1943 to foresee a cople of years of democratic Is there any chance to meet You on the Côte d’Azur? and socialist revival in some Western European country – but this revival is Best regards to Your wife. everywhere nearing to its end, without having accomplished more than the Je T’embrasse writing of a preface to a book which may be (or not) written in detail by a Leo Valiani generation other than ours. Should we get athomized? In a new Vernet? Better going to Peru? Nice place, I did assist to the Congress of the French Socialist Party. Léon Blum nice archeology.” 21 reminded me to Karl Kautsky about 1930 and the younger elements (who defended him) to Otto Bauer at the same time. They are all reading your In 1950 Valiani gives his latest news, about the great changes in his Darkness at Noon (even Orientals do) and feel superior to Rubasciov, but they life to Koestler, about working in a bank. He does not say, that his job is an are not. extremely important one:22 During the last six months of 1945 and 1946 there was in America a real trend towards a sensitive world Government, but Molotov rebuked it and now it is going back into the clouds. 21 Rome, March 24, sulla carta intestata Assemblea Costituente, Koestler Fund in Edinburgh University Library, Special Collections (EUL). 20 See Leo VALIANI, Io e Koestler nel campo di concentramento, op. cit. 95. La Belle Aurore refers to the talks 22 The letter is still written on a sheet of Assemblea Costituente, but the address is the private address: between Valiani and Koestler in the concentration camp, when hungry thinking of nice meals in an elegant Valiani, Milano, via Benedetto Marcello 6. 13/7 – there is no year, but it must be 1950, Koestler Fund in restaurant. Edinburgh University Library, Special Collections (EUL). 138 139 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Ilona FRIED LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Leo Valiani and Arthur Koestler - A Friendship for Life. Letters Between 1942 and 1953

My dear Arthur, and if I succeed I’ll spare 2 or 3 weeks for London. thanks for Your nice letter of April 9th. The copain gave it me only a Anyway, my closest friend, Franco Venturi, whom you met in Paris, few days ago. He is very nice and I shall meet him again, in Rome. after your departure from Le Vernet, shall spend in London the whole summer What about You? From time to time I read Your choses and still hope and will certainly pay you a visit. After Paris’ fall in 1940, he tried to escape to be able, sooner or later, to get to Paris for a couple of weeks. What I lack is, to America through Spain, has been arrested there, spent some months in of course, time. a Madrid jail, has been delivered to the Mussolini Government whose first I am no more in industry, I had to give it up, because I was too long downfall in 1943 set him free. Up to 1945 he has been with me at the head of in bed, operated twice in ’48, on that idiotic leg. When able to work again, I the Partisan movement; from 1947 to 1950 he spent 3 years in Moscow as a went in a bank, here, and am working in, as an economist, or something like Cultural Attaché at the Italian Embassy there; now he is a University Professor that: studies in financial organization asf. in History and has been awarded a prize by the Warburg Foundation (which Even for politics I have no time left, except for some minor writings. shall enable him to spend 3 months in England for three consecutive years) – Politically I am (in a rather platonic way) with Silone. Personally, as far as for a very big book ont he Russian liberal and revolutionary movements from feelings are concerned, I am of course with You. the Decabrists up to the Narodnaja Volja. (It shall be published shortly in Best regards to Your wife, also from Nidia and I remain English too, by Knopf in New York and I think by Wedeman in the U.K.). He Yours will be very glad to have a long chat with you about past and future; possibly Leo23 some time next June. Well, do you remember Büchler, the Cechoslovachian captain? In The following letter tells that his job at the bank took him to Asia. As March 1948 I learned that he has been arrested in Praha, by the Communist also seen from recent research his job at the Banca Commerciale was far more police. Now I received a letter from him: he says he has spent 5 years in jail important than he let know.24 The understatements are part of his character, because of the “Slanski Bande” (so he writes), but has been set free at the end which can also be seen in his memories about the Resistence movement. He of last month. This would mean that they granted an amnesty (at least to some gives a fine summary of his friend’s Franco Venturi’s career and also a satirical minor people) in Praha too. I must say that I learned Grandfather’s death in description of Stalin’s death and his meeting a descendant of Pushkin from Bangkok, which is an exceedingly gay and frivolous city; so I immediately his colored grandfather. His comment on a Checkoslovakian acquantaince of thought: it can’t be worse, it shall be better. Of course, let see: as a friend of theirs also shows how Valiani kept an eye on Easter European politics, as well. mine (Aldo Garosci, I think you met him in London) said in his obituary This aspect is further emphasized by his plan to write about the Hungarian of Stalin – “we can’t guarantee a happy end, but the show shall be very Commun, for which he had collected documents in Hungary, as well. interesting”. Possibly a Shakespearean tragedy at the Kremlin, with some new Puskin saying: ‘Sir, grant liberty to the Russian people!’ My dear Arthur, April 15 1953 (It may interest you that last year in Teheran I made friendship with a descendant of Puskin; exactly of his Negro grand-father; Mr. Hannibal, that’s the day after my arrival at home, from Bombay, I received your letter the name, is half-Negro and half-Russian; he embraced the Moslim religion of April 3rd. It was the best welcome I could hope for? and chiefly because of some 30 years ago and is actually the director of the Teheran ethnological what your wrote about London, your flat and the British Empire. Since years Museum). I am longing for a long trip to London and certainly I badly need some good I could pay you a lot of compliments, and utter some minor criticism, work in the Library of the British Museum. Now more than ever: having spent for your beautiful Autobiography, but that would take too long a time. 6 months in India, Burma, Siam, Ceylon and having savoured the strange Anyway, I was very interested in learning about the ‘Chopin’ in February lively civilization the British Empire left behind there, together with some 1919. As you perhaps remember, about 15 years ago I worked on a ‘Thèse – fine XVII. Century buildings in Calcutta, Madras, Bombay. But Banking Histoire de la Commune hongroise’. – I never published it, because after the Research Departments are exacting bosses and so I don’t know when shall war I succeeded to buy in Budapest a tremendous amount of “documents” I have leave enough for such a visit. Let’s hope this year; I’ll try to get a 3 (books, leaflets, newspapers a.s.f.), which I did not have at my disposal in months leave in order to work on the 2nd volume of my ’Socialist movements’ Paris, to a comparable extent, and which would compel me to rewrite the manuscript, should I ever be tempted to give it to a Publisher. 23 Koestler Fund in Edinburgh University Library, Special Collections (EUL). 24 Fulvio COLTORTI, „Leo Valiani ed Enrico Cuccia: l’Iran degli anni ’50,” Annali della Fondazione Ugo La Malfa, Storia e politica, XXVI-2011, Gangemi Editore, 45-70 140 141 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian

My best greetings to Mamaine, Yours ever Leo Valiani.25

The letter that follows was written more than 25 years later. I find it interesting to refer to, so as to understand Valiani’s stand in the later years, his courageous fight against terrorism, and his friendship unchanged towards Koestler.

Dear Arthur, Milan, May 29th 1979

I was very happy to receive your card. Of course, we are old bisons now, or even mammouths. Times are different from ours. In Italy they are difficult again, but in the opposite sense. We have to fight the Red Brigades, which are worse than the Fascists – more resolute killers indeed. Whether the Soviets are behind them is still uncertain, but quite possible. In order to fight them, I am working as a journalist again, i.e. as the editorialist of the biggest liberal daily here, the «Corriere della Sera». This leaves me no time to travel, otherwise I would come to London in October, to celebrate the 40th anniversary of our meeting in Roland Garros. But I’ll try to come, perhaps in the spring of 1980.

Best greetings to Cynthia, with love yours 26

This is the last letter we know about written by Valiani to Koestler. Valiani, one of the “old bisons” was 70 when he wrote the letter, the friendship ended with Koestler’s death four years later, the great writer and intellectual committed suicide in 1983.

25 On the sheet of Banca Commerciale Italiana. Società per Azioni – Sede in Milano –Capitale Sociale Lit. 2450.000.000 Riserva Lit. 1000.000.000 Banca di Interesse Nazionale, Koestler Fund in Edinburgh University Library, Special Collections (EUL). 26 Arthur Koestler, Edinburgh University Library, Special Collections (EUL), 1979. See also, Ilona FRIED, Lettere da un’amicizia: Leo Valiani e Arthur Koestler, op. cit. 142 Laurence COLE Leo Valiani’s La Dissoluzione dell’Austria-Ungheria in Historiographical Context

Leo Valiani’s La Dissoluzione dell’Austria-Ungheria in Historiographical Context

Laurence COLE University of Salzburg Austria

It is a truism of the history of east-central and south-eastern Europe in the twentieth century that it was not necessary for somebody to leave their home to change their state citizenship. Indeed, for those lucky enough to survive untouched the vicissitudes of Europe’s dark century, it was theoretically possible to stay living in the same city or village, but to switch citizenship more than once. Such of course was the fate for many citizens of Rijeka / Fiume too, as the city under Hungarian sovereignty within the Habsburg Monarchy changed hands after the end of the First World War (and subsequently too). As we have heard this morning, the young Leo Weiczen / Leo Valiani in some respects shared a fate typical of many in the region. His home-city eventually came under Italian rule in the 1920s and Valiani became an Italian citizen. Yet, as we also saw, his career differed from those who remained in the city, with the experience of exile and resistance being defining features of his life. Needless to say, it was the outbreak and the consequences of the First World War that unleashed such far-reaching changes across Europe. But for Valiani and Rijeka in particular, it was the Italian intervention in World War One in May 1915 that dramatically altered the power political dynamics in the northern Adriatic. The so-called intervento of one hundred years ago has been the subject of much discussion in Italy this year, whilst in other countries, 2014 saw an enormous wave of publications and media interest in the centenary of the Sarajevo assassinations and the outbreak of war. Certainly, this discussion focused to a considerable extent on the war’s outbreak, with the Australian historian Christopher Clark’s book being the most successful on the international market. Yet, numerous general histories of World War One were published too. In short, even if we can expect another round of publications in a few years to mark the centenary of the war’s end, now is an opportune moment to re-consider Leo Valiani’s historical magnum opus, La Dissoluzione dell’Austria-Ungheria. It is a great pleasure for me to do so for two reasons: firstly, it is simply a very fine book, well-crafted and based on an impressive range of sources. Secondly, it is something of an unjustly neglected book. In this sense, I believe we should be very grateful to the organizers of this event for re-directing our attention towards it. Accordingly, in the time available, I would like to do three main things. First, I want to sketch out the arguments that Valiani’s book makes. What does it say and what are the main areas of interest? Second, I wish to assess

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the book’s contribution in relation to scholarship on the Habsburg Monarchy, the anti-Habsburg cause won out in 1918. particularly the Italian-language literature of which Valiani’s book forms a While Valiani does not assume that Austria-Hungary’s collapse was part. Where does the book stand compared to other works and what did it inevitable, he nevertheless concentrates his attention primarily on the political offer that was new? Third, I will conclude by briefly assessing its lasting value actors and movements who asserted the cause of national independence. in the light of recent trends in historical research on the Habsburg Monarchy. He does so by launching more or less straight into medias res, with no great In particular, which insights are useful for current debates on the nationality methodological discussion and only a brief mention of sources used (these are question and the collapse of Austria-Hungary at the end of the First World then commented on more extensively in the substantial footnotes). Overall, the War? In brief, I wish to argue that Valiani’s book still constitutes one of the work is best described as an international history of the Monarchy’s collapse, best accounts of the Habsburg Monarchy’s collapse from an international but one which was for its time admirably innovative. It might be far-fetched historical perspective. Valiani’s astute analysis of the interplay between to suggest it was a kind of transnational history avant la lettre, but it was national independence movements and the diplomatic manoeuvres between certainly the best form of international history: Valiani looks at the interplay the various European states had a pioneering quality for both its breadth and between different states – primarily the European Great Powers and the USA its sophistication. He offered a balanced and extremely well-informed account – and the national independence movements within the Habsburg Monarchy, of these developments, and his own origins in the city of Rijeka / Fiume were and above all, their representatives in exile. He follows individual historical certainly decisive for the perspective he provided. actors rather than abstracting agency to the state level (he talks of Sonnino and Salandra, not Italy, or of Lord Grey and Lloyd George, not Britain, and so on). In short, he moves deftly from one sphere of historical action to another, 1. La Dissoluzione dell’Austria-Ungheria was first published in Milan crossing borders and switching focus according to the particular national in 1966, and was reprinted in 1985; an English version appeared in London question under discussion (be it Polish, Hungarian, Czechoslovak or South in 1973, but it was never translated into German. In this work, Valiani looks Slav). In short, we have here a scholarly tour de force that analyses the politics at the reasons for the collapse of the multinational Habsburg Empire, which – of the nationality question in the international arena. along with the end of other multinational empires around the same time – led If that provides a general overview of Valiani’s approach, let us discuss to the formation of new states in east-central and south-eastern Europe. The how he goes about tracing the Habsburg Monarchy’s collapse. Obviously, overthrow of the Tsarist regime in Russia in 1917, the end of the Hohenzollern there is not the space to re-capitulate the complex series of events unfolding Empire in Germany in 1918, and the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire between July 1914 and November 1918, but it is worth considering the book’s in 1923 together profoundly altered the map of Europe and the near East. basic structure and content in a little bit more detail. We can start by saying Indeed, the long-term consequences of those changes are still being played out what the book does not do: it has very little to say about the military history today, whether in Ukraine or in the crisis that has engulfed Syria and Iraq. of the war; nor is there much about the economic difficulties experienced by The historical significance of the collapse of these empires can hardly Austria-Hungary – though Valiani came from a leftist tradition, he does not be underestimated and Valiani was fully conscious of this fact. Yet, he is approach the topic from a Marxist, materialist perspective. Finally, the history careful to evaluate the collapse on its own terms, without indulging in too of the Home Front is not explored in any depth. In sum, Valiani refers to these much speculation about what might have been had the Habsburg Monarchy three aspects of the war only in general terms and in so far as they inform the not collapsed. This is a point we can return to briefly in the second part changing dynamics of the national question. of my lecture. At the outset, though, what is worth noting is the focused, If we turn briefly to the six individual chapters, we can see how Valiani stringent nature of Valiani’s analysis. From the beginning, he sets up the issue weaves together his analysis of internal and external political developments. of the Habsburg Monarchy’s survival in terms of a struggle between those Just over five hundred pages long, the book opens with a discussion of national arguing for or against its preservation as a European power. Right at the start, movements in the Habsburg Monarchy from 1905 to 1914. 1905 constitutes the author states firmly – in contrast to many previous authors – that the a turning point for several reasons: the army crisis in Hungary in 1905, the collapse of the Habsburg Monarchy could not be taken for granted: ‘Before intensification of the social democratic campaign for universal manhood the imperial government of A-H declared war on Serbia on 28 July, 1914, very suffrage, the influence of the first Russian Revolution and the resolution of few people were thinking about the dissolution of the Danubian Monarchy’ Rijeka / Fiume in October 1905. The latter was particularly important for (10). In a sense, therefore, the narrative drive of the book revolves around the developments in the Monarchy’s South Slav territories, to which Valiani demonstration of how national opposition against the Habsburg Monarchy devotes a large part of his attention. With their declaration of Rijeka, the developed during World War One, and why circumstances changed such that Croatian deputies Frano Supilo and Ante Trumbić signalled their intention

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to try and cooperate with the national movement in Hungary against the established a series of arguments and a network of contacts which, for Valiani, Habsburg government, so as jointly to attain their respective goals. Valiani thus was potentially able to undermine the Habsburg state. accords his home-town an important place in the historical narrative. Overall, Valiani next explores the consolidation of Yugoslav, Czechoslovak Valiani emphasizes the rigid nature of the political system in Austria-Hungary, and Hungarian independence movements’ during the years 1915 and 1916. especially in the Hungarian half of the state. He identifies the unwillingness In this phase, contacts between the exile politicians and allied governments to contemplate meaningful structural reforms as a major weakness in the become more fluid, while meetings and congresses about national issues are political system, and in this respect he is careful not to overestimate the also organized. To be sure, the author points to tensions and contradictions, reformist intentions of heir to the throne Archduke Franz Ferdinand (here including differences of opinion between, say, the Italian government and Valiani differs from other historians at the time, such as Robert Kann). the Yugoslav movement about the potential boundaries of a new Yugoslav Having also assessed the international and internal political state. Moreover, he is cautious not to overstress the immediate impact of consequences of the Austro-Hungarian annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina in these developments: contacts and activities were most intense with British 1908, Valiani moves in his second chapter to the international consequences publicists such as Henry Wickham Steed or Robert Seton-Watson. While of the Austro-Hungarian declaration of war against Serbia at the end of July allied governments showed increasing interest in the potential usefulness of 1914. To be more precise, he focuses primarily on what he sees as a crucial the nationalities question, they were still a long way from making the support question for Austria-Hungary’s survival: the intervention in the war by the of national independence a war aim and openly declaring it as a policy goal. latter’s former ally, Italy. Not surprisingly, perhaps, the book has much to say The shift towards such a position took place in two steps. The first about the Italian side of the story and the interplay between Italian interests of these is covered in chapter five, where Valiani explores various proposals and the nationalities question. Clearly, we do not need now to rehearse the and negotiations for peace, which reached particular intensity among the intricate negotiations and strategic gambling undertaken between August weary belligerents during 1917. In short, the idea of peace began to be taken 1914 and May 1915. The important point is that Valiani finds here a number much more seriously than before. Valiani identifies the interventionist Italian of problems caused for Austria-Hungary because of the political implications Socialist Leonida Bissolati as the first member of an allied government to call of possible territorial concessions. Moving deftly between the Italian political publically for the dissolution of Austria-Hungary in October 1916. Moved by scene, nationalist lobbies within Austria-Hungary, and the international the execution of his colleague Cesare Battisti, the Socialist from Trentino who stage, Valiani again makes clear how the Dualist structure of the Habsburg had been captured and executed by the Austro-Hungarians in July that year, state impeded firm action; both the court and Hungarian government were Bissolati called for a peace based on the principle of nationality. Above all, reluctant to envisage the cession of territory to Italy because of the precedent it he called for a territorial settlement respecting the national affiliation of the might set for the situation in Transylvania. At the same time, Valiani makes it majority of inhabitants in a given area. Valiani admires Bissolati’s consistency clear that – despite the Secret Treaty of London promising territories to Italy - on this point, but immediately makes clear the problems involved in actually allied policy did not at this stage aim for dismemberment of Austria-Hungary. reaching agreement on peace terms. In the Italian case, for example, Bissolati’s With the failure to prevent Italian intervention, Valiani implies, the viewpoint clashed with those who adhered to the provisions of the secret Treaty war profoundly altered for Austria-Hungary in much more than military of London, which foresaw much of Dalmatia as part of Italy. Valiani points also terms. It now became an overtly ideological conflict, in which the politics to further contradictions: the key Italian negotiator, Foreign Minister Soninno, of the nationalities took centre stage. This theme dominates the rest of the advocated the London terms, yet at the same time expected to keep Austria- book, particularly the lengthy third and fourth chapters. It is here that Hungary intact, as a break on German and Russian power. In sum, the author Valiani’s skills come strongly to the fore, as he simultaneously takes account identifies a series of obstacles to peace, chiefly the German unwillingness to of developments among nationalist pressure groups, politicians who moved contemplate a compromise peace, but also the reluctance on the part of the into exile, the machinations of allied governments, and the reactions by Allies to advocate publically the destruction of A-H. Britain and France were Austro-Hungarian politicians. In doing so, he distinguishes between the interested in the idea of detaching A-H from Germany and reaching a separate Polish national movement in Galicia, with its strong anti-Russian leanings peace, especially after death of Emperor Franz Joseph at the end of November and orientation towards the Central Powers, and those elsewhere. Prominent 1916 and the advent of his successor, the young Emperor Karl. At the same among the figures Valiani looks at are the Croat politician Frano Supilo, the time, the dynamics of the situation reduced the willingness of the Central leader of the Czechoslovak cause, Tomáš Masaryk, and the proponent of Powers to compromise when they scented outright victory after the Russian the cause of Hungarian independence, Mihály Károlyi. The lobbying work revolution in October 1917 and the victory over Italy at Caporetto. That battle undertaken by such figures in London, Rome, St. Petersburg and elsewhere bought Austria-Hungary time, even though internal pressures for change and

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reform were intensifying after the recall of the Austrian parliament in May example, Valiani critically remarks upon the tendency already evident upon 1917, while the economic situation was also becoming increasingly desperate. some commentators – particularly in the USA – who suggested that perhaps If the failure of the peace initiatives showed that it was easier to start a it would have been better if the Habsburg Monarchy had survived, given the war than to end one, they also sealed Austria-Hungary’s fate, as Valiani’s final terrible events of the Second World War and the imposition of communist chapter demonstrates. Russia’s exit from the war and the lack of concrete reform regimes in many of the successor states. Valiani’s lucid, objective evaluation proposals meant that both the allies and the national movements were prepared of the collapse on its own terms is all the more impressive seen from this to concentrate alternatives to the continued existence of the Dual Monarchy. perspective. Where exile historiography in the US was sometimes prone to a The intervention of the USA in the war crystallised these developments in form of Habsburg nostalgia, the firm republican Valiani assessed the faults of decisive fashion, as a minimum demand of substantial national reform within the Austro-Hungarian ruling elite with an unswerving gaze. A-H was placed on the international agenda. Increasingly, Valiani suggests, the To understand where Valiani’s history fits into the broader picture, we people of the Habsburg Monarchy took the decisions away from the political need to step back a moment from his work and consider briefly the different elite, even if several politicians continued to profess loyalty to the Habsburg strands of historiography on Austria-Hungary. Over the long term, we can state for tactical reasons. As the military situation deteriorated for the Central identify four traditions of writing about the Habsburg Monarchy. First of Powers in the summer of 1918, the Austro-Hungarian leaders were bypassed all, there is a strong dynastic-centralist tradition, which emerged through by the national movements. the Habsburg court and the education system in the Habsburg state. Within In summary, we can state that Valiani does not wilfully foster any this tradition, the central place in the historical narrative was occupied by the black legends about Austro-Hungarian rule, but he is certainly not one to gloss Habsburg dynasty itself. The history of the diverse Habsburg territories was over its faults. Ultimately, he leaves no doubt that the dynasty and government viewed through the prism of the ruling dynasty. In short, this was ‘official bore responsibility for the state’s dissolution. With this – hopefully not too history’ – as embodied in the founding of the Institut für österreichische exhaustive - overview of Valiani’s work complete, we can now move on to Geschichtsforschung in 1854, and as taught in schools across the Habsburg the next part of my talk and consider its importance within the context of state. In effect, the history of the Habsburg Monarchy was that of the ruling historical writing on the Habsburg Monarchy, both in terms of its contribution house and was viewed from the political centre. at the time and its value for contemporary debates: Secondly, we can identify a strong tradition of provincial history (Landesgeschichtsschreibung) and of local or municipal history (particularly, in the Adriatic towns). In essence, this means the writing of the history of 2. We are probably all familiar with the famously misunderstood a particular province or city that belonged to the territorial conglomeration response given by Zhou Enlai to a question about the French Revolution, under Habsburg rule (e.g. the history of Carinthia or Trieste). The main terms when U.S. president Richard Nixon was visiting China in 1972. Asked of reference for this ‘federalist’ kind of writing were provided by the boundaries what he thought were the long-term consequences of the French Revolution, of the particular province in question. Often beginning with the formation Zhou Enlai suggested that ‘it was too early to say’. As historians now think, of a territory in the medieval period, this historiographical tradition mainly Zhou seems to have understood the question in relation to the disturbances considers the history of the Habsburg state in terms of its impact on a specific of 1968, rather than the original revolution of 1789. Either way, the story province. For example, reforming measures by the central state are frequently reminds us that it is often difficult to assess the long-term significance of depicted as unwanted or inappropriate interference in provincial affairs. To major historical events. Moreover, how we interpret those events often alters be sure, the old-style provincial history has increasingly given way to a new, in the light of subsequent developments and the passing of time. This is, I comparative regional history, but nevertheless traces of it remain, and this is think, an important consideration when exploring Valiani’s interpretation of a point we can come back to when looking at Italian-language historiography Austria-Hungary’s collapse. For us, it may still be ‘too early’ to assess the full on the Habsburg Monarchy. consequences of the Habsburg Monarchy’s collapse, but we do now have the Third, from the late eighteenth-century onwards, but above all in benefit of almost a century’s distance. Valiani had about half that amount the second half of the nineteenth-century, a new tradition emerged: that of of chronological distance. Yet – and this is an important, if obvious point national historiography. As we know, the emergence of history as a scientific – Valiani also lived through these events himself. He was a young child discipline was closely linked to the consolidation of national states in much when the collapse occurred and the narrative is obviously informed by his of Europe. In countries such as France or Italy, this meant writing history subsequent experiences in Fascist Italy and in exile, as well as his observations as the development of the nation-state and as constitutional history. Within on developments in Italy and Yugoslavia after 1945. At the end of the book, for the context of the multi-ethnic Habsburg Monarchy, the writing of national

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history necessarily assumed another form: representatives of particular ethnic his synthesis, L’ impero asburgico with Il Mulino in 2014. If we place Valiani’s groups instead wrote history as the story of national re-awakening and as book within the particular context of Italian historiography on the Habsburg a means of laying claim to a particular territory. Czechs in Bohemia wrote Monarchy, we can state that the majority of the Italian histories for a long about Bohemia as a Czech land, concentrating on the medieval period and time followed a combination of the second and third traditions just outlined. downplaying connections to the history of the Holy Roman Empire. In short, In other words, they focused on particular provinces or cities, while writing the focus was neither on the Habsburg Monarchy nor the province as a whole, in a national key. but almost solely on the history of one national group (a national group whose Italian historiography of the Habsburg Monarchy was long influenced history may or may not have been linked to that of co-nationals outside the by traditional narratives of the Italian Risorgimento, which depicted a struggle Habsburg state). between two ‘hereditary enemies’, Austria and Italy, with the process of Fourth and last, we can identify a further tradition of writing Italian unification in 1859-61 stemming from the fight for independence from the history of the Habsburg Monarchy as a whole (a history of the entire Austrian rule. If such a framework is now regarded as obsolete, substantial state, Gesamtstaatsgeschichte). This tradition has a common feature with traces of it nonetheless remain, primarily in terms of the territorial focus of the dynastic-centralist tradition in that it considers all the territories under the Italian literature. In the last couple of decades, there have been a number Habsburg rule, but adopts a non-dynastic perspective. Since the publication of important contributions on the Habsburgs’ Italian possessions, particularly of Bishop William Coxe’s History of Austria at the start of the nineteenth on regional elites, politics, and administration (e.g. by Marco Meriggi on L-V century, English-language historiography of the Habsburg Empire has been or Michele Gottardi and Eurigio Tonetti on Venice). However, such works especially noticeable in this area. One thinks of classic works by the American remain ‘provincial’ in focus, not in a methodological sense, but because they historian Robert Kann or by Robert Evans in Great Britain. However, French concentrate on areas that later became part of the Italian state. It is fair to say historiography is notably present as well, from Louis Eisenmann’s 1904 history that this is a not uncommon trait amongst the historiography of the so-called of the Austro-Hungarian Compromise to Jean Bérenger’s large-scale overview ‘successor states’, where historians have focused on their own territory and of the history of the Habsburg Monarchy. Works such as these seek to take have not written the story of the Monarchy as a whole. So, it is in this sense account of the different perspectives and interests of the different components that the influence of the earlier national historiography remains. of the territorial complex under Habsburg rule. By contrast, Valiani stands even today as a vital exception to this Certainly, there are overlaps between these different traditions, but pattern, given his willingness to engage with the history of the Habsburg state this simplified overview allows us to assess more accurately the place of as a whole. Italian publishers have diligently translated works of synthesis by Valiani’s work in terms of Habsburg historiography in general and the Italian- Anglo-American historians such as Carlile Macartney, Robert Kann, Arthur language literature in particular. Quite simply, Valiani’s work stands out May and Alan Sked, not least due to the absence of similar books written by because it broke with prevailing traditions such as those I have just outlined. Italian authors. In giving his view of Austria-Hungary’s collapse, Valiani thus It adopts an ‘outsider’ view of the Habsburg Monarchy in the tradition of joins those authors who are able to view the state as an entirety, and with Gesamtstaatsgeschichte, but with the knowledge and language skills of an a degree of distance and objectivity. Doubtless, it was on the one hand his ‘insider’. This is what makes it such a fascinating, perhaps unique work. And it opposition to the Fascist regime that helped him adopt a different position is in this latter respect that we see the specific legacy of his origins in Rijeka / to that of the Risorgimento-inspired tradition of Italian historical writing, Fiume: Valiani analyses confidently developments across different areas of the as well as his experience of exile on the other hand. Yet, given his personal Monarchy and accesses secondary literature, memoirs and sources from the background in Rijeka and linguistic skills, he was able to provide a more four key language groups for the study of the Habsburg Monarchy: German, intricate, refined picture than other representatives of this historical tradition. Hungarian, Slavic (above all South Slav languages) and Romance (the Italian Moreover, he provides a much fuller account of events in the Hungarian half language). Such a combination is a comparatively rare phenomenon. of the state than can be found in most general histories of Austria-Hungary. Above all – and this is the crucial point – Valiani’s work sets itself This, together with the objective balance that Valiani offers, marks the book apart from other Italian-language historiography and provides an ‘Italian’ out as a major contribution to the scholarly discussion. voice in a wider international debate that has tended to be dominated by works in English and German. To begin with, Valiani’s was more or less the first substantial contribution in the Italian language to look at the Habsburg 3. Recognition of this critical stance allows us, finally, to turn now Monarchy as a whole. Indeed, as far as I can tell, it was for a long time the to a brief assessment of the work’s lasting value. Which arguments have been only substantial contribution of its kind, until Marco Bellabarba published modified in the light of subsequent research, but which insights does it still

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offer? There are many points we might want to discuss, but allow me to offer three thoughts by way of conclusion. Firstly, I believe we have to see Valiani’s work in relation to that of former Hungarian liberal politician and sociologist, Oscar Jászi. Jászi established the famous paradigm of opposing ‘centrifugal’ and ‘centripetal’ forces in Austria- Hungary. Among the former, Jászi placed nationalism first and foremost, together with the awkward ‘dual-state’ character of Austria-Hungary, and the ‘exploitative’ economic relationship between its two halves. Jászi juxtaposed these factors undermining the unity of the state with centripetal forces such as the dynasty, the church, the army and bureaucracy, as well as specific social groups (Jewish communities) and political forces (socialism). Valiani – like other scholars - largely accepted Jaszi’s centrifugal / centripetal opposition and focused his attention on those forces militating against state cohesion. In short, he often assumes the power of nationalism among the peoples of the Monarchy, without always demonstrating this.Second, following on, recent research has begun on the one hand to examine more of the centripetal forces, looking at mechanisms of loyalty within the Habsburg state. Valiani acknowledges the existence of these, but does not fully explore quite why this might have been so, other than to imply that it was much by default as anything else. Work on prisoners of war (Rachamimov), soldiers’ letters and the home front have all modified assumptions about the role of nationalism in creating disillusionment with the Habsburg regime, as well as about the effectiveness of anti-Habsburg propaganda. Equally, some historians (Pieter Judson, Tara Zahra, and Jeremy King) have questioned the wider resonance of national ideas among the population before 1914 and subsequently. They suggest that ‘national indifference’ may be more prevalent. These are issues we can discuss, but let me end on a third and final point. Whatever weight one gives to arguments about the spread and depth of national sentiment among the populations of the Habsburg Monarchy, the great value of Valiani’s book is twofold. It warns us firstly, against too favourable an interpretation of the Habbsurg Monarchy – such as in the book by Helmut Rumpler on nineteenth-century Austria history, which sees the Habsburg Monarchy as a ‘chance or opportunity for Central Europe’. Valian’s emphasis on the political responsibility of the Austro-Hungarian elite remains a timely insight, even if his work is not cited that frequently by recent studies (e.g. among English-language literature). Secondly, Valiani’s wide-reaching analysis of the international arena reminds us of the need to always integrate power politics into the study of nationalism in the Habsburg Monarchy. That is something which, to my mind, is often missing in current discussions about different layers of national identity and national indifference. In short, Valiani’s great work on the dissolution of the Habsburg Monarchy very much repays a re-reading almost fifty years after its first appearance. It is an unjustly neglected classic of the scholarly literature on the Habsburg Monarchy.

154 Guido FRANZINETTI Comments on Laurence Cole’s article

Comments on Laurence Cole’s article

Guido FRANZINETTI University of Eastern Piedmont Italy

The following text is a series of comments on Laurence Cole’s article entitled Leo Valiani’s “La dissoluzione dell’Austria-Ungheria” in Historiographical context, presented in this issue of the West Croatian History Journal. It is unsurprising that the best assessment of Leo Valiani’s major work should have come from a foreign scholar, albeit a scholar with an excellent knowledge of the Italian historiographical context. Valiani always remained an outsider in Italian historiography. Not a ‘towering outsider’ (as E. H. Carr once labelled Lewis Namier), but a plain outsider. In Italy Valiani’s claim to fame –such as it may have ever existed- rested basically on two achievement: his long-standing association with two Italian weeklies, Il Mondo and L’Espresso, for which he regularly reviewed history books in the 1950s-1970s; and his presence on the Editorial Board of the Rivista storica italiana. In both cases Valiani’s presence was due more to past political affiliations to thePartito d’Azione and later the Partito Radicale). Since Valiani never entered academia, Italian academic historians did not feel obliged to pay excessive homage to him. His topics were in any case of limited interest to Italian historiography. Angelo Ara –one of the very few Italian specialists of the Habsburg Monarchy- was one of the exceptions to this general attitude. Valiani’s interest in the fall of the monarchy stemmed from a fairly straightforward factor: it belonged to what E. J. Hobsbawm termed “a twilight zone between history and memory; between the past as a generalized record which is open to relatively dispassionate inspection and the past as a remembered part, or background to, one’s own life”. The collapse of the monarchy occurred when Valiani was barely 9 years old, but his lifelong connection with Hungary (and his command of the Hungarian language) ensured that this event was crucial in his personal, political and historiographical experience. Valiani’s experience put him apart from the traditional diplomatic and international history of the time, but also from the historiographical Left of the time. Only after the demise of the Prague Spring and the invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968 did Italian Communist historians enter the field of Eastern European history (which until that time had been considered a purely political affair, a preserve for Party leaders). (Hobsbawm made a point, throughout his life, of steering clear from any topic concerning Eastern Europe). In earlier moments of his life, Valiani toyed with the idea of writing a history of Hungary, but the initial draft went lost during the war. As Cole reminds us, it is likely that the Rome Congress of the International Committee of Historical Sciences

157 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Guido FRANZINETTI LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian Comments on Laurence Cole’s article

in 1955 stimulated a more concrete plan to write a history of the collapse disintegrated. I may say that I pulled it to pieces with my own hands” (I. Berlin, of the Habsburg Monarchy. In those years he established (or re-established) “Remembering Namier’, Encounter, xxvii [1966]). connections with Yugoslav and Hungarian historians. By the time the revival of interest in Habsburg history took off with the Bloomington Conference This is not, of course the ultimate explanation of the dissolution of the (1966) and Bratislava Conference (1967) Valiani had already published his Habsburg Monarchy. But it is certainly part of it. work on the topic (at first in instalments in theRivista storica italiana, then as a book, in 1966). That, in a sense, is the end of the story. The second, enlarged edition, which came out in 1985, passed largely unnoticed, in Italy and elsewhere. The importance of the Hungarian aspect of Valiani’s work is worth stressing. This is not because Valiani expressed any particular inclination towards any Hungarian national point of view. It is, rather, for the fact that Hungarian historiography, because of the heritage of the territories of the Crown of St Stephen, has generally had to adapt a broad East-Central European perspective (unlike, say, Polish historiography, which can afford to remain polono-centric when it chooses to be so). Oszkar Jászi is a good instance. C. A. Macartney –one of the greatest historians of the Habsburg Monarchy- was not actually a Hungarian, but was as close as he could be to a Hungarian perspective. There has never been any shortage of Polish, Czech and Slovak historians of the Monarchy, but Hungarian historians always had to come to terms with the Monarchy as a whole. Interestingly, for Valiani, who was distantly related to Theodore Herzl, Jewish identity never meant much, despite the efforts of later interviewers to uncover such an identity. Weiczen was first an internationalist, then a revolutionary democrat, and finally an Italian Liberal. If ever he rediscovered an identity, it was that of a fiumano. During the discussion at the Rijeka conference on Weiczen/Valiani, Rok Stergar made a highly relevant point. While Stergar is a historian from below of World War I, he still wondered how much history from below actually mattered (and matters) if, at the end of the day, war is decided from above, and apparently everyone –at the history from below level- falls into line and marches to the trenches. (This is, of course, a somewhat simplified version of Stergar’s remarks). With characteristic seriousness and integrity, Stergar raises a key issue: historical contingency. When does the possibility of a collapse of the monarchy become an inevitability? Different answers can be given, depending of the focus of research, ranging from a neo-episodic view (which may still prove commercially highly successful), to a variety of long-term perspectives. It may be useful to remember how a contemporary observer saw the process unfolding (in Isaiah Berlin’s later recollection):

‘I remember’, said Namier to me, ‘the day in 1918 when the Emperor Karl sued for peace. I said to Headlam-Morley: ‘Wait’. Headlam-Morley said to Balfour: ‘Wait’. Balfour said to Lloyd George: ‘Wait’. Lloyd George said to Wilson: ‘Wait’. And while they waited, the Austro-Hungarian Empire

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Marko MEDVED, Riječka crkva u razdoblju fašizma. Nastanak U prvom se poglavlju autor bavi crkvenom situacijom u Rijeci u zadnjim biskupije i prvi talijanski upravitelji, Zagreb: Kršćanska sadašnjost - danima Austro-Ugarske Monarhije te donosi i opis položaja grada tijekom Riječka nadbiskupija - Državni arhiv u Pazinu, 2015., 751. str. talijanske uprave. Tu analizu započinje kratkim pregledom crkvene povijesti u Rijeci tijekom 19. st. Ističe kako se u Rijeci na prijelazu 19. u 20. st., kao i drugdje u Europi, razvio katolički pokret koji je laicima želio osvijestiti njihovu Krajem prošle godine, 2015., objavljeno je vrlo zanimljivo i vrijedno ulogu u životu Crkve i potaknuti ih na širenje katoličkih načela u društvu. djelo riječkog crkvenog povjesničara mlađe generacije Marka Medveda Riječka Autor zaključuje kako je upravo blizina krčkog biskupa Antona Mahnića crkva u razdoblju fašizma. Nastanak biskupije i prvi talijanski upravitelji. Uz pomogla razvoju toga pokreta u gospodarskom, ekonomskom i kulturnom Kršćansku sadašnjost i Riječku nadbiskupiju nakladnik je ove knjige i Državni središtu sjevernog Jadrana te kako je ono pronašlo svoje snažno uporište upravo arhiv u Pazinu. kod riječkih kapucina. Tako je u gradu u prvih petnaestak godina 20. st. bio Knjiga je nastala kao proširena i nadopunjena verzija doktorske uspostavljen velik broj društava Katoličkog pokreta. Nadalje autor analizira disertacije koju je autor obranio na Fakultetu crkvene povijesti i crkvenih prilike u gradu Rijeci na kraju Prvoga svjetskog rata. U crkvenom pogledu kulturnih dobara Papinskoga sveučilišta Gregoriana u Rimu 2007. godine. početak razdoblja talijanske uprave grad dočekuje pod Senjsko-modruškom Prerađeni i nadopunjeni dio odnosi se na novije podatke koji su u povijesnom biskupijom kojoj pripada od 1787. godine. Autor naglašava kako povezanosti s razdoblju o kojemu je riječ u međuvremenu objavljeni u Hrvatskoj, Sloveniji tom hrvatskom dijecezom remeti talijanske planove s Rijekom nakon Prvoga i Italiji. Kako sam autor ističe, pri tome je od osobite važnosti bilo otvaranje svjetskoga rata pa je nastoje prekinuti tražeći od Svete Stolice predstavnika Vatikanskog tajnog arhiva za pontifikata Pija XI. u jesen 2006. Ono je koji će imati biskupske ovlasti. Pored toga u ovom se poglavlju osvrće i donosi svakako omogućilo nove historiografske spoznaje o odnosu Katoličke Crkve i kratki biografski pregled središnjih imena crkvenoga života Rijeke 1918. talijanskog fašizma. godine (Ivan Kukanić, Luigi Maria Torcoletti, Augustin Juretić, Bernaddin Autor u knjizi donosi pregled crkvenih prilika u gradu Rijeci između Škrivanić) i riječkih crkava u liturgijskoj uporabi te pri tome navodi kako je dva svjetska rata naglašavajući kao središnji događaj osnivanje samostalne pastoral u gradu bio u lošem stanju budući da je veliki problem predstavljao biskupije. nedostatak bogoslužnog prostora, crkava, izvan samoga centra grada. Ponovno Rad je kronološki ustrojen. Podijeljen je na uvodno i još četiri se osvrće i na jezična pitanja i probleme u riječkoj Crkvi prije same talijanske poglavlja. Nakon Predgovora i Uvodne riječi u kojoj nas autor upoznaje sa uprave ističući kako je do početka 20-ih godina 20. st. Crkva u Rijeci njegovala središnjim događajem crkvene povijesti Rijeke između dva svjetska rata, pluralnu jezičnu praksu, ali navodi i kao problem u pastoralu zanemarivanje osnivanjem samostalne biskupije, knjiga započinje Uvodnim poglavljem. Ono propovijedanja i nepostojanje župne kateheze. Autor se kratkom analizom donosi pregled riječke crkvene povijesti. Pri tome valja odmah napomenuti osvrće i na crkvene i vjerske prilike na Sušaku na početku razdoblja talijanske kako ovaj rad proučava crkvenu povijest Rijeke u tadašnjim granicama grada, uprave. Pri tom naglašava kako važnu ulogu i djelovanje u vjerskom životu odnosno dio zapadnog dijela današnje Rijeke, tj. zapadno od Rječine. U Trsata i Sušaka imaju svećenici Andrija Rački i Martin Bubanj. Na kraju njemu nas autor upoznaje sa crkvenom pripadnosti Rijeke kroz povijest, od ovoga poglavlja autor donosi i pregled djelovanja muških i ženskih redovničkih vremena kada je Tarsatika bila moguće biskupsko središte na koncu antike zajednica u Rijeci 1918. godine (kapucina, salezijanaca, Družbe kćeri Presvetog i početkom srednjega vijeka, pa do vremena nakon raspada Austro-Ugarske Srca Isusova, milosrdnica sv. Vinka Paulskoga, benediktinki te Kongregacije Monarhije i stvaranja nove države kada Rijeka u crkvenom pogledu dobiva Naše Gospe od Mađarske). iz Rima apostolskog administratora. Pored toga autor nas ovdje upoznaje i U drugom poglavlju autor analizira život Crkve u Rijeci tijekom sa poviješću riječke župne crkve Uznesenja Blažene Djevice Marije, Zbornog okupacije Gabrielea D’Annunzija. Također donosi podatke o odvajanju kaptola te augustinskog samostana i crkve sv. Jeronima. Posebno naglašava od crkvene vlasti senjsko-modruškog biskupa te govori o djelovanju prvoga važnu ulogu redovništva u razdoblju katoličke obnove u Rijeci. Ističući kako apostolskog upravitelja Celsa Costantinija (1920.-1922.) i pripremi za crkveno su upravo isusovci, odnosno Družba Isusova dali prvorazredni doprinos osamostaljenje. Na početku ovoga poglavlja autor iznosi povijesni pregled vjerskom životu grada. Slijede kapucini i sestre benediktinke. Autor je u ovom prilika u Katoličkoj Crkvi nakon Prvoga svjetskoga rata te govori o pontifikatu poglavlju spomenuo ukratko i osnovne podatke o crkvenoj povijesti Trsata i pape Benedikta XV. i pape Pija XI. te o rješavanju Rimskoga pitanja. Pored Sušaka, istočnoga dijela današnjega područja grada Rijeke, koliko je potrebno toga osvrće se i na djelovanje hrvatskih katolika na kraju Prvoga svjetskog rata za razumijevanje konteksta riječkih prilika. Pored toga analizira i pitanje jezika te na odnos Svete Stolice prema stvaranju Kraljevine Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca. u riječkoj Crkvi povijesti, odnosno vrlo detaljno govori i o uporabi jezika u Razmatra i uzroke nastanka i uspjeha talijanskog fašizma te donosi pregled katoličkoj liturgiji Rijeke. političkih i državno-pravnih prilika u kojima se našla Rijeka nakon raspada

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Austro-Ugarske Monarhije (Londonski ugovor, Pariška mirovna konferencija, župe, osim kapucinske koja je tih godina gradila svoju monumentalnu crkvu Rapalski ugovor, pripojenje Rijeke Kraljevini Italiji). Posebno analizira i Gospe Lurdske, bile su bez crkava. Osim gradskih župa Sain je osnovao i jugoslavensko-talijanske odnose između dva svjetska rata te napetosti između nove izvangradske župe (Opatijska župa i crkva Navještenja Blažene Djevice Katoličke Crkve i svjetovne vlasti u Tršćansko-koparskoj biskupiji. Drugo Marije te župe Brgud, Rukavac, Zagorje i Podgraje). Tijekom Sainove uprave poglavlje raščlanjuje život Crkve u Rijeci u prvim godinama nakon rata (od u potpunosti ili djelomično sagrađeno je čak pet crkava (crkva Gospe Lurdske, 1919. do 1922.). To su godine okupacije D’Annunzija, odvajanja od crkvene crkva Svih Svetih na Kozali, crkva Navještenja Blažene Djevice Marije u Opatiji, vlasti senjsko-modruškog biskupa kojemu Rijeka do tada pripada. Zatim crkva svetoga Josipa na Podmurvicama i crkva svetog Antuna Padovanskoga govori o djelovanju apostolskoga vizitatora Valentina Liva kojega Vatikan prvo na Kantridi). Medved nadalje zaključuje kako su okolnosti u kojima su upućuje u Rijeku, a čija je služba trajala od svibnja do srpnja 1919. Imenovanjem nastale nove župe obilježene talijanizacijom te kako je pripojenjem grada svog novog predstavnika Celsa Costantinija s ovlastima apostolskog Rijeke Kraljevini Italiji 1924. stvoren glavni preduvjet osnivanju biskupije. U administratora u Rijeci je 1920. uspostavljena apostolska administratura. U nastavku poglavlja donosi analizu provedbe bule pape Pija XI. o osnivanju nastavku autor analizira rad i djelovanje Costantinija u gradu, njegov odnos Riječke biskupije od 25. travnja 1925. Autor nas upoznaje i sa činjenicom kako prema D’Annunziju, političkim previranjima nakon njegova odlaska te o riječka višenacionalna biskupija nije ušla ni u jednu crkvenu pokrajinu nego pripremi uspostave novih župa i financiranju gradnje župnih crkava u gradu. kako je bila izravno podvrgnuta Svetoj Stolici te kako je osnutkom biskupije Medved naglašava kako je imenovanje Costantinija naslovnim biskupom na stupanj katedrale bila uzdignuta crkva sv. Vida koja je tada redovito bilo obilježeno djelovanjem u korist normalizacije riječkog vjerskog života. koristila i naslov sv. Modesta. Slijedi pregled stvaranja biskupijskih struktura Autor zaključuje kako će tek pripojenje grada Rijeke Kraljevini Italiji 1924. i riječkog ordinarijata te malog biskupijskog sjemeništa u Rijeci. Pored toga otvoriti vrata osnivanju biskupije. Posebno se osvrnuo i na njegov odnos prema autor se osvrće i na odnos Saina prema talijanizaciji pastorala i progonu klera redovničkim zajednicama (kapucinima, zajednici Kćeri Srca Isusova) te na te na njegov odnos sa redovničkim zajednicama u gradu. Zatim navodi i još jezik u riječkoj Crkvi tijekom njegove uprave. Autor ističe kako je apostolski neke aspekte njegove uprave nad riječkom Crkvom. Pri tome ističe kako je upravitelj Rijeke i predgrađa vršio i službu upravitelja Cresa, Lošinja i Unija, podupirao uspostavu i djelovanje Katoličke akcije te u velikoj mjeri pomagao odnosno onih područja Krčke biskupije koja su se nalazila pod talijanskom siromasima grada Rijeke. Posebno se Medved osvrnuo i na jezično pitanje u vlašću te kako je njegova dvogodišnja riječka uprava ostala prilično nepoznata Riječkoj biskupiji u vrijeme njegova mandata, na nametanje talijanskoga jezika dok je njegovo djelovanje na razini opće Crkve vrlo zapaženo. On je nakon u gradskim župama i školskome vjeronauku te jasno zaključuje kako iako je službe u Rijeci dobio službu apostolskog delegata u Kini te je zaslužan za prva Sainov riječki episkopat dao značajan pečat pastoralnom životu i izgradnji ređenja autohtonih biskupa Kineza. biskupijskih struktura, svakako ga valja interpretirati u kontekstu odnosa U trećem poglavlju autor se bavi samom uspostavom Riječke biskupije talijanske katoličke hijerarhije kako spram talijanskog fašizma tako i prema te djelovanjem prvog biskupa Isidora Saina (1922.-1932.). Na početku ovoga Hrvatima i Slovencima u Kraljevini Italiji. Na kraju nam Medved donosi i poglavlja Medved donosi biografske podatke o tom istarskom benediktincu podatke o Sainovoj bolesti i smrti. Ovo poglavlje autor zaključuje kratkom te pri tome naglašava kako se od svih crkvenih upravitelja Rijeke tijekom analizom osnovnih značajki uprave Sainova nasljednika Carla Mecchija koji je talijanskog razdoblja upravo o njemu najmanje toga znalo pa zaključuje kako funkciju apostolskog administratora obnašao nepune dvije godine. se može reći da ga je historiografija (hrvatska i talijanska, svjetovna i crkvena) Četvrto poglavlje posvećeno je petogodišnjem episkopatu Antonija posve marginalizirala. Autor donosi opis događaja njegovog imenovanja Santina (1933.-1938.), u godinama napetosti u višenacionalnoj dijecezi za apostolskim administratorom pri tom naglašava kako je Saina glavnim vrijeme talijanskog društvenog konsenzusa. Na samom početku autor nam ciljevima svoga desetogodišnjega rada u Rijeci smatrao nužnim osnivanje ukazuje na historiografske podjele oko biskupa Santina (slovenske i hrvatske, novih župa i izgradnju crkava te pregovore s vlastima oko uspostave biskupije ali i razlike unutar talijanske historiografije). Pri tome ističe kako je za razliku s njezinim strukturama. Iako je, prema autorovim riječima, osnivanje novih od riječkog episkopata, Santinova kasnija višedesetljetna služba tršćansko- župa bilo prijeko potrebno za pastoral u gradu od tada 45 000 stanovnika, time koparskog biskupa u Trstu (1938.-1975.) mnogo poznatija. U nastavku iznosi se zapravo otvarao put prema osnivanju biskupije. No, ta se realizacija plana njegove kratke biografske podatke te slijed njegova imenovanja riječkim odužila zbog niza problema, u prvome redu zbog nedostatka broja svećenika biskupom. Medved ističe kako je Santin tijekom upravljanja riječkom te financijske podrške vlasti. Autor zatim donosi pregled uspostavljenih dijecezom učvrstio biskupijske strukture (unaprijedio središnji biskupijski novih župa i njihove organizacije pastorala (Kapucinska Župa Bezgrješnog ured, pokrenuo biskupijski vjesnik, kadrovski popunio kurijalne urede, tiskao začeća Blažene Djevice Marije (Gospa Lurdska), župa Svih Svetih (Kozala), shematizam Riječke biskupije), ali i pogoršao već prilično napet odnos između župa Presvetoga Otkupitelja (Mlaka), župa svetoga Nikole (Turnić)). Sve hrvatsko-slovenskog klera i talijanske katoličke hijerarhije u Rijeci. Zatim

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navodi kako je proširio i uskladio biskupijske granice s granicama Kvarnerske obuhvaćenoj problematici u kojoj se iznose nova viđenja o tom razdoblju riječke provincije te osnivao nove župe, koje su pod novu dijecezu prešle iz sastava crkvene povijesti, na posljednjim se stranicama nalaze Sažeci na engleskom i Tršćansko-koparske biskupije. Zaključuje kako je na kraju Sainova episkopata talijanskom jeziku te vrlo bogat i pregledan popis Izvora i literature. Možemo Riječka biskupija brojila 21 župu. Autor u nastavku donosi kako je upravo primijetiti kako autor konzultira i donosi izvore iz niza arhivskih fondova, Santin riječkom Stolnom kaptolu od Svete stolice pribavio nova odličja, crkvenih i svjetovnih arhiva u Hrvatskoj i Italiji (Nadbiskupijski arhiv u odnosno one časti kojima se u prošlosti ponosio umrtvljeni Zborni kaptol te Rijeci, arhivi nekolicine riječkih župa i crkvenih ustanova, Državni arhiv u kako je popravio i njegov nacionalni sastav imenovavši u nj slovenske i hrvatske Rijeci, Arhiv Zbornog kaptola u Čedadu (Cividale del Friuli), Biskupskog kanonike, što je bio prvi u nizu zahtjeva upućenih mu od hrvatsko-slovenskog arhiva u Senju, Biskupskog arhiva u Acqui, Biskupijskog arhiva u Padovi klera prigodom preuzimanja uprave biskupijom. Santin je Kaptolu dao i novi pa do Nadbiskupijskog arhiva u Pisi). Obzirom da je arhivska građa skoro u statut. Autor u nastavku ističe kako je među njegovim središnjim zadaćama potpunosti na talijanskom jeziku, smatrao je potrebnim da je ne prenosi na bila briga o duhovnim zvanjima. Tako je proširio i poboljšao uvjete djelovanja izvornom, već da je navodi prevedenu na hrvatski jezik. Pored toga koristio je biskupijskog sjemeništa, a priskrbio mu je i vilu za ljetovanje sjemeništaraca i i periodičku građu (novine). Tako je na popisu 8 naslova službenih i mjesnih bogoslova u Lovranu. Medved analizira kako je Santin upravo na tragu svojih te specijaliziranih glasila. Osobito je značajan biskupijski vjesnik Riječke prethodnika nastojao riješiti glavni problem u pastoralu grada - izgradnju biskupije “Bollettino del clero” i riječki dnevnik “La Vedetta d’Italia” koju župnih crkava. Tako je vodio zadnju fazu izgradnje župne crkve Svih svetih autor detaljno iščitava kroz punih 20 godina njezina objavljivanja. Pored toga, na Kozali, a u vrijeme njegove uprave bila je podignuta i salezijanska crkva autor u popisu literature navodi preko 400-tinjak naslova koji svakako mogu Marije Pomoćice. No, bezuspješni su mu ostali pokušaji izgradnje crkava biti vrlo korisna bibliografija nekim budućim istraživačima riječke crkvene, svetoga Nikole i Presvetog Otkupitelja. Autor nas upoznaje i sa Santinovom ali svjetovne povijesti, povijesti općeg političko-društvenog života u Rijeci u brigom prema ženskim redovničkim zajednicama. Tako je reorganizirao godinama talijanske uprave gradom. jedinu autohtonu redovničku zajednicu Kćeri Presvetoga Srca Isusova, kako Na samom kraju knjige slijedi Indeks osoba i mjesta što daje dodatnu se tada nazivala današnja Družba sestara Presvetog Srca Isusova. Pored toga preglednost obimnom sadržaju te uvelike olakšava korisnicima ove iznimno navodi kako su uz Santinovu aktivnu potporu i benediktinke u gradu otvorile vrijedne monografije njezino korištenje. Na posljednjim stranicama nalazi se žensku srednju učiteljsku školu te kako je na Kantridi otvorio katolički Sadržaj. ženski popravni dom Dobroga Pastira i povjerio ga redovnicama Služavkama Zaključujem kako je knjiga Marka Medveda Riječka crkva u Bezgrješne iz Parme. Posebno se založio i za djelovanje redovničke zajednice razdoblju fašizma. Nastanak biskupije i prvi talijanski upravitelji relevantno Školskih sestara Notre Dame. Medved zaključuje kako je unatoč neporecivom historiografsko djelo, kvalitetno oblikovan prikaz riječke gotovo nepoznate poboljšanju u pastoralnim pitanjima i organizaciji upravljanja Riječkom crkvene povijest na više od 700 stranica, s preko 2000 natuknica. Svakako biskupijom (organizira kongrese, tzv. Veliku gradsku misiju, župne kateheze, je potrebno spomenuti i značajan broj likovnih prilog (zemljopisnih karata, zauzima se i za pastoral duhovnih zvanja, za širenje katoličkog tiska, vodio portreta, fotografija i dr.) koji zorno prate i time nadopunjuju sadržaj ove je i pastoralnu brigu o katoličkim intelektualcima, borio se za priznavanje iznimne monografije. Znanstveno je to djelo pisano analitičkim stilom, u kršćanskih blagdana i za svetkovanje nedjelje na području Rijeke te za povratak kojemu su teze utemeljene na arhivskim izvorima te na znalačkom uvidu gradskih procesija), Santinov episkopat obilježen sve većom napetošću između u postojeću literaturu, ali i u manje ili gotovo uopće do sada ne korišteno ordinarija i slovensko-hrvatskog klera i vjernika. Na kraju se autor osvrnuo i na arhivsko gradivo. U središtu su autorova zanimanja stvaranje novih gradskih njegov odnos prema jezičnom pitanju u Riječkoj biskupiji. Navodi kako je od župa i osnutak samostalne Riječke biskupije nakon aneksije grada od strane 1934. Santin zahtijevao latinizaciju liturgijskog jezika te kako je slao talijanske Italije, u okvirima talijanskoga fašizma. Analizira se život Katoličke Crkve svećenike u hrvatske i slovenske župe s posljedicom talijanizacije pastorala. Pri tijekom okupacije Gabrielea D’Annunzija, odvajanje od crkvene vlasti senjsko- tome autor zaključuje kako je objektivna prosudba biskupove odgovornosti modruškog biskupa, jezična situacija u riječkoj Crkvi, djelovanje prvoga moguća tek nakon analize stanja riječke Crkve u 20-im i početkom 30- apostolskog upravitelja Celsa Costantija, prvoga riječkog biskupa Isidora Saina ih godina jer je, kako smatra, glavnina talijanizacije, latinizacije i progona i potom biskupa Antonija Santina. Medvedova monografija donosi niz korisnih netalijanskoga klera započela u gradu Rijeci i na Liburniji i prije nego je Santin podataka o djelovanju ovih talijanskih biskupa Rijeke i crkvenih upravitelja, počeo upravljati Riječkom dijecezom. Što naravno, ističe autor, ne isključuje osobito je zanimljiv prikaz njihova odnosa prema političkim i nacionalnim njegovu odgovornost. Autor, ovo posljednje poglavlje zaključuje imenovanjem pitanjima smještajući ih u kontekst crkvenih i društveno-političkih prilika Santina za tršćansko-koparskog biskupa 1938. godine. grada u međuraću. Upravo nam autor u ovoj iznimnoj monografiji, vrlo vješto Nakon opširne Zaključne riječi autora s generalnom refleksijom o i stručno prezentira te prijelomne godine u kojima Rijeka živi u prvoj polovici

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20. st., te ukazuje kako je riječko državno-političko pitanje i riječka crkvena Slaven BERTOŠA, Barban i mletački Loredani: život u pokretu, ljudi povijest vrlo zanimljiva i prepuna dosad nepoznatih podataka. i događaji, Pazin – Barban – Pula: Katedra Čakavskog sabora Pazin – Budući da je crkvena povijest grada Rijeke tijekom talijanske uprave vrlo Općina Barban – Državni arhiv u Pazinu – Sveučilište Jurja Dobrile u malo istražena i do sada poznata široj, ali i znanstvenoj javnosti ovo djelo ima Puli, 2015., 320 str. veliku historiografsku važnost te predstavlja dragocjen doprinos rasvjetljavanju toga vremena, zapravo recentne povijesti, budući da nas dijeli svega 80-ak godina od vremena talijanske uprave u gradu Rijeci. Kako su podaci vezani uz Dr. sc. Slaven Bertoša, cijenjeni stručnjak za novovijekovnu povijest Istre utemeljenje neke biskupije od velike važnosti za svaku mjesnu Crkvu, doprinos i sjevernojadranskog prostora te redoviti profesor u trajnom zvanju Sveučilišta je ovo crkvenoj povijesti, ali i riječkoj lokalnoj povijesti, pa i šire, budući da Jurja Dobrile u Puli, napisao je prvu povijesnu znanstvenu monografiju o je riječ o prvoj i dosad jedinoj objavljenoj monografiji u Hrvatskoj o crkvi povijesti područja Barbana i Raklja koja je – kako kaže autor – sastavljena između dva svjetska rata. interdisciplinarnim, multidisciplinarnim i transdisciplinarnim pristupom. Svoju knjigu Slaven Bertoša je napisao multiperspektivno, analizirajući različite Andrea ROKNIĆ BEŽANIĆ arhivske izvore, obilazeći terenskim istraživanjima prostor Barbana i Raklja, proučavajući hrvatsku, talijansku i slovensku historiografiju. U Uvodu (str. 7-9) Slaven Bertoša navodi da se gradić Barban nalazi na važnom i zanimljivom zemljopisnom položaju iznad doline rijeke Raše, 28 kilometara sjeveroistočno od Pule te da je danas sjedište istoimene općine koja obuhvaća okolni prostor nazvan Barbanština. Spomenuto područje je bilo naseljeno u najstarije doba, iz kojeg potječu mnoge pećine. Poglavlje obogaćuju slikovni prilozi: pećina ispod sela Hrboki (str. 7), Vicina pećina i pećina Jamurina (str. 8) te pećina na Ledini (str. 9). Kada je 1535. mletački Senat donio odluku da se Barban i Rakalj pretvore u privatni feud, na javnoj ih je dražbi kupila plemićka obitelj Loredan koja je njima upravljala sljedeća tri stoljeća. Iz novog vijeka potječe i znamenita Trka na prstenac koja se u povijesnim vrelima prvi put spominje 1696. godine, a održava se u drugoj polovini kolovoza i predstavlja zaštitni znak Barbana. U poglavlju pod naslovom Mletačka obitelj Loredan i njezini sredozemni horizonti (str. 11-29) autor objašnjava da je obitelj Loredan vrlo stara i ugledna. Podrijetlo vuče iz XI. stoljeća. Mletački su Loredani domovini dali trojicu duždeva: Leonarda (1431. – 1521.), Pietra (1482. - 1570.) i Francesca (1685. - 1762.), dvanaest prokuratora Sv. Marka, brojne članove Senata i magistrate. Godine 1630. osnovana je Akademija neznanih, koja je bila poznata i pod nazivom Loredanska akademija. Utemeljio ju je mletački nobil Gianfrancesco, a bavila se raspravama s područja književnosti. Za Loredane je također vezano mnogo zanimljivosti. Tako se Zanotto Loredan 1316. godine nakon vlastitog pogreba probudio i ozdravio te kasnije zasnovao obitelj. Za njihovo se ime vezuje i nekoliko značajnih vojnih pobjeda u pomorskim i kopnenim bitkama s Osmanlijama. Poglavlje nadopunjuju rodoslovlje barbansko-rakljanskih Loredana (str. 21) i slikovni prikaz barbanskog područja podijeljenog na županate iz godine 1000.-1400. (str. 27). Oba povijesna izvora dio su ostavštine Josipa Antuna Batela, a nalaze se u Arhivu HAZU-a. Slijedi poglavlje pod naslovom Kratki povijesni pregled uz osvrt na historiografiju (str. 30-38) u kojem Slaven Bertoša objašnjava da se postanak Barbana vezuje za VI. stoljeće, odnosno za doba kada Istrom i Dalmacijom

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vlada Bizant. Autor navodi 17 privatnih gospoštija koje su postojale u mletačkoj formi: Njiva zgora loze, Sinokoša pod kruškon, Vrt poli čerišnje... Poglavlje Istri u novom vijeku. Gospoštiju Barban i Rakalj držala je od 1536. do obogaćuju sljedeći slikovni prilozi: teritorij Barbana i Raklja podijeljen na propasti Mletačke Republike 1797. mletačka plemićka obitelj Loredan od loze porezne općine (1819./1820.) (str. 50), Bateli – panorama s ceste Vodnjan – San Stefano koja je tim područjem zagospodarila nakon što je mletački Senat Barban (str. 56), faksimil upisa u kojem se spominje toponim Babina njiva na 1535. donio odluku o pretvaranju Barbana i Raklja u feud, a potom ih za 14760 Gočanu (str. 59-60), faksimil upisa u kojem se navodi toponim Velika njiva dukata na javnoj dražbi prodao spomenutoj obitelji. Obitelj Loredan feudom iza sela Belavići (str. 61-62), faksimil upisa u kojem se spominje kanonik Petar je upravljala preko svojeg službenika koji je imao titulu kapetana. Barbansko- Stanković (str. 65-66), faksimil upisa u kojem se spominje Ive Ukota (str. 67), rakljanski feud bio je vrlo važan novovjekovni feudalni posjed, a nalazio se u Dobrani – detalj (str. 68), Rakalj – Bedrinići (str. 69), Belavići – panorama (str. jugoistočnom dijelu mletačke Istre. Bila je to jedina istarska gospoštija koju 70), Puntera – primjer stare seoske arhitekture (str. 71), Rebići – detalj (str. 72), se moglo naslijediti i u ženskoj lozi. O Barbanu i Barbanštini postoji zaseban Rakalj, crkva sv. Agnjije – pogled na svjetionik Sv. Nikola i na labinsku stranu zbornik, a u sklopu posebnog projekta Barbansko – rakljanskim feudom bavi (str. 74), Sutivanac – dio sela (str. 76), Melnica – detalj (str. 77), selo Hrboki se Slaven Bertoša, koji detaljnije proučava ostavštinu nekadašnjeg barbanskog – panorama (str. 78), Poljaki – panorama (str. 79), Glavani – dio sela (str. 81), načelnika Josipa Antuna Batela. Poglavlje obogaćuju slikovni prilozi: gradić Orihi – seoski detalj zimi (str. 82), Manjadvorci – panorama s prilazne ceste Barban – pogled s puta za Punteru (str. 31), Barban – Vela vrata i Barban – (str. 86), Orihi – lokalitet Križica (330m) (str. 88), faksimil upisa u kojem se Mala vrata (str. 33), Hrboki, Sv. Ivan – početna točka staze “Putem izvora” spominje kontrada Rebići (str. 91-92), Beloći – pogled s prilazne ceste iz Hreljići (str. 35), nadgrobni spomenik J. A. Batela na barbanskom groblju (str. 36) te (str. 94) te faksimil upisa u kojem je zabilježen toponim Grm zad hiže (str. 97- dolina Raše – pogled sa staze Hrboki (Sv. Ivan) – Čažune (str. 38). 98). Poglavlje također nadopunjuju dva priloga: popis antroponima (str. 64-84) Teritorijalni, demografski i gospodarski podaci o Barbansko-rakljanskoj i popis toponima (str. 85-98). gospoštiji u drugoj polovini XVIII. stoljeća (str. 39-49) naslov je sljedećeg poglavlja Slijedi poglavlje Crkvena prošlost Barbana i Raklja (str. 99-138) u kojem u kojem autor navodi podatke vezane uz administrativan i gospodarski ustroj nam autor navodi popise barbanskih župnika i arcipreta od 1325. do 1887. barbansko-rakljanskog feudalnog posjeda u posljednjim desetljećima njegove godine, od kojih su gotovo svi imali hrvatsko ime i prezime. Slijede popisi opstojnosti na temelju spisa iz već spomenute Batelove ostavštine. Na navedenom barbanskih kanonika za razdoblje od 1325. do 1883. godine. Opsežan popis području obitavalo je 2210 ljudi. Od stoke najviše je bilo ovaca (gotovo 10000), a barbanskih kanonika sadrži preko 140 imena i prezimena. I u ovom se popisu najmanje konja (oko 150). Stanovnici su većinom bili poljoprivrednici. Seoskim – tvrdi autor – uglavnom nalaze hrvatska imena i prezimena. Zanimljiv je i su područjem upravljali župani i njihovi zamjenici, a u gradiću Barbanu svoje popis trajnih obveza kaptola župne crkve sv. Nikole u Barbanu iz 1738. godine. je sjedište imalo niz predstavnika državne vlasti. Poglavlje nadopunjuju sljedeći Na Uskrs se procesija s misom obavljala u Prnjanima, gdje su se vjernici molili slikovni prilozi: Bratulići – detalj (str. 40), Rakalj – pogled na crkvu sv. Agnjije nad obiteljskim grobnicama. Izdvojila bih i popis barbanskih i rakljanskih sa starih ruševina (str. 41), Draguzeti – kamen-graničnik sjeverno od sela (str. bratovština i njihove imovine iz 1741. godine. Najveća i najbogatija bratovština 42) te Grandići – dio sela (str. 43). Poglavlje završava trima prilozima (str. 45- u Barbanu bila je Bratovština sv. Nikole s prihodom od 38166 lira. Autor 49) koji predstavljaju prijepis na početku poglavlja već spomenutih isprava na također navodi crkve u Barbanu i na okolnom području. Crkva sv. Margarete talijanskom jeziku iz Batelove ostavštine. u Prnjanima nalazi se u predjelu zvanom Gubavica, a prema mišljenju Bernarda U poglavlju pod naslovom Povijesna antroponimija i toponimija Schiavuzzija nastala je nakon 1300. godine. Prema predaji se – kako objašnjava (početkom XIX. stoljeća ) (str. 49-98) Slaven Bertoša navodi 51 naselje na Slaven Bertoša - kod crkve sv. Margarete nalazila bolnica za oboljele od kuge pa barbanskom području, 32 mjesta izvan barbanskog područja te za područje se zato taj kraj naziva Gubavica. Neke crkve se spominju u Istarskom razvodu, Raklja i Barbana, odnosno njima susjedna područja u južnoj Istri karakteristična ispravi pisanoj glagoljicom iz XIV. stoljeća (crkva sv. Sabe, crkva sv. Dionizija). prezimena. Zanimljivo je – kako tvrdi autor – da su mnoga sela i zaselci na Poglavlje nadopunjuju sljedeći slikovni prilozi: Barban – detalj gradića na poluotoku naziv dobili upravo prema prezimenu najbrojnije obitelji ili prema kojem se vidi krov kuće kanonika Stankovića i zvonik župne crkve (str. 99), obitelji koja se na nekom lokalitetu prva smjestila i osnovala naselje. Iz skupine Barban – palača Loredan (str. 102), Barban – Gradišće ljeti (str. 103), Barban – prezimena, prema kojima su naselja dobila ime, izdvojila bih: Belavić, Borina, groblje sv. Križa (str. 104), faksimil popisa barbanskih i rakljanskih bratovština Celija, Dobran, Draguzet, Duplić, Osip, Pačić, Poljak, Prdac. Gotovo sva ta i njihove imovine iz 1741. (str. 106-107), Barban – župna crkva sv. Nikole (str. prezimena su i danas karakteristična za to područje. Posebice se – kako nadalje 108), Barban – lijepi kameni tabernakul u crkvi sv. Nikole (str. 109), Barban – kaže autor – uočava naglašena dominantnost hrvatskih prezimena iz čega se natpis na luku na kojem stoji da je župna crkva sv. Nikole obnovljena 1843. (str. može zaključiti da je na ovom području čak i prije velikih migracijskih kretanja 110), Barban – crkva sv. Jakova (str. 111), Barban – crkva sv. Antuna Opata (str. hrvatska jezgra bila posebice snažna. Toponimi su se često bilježili u čakavskoj 112), Barban – crkva Majke Božje od Oranice i Barban – spomenik kanoniku

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Petru Stankoviću na groblju sv. Križa (str. 113), Prnjani – crkva rođenja Blažene 1668. i dozvola o podizanju crkve Blažene Gospe od Zdravlja kod sela Hreljići Djevice Marije na mjesnom groblju (str. 114), Prnjani – crkva sv. Margarete na 1724. Prijepise oba izvora na talijanskom jeziku priložio je autor na kraju Gubavici (str. 115), Puntera – crkva Presvetog Trojstva (str. 116), Raški zaljev poglavlja (str. 161-162). Zanimljivo je da je Pisak u novom vijeku bio poznat – pogled s puta Puntera – Pisak (str. 117), Bičići – crkva sv. Martina (str. 118), po ideji o gradnji solana na feudalnom posjedu obitelji Loredan. Autor tvrdi Šajini – crkva sv. Petra (str. 119), Škitača – groblje (str. 120), ruševine crkve da barbanske solane nisu imale svrhu konkurirati proizvodnji soli u velikim sv. Dionizija (Duniža) ispod sela Bratulići i kamen-graničnik između Stare solanama kod Milja i Pirana, nego se radilo o pokušaju pronalaženja novih Stancije i ruševina crkve sv. Duniža (str. 121), Želiski – crkva sv. Pavla (str. izvora prihoda. Autor je u poglavlju priložio slikovne priloge koji prikazuju 122), Hreljići – dio sela (str. 123), Barban – rodna kuća kanonika Stankovića, lokalitet Čažune u dolini Raše (str. 152), Pisak – stari kameni most preko rijeke pogled s dvorišne strane (str. 124) te zaselak Mavrići kod Prnjani (str. 125). Na Raše (str. 153), faksimil ugovora o gradnji lože ispred crkve Majke Božje Snježne kraju poglavlja nalazi se sedam priloga (str. 126-138) koji predstavljaju prijepise na Pisku - 1668. (str. 154), Pisak – crpnu stanicu smještenu na lokalitetu na u poglavlju navedenih dokumenata iz Batelove ostavštine. kojem se nekad nalazila crkva Gospe Snježne (str. 156), Hreljići – crkvu majke Prilozi poznavanju prošlosti župne crkve sv. Nikole u Barbanu (str. 139- Božje od Zdravlja (str. 157) te faksimil ugovora o gradnji crkve Majke Božje od 146) naslov je sljedećeg poglavlja u kojem autor navodi da je glavna barbanska Zdravlja blizu Hreljići – 1724. (str. 159-160). crkva sv. Nikole sagrađena 1701. na mjestu starije i manje crkve. Zanimljivo je Slijedi poglavlje pod naslovom Barbanski i rakljanski bilježnici (1502.- da je i sam Batel bio plaćeni orguljaš u crkvi sv. Nikole. Vrlo čitljivim rukopisom 1811.) (str. 163-168) u kojem autor navodi popis barbanskih i rakljanskih je - kako tvrdi autor – 1869. napisano rodoslovlje obitelji Petra Stankovića bilježnika, također iz Batelove ostavštine, od početka XVI. do početka XIX. (1771. – 1852.), znamenitog barbanskog svećenika, polihistora i prosvjetitelja stoljeća. Zabilježeno je 81 ime. U većini slučajeva bilježnici su bili Mlečani, a te kanonika tamošnje zborne crkve sv. Nikole, koje također predstavlja dio ponekad i Barbanci. Bilo je i onih koji su dovedeni iz drugih mjesta u mletačkoj Batelove ostavštine. Petar Matija Stanković, najstariji sin Antuna Stankovića, Istri ili izvan nje, primjerice iz pokrajine Veneto. U poglavlju je priložen slikovni bio je poznati kanonik, član mnogobrojnih akademija i znanstvenih udruženja. prilog Rakalj – Sv. Agnjija, ruševine starih zidina (str. 165). Na kraju poglavlja Njegov brat, dr. Petar Martin, bio je liječnik-fizik, a tijekom francuske vlasti autor je donio prijepis popisa barbanskih i rakljanskih bilježnika (str. 167-168). obnašao je funkciju mjesnog načelnika. Također treba spomenuti ispravu iz Slijede poglavlja Oporuke barbanskih plemića (XVI.-XVII. stoljeće) sredine XVII. stoljeća koja svjedoči o imovini klerika Petra Družića koju su (str. 169-174), Oporuke barbanskih seljaka (XVI.-XIX. stoljeće) (str. 175-187) te mu prigodom dobivanja statusa podđakona darovala četvorica dobrotvora jer Oporuka Antuna Sinčića (1799.): primjer buzetsko-barbanskih migracijskih veza je za dobivanje naslova podđakona bilo potrebno imati imovinu dovoljnu za (str. 188-194). U njima su priloženi slikovni prilozi koji prikazuju Rakalj – vlastito doživotno izdržavanje. Autor je priložio slikovne priloge koji prikazuju Zvonik župne crkve Rođenja Blažene Djevice Marije (str. 170), Stari Gočan Barban – zvonik župne crkve sv. Nikole (str. 139), Barban – natpis iznad ulaza – panoramu s Rogatice (str. 179) te faksimil oporuke Antuna Rajka s Gočana, u rodnu kuću kanonika Stankovića (str. 140) i Barban – grb obitelji Loredan sastavljene na hrvatskom jeziku (str. 180). Autor je u poglavlju priložio prijepise na zidu obiteljske palače (str. 142). Poglavlje završava prijepisima ugovora o oporuka, uglavnom na talijanskom jeziku, iz Batelove ostavštine: prijepis obnovi orgulja u župnoj crkvi sv. Nikole u Barbanu iz 1675., rodoslovlja obitelji oporuke Cecilije Vergerio 1583. (str. 172), prijepis oporuke Ottavija i Giulije Stanković te imovine svećenika Petra Družića prilikom dobivanja statusa Magagnati 1610. (str. 173-174), prijepis oporuke Jure Prodoljana 1537. (str. podđakona (str. 143-146). 182), prijepis oporuke Katarine, kćeri pokojnog Mate Vlahovića i udovice U poglavlju pod naslovom Inventar crkve sv. Nikole u Barbanu iz Antuna, sina Staniše Bulića 1777. (str. 183-184), prijepis oporuke Ivana, sina 1640. (str. 147-151) autor naglašava da inventar nedvojbeno pokazuje da je Matije Perčića 1777. (str. 185-186), prijepis oporuke Antuna Rajka iz Gočana barbanska župna crkva posjedovala raznovrsno blago, a jedan njegov dio velike 1806. (str. 187) te prijepis oporuke Antuna Sinčića 1799. (str. 192-194). Cecilija je umjetničke vrijednosti. I inventar crkve sv. Nikole čuva se u ostavštini Josipa Vergerio, kćer koparskog nobila Girolama Vergerija, za svoju glavnu nasljednicu Antuna Batela. U poglavlju je priložen slikovni prilog koji prikazuje Barban – proglašava nećakinju Antellu, kćer brata Colmana, ali pod uvjetom da se ona unutrašnjost župne crkve sv. Nikole (str. 147). Poglavlje završava prilogom koji što prije uda. Jure Prodoljan, žitelj Barbanštine, zahtijeva da ako netko od predstavlja prijepis inventara crkve sv. Nikole u Barbanu iz 1640. godine (str. njegovih sinova bude lopov ili neki zločinac ili ako neka kći postane bludnica, 149-151). od njegovih dobara dobije samo četiri solda. Antun Sinčić, otac istoimenog O dvjema crkvama Barbanštine (str. 151-162) naslov je sljedećeg poglavlja barbanskog kanonika, rodom iz sela Cunja na Buzeštini, zahtijeva da se za sve u kojem Slaven Bertoša iznosi podatke vezane uz dvije crkve na barbanskom dugove koje je trebao platiti njegov pokojni sin kanonik žurno prodaju mnoga području: na lokalitetu Pisak i na brežuljku u blizini sela Hreljići. U Batelovoj njegova nepokretna svećenička dobra ili da se vjerovnici mogu slobodno isplatiti ostavštini nalaze se ugovor o gradnji lože ispred crkve Gospe Snježne na Pisku pomoću tih dobara.

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Migracijski kontakti između Barbana i Pule u novom vijeku (str. 195- Nevenko BARTULIN, The Racial Idea in the Independent State of 212) naslov je sljedećeg poglavlja u kojem autor objašnjava da je u Puli od prve Croatia: Origins and Theory, Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2014., 244. str. polovine XVII. do prve polovine XIX. stoljeća broj umrlih nadvisivao broj rođenih te da je grad uspijevao opstati kao naseljeno mjesto isključivo zahvaljujući migracijama. Doseljenici s područja Barbansko-rakljanskog feuda dolazili su u Suvremena transnacionalna historiografija uglavnom tretira fašizam, Pulu u prilično velikom broju. Neprestano se spominju u Matičnim knjigama rasizam i holokaust kao isprepletenu povijest. Taj pristup bazira se na stavu grada Pule od 1613. do 1817. godine. Matične knjiga grada Pule čuvaju se u da povijest jednog od ovih fenomena nije u potpunosti moguće objasniti bez Državnom arhivu u Pazinu. Poglavlje nadopunjuju sljedeći slikovni prilozi: upis uzimanja u obzir paralelnog razvoja druga dva. Hrvatska je historiografija u kojem se kao kumovi na krštenju spominju Matija Brgić i Matija Belavić iz uvelike ostala distancirana od ovih diskusija na međunarodnoj razini, a tome Barbana (str. 197), Orihi – detalj na ulazu u selo i Petehi – panorama dijela svjedoči nerazmjerno mali broj publikacije radova na engleskom jeziku o sela s glavne ceste Barban – Žminj (str. 199), faksimil upisa u kojem se kao povijesti ustaškog pokreta i holokausta u Hrvatskoj, u odnosu na količinu kuma na krizmi spominje Matija iz Petehi (str. 201), Rakalj – primjer mjesne literature objavljene na hrvatskom jeziku. Upravo je zbog toga važna nova knjiga arhitekture lijepo uklopljene u prirodni ambijent (str. 202), faksimil upisa u Nevenka Bartulina pod naslovom The Racial Idea in the Independent State of kojem se spominje smrt časne sestre Marije Mirković iz Raklja (str. 203), Rakalj Croatia: Origins and Theory, koja je objavljena u izdanju prestižne međunarodne – crkva sv. Agnjije (str. 204), Rakalj – crkva sv. Agnjije, detalj s pročelja (str. nakladničke kuće Brill, 2014. godine. Ova publikacija je svojevrsna prerađena, 205) te upis u kojem se spominje Katarina Pekica iz Šajini (str. 206). Autor ali i nadograđena verzija, Bartulinovog doktorata The Ideology of Nation and je na kraju poglavlja priložio cjelovit popis doseljenika s područja Barbansko- Race: The Croatian Ustasha Regime and its Policies Toward Minorities in the rakljanskog feuda (sastavljen kronološkim redoslijedom na temelju podataka iz Independent State of Croatia, 1941-1945. kojeg je obranio na University of puljskih matičnih knjiga od 1613. do 1817.) (str. 210-212). Iz Barbana ih je bilo New South Wales, 2006. godine. Bartulin pripada novoj generaciji mlađih 48 (oko 65%), a iz Raklja 16 (oko 22%). povjesničara poput Rorya Yeomansa i Alexandra Korba, koji se bave poviješću U poglavlju pod naslovom Mletačko-austrijska granica u dolini rijeke Raše ustaškog pokreta pokušavajući primijeniti u svojem istraživanju suvremene koncem XVIII. stoljeća (str. 213-225) Slaven Bertoša objašnjava da je dolina rijeke interpretacijske i metodološke pristupe. Motivirani nedostatkom literature Raše predstavljala dio granične crte između Mletačke Republike i Habsburške o ustaškom pokretu na međunarodnoj razini, spomenuti autori pretežito Monarhije u jugoistočnom dijelu Istre. Autor je priložio prijepis dokumenta o pišu na engleskom jeziku pokušavajući uvesti temu ustaškog pokreta u širu održavanju raških mlinova 1661. (str. 220) te dva službena izvješća o ophodima historiografsku debatu o fašizmu, masovnom nasilju, holokaustu, itd. mletačko-austrijske granice na području Barbanštine 1788. (str. 221-223) i 1791. U uvodu knjige Bartulin donosi kratak pregled historiografskih (str. 224-225) kojima se trebalo utvrditi točno prostiranje granične crte. Oba pristupa povijesti ustaškog pokreta do 1990. godine, pa tako naglašava razliku službena izvješća nalaze se u Državnom arhivu u Veneciji. Autor na temelju ova između marksističkog pristupa koji je ustaški pokret tretirao kao imitaciju dva analizirana izvješća zaključuje da su do propasti Mletačke Republike duž „naci-fašizma”, ne poklanjajući pretjeranu pažnju na posebnosti ustaškog granice neprestano postojale mnogobrojne žarišne točke sukoba koje nije bilo rasizma i njegove geneze. Nasuprot marksističkom pristupu stajala je druga moguće prevladati zbog složenih uvjeta života na tom prostoru. U poglavlju krajnost „nostalgijsko-apologetska” grupa autora koja se sastojala od djela je priložen slikovni prilog koji predstavlja Sutivanac – crkvu Blažene Djevice emigrantskih i proustaških intelektualaca koji su nastojali minimizirati ili Marije (str. 216). ignorirati masovne zločine počinjene od strane ustaškog režima te umanjiti Na kraju knjige nalaze se Bilješke (str. 226-267), Popis korištenih izvora, važnost ustaškog rasizma. No čak i nakon 90ih godina, unatoč novom valu literature i rječnika (str. 268-276), sažeci na hrvatskom, talijanskom, engleskom reinterpretacija i istraživanja, ustaškom rasizmu posvećeno je premalo pažnje i njemačkom jeziku (str. 277-285), Index locorum (str. 286-293), Index nominum u historiografskim djelima. Upravo je to bio motiv Bartulinu da se detaljno (str. 294-306), Index rerum et notionum (str. 307-310) te Bilješka o piscu (str. 311- posveti istraživanju ove teme. 314). Knjiga Slavena Bertoše Barban i mletački Loredani: život u pokretu, ljudi U prvom poglavlju pod naslovom Language and race: Croats, Illyrians, i događaji jedinstvena je sinteza prošlosti prostora Barbana i Raklja čija zadaća Slavs and Aryans (str. 20-32) Bartulin ukratko prikazuje nastanak i razvoj je - kao što kaže sam autor – da dopuni postojeće spoznaje i otvori prostor prvih rasnih teorija u Europi. Iako je uvriježeno mišljenje da je rasizam novim istraživanjima različitih tema vezanih uz istarskog čovjeka i istarski kraj oduvijek bio povezan s fizičko-biološkim komponentama, Bartulin nastoji ispunjen burnom prošlošću. razbiti taj mit i prikazati da su se prve moderne rasne teorije uglavnom gradile na lingvističkim karakteristikama. Bartulin ističe da je na području Hrvatske Maja ĆUTIĆ GORUP ilirizam bio prvi pokret koji je kombinirao rasnu i jezičnu komponentu u

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svrhu ujedinjenja južnih Slavena. Ideja ilirizma djelomično je bila motivirana razvijeni tip.” Sličnih stajališta kao i Truhelka bio je i Ivo Pilar (1874-1933) protumađarskim stavovima, a zbog intenzivne mađarizacije dolazi do potrebe koji je imao snažan utjecaj među hrvatskim nacionalistima u predratnim za isticanjem oštrijih razlika između Mađara i južnih Slavena koji su se našli godinama. Bartulin ističe kako su rasne ideje istovremeno bile aktualne i u pod njihovom dominacijom. Prema Ilircima, Mađari, pa time i njihov jezik, srpskim intelektualnim krugovima, pa tako srpski geograf Jovan Cvijić (1865- nisu bili indoeuropskog porijekla za razliku od Slavena koji to jesu. Bartulin 1927) tvrdi da su Srbi predstavnici dinarske rase koja se mora obraniti od napominje da u smislu rasnog nauka postoji kontinuitet između ilirizma i štetnih utjecaja Vlaha kao stranog elementa. Natruhe rasnog promišljanja jugoslavizma pod vodstvom J. J. Strossmayera. Strossmayer je zastupao stav da mogu se pronaći i u pisanju Stjepana i Antuna Radića koji su smatrali Južne su Hrvati južni Slaveni po rasi, međutim da konstituiraju zasebnu naciju zbog Slavene jednom rasom i nacijom. političkih i povijesnih tradicija. U četvrtom poglavlju Yugoslavist and Serbian racial theories in the U drugom poglavlju pod naslovom Ante Starčević: Historic state right and Kingdom of Yugoslavia (str. 71-92) autor nastavlja temu koju je prethodno već Croat blood (str. 33-43) Bartulin nastoji evaluirati kompleksnu i kontroverznu otvorio. Bartulin ističe da je ideja integralnog jugoslavizma bila paravan za političku misao Ante Starčevića (1823-1896). Autor ističe da je Starčević provođenje velikosrpskog projekta koji je za cilj imao asimilaciju i srbijanizaciju nedvojbeno imao rasističkih izljeva, pa je tako Srbe smatrao pasminom, a Hrvata, minimizirajući njihov kulturni i povijesni identitet. Sa srpske strane Vlahe kriminalcima koji su se križali s Romima. Međutim, Bartulin smatra jedan od glavnih zagovaratelja bio je već prije spomenuti Jovan Cvijić. S da Starčević nije vjerovao u rasnu čistoću te da je jedinstvo Hrvata smatrao hrvatske strane jedan od glavnih zastupnika jugoslavenske rasne teorije bio utemeljenima prije svega na duhovnim, a ne biološkim svojstvima, svrstajući je Vladimir Dvorniković (1888-1956) koji također spominje „dinarski rasni se tako među zagovornike civilnog nacionalizma. Iako je tvrdio da ne postoje tip“, a on ističe pozitivne osobine tog rasnog tipa poput muževnosti, ratništva, čiste rase, Starčević je pomalo kontradiktorno ustvrdio da su Muslimani u sirovosti i snage. Bartulin ističe da je jedan od najspretnijih teoretičara o tome Bosni i Hercegovini rasno najčišći Hrvati. Bartulin stoga zaključuje da je kako postoje zasebne rasne karakteristike koje utječu na kulturnu i mentalnu Starčević bio poklonik ideja Francuske revolucije koje su bile u kontradikciji s distinkciju među rasama bio Boris Zarnik (1883-1945) koji je slijedio opći njegovim nekoherentnim rasističkim izjavama. trend uspostavljen tijekom 20ih i 30ih godina 20. st. prema kojem je razlika U trećem poglavlju Race theory in Habsburg Croatia 1900-1918 (str. između ljudi na temelju rase bila prihvaćena kao znanstvena istina, posebice 44-70) autor naglašava da su na prijelazu stoljeća rasne teorije sve više prodirale u Njemačkoj. u znanstvene discipline, što će imati dalekosežne posljedice u Europi. Tako se U petom poglavlju naslovljenom Interwar Croatian ethnolinguistic- početkom 20. st. rasna antropologija konstituirala kao zasebna „znanstvena” racial theories (str. 93-126) autor donosi brojne primjere o tome kako rasne disciplina. Iako se ona inicijalno bavila procjenjivanjem fizičkih karakteristika teorije prestaju biti samo predmetom interesa uskog kruga „znanstvenika” te raznih skupina, usko povezano s njom javio se i „spiritualni rasizam” koji učestalo postaju korištene u političke svrhe. Bilo je sve više onih koji su bili je na temelju fizičkih tipova i podtipova rasa donio vjerovanje u inherentne spremni koristiti rasne argumente kako bi naglasili razliku između Hrvata i karakteristike određenih rasa; samim time započinje klasificiranje vrjednijih drugih naroda Kraljevine Jugoslavije. Milan Šufflay (1879-1931) je tako tvrdio ili manje vrijednih rasa. Bartulin ističe da su uzor hrvatskim rasnim da su Srbi pod utjecajem strane cincarske krvi. Ivo Pilar je pak zagovarao teoretičarima uglavnom bili antropolozi iz Austrije i Njemačke. Početkom 20. ideju da bi budući brakovi u Hrvatskoj trebali biti odobreni samo između st. rasne teorije počele su zaokupljati sve više pažnje među anti-jugoslavenski onih koji su i prema rasi i prema uvjerenju Hrvati. Filip Lukas (1871-1958), orijentiranim hrvatskim intelektualcima koji su ih koristili kao dodatni predsjednik Matice Hrvatske također je referirao na rasu u svojim tekstovima. argument u dokazivanju da su Hrvati zasebna nacionalna skupina koja se ne U predratnom periodu diskutira se i o porijeklu Hrvata pa te rasprave često može jednostavno podrediti pod skupni nazivnik Jugoslaveni. prelaze i u rasno pitanje. Tako su na primjer vodeći zastupnici gotske teorije o Prema Bartulinu, prvi hrvatski intelektualac koji je iznjedrio detaljnu porijeklu Hrvata u predratnom periodu bili katolički svećenik (i povjesničar) studiju koja se odnosi na rase na zapadnom Balkanu bio je arheolog i Kerubin Šegvić (1867-1945) i Stjepan Buć (1888-1975). Stjepan Buć išao povjesničar Ćiro Truhelka (1865-1942). On je tvrdio da Bosna i Hercegovina je toliko daleko da je tvrdio da je Starčević 70 godina prije samog Adolfa pripada Hrvatskoj na rasnim, povijesnim i geografskim osnovama. Truhelka Hitler istaknuo važnost rase za razvoj i obnovu nacionalnog života. Odlika diferencira između Hrvata i Srba na rasnim temeljima. Srbi su prema ovog perioda bilo je i nastojanje da se dokaže pripadnost Bosne i Hercegovine njemu uglavnom tamnije kože te su potomci Balkanskih Vlaha. Prema hrvatskom nacionalnom korpusu pa se tako brojne rasne teorije odnose upravo Truhelki sve najgore osobine koje Srbi posjeduju naslijedili su od Vlaha, a na to područje. te osobine obuhvaćaju nemoral, korupciju, ekspanzionistički nacionalizam i Šesto poglavlje The interwar Ustasha movement and ethnolinguistic- megalomaniju. Pravoslavna populacija je za njega predstavljala “fizički slabije racial identity (str. 127-143) Bartulin započinje detaljnom analizom Načela

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Hrvatskog Ustaškog Pokreta koji se mogu smatrati i ideološkim temeljem suprotstavljene rasne ideje jugoslavizma, velikosrpstva i anti-jugoslavenskog ustaške organizacije. Bartulin zaključuje da su Načela dokument koji dokazuje hrvatskog nacionalizma. Bartulinova knjiga završava epilogom, bibliografskim da su od samog početka ustaše napustili Starčevićansku ideju civilnog podacima i indeksom pojmova. nacionalizma i u potpunosti prešli na etnički tip u kojem se naglašava hrvatska Bartulinova knjiga važna je zato što otvara brojne teme i pitanja koja krv i pokoljenja, koji je bio vrlo plodno tlo za rasne teorije. Nadalje se analizira su do sada ostala nedogovorena u hrvatskoj historiografiji. Bartulin prije svega Pavelićev memorandum Hrvatsko pitanje u kojem je Pavelić Nijemcima tvrdio razbija tri velika mita koja su proizašla iz nedovoljne istraženosti povijesti da su Hrvati gotskog porijekla, a posebno se snažno oslanjao na rasističke rasizma. Prvi mit jest taj da ustaški pokret nije imao rasističku politiku. Ovaj argumente. Prema Bartulinu Mile Budak je jedan od predratnih ustaša koji mit je djelomično podržavan i nastaje iz tabora „nostalgijsko apologetskih,” se ponajviše koristio rasne argumente pa je tako tvrdio da Ljudevit Gaj i J. J. pro-ustaških intelektualaca koji su negirali postojanje ustaškog rasizma. Drugi Strossmayer nisu bili hrvatske krvi te da su stoga bili skloni “protu-hrvatskim” mit je onaj djelomično postavljen od strane marksističke historiografije prema teorijama jugoslavizma. kojem ustaški rasizam nije ništa više nego puka imitacija “naci-fašizma”. Treći U sedmom poglavlju The Ustasha racial state (str. 144-159) analizira se mit koji se razbija kroz čitavu knjigu jest taj da rasizam nema tradiciju u djelu izrada rasnih zakona u NDH, a u tom procesu sudjelovao je i prije spomenuti hrvatske inteligencije. Bartulin je uspješno odgovorio na sva tri izazova i u Boris Zarnik što djelomično potvrđuje tezu da su anti-jugoslavenski nastrojeni konačnici pokazao da je u Hrvatskoj postojala duga tradicija razvoja raznih rasni teoretičari imali vrlo važnu ulogu u novom režimu. U NDH se osniva rasnih teorija čiji počeci sežu sve do prve polovice 19. stoljeća. Upravo je na čitav niz institucija poput rasno-političkog povjerenstva pri Ministarstvu temelju tih tradicija i reinterpretacija bio izgrađivan i ustaški rasizam, uz unutarnjih poslova koja su rasizam doveli do razine državne politike. Nastojeći (samo) djelomični transfer ideologije od strane njemačkog nacizma. Bartulin legitimizirati rasne zakone, ustaše su jednostrano koristili izjave braće Radić, je temi pristupio iz pozicije intelektualne povijesti fokusirajući se na povijest Starčevića, Šufflaya, Eugena Kvaternika i drugih. Došlo je i do čitavog niza ideja, što je doprinijelo jasnoći i čitkosti teksta. problema u određivanju „rasnih pitanja” pa je tako zbog žalbi Islamske zajednice Unatoč brojnim komplimentima koje možemo udijeliti Bartulinu, Ministarstvo unutarnjih poslova moralo odrediti koje će Rome prihvatiti ova knjiga ima i brojnih nedostataka ne zbog onog što se u njoj nalazi, već u rasnu zajednicu, a koje ne, budući da je Islamska zajednica inzistirala na upravo zbog onog što je izostavljeno. Bartulin se u svojoj analizi uglavnom tome da Romi Islamske vjeroispovijesti budu prihvaćeni kao Arijci. Rasni fokusirao na djela nekoliko intelektualaca, izostavivši čitav niz izvora poput kompromis uključivao je i dodjelu posebnih arijskih prava za oko 100 Židova novina, knjiga i autora koji su koristili rasističke argumente u predratnom u NDH, a skupa s njihovim najbližim članovima obitelji broj im je porastao periodu, ali i u NDH. Posebno se u predratnom periodu hrvatske povijesti na oko 500. Bartulin tvrdi da su rasne i ideološke značajke ustaškog režima uopće ne dotiče novina poput Mlade Hrvatske ili Nezavisnosti, ali i brojnih bile uzrokom stalnih tenzija između ustaškog režima i Katoličke Crkve, te da drugih publikacija koje mogu biti značajne za ovu temu. Iako treba biti su ustaše su u svakom slučaju stavili naciju i rasu iznad religije. korektan i naglasiti da je sam Bartulin u uvodu napomenuo da će se fokusirati U osmom The ideal racial type: The Aryan Croat (str. 160-202) i na podrijetlo i teoriju rasizma, Bartulin uopće niti ne pokušava procijeniti devetom poglavlju „The racial counter-type: The Near Eastern race” (str. 203- koliko su rasističke teorije bile prihvaćene u društvu, akademskom životu ili 223) Bartulin analizira ustašku rasnu politiku kao dio izgradnje nacionalnog političkim strukturama. Autor u knjizi ne ulazi u analizu raširenosti rasizma, identiteta. Ustaški se režim nije jasno i službeno izjasnio o favorizaciji niti pa tako nije u mogućnost dati odgovor čitateljima u kojim okolnostima u jedne od etno-lingvističkih teorija i teorija geneza o Hrvatima (npr. slavenska, društvu dolazi do porasta ili pada potrebe za rasističkim pogledom na svijet. iranska i gotska). Bartulin međutim napominje da je postojao konsenzus o Međutim jedan od najvažnijih problema u Bartulinovoj analizi jest to da tom pitanju tako da se tvrdilo da su proto-Hrvati bili iranskog ili gotskog čitatelj ne dobiva odgovor na pitanje u kojoj su uzročnoj vezi rasizam i masovni podrijetla. U konačnici je ustašama bilo važno dokazati da su Hrvati Arijci zločini, odnosno je li rasizam bio presudan faktor da bi se oni dogodili. Pitanje koji sadrže važne ne-slavenske elemente. Bartulin ističe da su nacisti prihvatili kauzalnosti holokausta na primjer već neko vrijeme opterećuje znanstvenike, osnovne postavke rasnog identiteta kojeg su promovirali ustaše, a dio nacista pa se tako debata svodi na dvije temeljne pozicije, intencionaliste koji smatraju je potpuno prihvatio viđenje prema kojem su Hrvati gotskog porijekla. Ustaše da je do masovnih ubojstava došlo zbog čvrste vjere u ideologiju i rasizam, dok su kao kontrast hrvatskom rasno-političkom identitetu postavili Srbe, Židove i s druge strane funkcionalisti tvrde da je do „konačnog rješenja” došlo zbog Rome. Protutip je bio baziran na političkom anti-komunizmu i anti-četništvu, pragmatike, oportunizma, konformizma i strukturalnih faktora. Ovo pitanje ali i rasnom antisemitizmu. Bartulin u konačnici zaključuje da arijske rasne vrlo je relevantno i u kontekstu holokausta u NDH, međutim Bartulin se u teorije u NDH nisu rezultat pragmatičke imitacije nacističke rasne teorije, već svojoj knjizi na njega ne osvrće. Mnoga pitanja u vezi s ustaškim rasizmom da su se razvijale kroz dugi ideološki južno slavenski diskurs koji je involvirao ostaju i dalje otvorena, pa je tako u budućnosti nužno analizirati dinamiku

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pozicija o rasizmu unutar samog pokreta. Nadalje je potrebno više pažnje Luca G. MANENTI, Massoneria e irredentismo. Geografia posvetiti tranziciji s rasističkih teorija i ideologije u prakse poput političkog dell’associazionismo patriottico in Italia tra Otto e Novecento, Trst: nasilja i sl. Unatoč spomenutim nedostacima, valja zaključiti da je Bartulin Istituto regionale per la storia del movimento di liberazione nel Friuli značajno doprinio rasvjetljavanju dosad zanemarenih dijelova povijesti ne Venezia Giulia, 2015., 279. str. samo ustaškog, već rasizma u čitavoj hrvatskoj povijesti. Štoviše, Bartulin je izdavanjem ove knjige izgradio kvalitetne temelje na kojima drugi povjesničari mogu graditi nova istraživanja u više različitih smjerova. Najnovije studije neosporne vrijednosti o masoneriji u suvremeno doba - uključujući one Fulvija Contija, Marca Novarina i Anne Marije Isastije, Lovro KRALJ iako se dotiču odnosa između slobodnog zidarstva i iredentizma, ipak njihova perspektiva ostaje u kontekstu općenitih rasprava. Drugi, poput Gian Biagio Furiozziia i Tullije Catalan, ispituju veze između masonstva i iredentističkog pokreta u korisnim, ali nepotpunim kratkim ili srednje dugim esejima. Stoga knjiga Luca G. Manentija, Massoneria e irredentismo upotpunjava stari historiografski jaz. Studija se temelji na opsežnom istraživanju o Circolo Garibaldi Trieste, iredentističkom društvu masonskog identiteta koji se proširio u Trstu, na Jadranu te u mnogim talijanskim gradovima u posljednjoj četvrtini devetnaestog stoljeća. Specifičnost ove studije leži u autorovoj sposobnosti da uspješno spoji dva temeljna aspekta pokreta: njegovu teritorijalnu i geografsku disperziju te biografski profil militanata. Ne iznenađuje stoga impresivan popis arhiva koje je autor konzultirao pri ovom istraživanju, a koji ukazuje na rašireno djelovanje Circola Garibaldi: Civici Musei di Storia e Arte u Trstu, Archivio Storico del Grande Oriente d’Italia i Archivio Storico della Società Dante Alighieri u Rimu, pa onda Archivi di Stato i Musei del Risorgimento u Alessandriji, Bariju, Parmi, Paviji, Milanu, Mantovi, Bologni, Rimu, Veneciji, Trstu, Comu, Torinu, Vicenzi i Udinama. Circolo, službeno osnovan u Trstu 1880. godine, vrlo brzo dolazi u nemilost austrijske policije, pa se tršćanski krug zatvara, a otvara podružnica u Milanu pet godina kasnije, od kuda se širi različitim tempom diljem Italije i preživljava sve do ranih godina dvadesetog stoljeća. Kronološki raspon autora počinje Berlinskim kongresom (1878.), a završava smrću Raymonda Battera, voditelja Milanskog kruga - pravog operativnog centra organizacije – te ona djeluje još nekoliko godina pod vodstvom Henrya Liebmanna. Kao što to autor podcrtava, povijesna prekretnica za ovaj politički pokret nije Prvi svjetski rat, kojeg masonski iredentisti svesrdno podržavaju. Ono što proučava Manenti je, na neki način, nesretna generacija: premlada za Risorgimento, prestara za Prvi svjetski rat. Umjesto toga, fašizam će definitivno poremetiti karte na stolu. Preživjele pristaše pokreta naime podijelit će se na dvije struje: pristaše i protivnike režima što će definitivno doprinijeti njegovu gašenju (Giovanni Baldi, primjerice, postaje nacionalist, fašist, odbacuje svoju prošlu masonsku pripadnost, dok Giuseppe Levi od iredentista i intervencionista grli antifašizam). Knjiga, koja ima geografsku strukturu, podijeljena je u pet makro- sekcija, od kojih se samo prva fokusira na radove članova pokreta i daje uvodni historiografski pregled; ostala četiri poglavlja odnose se na sjevernu, srednju

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i južnu Italiju, kao i na teritorij sjevernog Jadrana. Autor istražuje lokalne Projekt „Tragovi prošlosti vidljivi u sadašnjosti”, Ekonomska škola Mije karakteristike pokreta te otkriva specifičnosti svake regije. Tako na primjer Mirkovića Rijeka dok se u Milanu i Torinu iredentizam širi na postojećim masonskim mrežama Mentori: Margarita Martinović, prof., dr. sc. Maja Ćutić Gorup koje se bave prihvatom prognanika iz Trsta, u gradovima pored austrijsko- Studenti: Katarina Kružić, Ivana Kolić, Dejan Troha, Bruno Vignjević talijanske granice masonska je mreža skrivena. Tako se službenim vodećim ljudima daju imena koja nisu u sukobu s policijom, iza kojih pak stoji centralni operativni odbor čija su imena obavijena velom tajne. Projekt Tragovi prošlosti vidlajivi u sadašnjosti je projekt zamišljen Manentijeva knjiga potvrđuje masonsku matricu Circola Garibaldia kao integrirani dio nastave povijesti u kojem se učenici upoznaju s temom koji je povezan s raznim iredentističkim organizacijama, društvima za holokausta te opasnostima pojava rasizma, diskriminacije, predrasuda i kremiranje, radnim ligama, odborima branitelja i veterana, radnicima, mržnje. Angažiranost učenika u projektu sastoji se od učenja o holokaustu republikancima socijalističkih i radikalnih opredjeljenja. te sađenja žutih cvjetova šafrana koji simboliziraju žute Davidove zvijezde Iz tog mozaika odnosa izviru dva problematična pitanja: generacijska koje su pripadnici židovskog naroda bili prisiljeni nositi prema nacističkim paradigma i odnos između socijalizma i iredentizma. Prva stvara mnoge zakonima. Rast cvijeća s druge strane simbolizira važnost izgradnje tolerancije netrpeljivosti među mladim i starim pripadnicima pokreta, posebno kada je i poštovanja među ljudima različitih nacija, kultura i religija. riječ o pogledu mladih generacija koje su često netolerantne prema strategijama Provedbu spomenutog projekta organizirala je uz podršku ravnateljice hijerarhije. Druga točka izaziva odljev članova koji su vjerovali da polazeći škole Laure Grubišić, profesorica povijesti Margarita Martinović, u od borbe za nacionalnu emancipaciju trebaju preći na borbu za emancipaciju suradnji sa profesoricama Kerol Musul-Perić, Brankom Ivančević, Urošem internacionalnog proletarijata, iako ne nedostaje onih koji uspijevaju zadržati Mikašinovićem, dr. sc. Majom Ćutić Gorup te studentima Odsjeka za ravnotežu između socijalizma i iredentizma. Umjesto toga, antislavenstvo je povijest Filozofskoga fakulteta u Rijeci. U projektu su sudjelovali učenici 4.h pojam koji će povezati pod zajednički nazivnik, prvi republikanski iredentizam razreda, smjer upravni referenti, koji su zajedno sa studentima obrađivali temu sa onim imperijalističke i antidemokratske matrice. holokausta kroz upoznavanje sa židovskim običajima, kulturom, tradicijom Polovicom devedesetih godina, važni masoni kao Menotti Garibaldi, te književnošću, arhitekturom sinagoga, filozofskim aspektima holokausta te Stefano Canzio i Barzilai elaborirali su projekte, nikad realizirane, o invaziji židovskom kulturnom baštinom na području grada Rijeke. talijanskih provincija Monarhije. Štoviše, mnogi slobodni zidari dali su Projekt suradnje studenata Filozofskog fakulteta i učenika Ekonomske Tršćanima i Istranima koji su prije Prvog svjetskog rata pristizali u želji da se škole trajao je ukupno tri mjeseca te se okončao obilježavanjem međunarodnog upuste u borbu za Italiju, uključujući i Eugenija Solferinija, Aurelia Salmonija, Dana sjećanja na holokaust i sprječavanja zločina protiv čovječnosti, 27. siječnja Guglielma Oberdana i Rocca Tamburlinija, veliku podršku. 2016. godine. Toga dana je u prostorijama škole organizirana javna tribina na Manentijeva studija, preobličena iz doktorske disertacije, bitan je kojoj su učenici uz prisustvo profesora i studenata prezentirali teme koje su doprinos artikulaciji odnosa između masonstva i post-1878 iredentističkog istraživali. pokreta. Nagrađena, još u obliku disertacije, nagradama kao što su Premio Studentice Katarina Kružić i Ivana Kolić s učenicima Patriciom Spadolini i Cecovini, Massoneria e irredentismo već je prepoznata i citirana od Matijević, Sunčicom Klarić, Sebastianom Kneževićem, Elenom Marčeljom, strane mnogih stručnjaka, među kojima Massimo Baio i Marco Novarino. Edijem Stošićem, Ivanom Pavletić, Ivom Marinić te Mijom Šimić prezentirali su židovske običaje, tradiciju, kulturu, film i književnost. Carla KONTA Student Dejan Troha s učenicima Patrikom Ivkovićem, Lukom Peranićem, Petrom Kovačević, Anom Jurković, Vanessom Gluhaković te Sabinom Simonić pripremio je prezentaciju o arhitekturi sinagoga na području grada Rijeke te Republike Hrvatske, dok je student Bruno Vignjević s učenicima Petrom Gojak, Irmom Topić, Lucijom Stipinović, Ivom Kleščić, Hanom Radojčić, Marijom Geci, Klaudijom Kesten te Katjom Brežac prezentirao židovsku povijesnu i kulturnu baštinu u gradu Rijeci. Osim navedenih, učenici Ira Nimčević, Adrian Josipović i Nikola Varga Longin iz 2. h razreda prezentirali su život najstarije preživjele žene, svjedoka holokausta, češke pijanistice Alice Herz-Sommer. Učenik Jakša Depolo iz 2.c. razreda zajedno s profesoricom Martinović prezentirao je povijest najpoznatijih

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potaknuto zanimanje ne samo za židovsku povijest prikazanu kroz pisanu riječ, već i za suvremene židovske autore koji se ne bave samo temama holokausta. Filmovi su kod učenika izazvali posebno zanimanje te su s velikim interesom dio svoga slobodnoga vremena odlučili posvetiti gledanju igranoga filma s tematikom holokausta, kako bi bili spremni za raspravu na sljedećem susretu. Osim igranih filmova, učenici su gledali i dokumentarce, i to one koji govore o Židovima koji su preživjeli strahote logora i holokausta. Osim jezika, književnosti i filmografije, učenici su naučili ponešto i o židovskoj religiji te o židovskoj svetoj knjizi – Tori, kao i o najvažnijim židovskim obredima, koji su i danas prisutni, poput obreda inicijacije dječaka ili djevojčica u odrasli svijet, tj. bar micve i bat micve, zatim brit mile kojim se slavi obrezivanje židovskih dječaka, ceremonije vjenčanja i zaruka kidušin i nisuin te, u konačnici, odlazak na drugi svijet. O nekim najpoznatijim Učenici Ekonomske škole i studenti-mentori židovskim obredima učenici su već ponešto znali, a fotografijama obreda i upućivanjem u neke njihove detalje, učenici su dodatno motivirani za učenje o židovskim obredima. Također, učenici prve skupine osvrnuli su se i na Ravnateljica Laura Grubišić, prof. reh. i najpoznatije židovske blagdane i svete dane koji se slave kao temelj njihove Margarita Martinović, prof. vjere i postojanja. Tako je govora bilo o Shabatu, Pashi, Roš Hašani, Yom Kippuru, Blagdanu sedmice, Hanuki, Purimu te, naposlijetku, Sukothu. I o židovskih obitelji iz 19. i 20. stoljeća te sudbine pojedinih židovskih ličnosti za blagdanima su učenici bili dobro informirani, a upućivanjem u njihove detalje vrijeme fašističko-nacističke okupacije Rijeke i Opatije. Učenice 2.h Danijela i način slavljenja, učenici su obogatili svoje znanje. Osim svega navedenoga, Pendić, Loreta Stipetić te učenica 3.i Valerija Tabako govorile su o iskazima govora je bilo i o židovskome kalendaru, koji se razlikuje od danas uobičajenog poznatih riječkih i opatijskih židovskih obitelji koje su preživjele holokaust. gregorijanskog kalendara. Učenici su naučili nazive mjeseca, kako se oni Učenica židovskog podrijetla iz 3.i razreda, Jona Strmota, govorila je računaju, koliko traju i zašto uopće takav kalendar židovski narod koristi. o židovskim običajima vjenčanja, bat micvi te bar micvi. Poznato djelo Imre Također, učenici su bili upućeni i u unutarnje uređenje židovskog doma, kao Kertésza “Čovjek bez sudbine” predstavili su učenici 2.c razreda, Karlo Malnar i na najpoznatije predmete koji se ondje nalaze, a služe za raznorazne obrede, i Jakša Depolo s mentoricama Brankom Ivančević i Kerol Musul-Perić. Projekt blagdane i praznike. Valja spomenuti da su za svaki susret korišteni slikokazi, je završio projekcijom filma mađarskog redatelja Laszla Nemesa “Saulov sin“ kao i brojne fotografije, video isječci, glazba te tablice koji su bili namijenjeni u Art kinu Croatia. za lakše razumijevanje i prikazivanje spomenute teme. Sudjelovanjem učenika na projektu nastojala se uspostaviti trajna U sklopu jedne od grupa unutar projekta nastojalo se upoznati učenike veza između sjećanja na holokaust i židovske svakodnevnice te se pokušalo sa židovskom kulturnom baštinom u vidu sakralne arhitekture nastale kroz osvijestiti nove naraštaje da nikada ne zaborave na strahote koje rat donosi. povijest na prostoru današnje Hrvatske. Proučavanje židovske arhitekture nije U sklopu projekta učenici su posjetili židovsko groblje u Rijeci te su ondje predstavljalo nepoznato područje samo za učenike već i za studente, doduše u posadili i žute šafrane u znak sjećanja na svu židovsku i drugu djecu stradalu manjoj mjeri, upravo zbog toga što se nisu imali prilike prethodno upoznati za vrijeme holokausta. s njezinim određenim specifičnostima tijekom svoga studija. Tijekom prvih Prva skupina učenika bavila se židovskim običajima, tradicijom, nekoliko sati nastojalo se, kroz različite materijale, upoznati učenike s blagdanima, kalendarom, jezikom, književnošću te filmografijom. Učenicima pojedinim povijesno-umjetničkim stilovima i određenim arhitekturalnim se željela pokazati bogata židovska kultura kao odgovor na zločine počinjene elementima, kako bi im se olakšalo daljnje shvaćanje židovske arhitekture koja nad Židovima. Važno je reći da su učenici bili veoma zainteresirani za je zbog nepostojanja specifičnog stila gradnje preuzimala i vješto kombinirala istraživanje povijesti Židova, te njihove kulture i običaja. S osobitim su arhitektonske elemente tadašnje zapadne Europe. veseljem učenici proučavali i hebrejsko pismo te su čak naučili i nekoliko U tom smislu, najzanimljiviji period u kontekstu židovske arhitekture jednostavnih riječi. Učenici su upoznati sa židovskom književnošću, kao i s na prostoru današnje Hrvatske, bio je period 19. stoljeća kada su u duhu filmskim uradcima vezanim uz temu projekta – holokaust. Spominjanjem historicizma nastala najreprezentativnija sakralna zdanja, što je uzeto kao Anne Frank te ponekih suvremenih židovskih književnika kod učenika je osnova za daljnje proučavanje te, u konačnici, kao fokus završnog izlaganja.

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Završno izlaganje bilo je bazirano na podjeli rada, odnosno izlaganja među kao vječnih istina, odbijanja preispitivanja vlastitih stajališta te stvaranja učenicima na sljedeći način, po načelu od općenitog ka pojedinačnom: 1. predrasuda o drugom i drugačijem te na koncu mogućnost ponavljanja Kratka povijest sinagoga na prostoru Hrvatske, 2. Sinagoge iz razdoblja 19. pojedinih epizoda iz povijesti. stoljeća, 3. Sinagoge iz razdoblja 20. stoljeća, 4. Velika riječka sinagoga „Tempio“, Povijesni aspekt s druge strane obuhvatio je povijest Židova na 5. Mala ortodoksna sinagoga u Rijeci, 6. Izgubljena baština. Posljednji dio, području grada Rijeke, učenicima je bilo zanimljivo istraživati prošlost svoga naslovljen Izgubljena baština, predstavljao je poveznicu s nazivom projekta i grada te otkriti kako izgledaju današnje lokacije na kojima se nekad nalazio referirao se na sinagoge uništene u periodu Drugog svjetskog rata, koje su židovski geto, groblje te sinagoga. Učenici su saznali kako se židovski geto svojom specifičnom arhitekturom, pogotovo onom iz 19. i 20. stoljeća, krasile nalazio na mjestu današnje osnovne škole „Nikola Tesla“, kako se najstarije brojne gradove u kojima su bile podignute, među njima i Rijeku, čija se velika groblje nalazilo u današnjoj Trinajstićevoj ulici, u riječkom naselju Kozala sinagoga nalazila u današnjoj ulici Pomerio, u neposrednoj blizini Ekonomske te kako su veliku riječku sinagogu koja se nalazi u današnjoj ulici Pomerio, škole. Također, cilj ovog završnog dijela izlaganja bio je pokazati i ukazati na pred kraj Drugog svjetskog rata srušili pripadnici njemačke vojske, dok je tragediju židovskog naroda tijekom Drugog svjetskog rata gledano iz aspekta mala ortodoksna sinagoga koja se nalazi u blizini Ekonomske škole, jedna razaranja njihove kulturne baštine. U konačnici, rad na projektu predstavljao od ukupno tri očuvane sinagoge u razdoblju Drugog svjetskog rata. Uzevši je jedno novo, zanimljivo iskustvo u smislu mentoriranja i usmjeravanja, u obzir spomenuto, učenici su na zanimljiv i poučan način otkrivali njima organiziranja rada te općenito suradnje s učenicima. nepoznatu prošlost svoga grada. Obrađivanje teme holokausta s učenicima s povijesnog te filozofskog Projekt je bio vrlo interesantno i poučno iskustvo, kako za mentore i aspekta bilo je specifično upravo zbog osjetljivosti teme kojom smo se bavili, studente povijesti koji su upravo u ovom projektu stjecali svoja prva iskustva a koja je obilježena ljudskim stradanjem. S učenicima se nastojalo otkriti u budućoj profesiji, tako i za učenike koji su produbili svoja znanja o temi određene povijesne te filozofske uzroke i korijene genocida nad židovskim holokausta i židovskog naroda općenito, te naučili kako razvijati toleranciju narodom. Učenicima se obje teme primarno nastojalo predstaviti kroz i poštovanje, kao i prepoznati i osuditi rasizam, predrasude i mržnju, pojave tekstove koji su obrađivani na satu te pomoću multimedijalnih sadržaja, kao koje su toliko aktualne i u današnjici. što je film te slika. Temeljna vještina koju se nastojalo potaknuti kod njih jest vještina kritičkog razmišljanja o ovoj specifičnoj temi, zbog toga što je Ivana KOLIĆ, Katarina KRUŽIĆ, Dejan TROHA, Bruno VIGNJEVIĆ spomenuta vještina posebno bitna za proučavanje povijesnih te filozofskih tema. Spomenuto se nastojalo potaknuti upravo uz pomoć filozofije na način predstavljanja najbitnijih filozofskih ideja Hannah Arendt o „banalnosti zla“ terminom kojim je htjela objasniti ljudsku psihologiju u totalitarnom poretku u kojem najgnjusnije zločine čine upravo obični ljudi koji su prihvatili tumačenje države o ispravnosti i uzvišenosti akcija koje poduzimaju. Filozofija Friedricha Nietzschea poslužila je kao zanimljiv primjer pogrešne interpretacije nacista o ideji „nadčovjeka“, koju su nacisti iskoristili kao argument o superiornosti njemačkog naroda, što je u potpunoj suprotnosti s Nietzscheovom idejom o intelektualnom čovjeku koji sumnja u općeprihvaćene društvene vrijednosti, preispituje ih te razbija predrasude, hrabrom čovjeku koji osjeća odgovornost doprinijeti boljitku zajednice u kojoj živi. Jedno od najpoznatijih antisemitskih djela „Protokol Sionskih mudraca“, utvrđen je povijesni falsifikat s početka 20. stoljeća koji je nastao u Rusiji, a glavni cilj mu je bio razotkriti tzv. židovsku zavjeru protiv čovječanstva koju planiraju provesti putem kontrole medija i svjetske ekonomije. Kroz potonje djelo učenicima se nastojalo skrenuti pozornost na opasnost medija u suvremenom društvu koji putem raznih neprovjerenih ili netočnih informacija koje objavljuju utječu na ljude, koji te informacije shvaćaju kao relevantne i istinite te putem njih formiraju svoje vrijednosne stavove, a što u konačnici utječe na njihovo kritičko promišljanje. Bilo je važno da učenici shvate opasnost od prihvaćanja činjenica i informacija

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Treća medievistička znanstvena radionica u Rijeci, Filozofski fakultet u gdje, za razliku od poznatih plemićkih obitelji koje su već imale svoje pečate, Rijeci, Rijeka, 16. listopada 2015. novonastale plemićke obitelji stvaraju svoje nove pečate. Rezultati provedenog istraživanja heraldičkih simbola bit će unijeti u mađarsku heraldiku te će se isti simboli usporediti s pečatima zapadne Europe. Treće predavanje održao je Na Filozofskom fakultetu u Rijeci 16. listopada 2015. godine održan Aranđel Smiljanić čija je tema bila Titule i zvanja diplomata oblasnih gospodara je međunarodni znanstveni skup Treća medievistička znanstvena radionica u Bosni. Kroz svoju prezentaciju autor je analizirao titule i zvanja diplomata u organizaciji Odsjeka za povijest Filozofskog fakulteta u Rijeci i Odsjeka za oblasnih gospodara u Bosni, a posebice zvanje „počtenog viteza“ kojim se mali povijesne znanosti Zavoda za povijesne i društvene znanosti HAZU Zagreb. broj diplomata mogao dičiti. Osim toga, autor je analizirao način ophođenja od strane Mlečana, ali i Dubrovčana prema diplomatima u odnosu na njihovo Radionica je započela pozdravnim govorom Alessandre Pokrajac – zvanje ili titulu koju su imali. Bulian, prodekanice za znanost i međunarodnu suradnju Filozofskog fakulteta Sekcija 1C nosila je naslov Pristup izvorima: paleografija, diplomatika, u Rijeci, nakon čega je uslijedilo uvodno predavanje predavačice Krisztine kontekstualna analiza. Sekciju je moderirala Mirjana Matijević Sokol Arany pod nazivom Medieval Charters and Patents of Arms in Virtual Space – s Filozofskog fakulteta u Zagrebu. Sekciju je otvorio Neven Isailović s Two Digitization Projects of the National Archives of Hungary. Sva predavanja predavanjem na temu Diplomatičke osobenosti srednjovjekovnih isprava nakon toga bila su podijeljena po sekcijama. bosanskog plemstva. Nakon predavanja Isailovića na red je došao Tomislav Nakon uvodnog predavanja započela su predavanja u sekciji 1A koja Galović. Održao je predavanje na temu Štefanićeva ‹›Glagoljska paleografija›› je nosila naslov U potrazi za originalnom bojom: detaljna analiza ciborija (tzv. manja) u kontekstu istraživanja i historiografije.Tim predavanjem uveo je prokonzula Grgura iz Arheološkog muzeja u Zadru. Moderirala je Lucijana slušače u drugačiji aspekt gledanja na Glagoljsku paleografiju. Željka Dmitrus Šešelj, profesorica s Filozofskog fakulteta u Rijeci. Ciborij prokonzula Grgura, je održala predavanje na temu Potvrđivanje privilegija prethodnih vladara koji je središnja točka ove sekcije, imao je razne upotrebe i funkcije od vremena novom ispravom na primjeru renoviranog dokumenta kralja Karla I. Roberta svoga nastanka pa sve do modernih vremena. U početku je bio dijelom iz 1317. godine. Zatim je predavanje na temu Pitanje interpretacije termina liturgijskog namještaja katedrale u Zadru. Stoga je, u skladu s vremenom locus u srednjovjekovnim pisanim izvorima održao Danko Dujmović. Sekciju svoga nastanka i svojom namjenom, obojan bojama koje su karakteristične 1C zatvorili su Kristina Judaš i Goran Đurević. Judaš je predavanje na temu za srednjovjekovni način ukrašavanja kamenih skulptura. Nakon te primarne Neke mogućnosti i ograničenja interpretacije odnosa gradskih vlasti prema namjene ciborija, njegovi su fragmenti bili ugrađeni u toranj zvonika katedrale deliktima nasilja na primjeru sudskih spisa zagrebačkog Gradeca iz druge polovice u Zadru. Ti fragmenti su izdvojeni iz tornja krajem 19. stoljeća te su tada 15.stoljeća. Posljednje predavanje ove sekcije održao je Goran Đurević s temom premješteni u zadarski Arheološki muzej. Prvo predavanje održala je Miona Poslušnost, strah ili fantazija: prikaz nemani u Joninu ciklusu u starokršćanskoj Miliša (rad prijavljen s Jelenom Vekić Bašić). Predavanje je bilo naslovljeno umjetnosti (3.-7.st.) na Mediteranu. Lik nemani, koja je prikazana kao motiv Analiziranje originalne boje s ciborija prokonzula Grgura, interpretacije, analiza u starokršćanskoj umjetnosti, izazvala je podjelu među stručnjacima koji ju i edukacija šire javnosti. Nakon toga na redu je bilo drugo predavanje kojeg je svrstavaju u više podskupina. Autor kroz svoj rad razmatra pojavu nemani u održao Ivica Ljubenkov (rad prijavljen zajedno sa Zdenkom Zovko Brodarac). sklopu percepcija i mentaliteta kršćana kasne antike i ranog srednjeg vijeka i Svojem predavanju dali su naziv Ispitivanje originalne polikromije na ciboriju temeljem toga pokušava primijetiti otkuda potječe ideja za prikaz nemani. prokonzula Grgura. Odmah zatim uslijedilo je predavanje Vedrana Kundića, Naziv sekcije 2A bio je Rulers and their images. Moderator sekcije bio Video mapiranje kao metoda nedestruktivne rekonstrukcije i prezentacije je Gerhard Jaritz, sa Odsjeka za srednjovjekovne studije CEU u Budimpešti. kulturnog dobra. Emir O. Filipović je održao izlaganje na temu Creatio regni in the Great Seal Sekcija 1B nosila je naslov Nobles and office-holders.Moderirao je of Bosnian King Tvrtko Kotromanić. Analiziravši svojstva pečata bana, a kasnije Damir Karbić s Hrvatske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti. Prvo predavanje i kralja Tvrtka Kotromanića, pokazao je važnost i veličinu njega kao vladara. održao je Márton Rózsa s temom Families behind a plot. The political and social Maja Lukanc je u izlaganju Anna of Celje (Cilli): in search of the overlooked background of the Anemas conspiracy. Autor nam daje uvid u političko stanje Queen obratila pozornost na problem zanemarivanja povijesne uloge Ane unutar Bizantskog Carstva za vrijeme vladavine Aleksija I. Komnena s posebnim Celjske te je prikazala pregled njenog zanimljivog života pokazavši kako se osvrtom na njegovu vezu s obitelji Doukas koja se smatra odgovornom za njena uloga ne smije izostavljati u historiografiji. Vanja Burić je imao izlaganje zavjeru protiv cara. Sljedeće predavanje održali su István Kádas i Eszter Tarján na temu Propaganda, symbolism and the formation of the Tudor dynasty u kojem pod naslovom The Seals of County Office-holders in the Medieval Hungarian je objasnio način dolaska Henrika VII. na vlast. On to nije učinio samo Kingdom (Example of Šariš County). Autor proučava pečate iz pokrajine Šariš pobjedom u ratu, već vođenjem vješte propagande koristeći vizualne simbole i

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reviziju povijesnih događaja čiji odjeci sežu i danas. Time je učvršćen položaj je predavanje održao Mišo Petrović na temu The development of episcopal dinastije Tudor na engleskom prijestolju. Posljednje predavanje u sekciji elections in Croatia, Dalmatia and Slavonia during the fourteeenth century održao je Miloš Ivanović na temu Hungarian rulers in the work of Memories succession crisis in Kingdom of Hungary. Način na koji su se odvijali izbori u of a Janissary by Konstantin Mihailović. U svom je izlaganju analizirao na koji crkvi u 13. stoljeću, protegnuo se i na 14. stoljeće sve dok se vladari nisu počeli način je Konstantin Mihailović u navedenom djelu opisao ratove ugarskih miješati u te procese smatrajući da je to u njihovoj nadležnosti. Kovač se bavio vladara s Osmanskim Carstvom od kraja 14. stoljeća do 1464. godine. Bio je krizom koja je nastala kao posljedica uplitanja vladara u izborni proces. Iduće dobro informiran o događajima, no to ne znači da nije bio pristran u svojim predavanje održao je Tomislav Matić na temu The Future Hungarian Prelates ocjenama nekih poteza ugarskih kraljeva. at the University of Vienna during the 1430s. Sredina 15. stoljeća lako se može Naziv sekcije 2B bio je Vizija hrvatske burgologije – spregom arheologije i smatrati zlatnim dobom za Sveučilište u Beču barem što se tiče studenata koji povijesti do prezentacije i popularizacije utvrda te obogaćivanja turističke ponude. su dolazili iz Ugarskog Kraljevstva. Predavač se bazirao na te studente. Zadnje Sekciju je moderirala Marija Karbić s Hrvatskog instituta za povijest. Prvo je predavanje u ovoj sekciji održala je Nikolina Belošević na temu Problems of izlaganje održala Tajana Pleše pod naslovom Utvrde petrinjskoga kraja – od Defining the Northwestern Border of the Early Medieval Pula Diocese.Zašto baš istraživanja do prezentiranja. Ona je predstavila projekt Petrinjske utvrde kojim pulska dijeceza? Zato što je jedna od najstarijih na području Istre. Arheološki su obuhvaćena istraživanja, obnova i revitalizacija utvrda Klinac, Čuntić i materijali koji su pronađeni na tom području upućuju na činjenicu da su Pecki. Taj projekt su pokrenuli Grad Petrinja, Hrvatske šume d.o.o., Hrvatski tamo bile prisutne kršćanske zajednice već od 4. stoljeća. Iako su najstariji restauratorski zavod i Ministarstvo kulture Republike Hrvatske. Navedene zapisi imena nekih crkvenih dužnosnika zabilježena tek u 6. stoljeću, postoje utvrde su izgrađene u prvoj polovici XVI. stoljeća kao dio protuosmanlijskog i sakralne građevine na cijelom tom području koje potječu već iz 5. stoljeća. obrambenog sustava, ali su do kraja istoga stoljeća izgubile prvotnu namjenu. Naziv sekcije 2D bio je Living and dying on the borders i moderirao ju Pleše ističe kako će obnovljene utvrde pri završetku ovoga projekta, pridonijeti je Ivan Jurković sa Sveučilišta Jurja Dobrile u Puli. Prvo predavanje je održao edukativno-turističkoj ponudi petrinjskoga kraja. Drugo izlaganje je održao Antun Nekić pod naslovom Road to the royal court: Slavonian nobility and Josip Višnjić pod naslovom Istarske srednjovjekovne feudalne utvrde – rezultati the royal center (1301.-1342.). Nekić je prikazao kako se dvor uspostavio kao recentnih istraživanja. U uvodu je ukratko predstavio istarski srednjovjekovni politički centar Hrvatsko-Ugarskog Kraljevstva, na temelju dokumenata kralja povijesni kontekst, a onda je predstavio utvrde Possert i Petrapilosa i kulu Karla Roberta koji je iste dao slavonskom plemstvu u razdoblju od 1301. do Turnina, metodologiju rada i rezultate provedenih istraživanja. Treće 1342. godine. Kontakti između kralja i slavonskoga plemstva mogu se podijeliti izlaganje je održao Andrej Janeš pod naslovom Arheološki pristup i potreba za u dvije faze. U prvoj fazi, koja je trajala do 1323. godine, oligarhske frakcije istraživanjima srednjovjekovnih burgova. Janeš je predstavio povijest istraživanja vođene obiteljima Babonića i Kőszeg, su uspješno kontrolirale komunikaciju burgova na ovim prostorima, te kako se zanimanje za njihovo istraživanje između dvora i plemstva. Drugom fazom je započelo razdoblje pojačanih tijekom prošloga stoljeća u pojedinim razdobljima povećavalo pa smanjivalo. odlazaka slavonskih plemića na kraljevski dvor. Proces uspostavljanja kraljevske U posljednjih petnaest godina arheologija se zanima za burgove i primjenjuje moći je bio dvostruk: s jedne strane, kraljevski autoritet se uspostavio na metodologiju stratigrafskog iskopavanja. Naglasio je potrebu za detaljnim lokalnoj razini, a s druge se pretvorio u političko središte Kraljevstva. Obje istraživanjem burgova kako bi njihova obnova bila uspješna. Četvrto izlaganje faze pokazuju jednu sličnost: u obje faze je bila potrebna intervencija bana kako je održala Silvija Pisk pod naslovom Burgološke povijesne studije – studija slučaj: bi lokalno plemstvo došlo do dvora i dobilo kraljevsku privilegiju. Slavonsko moslavačka utvrda Garićgrad. Predstavila je moslavačku utvrdu Garićgrad kao plemstvo je lako dobilo kraljevske povlastice, kao i ban. Drugo izlaganje je primjer dobre suradnje arheologa i povjesničara. Ova utvrda je stradala od održao Alexandru Simon, pod naslovom Angevine Hungary and the North- Osmanlija u XVI. stoljeću te nije bila obnavljana. Za ulazak ove utvrde u South Question in Three Borderlands: Slavonia, Transilvania and Transalpina. znanstvenu literaturu je zaslužan Gjuro Szabo. Prvi radovi na utvrdi su počeli Tartarski napad na Ugarsko kraljevstvo je vodio do kontraofenzive koja šezdesetih godina prošloga stoljeća, ali su prekinuti i ponovno nastavljeni tek je očigledno bila uspješna da je papa Ivan XXII. 1327. godine predvidio 2009. godine od kad ih vodi Hrvatski restauratorski zavod. misionarsko-križarski sustav s jednim kraljem (Karlom Robertom) i četirima Naziv sekcije 2C bio je Ecclesiastical hierarchy and ecclesiastical prinčeva (transilvanijskim vojvodom Tomom, grofom od Saksona Salomonom, geography: Prelates, dioceses and monasteries. Moderirala je Nada Zečević slavonskim banom Mikcom i vlaškim vojvodom Basarabom). Na proljeće s Filozofskog fakulteta Sveučilišta Istočno Sarajevo. Prvo je predavanje je dodan još jedan princ, Dominik od Szeklera. Dražen Nemet održao je držala Silvie Vančurová na temu Ivan Smilo- Mysterious Bohemian Bishop in predavanje pod naslovom The route of Enguerrand de Coucy’s contingent in Zagreb. Pitanje koje je bilo okosnica ovog predavanja je tko je zapravo Ivan Croatia during the 1396 Nicopolis Crusade. Kontingenta je 1396. godine na Smilo, koji su njegovi korijeni i što se nalazi u pozadini tog imena. Zatim putu do Nikopolja, prolazila dijelom hrvatskog teritorija, vođena francuskim

190 191 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian

plemićem Enguerrandom de Coucyjem. On se pridružio Kršćanskoj koaliciji koja se borila protiv Osmanlija predvođenih Bajazidom I. Bitka kod Nikopolja je rezultirala osmanskom pobjedom, a porazom Kršćanske koalicije. Nakon zadnje sekcije Gergard Jaritz (Odsjeka za srednjovjekovne studije CEU u Budimpešti) održao je drugo pozvano predavanje na temu Excrements, privies, and waste- marginal issues of Medieval studies. Nakon tog predavanja održano je predstavljanje projekta Izvori, priručnici i studije za hrvatsku povijest od srednjeg vijeka do kraja dugog 19.stoljeća. Odmah zatim predstavljene su dvije knjige jedna za drugom. Prva predstavljena knjiga je The Tocco of the Greek Realm: Nobility, Power and Migration in Latin Greece (14th- 15th centuries) autorice Nade Zečević. Nakon nje, svoju je knjigu STUDIA DIPLOMATICA: rasprave i prinosi iz hrvatske diplomatike predstavila Mirjana Matijević Sokol. Skup je službeno zatvoren nakon prezentacija knjiga.

Lea HRLEC, Ivana JEROLIMOV, Elena SALAJ, Paola SAMARŽIJA, Matija VURUŠIĆ

192 Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, X./10., 2015. LEO WEICZEN VALIANI Fiuman, European, Revolutionary, Historian

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Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske objavljuje izvorne znanstvene članke, West Croatian History Journal publishes original scientific papers, review pregledne radove, prethodna priopćenja, te prikaze i izvještaje. Radovi se objavljuju papers, notices, and book reviews. All submitted articles will firstly be evaluated by na hrvatskom, engleskom, talijanskom i slovenskom jeziku. Svi predani i prihvaćeni the editorial board, and then sent for peer review. The authors guarantee that the radovi bit će evaluirani prvo od strane redakcije, a potom i predani na recenzijski submitted articles were not already published in another publication. The editorial postupak. Autori jamče da rad prihvaćen za objavljivanje nije već objavljen u nekoj board retains the right to modify the articles within the propositions of the Journal drugoj publikaciji. Uredništvo si pridržava pravo da rad prilagodi propozicijama and the standards of the English language. Every article should have a short summary Časopisa i standardima hrvatskog književnog jezika. Svaki članak treba imati kratki at the beginning of the text, a larger summary (of 1 - 1,5 cards) for translation and a sažetak na početku teksta, veći sažetak (1 – 1,5 kartice) za prijevod na strani jezik te few key words or terms. The authors are asked to prepare their articles for publishing nekoliko ključnih riječi ili pojmova. Molimo autore da prilikom predaje svog rada za in the West Croatian History Journal in the following manner: objavu u Časopisu za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske oblikuju tekst na sljedeći način: Font Times New Roman; 12; 1,5 line spacing; Justify. Font Times New Roman; 12; 1,5 prored; kurent, obostrano poravnavanje teksta. Instructions for footnoting: Način citiranja: Books Name SURNAME, Title, Place of publishing: Publisher, year, page number. Knjige Ime PREZIME, Naslov, Mjesto izdanja: Izdavač, godina izdanja., broj citirane stranice. When repeating the same source an abridged version should be used: Kada se isto djelo ponovo navodi u tekstu treba koristiti skraćeni oblik: SURNAME, Title, page number. PREZIME, Naslov, broj citirane stranice. When repeating the same source in the following footnote the author should use: Za ponavljanje istog izvora u slijedećoj fusnoti treba koristiti: Ibid, page number. Ibid, broj citirane stranice. Articles in Journals Name SURNAME, „Title“, Journal title, volume number/year (edition year), page Članci Ime PREZIME, „Naslov”, Naslov časopisa broj sveska/godište (godina izdanja.), broj citirane number. stranice. When repeating the same source an abridged version should be used: Kada se isti članak ponovo navodi treba koristiti skraćeni oblik: SURNAME, „Title“, page number. PREZIME, „Naslov”, broj citirane stranice. Book chapters or articles in a Collection of papers Name SURNAME, „Title“, in Book/ Prilozi u knjigama ili zbornicima radova Ime PREZIME, „Naslov priloga”, u Naslov knjige/ Collection of papers title, (ed). Name SURNAME-Name SURNAME (for a group of authors), zbornika, (ur.) Ime PREZIME-Ime PREZIME (za skupinu autora), Mjesto izdanja: Izdavač, Place of publishing: Publisher, year, page number. godina izdanja., broj citirane stranice. Newspaper articles Name SURNAME, „Title“, Newspaper title, Place of publishing, (date and year), Novinski članci Ime PREZIME, „Naslov članka”, Naziv novina, Mjesto izdanja, (datum i godina.), page number. broj citirane stranice. Unpublished archive material Archive where the material is kept (further: abridged name), Title of Neobjavljena arhivska građa Arhiv u kojem je gradivo pohranjeno (dalje: skraćeni naziv), Naziv the archive fond (further: abridged name), box or volume number, page or folio number. arhivskog fonda (dalje: skraćeni naziv), broj kutije odnosno sveska, stranica odnosno list (folij). Unpublished PhD or MA dissertation Name SURNAME, „Title“, PhD or MA dissertation, Doktorska disertacija ili magistarski rad Ime PREZIME, „Naslov disertacije ili magistarskog University, year of the defence. rada“, doktorska disretacija (ili magistarski rad), Naziv sveučilišta, godina obrane. Sources from the Internet Name SURNAME, „Title”, Web page title, URL of the page (date when Izvori sa interneta Ime PREZIME, „Naslov”, Naslov mrežne stranice. URL stranice (datum kada je the page was accessed). stranici pristupljeno).

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